12138	----	Team. JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor History is past Politics and Politics present History--_Freeman_ NINTH SERIES III-IV The History of University Education in Maryland By BERNARD C. STEINER, A.M. (Yale) _Fellow in History_ The Johns Hopkins University (1876-1891) By DANIEL C. GILMAN, LL.D. _President of the University_ _With Supplementary Notes on University Extension and the University of the Future, by R.G. Moulton, A.M., Cambridge, England_ BALTIMORE THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS MARCH-APRIL, 1891 CONTENTS. THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN MARYLAND: Colonial Attempts to found a College The First University of Maryland The Second University of Maryland Cokesbury College Asbury College Other Extinct Colleges Mount Hope College The College of St. James Newton University Roman Catholic Colleges St. Mary's Seminary Mount St. Mary's College St. Charles's College Loyola College Rock Hill College Western Maryland College Female Education The Baltimore Female College Woman's College of Baltimore Conclusion THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY (1876-1891): Foundation Preliminary Organization Inaugural Assembly Address of President Eliot Inaugural Address of the First President The Faculty Distinction between Collegiate and University Courses Students, Courses of Studies, and Degrees Publications, Seminaries, Societies Buildings, Libraries, and Collections Statistics Trustees UNIVERSITY EXTENSION AND THE UNIVERSITY OF THE FUTURE THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN MARYLAND. BY BERNARD C. STEINER. COLONIAL ATTEMPTS TO FOUND A COLLEGE. The State of Maryland has been almost extravagantly liberal in bestowing charters on colleges and professional schools. Over forty such charters have been given by the legislature and, in many cases, the result has proved that the gift of a charter was not warranted by the stability of the institution, to which was thus granted the power of conferring degrees. In many other cases, however, the institutions have grown and flourished, and have had an honorable history. Collegiate education in Maryland did not begin until after the Revolution. In the colonial period there was no demand for it sufficient to warrant the establishment of a seat of higher learning. For this state of things there were several causes. The majority of the early settlers were planters and frontiersmen, having little need for an extended education and desiring it still less. Of the wealthier classes, some were like the fox-hunting English gentry, caring for little else than sport; and others, who did desire the advantages of a culture higher than that obtainable from a village schoolmaster or a private tutor, found it elsewhere. They went over to William and Mary's College in Virginia, across the ocean to England, or, in case of some Catholics like Charles Carroll, to the institutions on the continent of Europe. But, though no college was established in colonial times, there was no lack of plans and attempts for one. In 1671, while as yet Harvard was the only American college, there was read and passed in the Upper House of the Assembly "An Act for the founding and Erecting of a School or College within this Province for the Education of Youth in Learning and Virtue." The Lower House amended and passed the bill; but the plan seems never to have progressed further. According to the bill the Lord Proprietor was "to Set out his Declaration of what Privileges and Immunities shall be Enjoyed by the Schollars;" and "the Tutors or School Masters" were to be of "the reformed Church of England" or, if two in number, to be "the one for the Catholick and other for the Protestants' Children."[1] A second collegiate plan was brought before the legislature in 1732; but, having passed the Upper House, was seemingly not acted on by the Lower. This proposed college was intended to be placed at Annapolis and was to offer instruction in "theology, law, medicine, and the higher branches of a collegiate education." The governor of the colony was to be its chancellor and provision was made for a faculty of five, under whom students were to be instructed in everything from their alphabet upwards.[2] A third unsuccessful attempt to secure the founding of a college was made in 1761,[3] and a fourth in 1763, when contrary to the earlier course of events, the rock, on which the project was shipwrecked, was found in the Upper House. The college was to be placed at Annapolis, to occupy Governor Bladen's mansion, and to have a faculty of seven masters, who were to be provided with five servants. The expense was to be defrayed from the colonial treasury, in case a tax to be levied on bachelors should prove insufficient for the purpose.[4] The failure of these projects did not dampen the zeal of the advocates of higher education. In 1773 we find William Eddis, Surveyor of Customs at Annapolis, writing that the Legislature of the Province had determined to fit up Governor Bladen's mansion and "to endow and form a college for the education of youth in every liberal and useful branch of science," which college, "conducted under excellent regulations, will shortly preclude the necessity of crossing the Atlantic for the completion of a classical and polite education."[5] The gathering storm of war, however, drew men's attention away from this project. THE FIRST UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND. The Rev. Dr. William Smith,[6] head of what is now the University of Pennsylvania, being out of employment on account of the revocation of that college's charter, was called as pastor in Chestertown on the Eastern Shore in 1780. To add to his income, he conceived the idea "of opening a school for instruction in higher branches of education." As a nucleus for his school, he took an old academy, the Kent County school, and, beginning the work of teaching, was so successful, that in 1782 the Legislature, on his application, granted the school a charter as Maryland's first college. To it the name of _Washington_ was given, "in honorable and perpetual memory of His Excellency, General George Washington." Dr. Smith was so earnest and zealous in the presentation of the claims of the college, that in five years he had raised $14,000 from the people of the Eastern Shore. All seemed propitious for the college. In 1783 the first class graduated and the first degrees ever granted in Maryland were conferred, at the same time the corner-stone of the college building was laid, and in 1784 General Washington himself visited the college. Dr. Smith prepared a three years' curriculum for the institution, equal to that of any college of the day and similar to the one used at the University of Pennsylvania. But the Western Shore could not endure that the educational success of its rival section of the State should so far outstrip its own. In the early days of the State, the sections were nearly equal in importance and the prevailing dualism of the political system invaded the field of education. In 1784, two years after the founding of Washington College, _St. John's College_ was chartered.[7] It was to be placed at Annapolis, and in it was merged the old county Academy, "King William's School," founded some eighty years before. By the same act, the two colleges were united in the _University of Maryland_. This University was modeled on the English type: the governor was to be its chancellor, and the governing body was to be the "Convocation of the University of Maryland." The convocation was to be composed of seven members of the Board of Visitors and Governors and two of the faculty of each college; it was to establish ordinances for the government of the colleges, to cause a uniformity in the "manners and literature," to receive appeals from the students, and to confer "the higher degrees and honors of the University." Its meetings were to be annual, and to be held alternately at each college on its commencement day. The provisions of the act were never carried out; two fruitless attempts were made to hold sessions of Convocation in 1790 and 1791, and then nothing was even attempted. So thoroughly was the project forgotten, that the Legislature of 1805, in withdrawing the State appropriations from the two colleges, did not even mention the University, and in 1812, though the old charter had never been repealed, there was no hesitation in bestowing the name of University of Maryland on a second institution.[8] The two colleges which constituted this first University are still existing and doing good work. The elder, Washington College, lost Dr. Smith in 1788 by his return to Philadelphia and re-accession to his old position there. He was succeeded by Rev. Colin Ferguson, a native of Kent county, and educated at Edinburgh University. Under him the college continued to flourish, until the withdrawal of the State's appropriation in 1805. The constitutionality of this withdrawal is questionable, as the original grant was to be paid annually "forever;" but the State refused to permit itself to be sued by the college and, some years later, on increasing its appropriation to the college, the legislature required a release of all claims on the State under the original act. By the act of 1805, the activity of the college was paralyzed and its usefulness much impaired. It had not yet become strong enough to stand alone and, when the helping hand of the State was taken away, it was almost obliged to close its doors to students. Since that time the State has renewed its grants to the college and has greatly aided it in performing its functions; but from the disastrous effects of the act of 1805, the institution has never fully recovered. Indeed, from 1805 to 1816, nothing but a grammar school seems to have been maintained in the college building. In the latter year, however, the college was re-opened, since the legislature had granted it a lottery of $30,000. A year later Rev. Dr. Francis Waters became "Principal," and under his able leadership the college bid fair to regain its old position; but in 1827 a second great misfortune overtook it. On January 11, 1827, the college building was discovered to be on fire, and, in spite of the most zealous efforts, was entirely consumed. After this misfortune the college proper seems to have been suspended a second time, and only a grammar school maintained with one instructor. The classes were conducted in a building intended originally for a rectory, until that was destroyed by fire in 1839, when the school was again moved. Richard W. Ringgold, the principal of the school from 1832 to 1854, seems to have been a man of ability, and under him the number of students so much increased that in 1843 it was resolved to rebuild the college on the old site and to revive the college course. As a result, the present main building was erected, the corner-stone laid with imposing ceremonies on May 4, 1844, and the college was reopened in its own edifice on January 1, 1845. In 1849, a class of four was graduated, and in 1854, two additional buildings were erected; one for the Principal's residence and the other for dormitories and recitation rooms. The college continued prosperous during the second administration of Rev. Dr. Waters from 1854 to 1860; but in the presidency of his successor, Rev. Andrew J. Sutton, came the Civil War, depriving the college of its Southern constituency and distracting men's minds from learning. After the Rebellion, an unfortunate selection of teachers and laxness of discipline caused the college to lose still more ground, and Wm. J. Rivers, Principal from 1873 to 1887, had much to do to build it up again. He was a faithful and diligent teacher, and under him the moral tone of the college was improved and the course of instruction enlarged. The present head, C.W. Reid, Ph.D., is still further advancing the cause of the institution and a new career of prosperity seems opening before Maryland's oldest college and the only one on the Eastern Shore of the Chesapeake Bay. St. John's College, like its sister institution, founded on a non-denominational basis, started out under even fairer auspices.[9] It was granted, by the State, Governor Bladen's mansion and four acres of land surrounding it, was made heir to the funds of King William's School, and secured £9,000 from private beneficence in the first two years of its history. The Bladen mansion, now known as McDowell Hall, was repaired and enlarged and, on August 11, 1789, Bishop Carroll was elected president of the Board of Visitors and Governors and Dr. John McDowell accepted the Professorship of Mathematics. After unsuccessful attempts to obtain a principal from England, Dr. McDowell was chosen to that position in the following year and continued in office, until the State withdrew its aid to the college in 1805. He was a man of great learning and was very successful at St. John's and later at the University of Pennsylvania as provost. Under him, St. John's flourished greatly and many men of a national reputation were enrolled among its students, from the time the first class graduated in 1793. The same disaster fell on St. John's, as on Washington College. The Legislature withdrew the annual grant given by the State. The same doubt as to the constitutionality of this withdrawal existed here, and the State confirmed its position in the same way, by increasing its appropriation in 1832,[10] on condition of the college's accepting it in full satisfaction of all claims against the State under the original charter. Of late years Maryland has been quite generous to St. John's, but it has never quite recovered the station and prestige it lost by the taking away of the State's grant in 1805. In the first despair over the Act of the Legislature, the Visitors and Governors voted to discontinue the college, but their courage soon returned and the Rev. Bethel Judd, elected principal in 1807, was able to graduate a class in 1810. After his withdrawal in 1812, matters were in a disturbed state for some years and no classes were graduated until 1822, when Rev. Henry L. Davis, the father of Maryland's famous orator, Henry Winter Davis, was principal. After that year there were no graduates until 1827, when Rev. William Rafferty was head of the college. The struggle for existence was a hard one and the wonder is that the college succeeded as well as it did. With 1831, however, began a third and more successful period in the history of St. John's. In that year the Rev. Hector Humphreys, then only thirty-four years of age, was chosen president. He was a native of Connecticut and a graduate of Yale College in 1818, and was called to St. John's from the professorship of Ancient Languages at Washington (Trinity) College in his native State. The effect of his energy and devotion was soon recognized, and, largely through his efforts, was passed the compromise of 1832. The curriculum was enlarged, the instruction made more thorough, and classes were yearly graduated, with but six exceptions, until his death in 1857. His energy was very great, his learning wide and accurate. In 1834, after travelling about the State in the interests of the college, he succeeded in raising about $11,000, which were used in the erection of a second building for the college, which most appropriately has since been called by his name. During his administration, the professors' houses were also built, as was Pinkney Hall, a third building for the use of the college. Dr. Humphreys also secured cabinets and philosophical apparatus for the college and gave instruction in Political Economy, Latin and Greek, Chemistry, Geology, Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, Composition, Elocution, Evidences of Christianity, Moral and Intellectual Philosophy, Rhetoric, and Logic. Verily, an encyclopaedic man of vast industry! Only four years after Dr. Humphreys' death the War of the Rebellion broke out, and St. John's, unlike the temple of Janus, closed its doors at the rumors of war. The buildings were used as an hospital, and not until 1866 was the college again reopened with the well-known educator, Henry Barnard, at its head. In less than a year he resigned to become the first United States Commissioner of Education, and neither he nor his successor, Dr. James C. Welling, who was principal until 1870, was able to graduate a class. Since the beginning of the administration of the next principal, James M. Garnett, LL. D., the succession of classes has been unbroken and the college has steadily advanced in reputation and usefulness. Dr. Garnett made the English department especially excellent and, after ten years faithful service, resigned in 1880. The Rev. J.D. Leavitt, his successor, made a departure from the old classic curriculum and organized a department of Mechanical Engineering. After he resigned Prof. W.H. Hopkins acted as principal for a time and introduced military discipline, having secured the detail of an officer from the United States Army as instructor in Military Tactics. St. John's celebrated its centennial in 1889, and has begun its second century with excellent prospects. The four years' administration of its present principal, Thomas Fell, LL. D., has been a most successful one, and St. John's is fulfilling the purpose of its founders "to train up and perpetuate a succession of able and honest men, for discharging the various offices and duties of life, both civil and religious, with usefulness and reputation." THE SECOND UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND. Most universities have developed from a college; the University of Maryland differs from them, for it originated in a medical school.[11] In 1802 Dr. John B. Davidge of Baltimore began a private class in Medicine and was so successful in it, that, in 1807, he associated with himself Drs. James Cocke and John Shaw and these three obtained from the Legislature a charter for the school, under the name of "the College of Medicine of Maryland."[12] There was made a close connection between the College of Medicine and the State "Medical and Chirurgical Faculty," and its board of medical examiners were made _ex-officio_ members of the Board of Trustees of the College. The Legislature also granted the college a lottery of $40,000.[13] Lectures, which had been carried on at the professors' houses, were begun in 1808, at a building on the corner of Fayette (Chatham) street and McClellan's alley, and the first class, consisting of five, received its degrees in 1810. As the school grew and nourished, the ideas of its founders become more extensive and, in 1812, a long act was passed,[14] authorizing "the college for the promotion of medical knowledge" "to constitute, appoint, and annex to itself the other three colleges or faculties, viz.: The Faculty of Divinity, the Faculty of Law, and the Faculty of the Arts and Sciences; and that the four faculties or colleges thus united, shall be and they are hereby constituted an university, by the name and under the title of the University of Maryland." The connection with the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty was severed and the members of the four faculties, under the name of the Regents of the University of Maryland, were to have full powers over the University and be permitted to hold property not exceeding $100,000 in yearly value. Each faculty was allowed to appoint its own professors and lecturers, to choose a dean, and to exercise such powers as the regents shall delegate. The Faculty of Physic was to be composed of the professors in the Medical College; that of Theology, of the professor of Theology and any "six ordained ministers of any religious society or denomination;" that of Law, of the professor of Law, "together with six qualified members of the bar;" that of the Arts and Sciences, of the professors in that department, "together with three of the principals of any three academies or Colleges of the State." Such a strangely formed and loosely united body could not succeed, as a more homogeneous and closely compacted one would have done. The university was founded "on the most liberal plan, for the benefit of students of every country and every religious denomination, who shall be freely admitted to equal privileges and advantages of education, and to all the honors of the university, according to their merit, without requiring or enforcing any religious or civil test, urging their attendance upon any particular plan of religious worship or service." With these broad powers and provisions,[15] "the Faculty of Phisick, late of the College of Medicine of Maryland, *** convened and, by the authority vested in it by said charter and with the advice and recommendations of learned men of the several professions of Divinity, Law, and the Arts and Sciences, proceeded to annex to itself the other three faculties." On April 22, 1813, the Hon. Robert Smith, formerly United States Secretary of State, was chosen the first provost, and the organization of the regents was completed.[16] A lottery of $30,000 was granted the University in 1814, and another of $100,000 in 1817.[17] From the proceeds of these lotteries and other sources was built the building of the medical department on the corner of Lombard and Greene streets. It was modelled on the Pantheon at Rome, and, when built, is said to have been without an equal in America. The medical school grew extremely fast; a loan of $30,000 from the State in 1822[18] enabled it to build a practice hall and purchase a fine collection for its museum, and the University hospital across the street was opened in 1823. In 1824 the number of students in attendance on lectures amounted to 320. The other faculties took no active steps for some time and, not until 1819, did the regents urge them to proceed to deliver lectures as soon as possible and to lay before the regents annually a report as to their progress and condition. In 1823, possibly on account of this vote. Prof. David Hoffman began the instruction in the Faculty of Law, his school being known as the "Maryland Law Institute." He published part of his lecture notes in a book called _Legal Outlines_ and continued lecturing about ten years. After his withdrawal, the law school was given up; but the organization of the faculty was still maintained. The Faculty of Theology reported in 1852 "no active organization of the faculty has ever been attempted and, in view of the character of the department contemplated by the charter, none seems desirable." Its only activity was a course or two of lectures on the Evidences of Christianity, delivered before the medical students about 1823 by the Rev. William E. Wyatt, Professor of Theology. A nominal organization of the faculty was kept up, however, until 1878. The prosperity of the medical department was destroyed by the effort of some of its professors, discontented with being prohibited from having private classes, to have the Legislature do away with the regents and replace them with a board of trustees, in whom should vest the property. As early as November 12, 1824, the Regents feared trouble and obtained from William Wirt, John Purviance and Daniel Webster, a legal opinion that their position was inexpugnable. With this conclusion the Legislature did not agree, and on March 6, 1862, an act was passed abolishing the Regents and appointing a Board of twenty-one Trustees in their place.[19] The Trustees, by decree of the courts, obtained control of the property and forced the professors to accept them as the legal authority. So matters went on for twelve years, until in 1837, the trustees appointed a professor personally objectionable to some of the others, who resigned their positions under the Trustees and opened a separate medical school in the Indian Queen Hotel at the corner of Baltimore and Hanover Streets. Few out-of-town students attended either school, for the quarrel frightened them away, and the Baltimore students largely attended the Regents' school. Feeling ran high at one time, the Regents took possession of the University buildings by force, and bloodshed was feared. The Board of Regents reorganized with Ashton Alexander, M.D., as Provost, and employed distinguished counsel to plead the case for them in the courts. The Legislature authorized the Court of Appeals to try the suit, and Maryland's Dartmouth College Case was decided in June, 1838, entirely in favor of the Regents. The court held that the act of 1825 was void, since it was "a judicial act, a sentence that condemned without a hearing. The Legislature has no right, without the assent of a Corporation, to alter its charter, or take from it any of its franchises or property." The Trustees would not yield at once and, in March, 1839, presented a petition to the Legislature, praying it not to pass an act requiring them to give up the property to the Regents. The memorial was referred to a joint committee, which reported a bill restoring the property to the Regents. The bill was enacted and the Regents have since ruled. During the supremacy of the Trustees, the Faculty of the Arts and Sciences was organized. They contemplated activity in 1821, and issued a circular, which drew down on them the wrath of Professor Hoffman, inasmuch as they "contemplated 'academic' instruction" not intended by the charter. The founders, he said, intended that instruction should be conveyed by lectures and that no other form of instruction should be allowed. The discussion which followed seems to show that he had the idea of having work carried on, like that done by graduate students to-day. But nothing was done, apparently, until Baltimore College was annexed in 1830. That institution was chartered on January 7, 1804,[20] and was the development of an academy kept by James Priestley, the first president, on Paul's Lane (St. Paul Street). "It was hoped that it would, together with the other valuable seminaries of education in the same city and in the State, become adequate to the wants and wishes of our citizens," and from the proceeds of a lottery, the grant of which was an easy way for a State to be benevolent, a plain but convenient building was erected on Mulberry street.[21] It is very doubtful if it ever graduated any students, and we learn in 1830 that "the celebrity and, in some cases, the superior existing advantages of other institutions have prevented the accomplishment of this object." Still a school had been kept up continuously, and from time to time, we catch glimpses of its lectures, &c. In January, 1830, a joint petition of the Trustees of the University of Maryland and of Baltimore College to the Legislature "proposed the charter of Baltimore College shall be surrendered to the State, on the condition that the property belonging to the college shall be invested in the trustees of the University of Maryland." The petition was granted,[22] and in 1832, we learn that "the Baltimore College *** has now been merged in the University of Maryland and constitutes the chair of Ancient Languages."[23] On October 1, 1830, the Trustees issued a prospectus, from which we learn that it was intended "to maintain an institution on the most enlarged scale of usefulness and responsibility," and that there was a "necessity for the proposed organization of a department in the University of Maryland, exclusively collegiate in its system, requiring an advanced state of classical and scientific attainments for admission to its lectures, calculated to conduct its pupils through the highest branches of a liberal education and to afford them advantages similar to what may be obtained in the distant Universities of this country and Europe." A course of study equal to that of any college of the country was announced, and a brilliant Faculty appointed; but the time was not yet come for a great college in Baltimore and the institution languished away. In 1843, the Commissioners of Public Schools petitioned to have it transferred to the city as a High School, and in 1852, it had only one teacher and 36 scholars, a mere boys' school. In 1854 it was reorganized as the "School of Letters under the Faculty of Arts and Sciences," with Rev. E.A. Dalrymple, formerly of the Episcopal Theological Seminary at Alexandria, as its head. On paper the course was fairly complete, and the Faculty an able one, and there were graduates in 1859, '60, '61, and '63. The course was to be a three years' one; for "the studies of Freshman year will be pursued in the preparatory department, where experience has shown they may be attended with greater advantage." Gradually students fell off, it became a mere boys' school, and finally Dr. Dalrymple was all that was left of the "School of Letters" and the "Faculty of the Arts and Sciences," and at his death, both formally became extinct. With the restoration of the property to the Regents, the classes in the medical school increased to a size somewhat like that attained in years previous to 1825, although, owing to the opening of new schools, they never quite equalled it. During the war of the Rebellion, the school suffered from the loss of southern patronage; but at its close, students came back and the school took on fresh life. It has always been in the front rank; first of all American medical schools it recognized Gynecology as a separate branch of instruction, and it was second in making practical Anatomy a compulsory study. With the session of 1891 it will require a three years' graded course of all candidates for degrees. In 1850 the Hon. John P. Kennedy, statesman and author, was chosen provost, and on his death in 1870, the Hon. S. Teackle Wallis was made his successor and he now fills the office with honor. The Faculty of Law revived the Law School in the beginning of 1870, with a class of 25. An efficient faculty has caused a steady increase, until, in 1890, there were 101 students in the three years' course. The instruction is given by lectures, examinations, and moot-courts. In 1884, the Law Department moved from its former quarters in the old Baltimore College building on Mulberry Street, to a new building erected for it on the University property on Lombard Street, next to the building of the Medical Department. In 1882, the University of Maryland obtained from the Legislature authority to open a Dental Department.[24] In 1837, the first Dental Lectures in America had been delivered before the Medical Students of the University, and it was quite fitting that there should be a dental school connected with it. The first class numbered 60, the last 132, and in eight years there have been 250 graduates. This fact and the further one that twice has it been found necessary to make large additions to the buildings of the department on Green Street, adjoining those of the Medical School, will show how rapid has been its growth. The University has, at present, flourishing departments of Medicine, Law, and Dentistry, and worthily maintains the reputation of thorough and careful training, which it has gained in its history of eighty years. COKESBURY COLLEGE. In Maryland was the first Methodist Church in America, and it was natural that here too should be the first Methodist College in the world. There was no permanent organization of this denomination in the United States, until John Wesley, on the petition of the American churches, consecrated Rev. Thomas Coke, Superintendent for the United States, in 1784. Dr. Coke sailed directly from England, and arrived in New York on November 3, 1784. He thence traveled southward and, on the 15th of the same month, met Francis Asbury at Dover, Delaware. At this first meeting, Coke suggested the founding of an institution for higher education, to be under the patronage of the Methodist Church.[25] This was not a new idea to Asbury; for, four years previous to this meeting, John Dickins had made the same suggestion to him. The earlier idea had contemplated only a school, on the plan of Wesley's at Knightwood, England, and for that purpose, a subscription had been opened in North Carolina in 1781.[26] Coke's suggestion, to have a college, was favorably received and, at the famous Christmas Conference at Baltimore in 1784, the Church was formally organized, with Coke and Asbury as Bishops, and the first Methodist College was founded. Thus the denomination which has increased to be the largest in the United States, recognized the paramount importance of education at its very foundation.[27] To the new institution, the name of Cokesbury was given, in honor of the two Bishops, from whose names the title was compounded. For this College, collections were yearly taken, amounting in 1786 to £800 and implying great self-denial by the struggling churches ill-supplied with wealth.[28] As early as January 3, 1785, only two weeks after the College was decided on, its managers were able to report that £1,057 had been subscribed, a sum that put the enterprise on a firm footing. The site was next to be chosen, and Abingdon in Harford County was pitched upon. Of the 15,000 Methodists in the Union in 1784, over one-third were in Maryland, and hence, it had the best claim for the College, and the beauty of the situation of Abingdon charmed Coke so much that he determined upon placing the College there. It was also a place easy of access, being on the direct stage line from Baltimore to Philadelphia and near the Chesapeake Bay. Bishop Coke, the most zealous advocate of the College, contracted for the building materials; but was prevented from being present at the laying of the corner-stone. Bishop Asbury, however, was present and preached a sermon on Psalms 78, verses 4 to 8.[29] In this sermon, "he dwelt on the importance of a thoroughly religious education, and looked forward to the effects, which would result to the generality, to come from the streams which should spring from this opening fountain of sanctified learning." The building was built of brick, one hundred feet in length and forty in width, faced east and west, and stood on "the summit and centre of six acres of land, with an equal proportion of ground on each side." It was said to be in architecture "fully equal, if not superior, to anything of the kind in the country." Dormitory accommodations were provided in the building; but it was intended that "as many of the students as possible, shall be lodged and boarded in the town of Abingdon among our pious friends,"[30] Gardening, working in wood in a building called the "Taberna Lignaria," bathing under supervision of a master, walking, and riding were the only outdoor exercises permitted. The students were prohibited "from indulging in anything which the world calls play. Let this rule be observed with the strictest nicety; for those who play when they are young, will play when they are old." In 1785 the Bishops issued a "Plan for Erecting a College intended to advance Religion in America." It is quite long and many of its provisions are very quaint. From it we learn that Cokesbury is intended "to receive for education and board the sons of the elders and preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, poor orphans, and the sons of the subscribers and other friends. It will be expected that all our friends, who send their children to the college, will, if they be able, pay a moderate sum for their education and board; the others will be taught and boarded and, if our finances allow it, clothed gratis. The institution is also intended for the benefit of our young men, who are called to preach, that they may receive a measure of that improvement, which is highly expedient as a preparation for public service." Teachers of ancient languages and of English will be provided, and no necessary branch of literature shall be omitted. "Above all, especial care shall be taken that due attention be paid to the religion and morals of the children, and to the exclusion of all such as continue of an ungovernable temper." "The expense of such an undertaking will be very large, and the best means we could think of, at our late conference, to accomplish our design, was to desire the assistance of all those in every place who wish well to the cause of God. The students will be instructed in English, Latin, Greek, logic, rhetoric, history, geography, natural philosophy, and astronomy. To these languages and sciences shall be added, when the finances of our college will admit of it, the Hebrew, French, and German languages. But our first object shall be, to answer the designs of _Christian_ education, by forming the minds of the youth, through divine aid, to wisdom and holiness by instilling into their minds the principles of true religion--speculative, experimental, and practical--and training them in the ancient way, that they may be rational, spiritual Christians. We have consented to receive children of seven years of age, as we wish to have the opportunity of teaching 'the young idea how to shoot' and gradually forming their minds, through the divine blessing, almost from their infancy, to holiness and heavenly wisdom, as well as human learning. We shall rigidly insist on their rising early in the morning (five a.m.), and we are convinced by constant observation and experience, that it is of vast importance, both to body and mind. "We prohibit play in the strongest terms, and in this we have the two greatest writers on the subject that, perhaps, any age has produced (Mr. Locke and Mr. Rousseau) of our sentiments; for, though the latter was essentially mistaken in his religious system, yet his wisdom in other respects and extensive genius are indisputably acknowledged. The employments, therefore, which we have chosen for the recreation of the students are such as are of greatest public utility:--agriculture and architecture. "In conformity to this sentiment, one of the completest poetic pieces of antiquity (the Georgics of Virgil) is written on the subject of husbandry; by the perusal of which and submission to the above regulations, the students may delightfully unite the theory and practice together." There is something extremely ludicrous in the idea of making the average student delight in spending his leisure hours in farming, by means of a study of the Georgics in the original. But we can hardly laugh at these men, they were too much in earnest. To return to the circular, "The four guineas a year for tuition, we are persuaded cannot be lowered, if we give the students that finished education, which we are determined they shall have. And, though our principal object is to instruct them in the doctrines, spirit, and practice of Christianity, yet we trust that our college will, in due time, send forth men that will be a blessing to their country in every laudable office and employment of life, thereby uniting the two greatest ornaments of human beings which are too often separated: _deep learning_ and _genuine piety_." As soon as the building was under roof, a preparatory school was opened and the Trustees applied to John Wesley for a President. He suggested a Rev. Mr. Heath, and this suggestion was accepted on December 23, 1786.[31] His inauguration occurred a year later and was a grand affair. Asbury presided on each of the three days of the ceremony, and his text on the second day, "O man of God, there is death in the pot,"[32] was looked on by the superstitious, in time to come, as a presage of disaster. The faculty was filled up and all seemed to bid fair for prosperity; but Mr. Heath remained in charge of the College less than a year, resigning because of certain charges of insufficiency, which seem rather trival. Another professor left to go into business and Asbury's soul was tried by these "heavy tidings." The good Bishop was indefatigable in his care of Cokesbury. His visits were frequent, and while there, he was very active, examining the pupils, preaching, and arranging the affairs, both temporal and spiritual. Abingdon became a centre of Methodism, families moved there to enjoy the educational advantages, and the Conference regularly visited the College, coming over from Baltimore for that purpose. Dr. Jacob Hall, of Abingdon, was the second President, and had under him a faculty of three professors and a chaplain. The school prospered and had public exhibitions of its students' proficiency from time to time. It is doubtful if sufficient care was exercised in the expenditure of money and, in December, 1790, the Trustees felt obliged to contract a loan of £1000. The charitable contributions fell off, and Asbury was forced to go from house to house in Baltimore, "through the snow and cold, begging money for the support of the poor orphans at Cokesbury."[33] The instruction was good, and Asbury could write to Coke, then in England, that "one promising young man has gone forth into the ministry, another is ready, and several have been under awakenings. None so healthy and orderly as our children, and some promise great talents for learning."[34] Still, "all was not well there," and on October 2, 1793, he "found matters in a poor state at college; £500 in debt, and our employes £700 in arrears." A year later, matters were desperate and the good Bishop wrote that "we now make a sudden and dead pause--we mean to incorporate and breathe and take some better plan. If we can not have a Christian school (_i.e._ a school under Christian discipline and pious teachers), we will have none."[35] The project of incorporation was not favored by some, who feared that the College would not be thereby so directly under the control of the Conference, but was carried through, and the charter bears date, December 26, 1794.[36] By it, the institution was allowed to have an income not exceeding £3,000. How a charter was to avoid increased indebtedness does not appear and the College's debt had so increased, that the Conference in 1795 decided to suspend the Collegiate Department and have only an English Free School kept in the buildings.[37] Misfortunes never come singly: an unsuccessful attempt to burn the buildings had been made in the fall of 1788, and now, on December 4, 1795, a completely successful one was made, and the building and its contents were consumed. Rewards to discover the incendiary were offered in vain, and Asbury writes:[38] "We have a second and confirmed report that Cokesbury College is consumed to ashes--a sacrifice of £10,000 in about ten years. If any man should give me £10,000 to do and suffer again what I have done for that house, I would not do it. The Lord called not Mr. Whitefield, nor the Methodists to build colleges. I wished only for schools; Dr. Coke wanted a college. I feel distressed at the loss of the library." Asbury despaired, but Coke did not and, going to work, he raised £1,020 from his friends. After the determination was made to move the College to Baltimore, the Church there gave £700, and a house to house solicitation brought in £600 more. A building originally erected for balls and assemblies was purchased and fitted up. It stood next the old Light Street Methodist Church and a co-educational school was opened therein on May 2, 1796. The high course planned for girls is especially noticeable at this early period. The school opened with promises of success, and within a month there were nearly 200 scholars. Fatality pursued the enterprise, however, and a year to a day from the burning of the first building, this second one was reduced to ashes, with the adjoining church and several houses. Asbury writes rather philosophically:[39] "I conclude God loveth the people of Baltimore, and he will keep them poor to make them pure;" but even Coke gave up hope at this new disaster, and it was twenty years before a second Methodist College was attempted. ASBURY COLLEGE. This was the second Methodist College in the world, and was organized in 1816, the year of Bishop Asbury's death. After a year or two of successful work, a charter was applied for and it was granted to the College February 10, 1818.[40] The President, Samuel K. Jennings, M.D., a Methodist local preacher, was a rather remarkable man. Coming from New Jersey, graduating at Rutgers, and settling in the practice of the medical profession in Virginia, he was converted by the preaching of Asbury, and was persuaded by him some years later, to move to Baltimore and take the leadership of the new enterprise.[41] He was said to be, at one time, the only Methodist preacher with a collegiate education and was well adapted to the task, from his administrative ability and wide learning. Around him, he gathered an undenominational faculty of four professors and began the life of the institution in a large brick building on the corner of Park Avenue and Franklin Street. In March, 1818, the _Methodist Magazine_ tells us that there were one hundred and seventy students, and that "The Asbury College has probably exceeded in its progress, considering the short time it has been established, any literary institution in the country."[42] In that spring, a class was graduated, and yet only a few months later Dr. Bangs wrote that the College "continued for a short time and then, greatly to the disappointment and mortification of its friends, went down as suddenly as it had come up, and Asbury College lives only in the recollection of those who rejoiced over its rise and mourned over its fall." This statement is not absolutely correct; it is probable that there was some catastrophe, and possibly Dr. Jennings then began to break away from the Methodist Episcopal Church, which he left entirely, when the Methodist Protestant Church was formed in 1828. Still some sort of an organization was kept up under the old name; for does not good Hezekiah Niles, of Register fame, tell us of examinations and exhibitions he witnessed in the early spring of 1819,[43] at which time prodigies of learning and cramming were exhibited, and do we not find in 1824, a pamphlet published by Dr. Jennings, entitled "Remarks on the Subject of Education, to which are added the general rules of the school under the appellation of Asbury College." Apparently the College had passed entirely out of the control of the church, and having lowered its grade, was now little more than Dr. Jennings' private school. The school was then situated on the corner of Charles and Baltimore Streets and, in 1833, when we catch the last glimpse of it, another removal had taken it to the corner of South and Fayette Streets. It was then merely a boys' day school and doubtless soon perished. So the second Methodist College failed as the first had done and another was added to the many abortive attempts to found a college in Maryland. OTHER EXTINCT COLLEGES. Three other attempts to found colleges demand a passing notice. _Mount Hope College_ stood at the corner of Eutaw Place and North Avenue, and was charted as a college in 1833.[44] The building was constructed by the Baltimore branch of the United States Bank in 1800, during an epidemic of yellow fever in the city. People feared to come into town to transact business and so a suburban banking house was built. This building was bought by the Rev. Frederick Hall in 1828 and in it a school was begun, which was later expanded into the College. The institution lasted some ten years and is worthy of note from the fact that among the teachers were two young Yale graduates, who afterwards obtained considerable renown: Professor Elias Loomis and Rev. S.W.S. Dutton. _The College of St. James_ was situated in Washington County and was originally intended by its founder, Bishop Whittingham, as a preparatory school. It was opened in October, 1842, with Rev. J.B. Kerfoot,[45] afterwards Bishop of Pittsburg, as Principal, and had such speedy and encouraging success, that it was chartered as a college in 1843, under the control of the Protestant Episcopal Church. The College prospered greatly under Bishop Kerfoot's able management, and was kept up during the War of the Rebellion in spite of the loss of Southern students, a large portion of the entire number. In 1864, however, General Early, of the Confederate Army, invaded Maryland and took Dr. Kerfoot and Professor Coit prisoners, and the College thus forcibly discontinued, was never again reorganized. _Newton University_ was chartered by the Legislature[46] on March 8, 1845 and was situated on Lexington Street, between North and Calvert. It was originally intended to combine the Baltimore preparatory schools and to furnish boys, graduating from them, the means of completing their education without leaving the city. There was an enormous list of Trustees and the unwieldy character of the board, coupled with the irregular habits of the President, made the failure of the enterprise inevitable. Still it offered in its catalogues a good course of study and gave exhibitions, at which polyglot orations were delivered. The late Prof. Perley R. Lovejoy was the life of the institution and, after several classes had graduated, the University finally ceased to be, when Mr. Lovejoy accepted a position as Professor in the Baltimore City College. ROMAN CATHOLIC COLLEGES. Maryland has been the cradle of the Roman Catholic Church in America, as well as of the Methodist and the Presbyterian. The centenary of the consecration of John Carroll, as the first Roman Catholic bishop in the United States, occurred little more than a year ago. A few months after Bishop Carroll's consecration, he received from the Superior of the Order of St. Sulpice an offer to found a seminary in Baltimore for the education of priests. This offer was accepted and, on July 10, 1791, four Sulpician priests arrived in Baltimore. They soon bought a house known as "One Mile Tavern" with four acres of land and there they opened _St. Mary's Seminary_, on the first Sunday in October, 1791. The Seminary still occupies the same site, at the corner of Paca and St. Mary's Streets. The number of the candidates for the priesthood, who entered the Seminary, was disappointing from its smallness and, in order to procure clerics, an Academy was opened in the rooms of the Seminary, on August 20, 1799. This was presided over by Rev. Wm. Du Bourg, and proved so successful, as to demand a separate building. Accordingly, the corner-stone of St. Mary's College was laid on April 10, 1800. At Bishop Carroll's request, no American boys were admitted for a time and only Spaniards and French were received. In 1803, however, the College was opened to all day scholars or boarders, without reference to birth or religion. This step roused some opposition and many communications upon the subject appeared in the newspapers, which were afterwards collected in pamphlet form. The students soon became numerous and the institution grew to such an extent that, in January, 1805, it was chartered as St. Mary's University. On August 13, 1806, the first class was graduated; in that year there were 106 students. New buildings were erected and a superb botanical garden was laid out. The chapel, built soon after the incorporation, was said to be the most beautiful in the United States. The Rev. William Du Bourg, the President, was a man of great ability and the reputation of the College rapidly spread. Many prominent men, Roman Catholics and Protestants, were graduated from St. Mary's; but the Sulpicians felt that their vocation was to educate young men exclusively for the priesthood, and not for secular life, and they finally closed St. Mary's College in 1852, in order to devote all their energies to the Theological Seminary, which has continued its prosperous career to this present day.[47] A second Roman Catholic College was formed by the Sulpicians in 1807 at Emmittsburg, Frederick County. It was begun by Rev. John Dubois and was soon chartered as _Mount Saint Mary's College_. The exercises were first held in a log house with a handful of pupils, who increased to 80 within five years. With the growth of the institution came the demand for larger accommodations. Better buildings were erected and a large stone edifice was undertaken in 1823. When nearly ready for occupancy, it was destroyed by fire; but Father Dubois did not despair and, aided by the people of the vicinity, at once began a new building. In 1826 he was appointed Bishop of New York, and in the same year, the connection of the College with the Sulpician order was terminated. Although originally intended chiefly as a place for the education of clerics, Mt. St. Mary's has ever kept in view the preparation of students for a secular life, and many of its graduates have been distinguished in State, as well as in Church. In 1838, Rev. John McCaffrey, D.D., became president, and under his able control, the College prospered until 1871. During this period, the jubilee of the institution was celebrated with great ceremony in 1858. The Civil War injured the College greatly and the declaration of peace found it burdened with a heavy load of debt. For twenty years the struggle went on and it was doubtful all the time, whether the College could survive. Finally Dr. William Bryne, at his leaving the presidency in 1884, was able to report that the institution was placed on a firm financial basis as to the future, and that the debt had been reduced to $65,000. The present President, Rev. Edward P. Allen, has still further diminished the debt by more than half and the attendance has been largely increased through his efficient administration. A third Roman Catholic College is _St. Charles's_, situated in Howard County, near Ellicott City. It is situated on land given by Charles Carroll of Carroll ton, and was chartered on February 3, 1830,[48] its name being taken from that of its founder and of the great Archbishop of Milan.[49] The institution was placed under the control of the Society of St. Sulpice and was established "exclusively for the education of pious young men of the Catholic persuasion for the ministry of the Gospel." The corner-stone was laid by the venerable Charles Carroll, on July 11, 1831; but, for want of funds to carry on the work successfully, the institution was not opened until the fall of 1848. The first President, Rev. O.L. Jenkins, began the institution with four pupils, and at his death in 1869, the number had grown to 140. Since the closing of St. Mary's College in 1852, St. Charles's has been used by the Sulpicians as preparatory to St. Mary's Seminary. To supply the want of a college, to which Baltimore boys of Roman Catholic families could go without leaving home, _Loyola College_ was opened in September, 1852. It is under the control of the Jesuits and has confined itself to receiving day scholars. The fifth and last Roman Catholic College, _Rock Hill_, was chartered in 1865.[50] It is situated near Ellicott City, as is St. Charles's, and is under the supervision of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. It prepares youth for the various duties and occupations of life with great thoroughness, and has ever been noted especially for the attention paid to the development of the body as well as the mind of its pupils. WESTEEN MARYLAND COLLEGE. In 1865, Mr. Fayette R. Buell began an academy for boys and girls at Westminster, Carroll County,[51] and, in the spring of 1866, he proposed to the Conference of the Methodist Protestant Church, of which he was a member, that the school should be chartered as a college and taken under the Church's patronage. This proposition was not acceded to, but Mr. Buell went on with his plan. Confidence in the Rev. J.T. Ward, one of the teachers in Mr. Buell's school, induced two of his friends to lend the enterprise $10,000, and the corner-stone of the College building was laid on September 6, 1886. The College opened a year later with seventy-three pupils. In February, 1868, Mr. Buell found himself so much in debt, that he appealed to the Conference to take the property off his hands. This was done, and a Board of Trustees appointed by the Conference was incorporated by the legislature on March 30, 1868. The next fall, the institution reopened with Rev. J.T. Ward as President, in which office he continued for seventeen years. These were years of trouble and severe work to make the College a success. There was no endowment, and only by the most strenuous efforts was the College saved on several occasions from being overwhelmed with debt. Still, in spite of all disadvantages, good work was done and valuable experience was gained. The College has been a co-educational one from the first, and connected with it was a department of Biblical Literature, for such as intended to become clergymen, until a separate Theological School was opened in 1882. During Dr. Ward's administration, new buildings were erected and, at his resignation in 1886, he left the institution ready to be made still more efficient by his successor. Rev. Thomas H. Lewis succeeded as President and, while he has caused the work and equipment of the College to be further enlarged, he has also been successful in paying off the last dollar of the debt that had hung over it so long as an incubus. FEMALE EDUCATION. _The Baltimore Female College_, so long presided over by Dr. N.C. Brooks, was the pioneer institution in Maryland for the higher education of women. Founded in 1849, it long had a prosperous existence; but finally was obliged to close its doors in June, 1890, on account of the withdrawal of the grant formerly given by the State. Besides this institution there was no successful attempt in Maryland to found a college for female education, until the _Woman's College of Baltimore_ was chartered in 1884.[52] It was founded by the Methodist Episcopal Church, in honor of the centenary of its organized existence in this country, and is "denominational but not sectarian." For it beautiful buildings, adjoining the First Methodist Church, have been erected on St. Paul Street. Much of the money for its endowment was given by the present President, the Rev. J.F. Goucher, D.D., and, largely through his influence, was it able to open its doors to students on September 13, 1888. It has determined, very sensibly, to grant no degrees, save to those thoroughly fitted to receive them, and so has had no graduates up to the present. Its growth under the care of W.H. Hopkins, Ph.D., its first President, was great in numbers and endowment and the prospects are now fair for this Baltimore Woman's College taking high rank among similar institutions. CONCLUSION. To a superficial observer from a distance, it sometimes seems as if University education in Maryland began with the foundation of the Johns Hopkins University, a sketch of which follows from the pen of its honored President. Our study into the history of education in the State, however, has shown us that Maryland, instead of being one of the latest of the United States to conceive the University idea, was, in fact, one of the very earliest, and that her institutions have a history of which they need not be ashamed; though their work has not been so widely known as some others and though the bright promise of morning, in many cases, has not been followed by the full development of noontide. The patient labors of William Smith, of Hector Humphreys, of Francis Asbury, of John Dubois, and of many others, have been far from lost. Wherein they failed, they gained valuable experience for their successors, and wherein they succeeded, they helped to instil "into the minds and hearts of the citizens, the principles of science and good morals." FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 1: _Md. Archives_; Assembly Proceedings, 1666-1676, pp. 262-264.] [Footnote 2: Scharf, _Hist. of Md._, II, p. 510.] [Footnote 3: Sharpe, _Correspondence_, Vol. II, pp. 523-5 and 545.] [Footnote 4: Scharf, _Hist, of Md_., II, p.511.] [Footnote 5: Eddis, _Letters from Maryland_, 1769-1776.] [Footnote 6: MS. sketch of Prof. Rowland Watts.] [Footnote 7: Act of 1784, ch. 37.] [Footnote 8: Act of 1805, ch. 85. The appropriation had already been diminished by Act of 1798, ch. 107.] [Footnote 9: _Centennial of St. John's._ Address of P.R. Voorhees, Esq.] [Footnote 10: Resolutions of 1832, No. 41.] [Footnote 11: MS. Sketch of Dr. E.F. Cordell.] [Footnote 12: Act of 1807, ch. 53.] [Footnote 13: Act of 1807, ch. 111.] [Footnote 14: Act of 1812, ch. 159.] [Footnote 15: _Records of Univ. of Md_., Vol. A.] [Footnote 16: In 1815 he was succeeded by the Rt. Rev. James Kemp, D.D.] [Footnote 17: Acts of 1813, ch. 125; 1814, ch. 78.] [Footnote 18: Act of 1821, ch. 88.] [Footnote 19: Act of 1825, ch. 190.] [Footnote 20: Act of 1803, ch. 74.] [Footnote 21: Scharf, _Chron. of Baltimore_, p. 294.] [Footnote 22: Act of 1830, ch. 50.] [Footnote 23: Lucas, _Picture of Baltimore_, p. 170.] [Footnote 24: Act of 1882, ch. 88.] [Footnote 25: Stevens' _History of Methodism_, II, 253.] [Footnote 26: Some account of Cokesbury. MSS. of Rev. Wm. Hamilton.] [Footnote 27: _Early Schools of Methodism_, p. 21.] [Footnote 28: MSS. of Rev. I.P. Cook.] [Footnote 29: Strickland's _Asbury_, p. 163.] [Footnote 30: Methodist Discipline, 1789, p. 40.] [Footnote 31: _Asbury's Journal_, Vol. I, p. 523.] [Footnote 32: II Kings, 4: 40.] [Footnote 33: _Journal_, December 5, 1791.] [Footnote 34: _Early Schools of Methodism_, p. 31.] [Footnote 35: _Journal_, November 21, 1794.] [Footnote 36: Act of 1794, ch. 21.] [Footnote 37: Rev. Mr. Hamilton's MSS.] [Footnote 38: _Journal_, January 5, 1796.] [Footnote 39: _Journal_, 1796.] [Footnote 40: Act of 1817, ch. 144.] [Footnote 41: Sprague, _Annals of American Pulpit_, VII, 279.] [Footnote 42: _History of the M.E. Church_, Vol. III.] [Footnote 43: _Niles' Register_, February 20, 1819.] [Footnote 44: Act of 1832, ch. 199.] [Footnote 45: _Life of Bishop Kerfoot_, by Rev. Hall Harrison.] [Footnote 46: Act of 1844, ch. 272.] [Footnote 47: MSS. of Fr. G.E. Viger.] [Footnote 48: Act of 1830, ch. 50.] [Footnote 49: MSS. of Rev. G.E. Viger.] [Footnote 50: Act of 1865, ch. 10.] [Footnote 51: Lewis, _Outline of Western Maryland College_.] [Footnote 52: MSS. of Pres. W.H. Hopkins.] THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY (1876-1891). BY DANIEL C. GILMAN. FOUNDATION. The year 1876 is commonly taken as the date of the foundation of the Johns Hopkins University, as in that year its doors were opened for the reception of students. On the twenty-second of February the plans of the University were publicly made known, and consequently "Washington's Birthday" has since been observed as an anniversary or commemoration day. But in reality the Trustees were organized nine years before. The founder, Johns Hopkins, as he saw the end of life approaching (although he continued in active business for several years afterwards), determined to bestow a large part of his fortune upon two institutions which he proposed to establish, a University and a Hospital. These establishments were to be managed by separate Boards of Trustees, citizens of Baltimore, whom he selected for their integrity, wisdom, and public spirit. In order that the two Boards might be closely allied, the founder was careful that a majority of the Trustees of one corporation should also be a majority of the Trustees of the other corporation, and in a letter which he left as the final expression of his wishes, he declared it to be his "constant wish and purpose that the Hospital should ultimately form a part of the Medical School of the University." The Hospital was opened for the reception of patients in May, 1889; and a volume which was prepared in the following year by Dr. J.S. Billings, gives a full description of the buildings, with other papers illustrative of the history and purposes of that great charity. But as the Medical School, which is to form the bond of union between the two establishments has not yet been organized, the following statements will only refer to those opportunities which are here provided for the study of science and literature, in the faculty commonly known as the faculty of philosophy and the liberal arts. Before speaking of his gifts, a few words should be devoted to the memory of Johns Hopkins. This large-minded man, whose name is now renowned in the annals of American philanthropy, acquired his fortune by slow and sagacious methods. He was born in Anne Arundel county, Maryland, not far from the city of Annapolis, of a family which for several generations had adhered to the views of the Society of Friends. His ancestors were among the earliest settlers of the colony. While still a boy, Johns Hopkins came to Baltimore without any capital but good health, the good habits in which he had been brought up, and unusual capacity for a life of industrious enterprise. He began on the lowest round of the ladder of fortune, and by his economy, fidelity, sagacity, and perseverance he rose to independence and influence. He was called to many positions of financial responsibility, among the most important being that of President of the Merchants' National Bank, and that of a Director in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company. He was a man of positive opinions in political affairs, yet he never entered political life; and although he contributed to the support of educational and benevolent societies he was not active in their management. In the latter part of his life, he dwelt during the winter in a large mansion, still standing on the north side of Saratoga street, west of North Charles street, and during the summer on an estate called Clifton, in Baltimore County. In both these places he exercised hospitality without ostentation. He bought a large library and many oil paintings which are now preserved in a memorial room at the Hospital. Nevertheless, his pursuits were wholly mercantile, and his time and strength were chiefly devoted to the business in which he was engaged,--first as a wholesale grocer, and afterwards as a capitalist interested in many and diverse financial undertakings. More than once, in time of commercial panic, he lent his credit to the support of individuals and firms with a liberality which entitled him to general gratitude. He died in Baltimore, December 24, 1873, at the age of seventy-nine years. He had never married. After providing for his near relations, he gave the principal part of his estate to the two institutions which bear his name, the Johns Hopkins University and the Johns Hopkins Hospital. Each of them received property estimated in round numbers at three and a half million dollars. The gift to the University included his estate of Clifton (three hundred and thirty acres of land), fifteen thousand shares of the common stock of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and other securities which were valued at seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Many persons have expressed surprise that Mr. Hopkins should have made so large an investment in one corporation. But the stock of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was free from taxation, for many years it paid a dividend of ten per cent. per annum, and the managers, of whom he was one, confidently anticipated that a large stock dividend would be declared at an early day. Mr. Hopkins not only gave to the University all the common stock that he held in this corporation; he also advised that the Trustees should not dispose of it, nor of the stock accruing thereon by way of increment or dividend. In view of the vibrations to which this stock was subjected during the fifteen years subsequent to the death of Mr. Hopkins, it should not be forgotten that it was his will that linked the fortune of the great educational institution, which he founded, to the fortune of another corporation, in which he had the highest confidence. Fortunately, the crisis into which this union led, has been successfully passed. The friends of the University generously subscribed for its support an "emergency fund" of more than $100,000. Other large gifts were made and others still are known to be in the future. The Trustees, moreover, have changed four-fifths of their holdings of the common stock of the railroad company above mentioned, into its preferred stock, from which a permanent income of six per centum will be derived. The finances of the University are now on a solid basis, although additional gifts will be required for the construction of buildings and for the enlargement of the course of study, and still more before a medical department can be instituted. PRELIMINARY ORGANIZATION. The Johns Hopkins University was incorporated under the laws of the State of Maryland, August 24, 1867. Three years later, June 13, 1870, the Trustees met and elected a President and a Secretary of the Board. They did not meet again until after the death of Mr. Hopkins, when they entered with a definite purpose on the work for which they were associated. They collected a small but excellent library of books, illustrating the history of the universities of this and of other lands; they visited in a body Cambridge, New Haven, Ithaca, Ann Arbor, Philadelphia, Charlottesville, and other seats of learning; they were favored with innumerable suggestions and recommendations from those who knew much about education, and from those who knew little; and they invited several scholars of distinction to give them their counsel. Three presidents of colleges gave them great assistance, answering in the frankest manner all the searching questions which were put to them by a sagacious committee. Grateful acknowledgments will always be due to these three gentlemen: Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., President of Harvard University, Andrew D. White, LL. D., President of Cornell University, and James B. Angell, LL. D., President of the University of Michigan. INAUGURAL ASSEMBLY. The election of a President of the University took place in December, 1874. He entered upon the duties of his station in the following spring, and in the summer of 1875, at the request of the Trustees, he went to Europe and conferred with many leaders of university education in Great Britain and on the continent. At the same time he visited many of the most important seats of learning. During the following winter the plans of the University were formulated and were made public in the Inaugural Address of the President, which was delivered on the 22nd of February, 1876, before a large audience assembled in the Academy of Music. On this occasion, the Governor of the State, Hon. John Lee Carroll; the Mayor of the City, Hon. Ferdinand C. Latrobe; the Presidents and representative Professors of a large number of Universities and Colleges; the Trustees and other officers of the scientific, literary and educational institutions of Baltimore; the State and City officers of public instruction and other invited guests, together with the Trustees of Johns Hopkins, occupied the platform. The house was filled with an attentive audience. At eleven o'clock, the chair was taken by the President of the Trustees, Mr. Galloway Cheston. The orchestra of the Peabody Institute, directed by Professor Asger Hamerik, performed several pieces of classical music. A prayer was then offered up by Rev. Alfred M. Randolph, D D., of Emmanuel Church, now Assistant Bishop of Virginia, after which the Chairman of the Executive Committee, Mr. Reverdy Johnson, Jr., said: "Our gathering to-day is one of no ordinary interest. From all sections of our State, from varied sections of our land, we have met at the opening of another avenue to social progress and national renown. After two years of pressing responsibility and anxious care the Trustees of the Johns Hopkins University present the first detailed account of their trust. Of the difficulties attending the discharge of their duty; of the nice balancing of judgment; of the careful investigation and continued labor called for in the organization of the University, this is not the place to speak; but for the Board of Trustees, I may be allowed to claim the credit of entire devotion to the work, and a sincere desire to make of the University all that the public could expect from the generous foundation. Happily, our action is unfettered, and where mistakes occur, as occur they must, the will and power are at hand to correct them. We may say that the University's birth takes place today, and I do not think it mere sentiment, should we dwell with interest upon its concurrence with the centennial year of our national birth, and the birthday of him who led the nation from the throes of battle to maturity and peace. But it is not my province to detain you from the exercises which are to follow. I am happy to state that we have among us to-day one who represents the highest type of American education, and one who, from the beginning, has sympathized with, counselled and aided us. I know you anticipate me, as I announce the distinguished name, from the most distinguished seat of learning in our land--President Eliot, of Harvard University." ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ELIOT. President Eliot next delivered a Congratulatory Address in which he said: "The oldest University of the country cordially greets the youngest, and welcomes a worthy ally--an ally strong in material resources and in high purpose. "I congratulate you, gentlemen, Trustees of the Johns Hopkins University, upon the noble work which is before you. A great property, an important part of the fruit of a long life devoted with energy and sagacity to the accumulation of riches, has been placed in your hands, upon conditions as magnanimous as they are wise, to be used for the public benefit in providing for coming generations the precious means of liberal culture. Your Board has great powers. It must hold and manage the property of the University, make all appointments, fix all salaries, and, while leaving both legislative and administrative details to the several faculties which it will create, it must also prescribe the general laws of the University. Your cares and labor will grow heavy as time goes on; but in accordance with an admirable usage, fortunately established in this country, you will serve without other compensation than the public consideration which will justly attach to your office, and the happy sense of being useful. The actuating spirit of your Board will be a spirit of scrupulous fidelity to every trust reposed in you, and of untiring zeal in promoting the welfare of the University and the advancement of learning. Judged by its disinterestedness, its beneficence and its permanence, your function is as pure and high as any that the world knows, or in all time has known. May the work which you do in the discharge of your sacred trust be regarded with sympathetic and expectant forbearance by the present generation, and with admiration and gratitude by posterity. "The University which is to take its rise in the splendid benefaction of Johns Hopkins must be unsectarian. None other could as appropriately be established in the city named for the Catholic founder of a colony to which all Christian sects were welcomed, or in the State in which religious toleration was expressly declared in the name of the Government for the first time in the history of the Christian world. There is a too common opinion that a college or university which is not denominational must therefore be irreligious; but the absence of sectarian control should not be confounded with lack of piety. A university whose officers and students are divided among many sects need no more be irreverent and irreligious than the community which in respect to diversity of creeds it resembles. It would be a fearful portent if thorough study of nature and of man in all his attributes and works, such as befits a university, led scholars to impiety. But it does not; on the contrary, such study fills men with humility and awe, by bringing them on every hand face to face with inscrutable mystery and infinite power. The whole work of a university is uplifting, refining and spiritualizing: it embraces whatsoever touches life With upward impulse; be He nowhere else, God is in all that liberates and lifts; In all that humbles, sweetens and consoles. "A university cannot be built upon a sect, unless, indeed, it be a sect which includes the whole of the educated portion of the nation. This University will not demand of its officers and students the creed, or press upon them the doctrine of any particular religious organization; but none the less--I should better say, all the more--it can exert through high-minded teachers a strong moral and religious influence. It can implant in the young breasts of its students exalted sentiments and a worthy ambition; it can infuse into their hearts the sense of honor, of duty, and of responsibility. "I congratulate the city of Baltimore, Mr. Mayor, that in a few generations she will be the seat of a rich and powerful university. To her citizens its grounds and buildings will in time become objects of interest and pride. The libraries and other collections of a university are storehouses of the knowledge already acquired by mankind, from which further invention and improvement proceed. They are great possessions for any intelligent community. The tone of society will be sensibly affected by the presence of a considerable number of highly educated men, whose quiet and simple lives are devoted to philosophy and teaching, to the exclusion of the common objects of human pursuit. The University will hold high the standards of public duty and public spirit, and will enlarge that cultivated class which is distinguished, not by wealth merely, but by refinement and spirituality. "I felicitate the State of Maryland, whose Chief Magistrate honors this assembly with his presence, upon the establishment within her borders of an independent institution of the highest education. The elementary school is not more necessary to the existence of a free State than the University. The public school system depends upon the institutions of higher education, and could not be maintained in real efficiency without them. The function of colleges, universities, and professional schools is largely a public function; their work is done primarily, indeed, upon individuals, but ultimately for the public good. They help powerfully to form and mould aright the public character; and that public character is the foundation of everything which is precious in the State, including even its material prosperity. In training men thoroughly for the learned professions of law and medicine, this University will be of great service to Maryland and the neighboring States. During the past forty years the rules which governed admission to these honorable and confidential professions have been carelessly relaxed in most of the States of the Union, and we are now suffering great losses and injuries, both material and moral, in consequence of thus thoughtlessly abandoning the safer ways of our fathers. It is for the strong universities of the country to provide adequate means of training young men well for the learned professions, and to set a high standard for professional degrees. "President Gilman, this distinguished assembly has come together to give you God-speed. I welcome you to arduous duties and grave responsibilities. In the natural course of life you will not see any large part of the real fruits of your labors; for to build a university needs not years only, but generations; but though 'deeds unfinished will weigh on the doer,' and anxieties will sometimes oppress you, great privileges are nevertheless attached to your office. It is a precious privilege that in your ordinary work you will have to do only with men of refinement and honor; it is a glad and animating sight to see successive ranks of young men pressing year by year into the battle of life, full of hope and courage, and each year better armed and equipped for the strife; it is a privilege to serve society and the country by increasing the means of culture; but, above all, you will have the great happiness of devoting yourself for life to a noble public work without reserve, or stint, or thought of self, looking for no advancement, 'hoping for nothing again,' Knowing well by experience the nature of the charge which you this day publicly assume, familiar with its cares and labors, its hopes and fears, its trials and its triumphs, I give you joy of the work to which you are called, and welcome you to a service which will task your every power. "The true greatness of States lies not in territory, revenue, population, commerce, crops or manufactures, but in immaterial or spiritual tilings; in the purity, fortitude and uprightness of their people, in the poetry, literature, science and art which they give birth to, in the moral worth of their history and life. With nations, as with individuals, none but moral supremacy is immutable and forever beneficent. Universities, wisely directed, store up the intellectual capital of the race, and become fountains of spiritual and moral power. Therefore our whole country may well rejoice with you, that you are auspiciously founding here a worthy seat of learning and piety. Here may young feet, shunning the sordid paths of low desire and worldly ambition, walk humbly in the steps of the illustrious dead--the poets, artists, philosophers and statesmen of the past; here may fresh minds explore new fields and increase the sum of knowledge; here from time to time may great men be trained up to be leaders of the people; here may the irradiating light of genius sometimes flash out to rejoice mankind; above all, here may many generations of manly youth learn righteousness." INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE FIRST PRESIDENT. In his inaugural address, the President of the Johns Hopkins University, after a grateful reference to the founder and his generosity, and a reminder that the endowment, large as it appears, is not large when compared with the acquisitions of many other institutions, called attention to some of the special distinctions of this gift. Among them were named: the freedom from conditions; the absence of political or ecclesiastical control; the connection with an endowed hospital; the geographical advantages of Baltimore; and the timeliness of the foundation. Five agencies for the promotion of superior instruction were next briefly discussed, universities, learned academies, colleges, technical schools, and museums. The object of these paragraphs was to suggest the distinctive Idea of the University, and to show that while forms and methods vary in different countries, the freedom for investigation, the obligation to teach, and the careful bestowal of academic honors are always understood to be among the university functions. Wherever a strong university is established, learned societies, colleges, technical schools, and museums are clustered. It is the sun and they are the planets. Twelve points were then enumerated on which there is a consensus so general that further discussion seemed needless. 1. All sciences are worthy of promotion; or in other words, it is useless to dispute whether literature or science should receive most attention, or whether there is any essential difference between the old and the new education. 2. Religion has nothing to fear from science, and science need not be afraid of religion. Religion claims to interpret the word of God, and science to reveal the laws of God. The interpreters may blunder, but truths are immutable, eternal, and never in conflict. 3. Remote utility is quite as worthy to be thought of as immediate advantage. Those ventures are not always most sagacious that expect a return on the morrow. It sometimes pays to send our argosies across the seas,--to make investments with an eye to slow but sure returns. So it is always in the promotion of science. 4. As it is impossible for any university to encourage with equal freedom all branches of learning, a selection must be made by enlightened governors, and that selection must depend on the requirements and deficiencies of a given people, in a given period. There is no absolute standard of preference. What is more important at one time or in one place may be less needed elsewhere and otherwise. 5. Individual students cannot pursue all branches of learning, and must be allowed to select, under the guidance of those who are appointed to counsel them. Nor can able professors be governed by routine. Teachers and pupils must be allowed great freedom in their method of work. Recitations, lectures, examinations, laboratories, libraries, field exercises, travel, are all legitimate means of culture. 6. The best scholars will almost invariably be those who make special attainments on the foundation of a broad and liberal culture. 7. The best teachers are usually those who are free, competent, and willing to make original researches in the library and the laboratory. 8. The best investigators are usually those who have also the responsibilities of instruction, gaining thus the incitement of colleagues, the encouragement of pupils, the observation of the public. 9. Universities should bestow their honors with a sparing hand; their benefits most freely. 10. A university cannot be created in a day; it is a slow growth. The University of Berlin has been quoted as a proof of the contrary. That was indeed a quick success, but in an old, compact country, crowded with learned men eager to assemble at the Prussian court. It was a change of base rather than a sudden development. 11. The object of the university is to develop character--to make men. It misses its aim if it produces learned pedants, or simple artisans, or cunning sophists, or pretentious practitioners. Its purport is not so much to impart knowledge to the pupils, as to whet the appetite, exhibit methods, develop powers, strengthen judgment, and invigorate the intellectual and moral forces. It should prepare for the service of society a class of students who will be wise, thoughtful, progressive guides in whatever department of work or thought they may be engaged. 12. Universities easily fall into ruts. Almost every epoch requires a fresh start. If these twelve points are conceded, our task is simplified, though it is still difficult. It is to apply these principles to Baltimore in 1876. We are trying to do this with no controversy as to the relative importance of letters and science, the conflicts of religion and science, or the relation of abstractions and utilities; our simple aim is to make scholars, strong, bright, useful and true. Proceeding to speak of the Johns Hopkins University, the speaker then announced that at first the Faculty of Philosophy would alone be organized, where instruction would be given in language, mathematics, ethics, history and science. The Medical Faculty would not long be delayed. That of Jurisprudence would come in time. That of Theology is not now proposed. The next paragraphs of the address will be given without abbreviation. Who shall our teachers be? This question the public has answered for us; for I believe there is scarcely a preeminent man of science or letters, at home or abroad, who has not received a popular nomination for the vacant professorships. Some of these candidates we shall certainly secure, and their names will be one by one made known. But I must tell you, in domestic confidence, that it is not an easy task to transplant a tree which is deeply rooted. It is especially hard to do so in our soil and climate. Though a migratory people, our college professors are fixtures. Such local college attachments are not known in Germany; and the promotions which are frequent in Germany are less thought of here. When we think of calling foreign teachers, we encounter other difficulties. Many are reluctant to cross the sea; and others are, by reason of their lack of acquaintance with our language and ways, unavailable. Besides we may as well admit that London, Paris, Leipsic, Berlin, and Vienna afford facilities for literary and scientific growth and influence, far beyond what our country affords. Hence, it is probable that among our own countrymen, our faculty will be chiefly found. I wrote, not long ago, to an eminent physicist, presenting this problem in social mechanics, for which I asked his solution, "We cannot have a great university without great professors; we cannot get great professors till we have a great university: help us from the dilemma." Let me tell his answer: "Your difficulty," he says, "applies only to old men who are great; these you can rarely move; but the young men of genius, talent, learning and promise, you can draw. They should be your strength." The young Americans of talent and promise--there is our strength, and a noble company they are! We do not ask from what college, or what state, or what church they come; but what do they know, and what can they do, and what do they want to find out. In the biographies of eminent scholars, it is curious to observe how many indicated in youth preeminent ability. Isaac Casaubon, whose name in the sixteenth century shed lustre on the learned circles of Geneva, Montpellier, Paris, London and Oxford, began as professor of Greek, at the age of twenty-two; and Heinsius, his Leyden contemporary, at eighteen. It was at the age of twenty-eight, that Linnaeus first published his _Systema Naturae_. Cuvier was appointed a professor in Paris at twenty-six, and, a few months later, a member of the Institute. James Kent, the great commentator on American law, began his lectures in Columbia College at the age of thirty-one. Henry was not far from thirty years of age when he made his world-renowned researches in electro-magnetism; and Dana's great work on mineralogy was first published before he was twenty-five years old, and about four years after he graduated at New Haven. Look at the Harvard lists:--Everett was appointed Professor of Greek at twenty-one; Benjamin Peirce, of Mathematics at twenty-four; and Agassiz was not yet forty when he came to this country. For fifty years Yale College rested on three men selected in their youth by Dr. Dwight, and almost simultaneously set at work; Day was twenty-eight, Silliman, twenty-three, and Kingsley, twenty-seven, when they began their professorial lives. The University of Virginia, early in its history, attracted foreign teachers, who were all young men. We shall hope to secure a strong staff of young men, appointing them because they have twenty years before them; selecting them on evidence of their ability; increasing constantly their emoluments, and promoting them because of their merit to successive posts, as scholars, fellows, assistants, adjuncts, professors and university professors. This plan will give us an opportunity to introduce some of the features of the English fellowship and the German system of privat-docents; or in other words, to furnish positions where young men desirous of a university career may have a chance to begin, sure at least of a support while waiting for promotion. Our plans begin but do not end here. As men of distinction, who have won the highest rank in their callings, are known to be free, we shall invite them to come among us. If we would maintain a university, great freedom must be allowed both to teachers and scholars. This involves freedom of methods to be employed by the instructors on the one hand, and on the other, freedom of courses to be selected by the students. But this freedom is based on laws,--two of which cannot be too distinctly or too often enunciated. A law which should govern the admission of pupils is this, that before they win this privilege they must have been matured by the long, preparatory discipline of superior teachers, and by the systematic, laborious, and persistent pursuit of fundamental knowledge; and a second law, which should govern the work of professors, is this, that with unselfish devotion to the discovery and advancement of truth and righteousness, they renounce all other preferment, so that, like the greatest of all teachers, they may promote the good of mankind. I see no advantage in our attempting to maintain the traditional four-year class-system of the American colleges. It has never existed in the University of Virginia; it is modified, though not nominally given up at Harvard; it is not an important characteristic of Michigan and Cornell; it is not known in the English, French or German universities. It is a collegiate rather than a university method. If parents or students desire us to mark out prescribed courses, either classical or scientific, lasting four years, it will be easy to do so. But I apprehend that many students will come to us excellent in some branches of a liberal education and deficient in others--good perhaps in Greek, Latin and mathematics; deficient in chemistry, physics, zoology, history, political economy, and other progressive sciences. I would give to such candidates on examination, credit for their attainments, and assign them in each study the place for which they are fitted. A proficient in Plato may be a tyro in Euclid. Moreover, I would make attainments rather than time the condition of promotion; and I would encourage every scholar to go forward rapidly or go forward slowly, according to the fleetness of his foot and his freedom from impediment. In other words, I would have our University seek the good of individuals rather than of classes. The sphere of a university is sometimes restricted by its walls or is limited to those who are enrolled on its lists. There are three particulars in which we shall aim at extramural influence: first, as an examining body, ready to examine and confer degrees or other academic honors on those who are trained elsewhere; next, as a teaching body, by opening to educated persons (whether enrolled as students or not) such lectures as they may wish to attend, under certain restrictions--on the plan of the lectures in the high seminaries of Paris; and, finally, as in some degree at least a publishing body, by encouraging professors and lecturers to give to the world in print the results of their researches. What are we aiming at? An enduring foundation; a slow development; first local, then regional, then national influence; the most liberal promotion of all useful knowledge; the special provision of such departments as are elsewhere neglected in the country; a generous affiliation with all other institutions, avoiding interferences, and engaging in no rivalry; the encouragement of research; the promotion of young men; and the advancement of individual scholars, who by their excellence will advance the sciences they pursue, and the society where they dwell. No words could indicate our aim more fitly than those by which John Henry Newman expresses his "Idea of the University," in a page glowing with enthusiasm, to which I delight to revert. What will be our agencies? A large staff of teachers; abundance of instruments, apparatus, diagrams, books, and other means of research and instruction; good laboratories, with all the requisite facilities; accessory influences, coming both from Baltimore and Washington; funds so unrestricted, charter so free, schemes so elastic, that as the world goes forward, our plans will be adjusted to its new requirements. What will be our methods? Liberal advanced instruction for those who want it; distinctive honors for those who win them; appointed courses for those who need them; special courses for those who can take no other; a combination of lectures, recitations, laboratory practice, field work and private instruction; the largest discretion allowed to the Faculty consistent with the purposes in view; and, finally, an appeal to the community to increase our means, to strengthen our hands, to supplement our deficiencies, and especially to surround our scholars with those social, domestic and religious influences which a corporation can at best imperfectly provide, but which may be abundantly enjoyed in the homes, the churches and the private associations of an enlightened Christian city. _Citizens of Baltimore and Maryland_.--This great undertaking does not rest upon the Trustees alone; the whole community has a share in it. However strong our purposes, they will be modified, inevitably, by the opinions of enlightened men; so let parents and teachers incite the youth of this commonwealth to high aspirations; let wise and judicious counsellors continue their helpful suggestions, sure of being heard with grateful consideration; let skilful writers, avoiding captionsness on the one hand and compliment on the other, uphold or refute or amend the tenets here announced; let the guardians of the press diffuse widely a knowledge of the benefits which are here provided; let men of means largely increase the usefulness of this work by their timely gifts. At the moment there is nothing which seems to me so important, in this region, and indeed in the entire land, as the promotion of good secondary schools, preparatory to the universities. There are old foundations in Maryland which require to be made strong, and there is room for newer enterprises, of various forms. Every large town should have an efficient academy or high school; and men of wealth can do no greater service to the public than by liberally encouraging, in their various places of abode, the advanced instruction of the young. None can estimate too highly the good which came to England from the endowment of Lawrence Sheriff at Rugby, and of Queen Elizabeth's school at Westminster, or the value to New England of the Phillips foundations in Exeter and And over. Every contribution made by others to this new University will enable the Trustees to administer with greater liberality their present funds. Special foundations may be affiliated with our trust, for the encouragement of particular branches of knowledge, for the reward of merit, for the construction of buildings; and each gift, like the new recruits of an army, will be more efficient because of the place it takes in an organized and efficient company. It is a great satisfaction in this world of changes and pecuniary loss to remember what safe investments have been made at Harvard and Yale, and other old colleges, where dollar for dollar is still shown for every gift. The atmosphere of Maryland seems favorable to such deeds of piety, hospitality and "good-will to men." George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, comes here, returns to England and draws up a charter which becomes memorable in the annals of civil and religious liberty, for which, "he deserves to be ranked," (as Bancroft says), "among the most wise and benevolent lawgivers of all ages;" among the liberals of 1776 none was bolder than Charles Carroll of Carrollton; John Eager Howard, the hero of Cowpens, is almost equally worthy of gratitude for the liberality of his public gifts; John McDonogh, of Baltimore birth, bestows his fortune upon two cities for the instruction of their youth; George Peabody, resident here in early life, comes back in old age to endow an Athenaeum, and begins that outpouring of munificence which gives him a noble rank among modern philanthropists; Moses Sheppard bequeaths more than half a million for the relief of mental disease; Rinehart, the teamster boy, attains distinction as a sculptor, and bequeaths his hard-won acquisitions for the encouragement of art in the city of his residence; and a Baltimorean still living, provides for the foundation of an astronomical observatory in Yale College; while Johns Hopkins lays a foundation for learning and charity, which we celebrate to-day. The closing sentences of the discourse were addressed to the young men of Baltimore and to the Trustees. THE FACULTY. One of the earliest duties which devolved upon the President and Trustees, after deciding upon the general scope of the University, was to select a staff of teachers by whose assistance and counsel the details of the plan should be worked out. It would hardly be right in this place to recall the distinctive merits of the able and learned scholars who have formed the academic staff during the first fourteen years, but perhaps the writer may be allowed to pay in passing a tribute of gratitude and respect to those who entered the service of the University at its beginning. To their suggestions, their enthusiasm, their learning, and above all their freedom from selfish aims and from petty jealousies, must be attributed in a great degree the early distinction of this institution. They came from widely distant places; they had been trained by widely different methods; they had widely different intellectual aptitudes; but their diversities were unified by their devotion to the university in which they were enlisted, and by their desire to promote its excellence. This spirit has continued till the present time, and has descended to those who have from time to time joined the ranks, so that it may be emphatically said that the union of the Faculty has been the key to its influence. The first requisite of success in any institution is a staff of eminent teachers, each of whom gives freely the best of which he is capable. The best varies with the individual; one may be an admirable lecturer or teacher; another a profound thinker; a third a keen investigator; another a skilful experimenter; the next, a man of great acquisitions; one may excel by his industry, another by his enthusiasm, another by his learning, another by his genius; but every member of a faculty should be distinguished by some uncommon attainments and by some special aptitudes, while the faculty as a whole should be united and cooperative. Each professor, according to his subject and his talents, should have his own best mode of working, adjusted to and controlled by the exigencies of the institution with which he is associated. The original professors, who were present when instructions began in October, 1876, were these: as the head and guide of the mathematical studies, Professor Sylvester, of Cambridge, Woolwich and London, one of the foremost of European mathematicians; as the leader of classical studies, Professor Gildersleeve, then of the University of Virginia; as director of the Chemical Laboratory and of instruction in chemistry, Professor Remsen, then of Williams College; to organize the work in Biology (a department then scarcely known in American institutions, but here regarded as of great importance with reference to the future school of medicine), Professor Martin, then of Cambridge (Eng.), a pupil of Professor Michael Foster and of Professor Huxley; as chief in the department of Physics, Professor Rowland, then holding a subordinate position in the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, whose ability in this department had been shown by the contributions he had made to scientific journals; and as collegiate professor, or guide to the undergraduate students, Professor Charles D. Morris, once an Oxford fellow, and then of the University of the City of New York. The names of the professors in the Faculty of Philosophy, from 1876 to 1890, are as follows, arranged in the order of their appointment: 1876 BASIL L. GILDERSLEEVE, LL. D _Greek_. 1876 J.J. SYLVESTER, LL. D _Mathematics_. 1876 IRA KEMSEN, Ph. D _Chemistry_. 1876 HENRY A. ROWLAND, Ph. D _Physics_. 1876 H. NEWELL MARTIN, Sc. D _Biology_. 1876 CHARLES D. MORRIS, A. M _Classics, (Collegiate)._ 1883 PAUL HAUPT, Ph. D _Semitic Languages_. 1884 G. STANLEY HALL, LL. D _Psychology._ 1884 WILLIAM H. WELCH, M. D _Pathology_. 1884 SIMON NEWCOMB, LL. D _Mathematics and Astronomy_. 1886 JOHN H. WRIGHT, A.M _Classical Philology_. 1889 EDWARD H. GRIFFIN, LL.D _History of Philosophy_. 1891 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph.D _Amer. and Inst. History_. 1891 WILLIAM K. BROOKS, Ph.D _Animal Morphology_. The persons below named have been appointed associate professors,--and their names are arranged in the order of their appointment: 1883 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph.D _History_. 1883 MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Ph.D _Sanskrit and Comp. Philology_. 1883 WILLIAM K. BROOKS, Ph.D _Animal Morphology_. 1883 THOMAS CRAIG, Ph.D _Mathematics_. 1883 CHARLES S. HASTINGS, Ph.D _Physics_. 1883 HARMON N. MORSE, Ph.D _Chemistry._ 1883 WILLIAM E. STORY, Ph.D _Mathematics._ 1883 MINTON WARREN, Ph.D _Latin._ 1884 A. MARSHALL ELLIOT, Ph.D _Romance Languages_. 1884 J. RENDEL HARRIS, A.M _New Testament Greek_. 1885 GEORGE H. EMMOTT, A.M _Logic_. 1885 C. RENE GREGORY, Ph.D _New Testament Greek_. 1885 GEORGE H. WILLIAMS, Ph.D _Inorganic Geology_. 1885 HENRY WOOD, Ph.D _German_. 1887 RICHARD T. ELY, Ph.D _Political Economy_. 1888 WILLIAM T. COUNCILMAN, M.D _Anatomy_. 1888 WILLIAM H. HOWELL, Ph.D _Animal Physiology_. 1888 ARTHUR L. KIMBALL, Ph.D _Physics_. 1888 EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Ph.D _Greek and Latin_. 1889 Louis DUNCAN, Ph.D _Electricity_. 1889 FABIAN FRANKLIN, Ph.D _Mathematics_. At the opening of the Johns Hopkins Hospital, the principal physicians and surgeons of that foundation were appointed professors of the University, namely, arranged in the order of their appointment: 1889 WILLIAM OSLER, M.D _Medicine._ 1889 HENRY M. HURD, M.D _Psychiatry_. 1889 HOWARD A. KELLY, M.D _Gynecology_. 1889 WILLIAM S. HALSTED, M.D _Surgery_. In selecting a staff of teachers, the Trustees have endeavored to consider especially the devotion of the candidate to some particular line of study and the certainty of his eminence in that specialty; the power to pursue independent and original investigation, and to inspire the young with enthusiasm for study and research; the willingness to coöperate in building up a new institution; and the freedom from tendencies toward ecclesiastical or sectional controversies. They announced that they would not be governed by denominational or geographical considerations in the appointment of any teacher; but would endeavor to select the best person whose services they could secure in the position to be filled,--irrespective of the place where he was born, or the college in which he was trained, or the religious body with which he might be enrolled. It is obvious that in addition to the qualifications above mentioned, regard has always been paid to those personal characteristics which cannot be rigorously defined, but which cannot be overlooked if the ethical as well as the intellectual character of a professorial station is considered, and if the social relations of a teacher to his colleagues, his pupils, and their friends, are to be harmoniously maintained. The professor in a university teaches as much by his example as by his precepts. Besides the resident professors, it has been the policy of the University to enlist from time to time the services of distinguished scholars as lecturers on those subjects to which their studies have been particularly directed. During the first few years the number of such lecturers was larger, and the duration of their visits was longer than it has been recently. When the faculty was small, the need of the occasional lecturer was more apparent for obvious reasons, than it has been in later days. Still the University continues to invite the cooperation of non-resident professors, and the proximity of Baltimore to Washington makes it particularly easy to engage learned gentlemen from the capital to give occasional lectures upon their favorite studies. Recently a lectureship of Poetry has been founded by Mr. and Mrs. Turnbull of Baltimore, in memory of a son who is no longer living, and an annual course may be expected from writers of distinction who are known either as poets, or as critics, or as historians of poetry. The first lecturer on this foundation will be Mr. E.C. Stedman, of New York, the second, Professor Jebb, of Cambridge (Eng.). Another lectureship has been instituted by Mr. Eugene Levering with the object of promoting the purposes of the Young Men's Christian Association. The first lecturer on this foundation was Rev. Dr. Broadus, of Louisville, Ky. A few of those who held the position of lecturers made Baltimore their home for such prolonged periods that they could not properly be called non-resident. The following list contains the principal appointments. It might be much enlarged by naming those persons who have lectured at the request of one department of the University and not of the Trustees, and by naming some who gave but single lectures. 1876 SIMON NEWCOMB _Astronomy_. 1876 LÉONCE RABILLON _French_. 1877 JOHN S. BILLINGS _Medical History, etc_. 1877 FRANCIS J. CHILD _English Literature_, 1877 THOMAS M. COOLEY _Law._ 1877 JULIUS E. HILGARD _Geodetic Surveys_. 1877 JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL _Romance Literature_. 1877 JOHN W. MALLET _Technological Chemistry_. 1877 FRANCIS A. WALKER _Political Economy_. 1877 WILLIAM D. WHITNEY _Comparative Philology_. 1878 WILLIAM F. ALLEN _History_. 1878 WILLIAM JAMES _Psychology_. 1878 GEORGE S. MORRIS _History of Philosophy_. 1879 J. LEWIS DIMAN _History._ 1879 H. VON HOLST _History_. 1879 WILLIAM G. FARLOW _Botany_. 1879 J. WILLARD GIBBS _Theoretical Mechanics_. 1879 SIDNEY LANIER _English Literature_. 1879 CHARLES S. PEIRCE _Logic_. 1880 JOHN TROWBRIDGE _Physics_. 1881 A. GRAHAM BELL _Phonology_. 1881 S.P. LANGLEY _Physics_. 1881 JOHN McCRADY _Biology_. 1881 JAMES BRYCE _Political Science_. 1881 EDWARD A. FREEMAN _History_. 1881 JOHN J. KNOX _Banking_. 1882 ARTHUR CAYLEY _Mathematics_. 1882 WILLIAM W. GOODWIN _Plato_. 1882 G. STANLEY HALL _Psychology_. 1882 RICHARD M. VENABLE _Constitutional Law_. 1882 JAMES A. HARRISON _Anglo-Saxon_. 1882 J. RENDEL HARRIS _New Testament Greek_. 1883 GEORGE W. CABLE _English Literature_. 1883 WILLIAM W. STORY _Michel Angela_. 1883 HIRAM CORSON _English Literature_. 1883 F. SEYMOUR HADEN _Etchers and Etching_. 1883 JOHN S. BILLINGS _Municipal Hygiene_. 1883 JAMES BRYCE _Roman Law_. 1883 H. VON HOLST _Political Science_. 1884 WILLIAM TRELEASE _Botany_. 1884 J. THACHER CLARKE _Explorations in Assos_. 1884 JOSIAH ROYCE _Philosophy_. 1884 WILLIAM J. STILLMAN _Archaeology_. 1884 CHARLES WALDSTEIN _Archaeology_. 1884 SIR WILLIAM THOMSON _Molecular Dynamics_. 1885 A. MELVILLE BELL _Phonetics, etc_. 1885 EDMUND GOSSE _English Literature_. 1885 EUGENE SCHUYLER _U.S. Diplomacy_. 1885 JUSTIN WINSOR _Shakespeare_. 1885 FREDERICK WEDMORE _Modern Art_. 1886 ISAAC H. HALL _New Testament_. 1886 WILLIAM HAYES WARD _Assyria_. 1886 WILLIAM LIBBEY, JR _Alaska_. 1886 ALFRED R. WALLACE _Island Life_. 1886 MANDELL CREIGHTON _Rise of European Universities_. 1887 ARTHUR L. FROTHINGHAM, JR _Babylonian and Assyrian Art_. 1887 RODOLFO LANCIANI _Roman Archaeology_. 1888 ANDREW D. WHITE _The French Revolution_. 1890 JOHN A. BROADUS _Origin of Christianity_. The number of associates, readers, and assistants has been very large, most such appointments having been made for brief periods among young men of promise looking forward to preferment in this institution or elsewhere. DISTINCTION BETWEEN COLLEGIATE AND UNIVERSITY COURSES. From the opening of the University until now a sharp distinction has been made between the methods of university instruction and those of collegiate instruction. In the third annual report, September 1, 1878, the views which had been announced at the opening of the University are expanded and are illustrated by the action of the Trustees and the Faculty during the first two years. The terms university and college have been so frequently interchanged in this country that their significance is liable to be confounded; and it may be worth while, once more at least, to call attention to the distinction which is recognized among us. By the college is understood a place for the orderly training of youth in those elements of learning which should underlie all liberal and professional culture. The ordinary conclusion of a college course is the Bachelor's degree. Usually, but not necessarily, the college provides for the ecclesiastical and religious as well as the intellectual training of its scholars. Its scheme admits but little choice. Frequent daily drill in languages, mathematics, and science, with compulsory attendance and frequent formal examinations, is the discipline to which each student is submitted. This work is simple, methodical, and comparatively inexpensive. It is understood and appreciated in every part of this country. In the university more advanced and special instruction is given to those who have already received a college training or its equivalent, and who now desire to concentrate their attention upon special departments of learning and research. Libraries, laboratories, and apparatus require to be liberally provided and maintained. The holders of professorial chairs must be expected and encouraged to advance by positive researches the sciences to which they are devoted; and arrangements must be made in some way to publish and bring before the criticism of the world the results of such investigations. Primarily, instruction is the duty of the professor in a university as it is in a college; but university students should be so mature and so well trained as to exact from their teachers the most advanced instruction, and even to quicken and inspire by their appreciative responses the new investigations which their professors undertake. Such work is costly and complex; it varies with time, place, and teacher; it is always somewhat remote from popular sympathy, and liable to be depreciated by the ignorant and thoughtless. But it is by the influence of universities, with their comprehensive libraries, their costly instruments, their stimulating associations and helpful criticisms, and especially their great professors, indifferent to popular applause, superior to authoritative dicta, devoted to the discovery and revelation of truth, that knowledge has been promoted, and society released from the fetters of superstition and the trammels of ignorance, ever since the revival of letters. In further exposition of these views, from men of different pursuits, reference should be made to an article on Classics and Colleges, by Professor Gildersleeve _(Princeton Review_, July, 1878), lately reprinted in the author's "Essays and Studies," (Baltimore, 1890); to an address by Professor Sylvester before the University on "Mathematical Studies and University Life," (February 22, 1877); to an address by Professor Martin on the study of Biology _(Popular Science Monthly,_ January, 1877); to some remarks on the study of Chemistry by Professor Remsen _(Popular Science Monthly,_ April, 1877); and to an address entitled "A Plea for Pure Science" (Salem, 1883), by Professor Rowland, as a Vice-President of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Although of a much later date, reference should also be made to an address by Professor Adams (February 22, 1889) on the work of the Johns Hopkins University, printed in the _Johns Hopkins University Circulars_, No. 71. An address by Dr. James Carey Thomas, one of the Trustees, at the tenth anniversary, in 1886, may also be consulted _(Ibid._ No. 50). Reference may also be made to the fifteen annual reports of the University and to the articles below named, by the writer of this sketch. The Group System of College Courses in the Johns Hopkins University _(Andover Review,_ June, 1886); The Benefits which Society derives from Universities: Annual Address on Commemoration Day, 1885 _(Johns Hopkins University Circulars_, No. 37); article on Universities in Lalor's _Cyclopaedia of Political Science_; an address before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Harvard University, July 1, 1886; an address at the opening of Bryn Mawr College, 1885. STUDENTS, COURSES OF STUDIES, AND DEGREES. In accordance with the plans thus formulated, the students have included those who have already taken an academic degree, and who have here engaged in advanced studies; those who have entered as candidates for the Bachelors' degree; and those who have pursued special courses without reference to degrees. The whole number of persons enrolled in these three classes during the first fourteen years (1876-1890) is fifteen hundred and seventy-one. Seven hundred and three persons have pursued undergraduate courses and nine hundred and two have followed graduate studies. Many of those who entered as undergraduates have continued as graduates, and have proceeded to the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. These students have come from nearly every State in the Union, and not a few of them have come from foreign lands. Many of those who received degrees before coming here were graduates of the principal institutions of this country. The degree of Doctor of Philosophy has been awarded after three years or more of graduate studies to one hundred and eighty-four persons, and that of Bachelor of Arts to two hundred and fifty at the end of their collegiate course. Two degrees, and two only, have been opened to the students of this University. Believing that the manifold forms in which the baccalaurate degree is conferred are confusing the public, and that they tend to lessen the respect for academic titles, the authorities of the Johns Hopkins University determined to bestow upon all those who complete their collegiate courses the title of Bachelor of Arts. This degree is intended to indicate that its possessor has received a liberal education, or in other words that he has completed a prolonged and systematic course of studies in which languages, mathematics, sciences, history, and philosophy have been included. The amount of time devoted to each of these various subjects varies according to individual needs and preference, but all the combinations are supposed to be equally difficult and honorable. Seven such combinations or groups of studies have been definitely arranged, and "the group system," thus introduced, combines many of the advantages of the elective system, with many of the advantages of a fixed curriculum. The undergraduate has his choice among many different lines of study, but having made this determination he is expected to follow the sequence prescribed for him by his teachers. He may follow the old classical course; or he may give decided preference to mathematics and physics; or he may select a group of studies, antecedent to the studies of a medical school; or he may pursue a scientific course in which chemistry predominates; or he may lay a foundation for the profession of law by the study of history and political science; or he may give to modern languages the preference accorded in the first group to the ancient classics. In making his selection, and indeed in prosecuting the career of an undergraduate, he has the counsel of some member of the faculty who is called his adviser. While each course has its predominant studies, each comprises in addition the study of French and German, and at least one branch of science, usually chemistry or physics, with laboratory exercises. The degree of Doctor of Philosophy is offered to those who continue their studies in a university for three years or more after having attained the baccalaureate degree. Their attention must be given to studies which are included in the faculty of philosophy and the liberal arts, and not to the professional faculties of Law, Medicine, and Theology. Students who have graduated in other institutions of repute may offer themselves as candidates for this degree. In addition to the requirements above mentioned, the student must show his proficiency in one principal subject and in two that are secondary, and must submit himself to rigid examinations, first written and then oral. He must also present a thesis which must gain the approval of the special committee to which it may be referred, and must subsequently be printed. All these requisitions are enforced by a faculty which is known as the Board of University Studies. As an encouragement to the systematic prosecution of university studies, the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in this University is offered under the following conditions. A Board of University Studies is constituted for the purpose of guiding the work of those who may become candidates for this degree. The time of study is a period of at least three years of distinctive university work in the philosophical Faculty. It is desirable that the student accepted as a candidate should reside here continuously until his final examinations are passed, and he is required to spend the last year before he is graduated in definite courses of study at this University. Before he can be accepted as a candidate, he must satisfy the examiners that he has received a good collegiate education, that he has a reading knowledge of French and German, and that he has a good command of literary expression. He must also name his principal subject of study and the two subordinate subjects. The Board reserves the right to say in each case whether the antecedent training has been satisfactory, and, if any of the years of advanced work have been passed by the candidate away from this University, whether they may be regarded as spent in university studies under suitable guidance and favorable conditions. Such studies must have been pursued without serious distractions and under qualified teachers. Private study, or study pursued at a distance from libraries and laboratories and other facilities, will not be considered as equivalent to university study. In the conditions which are stated below, it will appear that there are several tests of the proficiency of the candidate, in addition to the constant observation of his instructors. A carefully prepared thesis must be presented by the candidate on a subject approved by his chief adviser, and this thesis must receive the approbation of the Board. There are private examinations of the candidate, both in his chief subject and in the subordinate subjects. If these tests are successfully passed, there is a final oral examination in the presence of the Board. As an indication of the possible combinations which may be made by those who are studying for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, the following schedule is presented: Physics, Mathematics, and Chemistry; Animal Physiology, Animal Morphology, and Chemistry; Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology; Mathematics, Astronomy, and Physics; Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin; History, Political Economy, and International Law; Greek, Sanskrit, and Latin; French, Italian and Spanish, and German; Latin, Sanskrit, and Roman Law; Latin, Sanskrit, and German; Assyriology, Ethiopic and Arabic, and Greek; Political Economy, History, and Administration; English, German, and Old Norse; Inorganic Geology and Petrography, Mineralogy, and Chemistry; Geology and Mineralogy, Chemistry, and Physics; Romance Languages, German, and English; Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit; German, English, and Sanskrit. While students are encouraged to proceed to academic degrees, the authorities have always borne in mind the needs of those who could not, for one reason or another, remain in the university for more than a year or two, and who might wish to prosecute their studies in a particular direction without any reference to academic honors. Such students have always been welcome, especially those who have been mature enough to know their own requirements and to follow their chosen courses, without the incentive of examinations and diplomas. PUBLICATIONS, SEMINARIES, SOCIETIES. The Johns Hopkins University has encouraged publication. In addition to the annual Register or Catalogue, the report of the President is annually published, and from time to time during the year "Circulars" are printed, in which the progress of investigations, the proceedings of societies, reports of lectures, and the appearance of books and essays are recorded. Encouragement is also given by the Trustees to the publication of literary and scientific periodicals and occasionally of learned essays and books. The journals regularly issued are: I. _American Journal of Mathematics_. S. Newcomb, Editor, and T. Craig, Associate Editor. Quarterly. 4to. Volume XIII in progress. II. _American Chemical Journal_. I. Remsen, Editor. 8 nos. yearly. 8vo. Volume XIII in progress. III. _American Journal of Philology_. B.L. Gildersleeve, Editor. Quarterly, 8vo. Volume XI in progress. IV. _Studies from the Biological Laboratory_. II. N. Martin, Editor, and W.K. Brooks, Associate Editor. 8vo. Volume V in progress. V. _Studies in Historical and Political Science_, II. B. Adams, Editor. Monthly. 8vo. Vol. IX in progress. VI. _Contributions to Assyriology, etc_. Fr. Delitzsch and Paul Haupt, Editors. Vol. II in progress. VII. _Johns Hopkins University Circulars_. 85 numbers issued. Another form of intellectual activity is shown in the seminaries and scientific associations which have more or less of an official character. In the seminary, the professor engages with a small company of advanced students, in some line of investigation--the results of which, if found important, are often published. The relations of the head of a seminary to those whom he admits to this advanced work, are very close. The younger men have an opportunity of seeing the methods by which older men work. The sources of knowledge, the so-called authorities, are constantly examined. The drift of modern discussions is followed. Investigations, sometimes of a very special character, are carefully prosecuted. All this is done upon a plan, and with the incessant supervision of the director, upon whose learning, enthusiasm, and suggestiveness, the success of the seminary depends. Each such seminary among us has its own collection of books. The associations or societies serve a different purpose. They bring together larger companies of professors and graduate students, who hear and discuss such papers as the members may present. These papers are not connected by one thread like those which come before the seminaries. They are usually of more general interest, and they often present the results of long continued thought and investigation. BUILDINGS, LIBRARIES, AND COLLECTIONS. The site selected when the University was opened in the heart of Baltimore, near the corner of Howard and Monument streets, has proved so convenient, that from time to time additional property in that neighborhood has been secured and the buildings thus purchased have either been modified so as to meet the academic needs, or have given place to new and commodious edifices. The principal buildings now in use are these: (1). A central administration building, in which are the class-rooms for classical and oriental studies. (2). A library building, in which are also rooms devoted especially to history and political science. (3). A chemical laboratory well equipped for the service of more than a hundred workers. (4). A biological laboratory, with excellent arrangements for physiological and morphological investigations. (5). A physical laboratory--the latest and best of the laboratories--with excellent accommodations for physical research and instruction. (6). A gymnasium for bodily exercise. (7). Two dwelling houses, appropriated to the collections in mineralogy and geology until a suitable museum and laboratory can be constructed. (8). Levering Hall, constructed for the uses of the Young Men's Christian Association, and containing a large hall which may be used for general purpeses. (9). Smaller buildings used for the smaller classes. (10). An official residence of the President, which came to the University as a part of the bequest of the late John W. McCoy, Esq. The library of the university numbers nearly 45,000 well selected volumes,--including "the McCoy library" not yet incorporated with the other books, and numbering 8,000 volumes. Not far from 1,000 periodicals are received, from every part of the civilized world. Quite near to the university is the Library of the Peabody Institute, a large, well-chosen, well-arranged, and well-catalogued collection. It numbers more than one hundred thousand volumes. The university has extensive collections of minerals and fossils, a select zoological and botanical museum, a valuable collection of ancient coins, a remarkable collection of Egyptian antiquities (formed by Col. Mendes I. Cohen, of Baltimore), a bureau of maps and charts, a number of noteworthy autographs and literary manuscripts of modern date, and a large amount of the latest and best scientific apparatus--astronomical, physical, chemical, biological, photographical, and petrographical. STATISTICS. _Summary of Attendance_, 1876-90. Total Enrolled Years. Teachers. Students. Graduates. Matriculates. Special. 1876-77 29 89 54 12 23 1877-78 34 104 58 24 22 1878-79 25 123 63 25 35 1879-80 33 159 79 32 48 1880-81 39 176 102 37 37 1881-82 43 175 99 45 31 1882-83 41 204 125 49 30 1883-84 49 249 159 53 37 1884-85 52 290 174 69 47 1885-86 49 314 184 96 34 1886-87 51 378 228 108 42 1887-88 57 420 231 127 62 1888-89 55 394 216 129 49 1889-90 58 404 229 130 45 1890-91 64 427 231 142 54 _Summary of Attendance_, 1876-90 (continued). Degrees Conferred. Years. A.B. Ph.D. 1876-77 -- -- 1877-78 -- 4 1878-79 3 6 1879-80 16 5 1880-81 12 9 1881-82 15 9 1882-83 10 6 1883-84 23 15 1884-85 9 13 1885-86 31 17 1886-87 24 20 1887-88 34 27 1888-89 36 20 1889-90 37 33 1890-91 -- -- TRUSTEES. It should never be forgotten in considering the history of such a foundation that the ultimate responsibility for its organization and government rests upon the Board of Trustees. If they are enlightened and high-minded men, devoted to the advancement of education, their influence will be felt in every department of instruction. The Johns Hopkins University has been exceptionally favored in this respect. Mr. Hopkins chose the original body with the same sagacity that he showed in all his career as a business man; and as, one by one, vacancies have occurred, men of the same type have been selected, by coöptation, for these important positions. The names of the Trustees from the beginning are as follows: *1867 GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN. *1867 GALLOWAY CHESTON. 1867 GEORGE W. DOBBIN. *1867 JOHN FONERDEN. *1867 JOHN W. GARRETT. 1867 CHARLES J.M. GWINN. 1867 LEWIS N. HOPKINS. *1867 WILLIAM HOPKINS. 1867 REVERDY JOHNSON, JR. 1867 FRANCIS T. KING. *1867 THOMAS M. SMITH. 1867 FRANCIS WHITE. 1870 JAMES CAREY THOMAS. 1878 C. MORTON STEWART. 1881 JOSEPH P. ELLIOTT. 1881 J. HALL PLEASANTS. 1881 ALAN P. SMITH. 1886 ROBERT GARRETT. 1891 JAMES L. McLANE. * Deceased. Notes supplementary to the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 1891, No. 1. UNIVERSITY EXTENSION AND THE UNIVERSITY OF THE FUTURE. THE SUBSTANCE OF ADDRESSES DELIVERED BEFORE THE JOHNS HOPKINS AND OTHER UNIVERSITY AUDIENCES. BY RICHARD G. MOULTON, A.M., _Of Cambridge University, England_. I am requested to furnish information with reference to the University Extension Movement in England. It will be desirable that side by side with the facts I should put the ideas of the movement, for, in matters like these, the ideas are the inspiration of the work; the ideas, moreover, are the same for all, whereas the detailed methods must vary with different localities. The idea of the movement is its soul; the practical working is no more than the body. But body and soul alike are subject to growth, and so it has been in the present case. The English University Extension Movement was in no sense a carefully planned scheme, put forward as a feat of institutional symmetry; it was the product of a simple purpose pursued through many years, amid varying external conditions, in which each modification was suggested by circumstances and tested by experience. And with the complexity of our operations our animating ideas have been striking deeper and growing bolder. Speaking then up to date, I would define the root idea of 'University Extension' in the following simple formula: University Education for the Whole Nation organized on a basis of Itinerant Teachers. But every clause in this defining formula will need explanation and defence. The term 'University' Extension has no doubt grown up from the circumstance that the movement in England was started and directed by the universities, which have controlled its operations by precisely the same machinery by which they manage every other department of university business. I do not know that this is an essential feature of the movement. The London branch presents an example of a flourishing organization directed by a committee formed for the purpose, though this committee at present acts in concert with three universities. I can conceive the new type of education managed apart from any university superintendence; only I should look upon such severance as a far more serious evil for the universities than for the popular movement. But I use the term 'university education' for the further purpose of defining the type of instruction offered. It is thus distinguished from school education, being moulded to meet the wants of adults. It is distinguished from the technical training necessary for the higher handicrafts or for the learned professions. It is no doubt to the busy classes that the movement addresses itself, but we make no secret of the fact that our education will not help them in their business, except that, the mind not being built in water-tight compartments, it is impossible to stimulate one set of faculties without the stimulus reacting upon all the rest. The education that is properly associated with universities is not to be regarded as leading up to anything beyond, but is an end in itself, and applies to life as a whole. And the foundation for university extension is a change, subtle but clear, that may be seen to be coming over the attitude of the public mind to higher education, varying in intensity in different localities, but capable of being encouraged where it is least perceptible,--a change by which education is ceasing to be regarded as a thing proper to particular classes of society or particular periods of life, and is coming to be recognized as one of the permanent interests of life, side by side with such universal interests as religion and politics. For persons of leisure and means such growing demand can be met by increased activity of the universities. University Extension is to be the university of the busy. My definition puts the hope of extending university education in this sense to the whole nation without exception. I am aware that to some minds such indiscriminate extension will seem like an educational communism, on a par with benevolent schemes for redistributing the wealth of society so as to give everybody a comfortable income all round. But it surely ought not to be necessary to explain that in proposing a universal system of education we are not meaning that what each individual draws from the system will be the same in all cases. In this as in every other public benefit that which each person draws from it must depend upon that which he brings to it. University Extension may be conceived as a stream flowing from the high ground of universities through the length and breadth of the country; from this stream each individual helps himself according to his means and his needs; one takes but a cupful, another uses a bucket, a third claims to have a cistern to himself: every one suits his own capacity, while our duty is to see that the stream is pure and that it is kept running. The truth is that the wide-reaching purpose of University Extension will seem visionary or practicable according to the conception formed of education, as to what in education is essential and what accidental. If I am asked whether I think of shop-assistants, porters, factory-hands, miners, dock or agricultural laborers, women with families and constant home duties, as classes of people who can be turned into economists, physicists, literary critics, art connoisseurs,--I admit that I have no such idea. But I do believe, or rather, from my experience in England I know, that all such classes can be _interested_ in economic, scientific, literary and artistic questions. And I say boldly that to interest in intellectual pursuits is the essential of education, in comparison with which all other educational purposes must be called secondary. I do not consider that a child has been taught to read unless he has been made to like reading; I find it difficult to think of a man as having received a classical education if the man, however scholarly, leaves college with no interest in classical literature such as will lead him to go on reading for himself. In education the interest is the life. If a system of instruction gives discipline, method, and even originating power, without rousing a lasting love for the subject studied, the whole process is but a mental galvanism, generating a delusive activity that ceases when the connection between instructor and pupil is broken off. But if a teacher makes it his first business to stir up an interest in the matter of study, the education becomes self-continuing when teacher and pupil have parted, and the subject becomes its own educator. If then it be conceded that the essence of education is to interest, does it not seem a soberly practical purpose that we should open up to the whole nation without exception an interest in intellectual pursuits? I take my stand on the broad moral ground that every human being, from the highest to the lowest, has two sides to his life--his work and his leisure. To be without work in life is selfishness and sloth. But if a man or woman is so entangled in routine duties as never to command leisure, we have a right to say to such persons that they are leading an immoral life. Such an individual has no claim to the title of a working man, he is a slave. It may be cruel circumstances that have thus absorbed him in business, but that does not alter the fact: slavery was a misfortune rather than a fault to those who suffered it, but in any case to be content with slavery is a crime. Once get society to recognize the duty of leisure, and there is immediately a scope for such institutions as University Extension that exist for the purpose of giving intellectual interests for such leisure time. The movement is thus one of the greatest movements for the 'raising of the masses.' With a large section of the people there is, at the present moment, no conception of 'rising' in life, except that of rising out of one social rank into another. This last is of course a perfectly legitimate ambition, but it is outside the present discussion: University Extension knows nothing of social distinctions. It has to do with a far more important mode of 'rising' in life,--that of rising in the rank to which a man happens to belong at the moment, whether it be the rank in which he started or any other. There is a saying that all men are equal after dinner: and it is true that, while in the material wealth we seek in our working hours equality is a chimera, yet in the intellectual pursuits that belong to leisure there is no bar to the equality of all, except the difference of individual capacity and desire. Macaulay tells of the Dutch farmers who worked in the fields all day, and at night read the Georgics in the original. Scotch and American universities are largely attended by students who have had to engage in menial duties all the summer in order to gain funds for their high education during the winter. And every University Extension lecturer, highly trained specialist as he is, will testify how his work has continually brought him into contact with persons of the humblest social condition whom a moment's conversation has made him recognize as his intellectual equals. No one has any difficulty in understanding that in religious intercourse and experience all classes stand upon an equality; and I have spoken of the foundation for the University Extension movement as being the growing recognition of education as a permanent human interest akin to religion. The experience of a few years has sufficiently demonstrated the possibility of arousing such interest: to make it universal is no more than a practical question of time, money and methods. But no doubt when we come to _modus operandi_ the main difficulty of the movement is the diversity of the classes it seeks to approach--diversity in individual capacity, in leisure, means, and previous training. Opposite policies have been urged upon us. Some have said: Whatever you do, you must never lower the standard; let the Extension movement present outside the universities precisely the same education as the universities themselves are giving, however long you may have to wait for its acceptance. On the other hand, it has been urged: You must go first where you are most needed; be content with a makeshift education until the people are ready for something better. The movement has accepted neither of these policies, but has made a distinction between two elements of university training--method and curriculum. So far as method is concerned we have considered that we are bound to be not less thorough, but more thorough, if possible, than the universities themselves, in proportion as our clients work under peculiar difficulties. But in the matter of curriculum we have felt it our first duty to be elastic, and to offer little or much as may in each case be desired. Accordingly, we have elaborated an educational unit--the three months' course of instruction in a single subject: this unit course we have used all the resources we could command for making as thorough in method as possible; where more than this is desired, we arrange that more in a combination or series of such unit courses. The instruction can thus be taken by retail or wholesale: but in all cases it, must be administered on the same rigorous method. The key to the whole system is thus the unit course of three months' instruction in a single subject. The method of such a course is conveyed by the technical terms lecture, syllabus, exercises, class. The lectures are addressed to audiences as miscellaneous as the congregation of a church, or the people in a street car; and it is the duty of the teacher to attract such miscellaneous audiences, as well as to hold and instruct them. Those who do nothing more than simply attend the lectures will at least have gained the education of continuous interest; it is something to have one's attention kept upon the same subject for three months together. But it may be assumed that in every such audience there will be a nucleus of students, by which term we simply mean persons willing to do some work between one lecture and another. The lectures are delivered no oftener than once a week; for the idea is not that the lectures convey the actual instruction--great part of which is better obtained from books, but the office of the lecture is to throw into prominence the salient points of the study, and rouse the hearers to read, for themselves. The course of instruction is laid down in the syllabus--a document of perhaps thirty or forty pages, sold for a trifling sum; by referring for details to the pages of books this pamphlet can be made to serve as a text-book for the whole course, making the teacher independent in his order of exposition of any other text-book. The syllabus assists the general audience in following the lectures without the distraction of taking notes; and guides the reading and thinking of the students during the week. The syllabus contains a set of 'exercises' on each lecture. These exercises, unlike examination questions or 'quizzes,' are not tests of memory, but are intended to train the student to work for himself; they are thus to be done under the freest conditions--at home, with full leisure, and all possible access to books, notes or help from other persons. The written answers are sent to the lecturer for marginal comment, and returned by him at the 'class.' This class is a second meeting for students and others, at which no formal lecture is given, but there is free talk on points suggested to the teacher by the exercises he has received: the usual experience is that it is more interesting than the lecture. This weekly routine of lecture, syllabus-reading, exercise and class goes on for a period of twelve weeks. There is then an 'examination' in the work of the course held for students who desire to take it. Certificates are given by the university, but it is an important arrangement that these certificates are awarded _jointly_ on the result of the weekly exercises and the final examination. The subjects treated have been determined by the demand. Literature stands at the head in popularity, history with economy is but little behind. All the physical sciences have been freely asked for. Art constitutes a department of work; but it is art-appreciation, not art-production; the movement has no function to train artists, but to make audiences and visitors to art-galleries more intelligent. It will be observed that the great study known as 'Classics' is not mentioned in this list. But it is an instructive fact that a considerable number of the courses in literature have been on subjects of Greek and Latin literature treated in English, and some of these have been at once the most successful in numbers and the most technical in treatment. I am not without hope that our English University Extension may react upon our English universities, and correct the vicious conception of classical studies which gives to the great mass of university men a more or less scholarly hold upon ancient languages without any interest whatever in ancient literatures. This university extension method claims to be an advance on existing systems partly because under no circumstances does it ever give lectures unaccompanied by a regular plan of reading and exercises for students. These exercises moreover are designed, not for mental drill, but for stimulus to original work. The association of students with a general audience is a gain to both parties. Many persons follow regularly the instruction of the class who have not participated in the exercises. Moreover, the students, by their connection with the popular audience, are saved from the academic bias which is the besetting sin of teachers: more human interest is drawn into the study. The same effect follows from the miscellaneous character of the students who contribute exercises. High university graduates, experts in special pursuits, deeply cultured individuals who have never before had any field in which to exhibit the fruits of their culture, as well as persons whose spelling and writing would pass muster nowhere else, or casual visitors from the world of business, or young men and women fresh from school, or even children writing in round text,--all these classes may be represented in a single week's work; and the papers sent in will vary in elaborateness from a scrawl on a post-card to a magazine article or treatise. I have received an exercise of such a character that the student considerately furnished me with an index; I remember one longer still, but as this hailed from a lunatic asylum I will quote it only for illustrating the diversity of the spheres reached by the movement. Study participated in by such diverse classes cannot but have an all-roundness which is to teachers and students one of the main attractions of the movement. But we shall be expected to judge our system by results: and, so far as the unit courses are concerned, we have every reason to be satisfied. Very few persons fail in our final examinations, and yet examiners report that the standard in university extension is substantially the same as that in the universities--our pass students being on a par with pass men in the universities, our students of 'distinction' reaching the standard of honors schools. Personally I attach high importance to results which can never be expressed in statistics. We are in a position to assert that a successful course perceptibly influences the _tone_ of a locality for the period it lasts: librarians volunteer reports of an entirely changed demand for books, and we have even assurances that the character of conversation at 'five o'clock teas' has undergone marked alteration. I may be permitted an anecdote illustrating the impression made upon the universities themselves. I once heard a brilliant university lecturer, who had had occasional experience of extension teaching, describe a course of investigation which had interested him. With an eye to business I asked him if he would not give it in an extension course. He became grave. "Well, no," he replied, "I have not thought it out sufficiently for that;" and when he saw my look of surprise he added, "You know, anything goes down in college; but when I have to face your mature classes I must know my ground well." I believe the impression thus suggested is not uncommon amongst experts who really know the movement. Our results are much less satisfactory when we turn to the other side of our system, and enquire as to curriculum. It must be admitted that the larger part of our local centres can only take unit courses; there may be often a considerable interval between one course and another; or where courses are taken regularly the necessity of meeting popular interest involves a distracting variety of subjects; while an appreciable portion of our energies have to be taken up with preliminary half-courses, rather intended to illustrate the working of the movement than as possessing any high educational value. The most important advance from the unit course is the Affiliation system of Cambridge university. By this a town that becomes regularly affiliated, has arranged for it a series of unit courses, put together upon proper sequence of educational topics, and covering some three or four years: students satisfying the lecturers and examiners in this extended course are recognized as 'Students affiliated' (S.A.), and can at any time enter the university with the status of second year's men,--the local work being accepted in place of one year's residence and study. Apart from this, the steps in our educational ladder other than the first are still in the stage of prophecy. But it is universally recognized that this drawback is a matter solely of funds: once let the movement command endowment and the localities will certainly demand the wider curriculum that the universities are only too anxious to supply. The third point in our definition was that the movement was to be organized on a basis of itinerant teachers. This differentiates University Extension from local colleges, from correspondence teaching, and from the systems of which Chautauqua is the type. The chief function of a university is to teach, and University Extension must stand or fall with its teachers. It may or may not be desirable on other grounds to multiply universities; but there is no necessity for it on grounds of popular education, the itinerancy being a sufficient means of bringing any university into touch with the people as a whole. And the adoption of such a system seems to be a natural step in the evolution of universities. In the middle ages the whole body of those who sought a liberal education were to be found crowded into the limits of university towns, where alone were teachers to listen to and manuscripts to copy: the population of such university centres then numbered hundreds where to-day it numbers tens. The first university extension was the invention of printing, which sent the books itinerating through the country, and reduced to a fraction the actual attendance at the university, while it vastly increased the circle of the educated. The time has now come to send teachers to follow the books: the ideas of the university being circulated through the country as a whole, while residence at a university is reserved as the apex only of the university system. An itinerancy implies central and local management, and travelling lecturers who connect the two. The central management is a university, or its equivalent; this is responsible for the educational side of the movement, and negotiates for the supply of its courses of instruction at a fixed price per course.[53] The local management may be in the hands of a committee formed for the purpose, or of some local institution--such as a scientific or literary club or institute--which may care to connect itself with the universities. On the local management devolves the raising funds for the university fee, and for local expenses, as well as the duty of putting the advantages of the course offered before the local community. The widest diversity of practice prevails in reference to modes of raising funds. A considerable part of the cost will be met by the tickets of those attending the lectures, the prices of which I have known to vary from a shilling to a guinea for the unit course, while admission to single lectures has varied from a penny to half a crown. But all experience goes to show that only a part of this cost can be met in this way; individual courses may bring in a handsome profit, but taking account over various terms and various districts, we find that not more than two-thirds of the total cost will be covered by ticket money. And even this is estimated on the assumption that no more than the unit course is aimed at: while even for this the choice of subjects, and the chance of continuity of subject from term to term are seriously limited by the consideration of meeting cost as far as possible from fees. University Extension is a system of higher education, and higher education has no market value, but needs the help of endowment. But the present age is no way behind past ages in the number of generous citizens it exhibits as ready to help good causes. The millionaire who will take up University Extension will leave a greater mark on the history of his country than even the pious founder of university scholarships and chairs. And even if individuals fail us, we have the common purse of the public or the nation to fall back upon. The itinerant lecturers, not less than the university and the local management, have responsibility for the progress of the cause. An extension lecturer must be something more than a good teacher, something more even than an attractive lecturer: he must be imbued with the ideas of the movement, and ever on the watch for opportunities of putting them forward. It is only the lecturer who can maintain in audiences the feeling that they are not simply receiving entertainment or instruction which they have paid for, but that they are taking part in a public work, and are responsible for giving their locality a worthy place in a national scheme of university education. The lecturer again must mediate between the local and the central management, always ready to assist local committees with suggestions from the experience of other places, and equally attentive to bringing the special wants of different centres before the university authorities. The movement is essentially a teaching movement, and it is to the body of teachers I look for the discovery of the further steps in the development of popular education. For such a purpose lecturers and directors alike must be imbued with the missionary spirit. For University Extension is a missionary university, not content with supplying culture, but seeking to stimulate the demand for it. This is just the point in which education in the past has shown badly in comparison with religion or politics. When a man is touched with religious ideas he seeks to make converts, when he has views on political questions he agitates to make his views prevail: culture on the other hand has been only too often cherished as a badge of exclusiveness, instead of the very consciousness of superior education being felt as a responsibility which could only be satisfied by efforts to educate others. To infuse a missionary spirit into culture is not the least purpose of University Extension. I cannot resist the temptation to carry forward this thought from the present into the future. In University Extension so described may we not see a germ for the University of the Future? I have made the foundation of our movement the growing conception of education as a permanent interest of adult life side by side with religion and politics. The change is at best only beginning; it tasks the imagination to conceive all it will imply when it is complete. To me it appears that this expanding view of education is the third of the three great waves of change the succession of which has made up our modern history. There was a time when religion itself was identified with a particular class, the clergy alone thinking out what the rest of the nation simply accepted; then came the series of revolutions popularly summed up as the Reformation, by which the whole adult nation claimed to think for itself in matters of religion, and the special profession of the clergy became no more than a single element in the religious life of the nation. Again, there has been in the past a distinct governing class, to which the rest of society submitted; until a series of political revolutions lifted the whole adult population into self-government, using the services of political experts, but making public progress the interest of all. Before the more quiet changes of the present age the conception of an isolated learned class is giving way before the ideal of a national culture, in which universities will still be centres for educational experts, while University Extension offers liberal education to all, until educationally the whole adult population will be just as much within the university as politically the adult population is within the constitution. It would appear then that the university of such a future would be by no means a repetition of existing types, such as Oxford or Cambridge, Harvard or Johns Hopkins. These institutions would exist and be more flourishing than ever, but they would all be merged in a wider 'University of England,' or 'University of America'; and, just as the state means the whole nation acting in its political capacity through municipal or national institutions, so the university would mean the whole adult nation acting in its educational capacity through whatever institutions might be found desirable. Such a university would never be chartered; no building could ever house it; no royal personage or president of the United States would ever be asked to inaugurate it; the very attempt to found it would imply misconception of its essential character. It would be no more than a floating aggregation of voluntary associations; like the companies of which a nation's commerce is made up such associations would not be organized, but would simply tend to coöperate because of their common object. Each association would have its local and its central side, formed for the purpose of mediating between the wants of a locality and the educational supply offered by universities or similar central institutions. No doubt such a scheme is widely different from the ideal education of European countries, so highly organized from above that the minister of education can look at his watch and know at any moment all that is being done throughout the country. On the contrary the genius of the Anglo-Saxon race leans towards self-help; it has been the mission of the race in the past to develop self-government in religion and politics, it remains to crown this work with the application of the voluntary system to liberal education. In indulging this piece of speculation I have had a practical purpose before me. If what I have described be a reasonable forecast for the University of the Future, does it not follow that University Extension, as the germ of it, presents a field for the very highest academic ambition? To my mind it appears that existing types of university have reached a point where further development in the same direction would mean decline. In English universities the ideal is 'scholarship.' Scholarship is a good thing, and we produce it. But the system which turns out a few good scholars every year passes over the heads of the great mass of university students without having awakened them to any intellectual life; the universities are scholarship-factories producing good articles but with a terrible waste of raw material. The other main type of university enthrones 'research' as its summum bonum. Possibly research is as good a purpose as a man can set before him, but it is not the sole aim in life. And when one contemplates the band of recruits added each year to the army of investigators, and the choice of ever minuter fields--not to say lanes and alleys--of research, one is led to doubt whether research is not one of the disintegrating forces of society, and whether ever increasing specialisation must not mean a perpetual narrowing of human sympathies in the intellectual leaders of mankind. Both types of university appear to me to present the phenomena of a country suffering from the effects of overproduction, where the energies of workers had been concentrated upon adding to the sum of wealth, and all too little attention had been given to the distribution of that wealth through the different ranks of the community. Just at this point the University Extension movement appears to recall academic energy from production to distribution; suggesting that devotion to physics, economics, art, can be just as truly shown by raising new classes of the people to an interest in physical and economic and aesthetic pursuits, as by adding to the discoveries of science, or increasing the mass of art products. To the young graduate, conscious that he has fairly mastered the teaching of the past, and that he has within him powers to make advances, I would suggest the question whether, even for the highest powers, there is any worthier field than to work through University Extension towards the University of the Future. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 53: The Cambridge fee is £45 per course of three months.] 
15005	----	Proofreading Team. READINGS IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION MEDIAEVAL UNIVERSITIES BY ARTHUR O. NORTON _Assistant Professor of the History and Art of Teaching in Harvard University_ CAMBRIDGE PUBLISHED BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY 1909 PREFACE These readings in the history of mediaeval universities are the first installment of a series, which I have planned with the view of illustrating, mainly from the sources, the history of modern education in Europe and America. They are intended for use after the manner of the source books or collections of documents which have so vastly improved the teaching of general history in recent years. No argument is needed as to the importance of such a collection for effective teaching of the history of education; but I would urge that the subject requires in a peculiar degree rich and full illustration from the sources. The life of school, college, or university is varied, vivid, even dramatic, while we live it; but, once it has passed, it becomes thinner and more spectral than almost any other historical fact. Its original records are, in all conscience, thin enough; the situation is still worse when they are worked over at third or fourth hand, flattened out; smoothed down, and desiccated in the pages of a modern history of education. Such histories are of course necessary to effective teaching of the subject; but the records alone can clothe the dry bones of fact with flesh and blood. Only by turning back to them do we gain a sense of personal intimacy with the past; only thus can we realize that schools and universities of other days were not less real than those of to-day, teachers and students of other generations not less vividly alive than we, academic questions not less unsettled or less eagerly debated. To gain this sense of concrete, living reality in the history of education is one of the most important steps toward understanding the subject. In selecting and arranging the records here presented I have had in mind chiefly the needs of students who are taking the usual introductory courses in the subject. Students of general history--a subject in which more and more account is taken of culture in the broad sense of the term--may also find them useful. Within the necessarily limited space I have chosen to illustrate in some detail a few aspects of the history of mediaeval universities rather than to deal briefly with a large number of topics. Many important matters, not here touched upon, are reserved for future treatment. Some documents pertinent to the topics here discussed are not reproduced because they are easily accessible elsewhere; these are mentioned in the bibliographical note at the close of the volume. In writing the descriptive and explanatory text I have attempted only to indicate the general significance of the translations, and to supply information not easily obtained, or not clearly given in the references or text-books which, it is assumed, the student will read in connection with this work. It would be possible to write a commentary of genuinely mediaeval proportions on the selections here given; doubtless many of the details would be clearer for such a commentary. Some of these are explained by cross-references in the body of the text; in the main, however, I have preferred to let the documents stand for their face value to the average reader. I have given especial attention to university studies (pp. 37-80) and university exercises (pp. 107-134) because these important subjects are unusually difficult for most students, and because surprisingly few illustrations of them from the sources have been heretofore easily accessible in English. In particular, there has not been, I believe, a previous translation of any considerable passage from the much discussed and much criticised mediaeval commentaries on university text-books. The selection here given (pp. 59-75) is not intended for continuous reading; but it will fully repay close and repeated examination. Not infrequently single sentences of this commentary are the outcroppings of whole volumes of mediaeval thought and controversy; indeed anyone who follows to the end each of the lines of study suggested will have at command a very respectable bit of knowledge concerning the intellectual life of the middle ages. The passage requires more explanation by the teacher, or more preliminary knowledge on the part of the student, than any other selection in the book. The sources from which the selections have been made are indicated in the footnotes to the text My great indebtedness to Mr. Hastings Rashdall's "Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages" is also there indicated. Messrs. G.P. Putnam's Sons and Mr. Joseph McCabe generously gave me permission to quote more extensive passages from the latter's brilliant biography of Abelard than I finally found it possible to use. Mr. Charles S. Moore has been my chief assistant in the preparation of the manuscript; most of the translations not otherwise credited are due to his careful work, but I am responsible for the version finally adopted in numerous passages in which the interpretation depends on a knowledge of detailed historical facts. In conclusion, I have to thank Professor Charles H. Haskins and Professor Leo Wiener for information which has spared me many days of research on obscure details, and Professor Paul H. Hanus for suggestions which have contributed to the clearness of the text. A.O.N. CONTENTS PAGE I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. THE RENAISSANCE OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY 4 III. THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES 13 1. Teachers and Students of the Twelfth Century (a) Abelard 13 (b) John of Salisbury 25 2. The New Method 35 3. The New Studies 37 (a) The Works of Aristotle 40 (b) Roman Law 49 (c) Canon Law 55 (d) Theology 76 (e) Medicine 78 (f) Other University Text-books 78 4. University Privileges 80 (a) Special Protection by the Sovereign 81 (b) The Right of Trial in Special Courts 86 (c) Exemption from Taxation 88 (d) The Privilege of Suspending Lectures (Cessatio) 92 (e) The Right of Teaching Everywhere (Jus ubique docendi) 96 (f) Privileges Granted by a Municipality 98 (g) The Influence of Mediaeval Privileges on Modern Universities 101 5. Universities Founded by the Initiative of Civil or Ecclesiastical Powers 102 IV. UNIVERSITY EXERCISES 107 (a) The Lecture 107 (b) The Disputation 115 (c) The Examination 124 (d) A Day's Work in 1476 132 (e) Time-table of Lectures at Leipzig, 1519 132 V. REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREES IN ARTS 135 1. Paris, 1254 136 2. Paris, 1366 138 3. Oxford, 1267 and (?) 1408 138 4. Leipzig, A.B., 1410 139 5. Leipzig, A.M., 1410 139 6. Leipzig, A.B. and A.M., 1519 134 VI. ACADEMIC LETTERS 141 1. Letters Relating to Paris 141 2. Two Oxford Letters of the Fifteenth Century 149 READINGS IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION I INTRODUCTION The history of education, like all other branches of history, is based upon documents. Historical documents are, in general, "the traces which have been left by the thoughts and actions of men of former times"; the term commonly refers to the original records or _sources_ from which our knowledge of historical facts is derived. The documents most generally used by historians are written or printed. In the history of education alone these are of the greatest variety; as is shown in the following pages, among them are university charters, proceedings, regulations, lectures, text-books, the statutes of student organizations, personal letters, autobiographies, contemporary accounts of university life, and laws made by civil or ecclesiastical authorities to regulate university affairs. Similar varieties of records exist for other educational institutions and activities. The immense masses of such written or printed materials produced to-day, even to the copy-book of the primary school and the student's note-book of college lectures, will, if they survive, become documents for the future historian of education. The known sources for the history of education in western Europe since the twelfth century--to go no further afield--are exceedingly numerous, and widely spread among various public and private collections; the labor of a lifetime would hardly suffice to examine them all critically. Nevertheless many printed and written documents have been collected, edited, and published in their original languages; and in some instances the collections are fairly complete, or at least fairly representative of the documents in existence. Assuming that they are accurate copies of the original records, many are now easily accessible to students of the subject, since these reproductions may be owned by all large libraries. These records, rightly apprehended, have far more than a mere antiquarian interest. The history of mediaeval universities is profoundly important, not only for students, but also for administrators, of modern higher education. For to a surprising degree the daily and hourly conduct of university affairs of the twentieth century is influenced by what universities did six centuries ago. On this point the words of Mr. Hastings Rashdall, a leading authority on mediaeval universities, are instructive: "... If we would completely understand the meaning of offices, titles, ceremonies, organizations preserved in the most modern, most practical, most unpicturesque of the institutions which now bear the name of 'University,' we must go back to the earliest days of the earliest Universities that ever existed, and trace the history of their chief successors through the seven centuries that intervene between the rise of Bologna or Paris, and the foundation of the new University of Strassburg in Germany, or of the Victoria University in England." Knowledge of the subject should, however, yield much more than understanding: it should also influence the practical attitudes of those who are concerned with university affairs. Here I take issue with those historians who hold that history supplies no "information of practical utility in the conduct of life"; no "lessons directly profitable to individuals and peoples." The evidence cannot be exhibited here, but such information notoriously has been of the utmost practical value in education, both in shaping influential theories and in determining even minute details of educational practice. There is no reason to suppose that it may not continue to be thus serviceable. Other utilities of university history are less direct, but not less important. The study of individual institutions and their varying circumstances and problems "prepares us to understand and tolerate a variety of usages"; the study of their growth not only "cures us of a morbid dread of change," but also leads us to view their progressive adaptation to new conditions as necessary and desirable. If such study teaches only these two lessons to those who may hereafter shape the course of educational affairs it more than justifies itself. For to eradicate that intolerance of variety in educational practice so characteristic of the academic man of the past, and to diminish in future generations his equally characteristic opposition to changes involving adaptation to new conditions, is to render one of the greatest possible services to educational progress. II THE RENAISSANCE OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY During the twelfth century a great educational revival manifested itself in western Europe, following upon several centuries of intellectual decline or relative inactivity. Though its beginnings may be traced into the eleventh century, and though its culmination belongs to a much later period, the movement is often called the Renaissance of the Twelfth Century. In that century it first appears as a widely diffused and rapidly growing movement, and it then takes on distinctly the characteristics which mark its later development. The revival appears first in Italy and France; from these regions it spreads during the next three centuries into England, Spain, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and Scotland. Certain facts concerning this educational Renaissance should be clearly understood in connection with the following selections: 1. To men of the times it first showed itself as a renewal of activity in existing schools. Here and there appeared eminent teachers; to them resorted increasing numbers of students from greater and greater distances. In a few years some of these institutions became schools of international fame. The newly roused enthusiasm for study in France at the opening of the twelfth century is thus described by a modern writer: The scholastic fever, which was soon to inflame the youth of the whole of Europe, had already set in. You could not travel far over the rough roads of France without meeting some footsore scholar, making for the nearest large monastery or cathedral town. Before many years, it is true, there arose an elaborate system of conveyance from town to town, an organization of messengers to run between the chateau and the school; but in the earlier days, and, to some extent, even later, the scholar wandered afoot through the long provinces of France. Robbers, frequently in the service of the lord of the land, infested every province. It was safest to don the coarse frieze tunic of the pilgrim, without pockets, sling your little wax tablets and stylus at your girdle, strap a wallet of bread and herbs and salt on your back, and laugh at the nervous folk who peeped out from their coaches over a hedge of pikes and daggers. Few monasteries refused a meal or a rough bed to the wandering scholar. Rarely was any fee exacted for the lesson given. For the rest, none were too proud to earn a few sous by sweeping, or drawing water, or amusing with a tune on the reed-flute; or to wear the cast-off tunics of their masters.[1] This account refers to the study of logic and theology, which soon became dominant in Paris and in various cathedral schools in other parts of France. With slight modifications it would describe also the revival of interest in Roman law in Italy, especially at Bologna. 2. The revival was concerned mainly with professional, or--as later appeared--university, education. The prevailing interest was in Law, Medicine, Theology, and the philosophy of Aristotle. Schools of lower grade were much influenced by the intellectual activity of the times, but the characteristic product of this movement was the university. The universities, organized as corporations, with their teachers divided into faculties, their definite courses of study, their examinations, their degrees, their privileges, and their cosmopolitan communities of students, were not only the result of the revival, but they were institutions essentially new in the history of education, and the models for all universities which have since been established. 3. Between the latter part of the twelfth century and 1500 A.D. at least seventy-nine universities were established in western Europe. There may have been others of which no trace remains. Several of them were short-lived, some lasting but a few years; ten disappeared before 1500. Since that date twenty others have become extinct. The forty-nine European universities of to-day which were founded before 1500 have all passed through many changes in character and various periods of prosperity and decline, but we still recognize in them the characteristic features mentioned above, and the same features reappear in the "most modern, most practical, most unpicturesque of the institutions which now bear the name of 'University.'" This is one illustration of the statement on page 2 that the daily and hourly conduct of university affairs in the twentieth century is to a surprising degree influenced by what universities did seven centuries ago. 4. The term "University" has always been difficult to define. In the Middle Ages its meaning varied in different places, and changed somewhat in the centuries between 1200 and 1500 A.D. In these pages it signifies in general an institution for higher education; and "institution" means, not a group of buildings, but a society of teachers or students organized, and ultimately incorporated, for mutual aid and protection, and for the purpose of imparting or securing higher education. Originally, universities were merely guilds of Masters or Scholars; as such they were imitations of the numerous guilds of artisans and tradesmen already in existence. Out of the simple organization and customs of these guilds grew the elaborate organization and ceremonials of later universities. There were two main types of university organization,--the University of Masters, and the University of Students. In the former,--which is the type of all modern universities,--the government and instruction of students were regulated by the Masters or Doctors. In the latter, these matters were controlled by the students, who also prescribed rules for the conduct of the Masters. Paris and Bologna were, respectively, the original representatives of these types. Paris was the original University of Masters; its pattern was copied, with some modifications, by the universities of England, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and Scotland. Bologna was the archetypal University of Students; its organization was imitated, also with variations, by the universities Italy, France (except Paris), Spain, and Portugal. In and after the thirteenth century, the place or school in which a university existed was almost always called a _Studium Generale_, i.e. a place to which students resorted, or were invited, from all countries. This term was used in contrast to _Studium Particulare_, i.e. any school in which a Master in a town taught a few scholars. In the _Studium Generale_ instruction was given by several Masters, in one or more of the Faculties of Arts, Law, Medicine, and Theology. In time the term came to be synonymous with "University"; it is so used in this book. 5. The theoretically complete mediaeval university contained the four faculties of Arts, Theology, Law, and Medicine. These we find reproduced in some modern universities. Then, as now, however, it was not common to find them all equally well developed in any single institution; many possessed only two or three faculties, and some had but one. There are rare instances of five faculties, owing to the subdivision of Law. At Paris, the strongest faculties were those of Arts and Theology; Law and Medicine were in comparison but feebly represented. At Bologna, on the other hand, the study of Law was predominant, although the Arts, Medicine, and Theology were also taught there. 6. The studies pursued in the various faculties in and after the thirteenth century were in general as follows: In the Faculty of Arts: 1. The "three philosophies"--Natural, Moral, and Rational--of Aristotle, together with his Logic, Rhetoric, and Politics. Of these, Logic and Rhetoric are included below. 2. The Seven Liberal Arts, comprising {Grammar. (_a_) {Rhetoric. {Logic. {Arithmetic. (_b_) {Geometry. {Music. {Astronomy. In the Faculty of Law: 1. The _Corpus Juris Civilis_, or body of Roman Civil Law, compiled at Constantinople 529-533 A.D., under direction of the Roman Emperor Justinian. 2. The Canon Law, or law governing the Church, of which the first part was compiled by the monk Gratian about the year 1142. His compilation of the Canon Law is usually referred to as the _Decretum Gratiani_. In the Faculty of Theology: 1. The "Sentences" of Peter Lombard. 2. The Bible. In the Faculty of Medicine: 1. The works of Hippocrates. 2. The works of Galen. 3. Medical treatises of various Arabic and Jewish writers of the seventh century A.D. and later. These studies will be described more fully in connection with the selections on pages 37-83. Not all of the works mentioned under these divisions were included in the regular programme of any university; the actual studies required for the various degrees consisted rather in selections from these works. The selections chosen varied somewhat in different universities; moreover, the course in any given university changed from time to time. Consequently the degrees of A.B. and A.M., as well as degrees in Law, Medicine, and Theology, probably never represented exactly the same set of studies in any considerable number of universities, nor did they even represent exactly the same work for many years in any single university. This corresponds exactly with the situation in modern universities, although at present the variations in studies for the same degree are greater and the changes in any given university are usually more rapid than they were in the universities of the Middle Ages. It is necessary to remember that all the text-books were in Latin. Those written originally in other tongues were translated into Latin. All university exercises were conducted in that language, and frequently the regulations required students to use Latin in conversation outside the lecture halls. Latin was, in short, the universal academic tongue. Obviously, the use of the same language everywhere facilitated the migration of students and teachers from one university to another. 7. Although the first universities were not established as organized institutions until the latter part of the twelfth century, the intellectual movement which gave rise to them was well under way a century earlier. It showed itself first in the rise of great teachers, some of whom were also notable scholars. There has never been a clearer demonstration of the central importance in education of the distinguished teacher: At the beginning of the twelfth century three schools are distinguished in the contemporary literature above the multitude which had sprung into new life in France and were connected with so many of her cathedrals and religious houses. These three were at Laon, Paris, and Chartres. It would be more accurate to say, they were the schools of Anselm and Ralph, of William of Champeaux, and of Bernard Sylvester. For in those days the school followed the teacher, not the teacher the school. Wherever a master lived, there he taught; and thither, in proportion to his renown, students assembled from whatever quarter.... The tie was a personal one, and was generally severed by the master's death. A succession of great teachers in one place was a rare exception; nor is such an exception afforded by the history of any of the three schools to which we have referred.[2] In these days, when education requires a more and more elaborate equipment of buildings, libraries, laboratories, and museums, it is no longer possible for teachers, however distinguished, to attract throngs of students to places absolutely unprovided with the resources for teaching, or to provide these resources anywhere on the spur of the moment In the twelfth century, on the contrary, the only necessary equipment consisted in the master, his small library which could be carried by one man; wax tablets, or pens, ink, and vellum or parchment for the students; and any kind of a shelter which would serve as a protection from the weather. Not even benches or chairs were necessary, for students commonly sat upon the straw-strewn floors of the lecture rooms. Thus the school might easily follow the teacher in his migrations, and easily sink into obscurity or disappear upon his death or cessation from teaching. The autobiography of Abelard (see page 14), recounts an experience unusual in itself, but perfectly illustrative of the point. After relating various misfortunes and persecutions he continues: So I betook myself to a certain wilderness previously known to me, and there on land given to me by certain ones, with the consent of the Bishop of the region, I constructed out of reeds and straw a sort of oratory in the name of the Holy Trinity where, in company with one of our clergy, I might truly chant to the Lord: "Lo I have wandered far off, and have remained in the wilderness." As soon as Scholars learned this they began to gather from every side, leaving cities and castles to dwell in the wilderness, and in place of their spacious homes to build small tabernacles for themselves, and in place of delicate food to live on herbs of the fields and coarse bread, and in place of soft couches to make up [beds of] straw and grass, and in place of tables to pile up sods.[3] FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 1: Adapted from Joseph McCabe, _Abelard_, pp. 7, 8.] [Footnote 2: R.L. Poole, _Illustrations from the History of Medieval Thought_, p. 109.] [Footnote 3: _Petri Abaelardi Opera_, edd. Cousin et Jourdain, I, p. 25.] III THE RISE OF MEDIAEVAL UNIVERSITIES The influences contributing to the rise of universities were numerous, and in many cases obscure. The most important were: 1. Inspiring and original teachers, who gathered about them great numbers of students. 2. A new method of teaching. 3. A new group of studies. 4. Privileges granted to scholars and masters by civil and ecclesiastical authorities. 5. The direct initiative of those authorities in establishing universities by decree. The readings which follow are chosen to illustrate these influences. 1. TEACHERS AND STUDENTS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY (a) _A Pre-University Teacher: Abelard_ Among the teachers of the early part of the twelfth century, two were of especial significance in the later intellectual development of the period,--Irnerius (_ca._ 1070-1130) at Bologna, and Abelard (1079-1142) at Paris. They were the forerunners of the universities which began to take form at the end of the twelfth century in those cities. Irnerius marks a new epoch in the study of the body of Roman Law; following the traditions of teaching which he established, the University of Bologna became the most prominent school of law in Europe. In a similar way Abelard marks at Paris the introduction of a new method of teaching and investigation, an attitude of intellectual independence on theological questions, and a permanently influential position in scholastic philosophy; following his initiative the University of Paris became the leading school of Philosophy and Theology. These two institutions,--Bologna and Paris,--were in turn the models for all other mediaeval universities, not only in organization, but also so far as the study of Law, Theology, and Philosophy was concerned. Hence, indirectly, the influence of Abelard and Irnerius was widely diffused and long continued. The documents relating to Irnerius are scanty. For a discussion of his influence on the teaching of Roman Law, see Rashdall, I, ch. iv, and especially pages 121-127. Concerning Abelard the records are abundant. Abelard, the eldest son of a noble family of Pallet (Palais), Brittany, was in his day the most renowned teacher in France. Instead of becoming the head of his family and adopting the career of a soldier, he abandoned his birthright and the profession of arms for the life of the scholar and the battlefields of debate. His early life as a student wandering from school to school is thus described by himself: The more fully and easily I advanced in the study of letters the more ardently I clung to them, and I became so enamored of them that, abandoning to my brothers the pomp of glory, together with my inheritance and the rights of the eldest son, I resigned from the Councils of War that I might be educated in the camp of Minerva. And since among all the weapons of philosophy I preferred the arms of logic, I exchanged accoutrements and preferred the conflicts of debate to the trophies of war. Thenceforward I walked through the various provinces engaging in debates wherever I had heard that the study of this art [logic] flourished, and thus became a rival of the Peripatetics. At length [about 1100 A.D.] I reached Paris, where for some time this art had been prospering, and went to William of Champeaux, my instructor, distinguished at the time in this particular by his work and reputation as a teacher. Staying with him for a while, I was at first acceptable, but shortly after was very annoying to him, namely, when I tried to refute some of his opinions, and often ventured to argue against him and, not seldom, seemed to surpass him in debate.[4] _In scholis militare_--to wage war in the schools--was the phrase aptly used to describe this mode of debate. William of Champeaux was then the head of the cathedral school of Notre Dame and the leading teacher of logic in France. "Within a few months Abelard made his authority totter, and set his reputation on the wane. In six or seven years he drove him in shame and humiliation from his chair, after a contest which filled Christendom with its echoes." By overcoming William in debate he established his own reputation as a teacher. At various times between 1108 and 1139 he taught in Paris, whither crowds of students came to hear him. His fame was at its height about 1117, shortly after his appointment to the chair which William himself had held. Few teachers have ever attracted a following so large and so devoted. His remarkable success in drawing to Paris students from all quarters is vividly described by a modern writer: The pupil who had left Paris when both William and Abelard disappeared in 1113 would find a marvellous change on returning to it about 1116 or 1117. He would find the lecture hall and the cloister and the quadrangle, under the shadow of the great cathedral, filled with as motley a crowd of youths and men as any scene in France could show. Little groups of French and Norman and Breton nobles chattered together in their bright silks and fur-tipped mantles, with slender swords dangling from embroidered belts, vying with each other in the length and crookedness of their turned-up shoes. Anglo-Saxons looked on, in long fur-lined cloaks, tight breeches, and leathern hose swathed with bands of many colored cloth. Stern-faced northerners, Poles and Germans, in fur caps and with colored girdles and clumsy shoes, or with feet roughly tied up in the bark of trees, waited impatiently for the announcement of _Li Mestre_. Pale-faced southerners had braved the Alps and the Pyrenees under the fascination of "the wizard." Shaven and sandalled monks, black-habited clerics, black canons, secular and regular, black in face too, some of them, heresy hunters from the neighboring abbey of St. Victor, mingled with the crowd of young and old, grave and gay, beggars and nobles, sleek citizens and bronzed peasants.... Over mountains and over seas the mingled reputation of the city and the school were carried, and a remarkable stream set in from Germany, Switzerland, Italy (even from proud Rome), Spain, and England; even "distant Brittany sent you its animals to be instructed," wrote Prior Fulques to Abelard (a Breton) a year or two afterwards.[5] What was there in the teaching of Abelard which brought together this extraordinary gathering? One may admit the presence of unanalysable genius in this master, and still find certain qualities indispensable to the efficient teacher of to-day,--a winning personality, fulness of knowledge, and technical skill as a teacher. These are admirably set forth in the following description: It is not difficult to understand the charm of Abelard's teaching. Three qualities are assigned to it by the writers of the period, some of whom studied at his feet; clearness, richness in imagery, and lightness of touch are said to have been the chief characteristics of his teaching. Clearness is, indeed, a quality of his written works, though they do not naturally convey an impression of his oral power. His splendid gifts and versatility, supported by a rich voice, a charming personality, a ready and sympathetic use of human literature, and a freedom from excessive piety, gave him an immeasurable advantage over all the teachers of the day. Beside most of them, he was as a butterfly to an elephant. A most industrious study of the few works of Aristotle and of the Roman classics that were available, a retentive memory, an ease in manipulating his knowledge, a clear, penetrating mind, with a corresponding clearness of expression, a ready and productive fancy, a great knowledge of men, a warmer interest in things human than in things divine, a laughing contempt for authority, a handsome presence, and a musical delivery--these were his gifts.[6] He takes his place in history, apart from the ever-interesting drama and the deep pathos of his life, in virtue of two distinctions. They are, firstly, an extraordinary ability in imparting such knowledge as the poverty of the age afforded--the facts of his career reveal it; and, secondly, a mind of such marvellous penetration that it conceived great truths which it has taken humanity seven or eight centuries to see--this will appear as we proceed. It was the former of these gifts that made him, in literal truth, the centre of learned and learning Christendom, the idol of several thousand eager scholars. Nor, finally, were these thousands the "horde of barbarians" that jealous Master Roscelin called them. It has been estimated that a pope, nineteen cardinals, and more than fifty bishops and archbishops were at one time among his pupils.[7] Abelard's fame as a teacher, with the consequent increase of masters and students at Paris, undoubtedly paved the way for the formation of the University later in the century. This is not however his greatest distinction in the history of education. His most enduring influences came from (1) his independence in thinking, (2) his novel method of dealing with debatable questions, and (3) his contributions to scholastic philosophy and theology. The first two of these are considered below; the last belongs more properly to the history of philosophy. (1) Nothing singles Abelard out more clearly among the teachers of his time than his intellectual independence. Most of his contemporaries accepted unquestioningly the view that in religious matters faith precedes reason. One might seek to justify one's faith by reason, but preliminary doubt as to what should be the specific articles of one's faith was inadmissible. As they supposed, these articles had been determined by the church fathers--Augustine, Jerome, and others--and by the Bible. Their view had been formulated by Anselm of Canterbury in the preceding century: "I do not seek to know in order that I may believe, but I believe in order that I may know." "The Christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith, not come to faith through knowledge." "The proper order demands that we believe the deep things of Christian faith before we presume to reason about them." With his keenly critical, questioning mind Abelard found a flaw in this position: on many questions of faith the authorities themselves disagreed. "In such cases,"--he said in effect,--"how shall I come to any definite belief unless I first reason it out?" "By doubting we are led to inquiry, and by inquiry we attain the truth." His attitude--as contrasted with that of Anselm, given above--is set forth in the prologue to his _Sic et Non_ (Yes and No): In truth, constant or frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom; and it is, indeed, to the acquiring of this [habit of] questioning with absorbing eagerness that the famous philosopher, Aristotle, the most clear sighted of all, urges the studious when he says: "It is perhaps difficult to speak confidently in matters of this sort unless they have often been investigated. Indeed, to doubt in special cases will not be without advantage." For through doubting we come to inquiry and through inquiry we perceive the truth. As the Truth Himself says: "Seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you." And He also, instructing us by His own example, about the twelfth year of His life wished to be found sitting in the midst of the doctors, asking them questions, exhibiting to us by His asking of questions the appearance of a pupil, rather than, by preaching, that of a teacher, although there is in Him, nevertheless, the full and perfect wisdom of God. Now when a number of quotations from [various] writings are introduced they spur on the reader and allure him into seeking the truth in proportion as the authority of the writing itself is commended ... In accordance, then, with these forecasts it is our pleasure to collect different sayings of the holy Fathers as we planned, just as they have come to mind, suggesting (as they do) some questioning from their apparent disagreement, in order that they may stimulate tender readers to the utmost effort in seeking the truth and may make them keener as the result of their seeking.[8] (2) The new method which Abelard formed for discovering the truth is presented in the "Yes and No." He first stated in the form of a thesis for debate the question on which doubt existed. The book contains one hundred and fifty-eight such questions. He then brought together under each question the conflicting opinions of various authorities, and, without stating his own view, left the student to reason for himself in the matter. There is no doubt that this method served his purpose to "stimulate tender readers to the utmost effort in seeking the truth." His boldness in considering some of these questions debatable at all, the novelty of the doubt which they imply, and their incisive challenge to keen thinking are evident from the following list: 1. That faith is based upon reason, _et contra_. 5. That God is not single, _et contra_. 6. That God is tripartite, _et contra_. 8. That in the Trinity it is not to be stated that there is more than one Eternal being, _et contra_. 11. That the Divine Persons mutually differ, _et contra_. 12. That in the Trinity each is one with the other, _et contra_. 13. That God the Father is the cause of the son, _et contra_. 14. That the Son is without beginning, _et contra_. 27. That God judges with foreknowledge, _et non_. 28. That the providence of God is the cause of things happening, _et non_. 32. That to God all things are possible, _et non_. 36. That God does whatever he wishes, _et non_. 37. That nothing happens contrary to the will of God, _et contra._ 38. That God knows all things, _et non_. 53. That Adam's sin was great, _et non_. 84. That man's first sin did not begin through the persuasion of the devil, _et contra_. 55. That Eve only, not Adam, was beguiled, _et contra_. 56. That by sinning man lost free will, _et non_. 69. That the Son of God was predestinated, _et contra_. 79. That Christ was a deceiver, _et non_. 85. That the hour of the Lord's resurrection is uncertain, _et contra_. 116. That the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children, _et contra_. 122. That everybody should be allowed to marry, _et contra_. 141. That works of sanctity do not justify a man, _et contra_. 144. That at times we all sin against our will, _et contra_. 150. That sins are not remitted without confession, _et contra_. 153. That a lie is never permissible, _et contra_. 154. That a man may destroy himself for some reasons, _et contra._ 155. That Christians may not for any reason kill a man, _et contra_. 156. That it is lawful to kill a man, _et non_. How he brought out the conflict of opinions is shown by the following example: THAT IT IS LAWFUL TO KILL A MAN, AND THE OPPOSITE THESIS. _Jerome on Isaiah, Bk. V._ He who cuts the throat of a man of blood, is not a man of blood. _Idem, On the Epistle to the Galatians:_ He who smites the wicked because they are wicked and whose reason for the murder is that he may slay the base, is a servant of the Lord. _Idem, on Jeremiah:_ For the punishment of homicides, impious persons and poisoners is not bloodshed, but serving the law. _Cyprian, in the Ninth Kind of Abuse:_ The King ought to restrain theft, punish deeds of adultery, cause the wicked to perish from off the face of the earth, refuse to allow parricides and perjurers to live. _Augustine:_ Although it is manslaughter to slaughter a man, a person may sometimes be slain without sin. For both a soldier in the case of an enemy and a judge or his official in the case of a criminal, and the man from whose hand, perhaps without his will or knowledge, a weapon has flown, do not seem to me to sin, but merely to kill a man. _Likewise:_ The soldier is ordered by law to kill the enemy, and if he shall prove to have refrained from such slaughter, he pays the penalty at the hands of his commander. Shall we not go so far as to call these laws unjust or rather no laws at all? For that which was not just does not seem to me to be a law. _Idem, on Exodus ch. xxvii:_ The Israelites committed no theft in spoiling the Egyptians, but rendered a service to God at his bidding, just as when the servant of a judge kills a man whom the law hath ordered to be killed; certainly if he does it of his own volition he is a homicide, even though he knows that the man whom he executes ought to be executed by the judge. _Idem, on Leviticus ch. lxxv:_ When a man is justly put to death, the law puts him to death, not thou. _Idem, Bk. I of the "City of God":_ Thou shall not kill, except in the case of those whose death God orders, or else when a law hath been passed to suit the needs of the time and express command hath been laid upon a person. But he does not kill who owes service to the person who gives him his orders, for he is as it were a mere sword for the person who employs his assistance. _Likewise:_ When a soldier, in obedience to the power under which he is legitimately placed, kills a man, by no law of the state is he accused of murder; nay if he has not done it, he is accused of desertion and insubordination. But if he had acted under his own initiative and of his own will, he would have incurred the charge of shedding human blood. And so he is punished if he does not do when ordered that for which he would receive punishment if he did it without orders. _Idem, to Publicola:_ Counsel concerning the slaying of men pleaseth me not, that none may be slain by them, unless perhaps a man is a soldier or in a public office, so that he does the deed not in his own behalf, but for others and for the state, accepting power legitimately conferred, if it is consonant with the task imposed on him. _Likewise:_ It has been said: let us not resist the evil man, let not the vengeance delight us which feeds the mind on others' ill, let us not neglect the reproofs of men. _Idem, to Marcella:_ If that earthly commonwealth of thine keep to the teachings of Christ, even wars will not be waged without goodwill, for with pitying heart even wars if possible will be waged by the good, so that the lusts of desire may be subdued and those faults destroyed which ought under just rule to be either rooted out or chastised. For if Christian training condemned all wars, this should rather be the advice given in the gospel for their safety to the soldiers who ask for it, namely to throw aside their arms and retire altogether from the field. But this is the word spoken to them: Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages. He warns them that the wages that belong to them should satisfy them, but he by no means forbids them to take the field. _Idem, to his comrade Boniface:_ "I will give thee and thine a useful counsel: Take arms in thy hands; let prayer strike the ears of the creator; because in battle the heavens are opened, God looks forth and awards the victory to the side he sees to be the righteous one." _Idem:_ The wars to be waged we undertake either at the command of God or under some lawful rule. Else John when the soldiers to be baptized came to him saying, "And what shall we do?" would make answer to them: "Cast aside your arms, leave the service; smite no man; ruin no man." But because he knew that they did these things because they were in the service, that they were not slayers of men, but servants of the law; and not avengers of their own injuries, but guardians of the public safety, his answer to them was: "Do violence to no man," etc. _Isidore, Etymologiae, Bk. XVIII, ch. iii:_ A righteous war is one waged according to orders, to recover property or drive back the enemy. _Pope Nicholas to the questions of the Bulgarians:_ If there is no urgent need, not only in Lent but at all times, men should abstain from battles. If however there is an unavoidable and urgent occasion, and it is not Lent, beyond all doubt preparations for wars should be sparingly made in one's own defence or in that of one's country or the laws of one's fathers; lest forsooth this word be said: A man if he has an attack to make, does not carefully take counsel beforehand for his own safety and that of others, nor does he guard against injury to holy religion.[9] This example shows the scholastic method in its earliest form,--the statement of the thesis, followed by the simple citation of authorities, _pro_ and _con_. Later writers added the conclusion which they wished to support, or at least indicated it in the statement of the thesis. This, of course, robbed the method of much of its stimulus to independent thinking. Other modifications also appeared. See the examples on pages 58 ff., 121 ff. The point to be noted here is that in the "Yes and No" Abelard struck out definitely the method which was followed for centuries in a large part of university instruction. How great a part it played can be understood only by an extended study of university history. A brief discussion of the subject is given on pages 35-37. The stimulating way in which Abelard used it was potent in drawing students to Paris. Among those who came to hear him was John of Salisbury. (b) _A Pre-University Scholar: John of Salisbury_ John of Salisbury (c. 1120-1180), "for thirty years the central figure of English learning," "beyond dispute the best-read man of his time," is a good example of the more serious students among those who travelled abroad for study in the early days of the revival described above. He spent twelve years (1136-1148) at Paris and at Chartres. His "Metalogicus" (completed about 1159) is perhaps the best contemporary account of educational affairs in France in the twelfth century. The book is interesting now mainly for its account of the writer's training, for its advocacy of liberal studies as a preparation for logic, and for its vigorous argument in favor of using all of the works of Aristotle then known, several of which had only recently become accessible. It was written originally, however, to discredit the educational practices of a certain person--designated by the pseudonym "Cornificius "--who was offering a short and showy education, and spreading it abroad through his disciples. The description of "Cornificius" and his school is not necessarily true, but some passages are quoted from it to illustrate a mode of educational argument thoroughly characteristic of the Middle Ages,--and not unknown to-day. They also give point, by contrast, to the education and views of John Salisbury himself. John begins by personal abuse of "Cornificius": The shamelessness of his looks, the rapacity of his hands, the frivolousness of his bearing, the foulness of his manners (which the whole neighborhood spews out), the obscenity of his lust, the ugliness of his body, the baseness of his life, his spotted reputation, I would lay bare and thrust into the face of the public, did not my respect for his Christian name restrain me. For being mindful of my profession, and of the fraternal communion which we have in the Lord, I have believed that indulgence should be given to his person while, nevertheless, indulgence is not given to his sin. Having fairly joined battle by several pages of vituperation, John proceeds to describe his opponent's manner of teaching: But I object vigorously to his views, which have destroyed many, because he has a crowd that believes in him, and although the new Cornificius is more senseless than the old, yet a mob of foolish ones agrees with him. And there are in particular some of these who, although inert and slothful, are eager to seem rather than to be wise. * * * * * For my part I am not at all surprised if after being employed at a large fee, and beating his drum a long time, he taught his credulous hearer to know nothing. For he, too, was equally untaught by teachers, since, without eloquence, and yet verbose, and lacking the fruit of ideas, he continuously throws to the wind the foliage of words ... He feeds his hearers on fables and trifles, and if what he promises is true, he will make them eloquent without the need of skill, and philosophers by a short cut and without effort.... In that school of philosophizers at that time the question whether the pig which is being led to market is held by the man or by the string, was considered insoluble. Also, whether he who bought the whole cloak bought the cowl. Decidedly incongruous was the speech in which these words, "congruous" and "incongruous argument" and "reason" did not make a great noise, with multifold negative particles and transitions through "esse" and "non-esse." ... A wordy clamor was enough to secure the victory, and he who introduced anything from any source reached the goal of his proposition.... Therefore they suddenly became expert philosophers, for he who had come there illiterate delayed in the schools scarcely longer than the time within which young birds get their feathers. So the fresh teachers from the schools and the young birds from the nests flew off together, having lingered an equal length of time.... They talked only of congruity or reason, and argument resounded from the lips of all, and to give its common name to an ass, or a man, or any of nature's works, was like a crime, or was much too inelegant or crude, and abhorrent to a philosopher.... Hence this seething pot of speech in which the stupid old man exults, insulting those who revere the originators of the Arts because when he pretends to devote his energies to them he finds nothing useful in them.[10] John's own training was in marked contrast to all this. Instead of remaining in the schools "scarcely longer than the time within which young birds get their feathers," he spent, as above noted, twelve years in study. Instead of devoting himself to logic and disputation alone, he received an extensive training in the classics and in theology. His first teacher at Paris was Abelard. When I was a very young man, I went to study in France, the year after the death of that lion in the cause of justice, Henry [the First], king of England. There I sought out that famous teacher and Peripatetic philosopher of Pallet [Abelard], who at that time presided at Mont St. Genevieve, and was the subject of admiration to all men. At his feet I received the first rudiments of the dialectic art [logic], and shewed the utmost avidity to pick up and store away in my mind all that fell from his lips. When, however, much to my regret, Abelard left us, I attended Master Alberic, a most obstinate Dialectician, and unflinching assailant of the Nominal Sect. Two years I stayed at Mont St. Genevieve, under the tuition of Alberic and Master Robert de Melun. Then follows a characterization of these teachers. The statement that one of them went to Bologna for the further study of logic indicates that that place was eminent for its teaching of dialectics as well as for the study of law. One of these teachers was scrupulous even to minutiae, and everywhere found some subject to raise a question; for the smoothest surface presented inequalities to him, and there was no rod so smooth that he could not find a knot in it, and shew how it might be got rid of. The other of the two was prompt in reply, and never for the sake of subterfuge avoided a question that was proposed; but he would choose the contradictory side, or by multiplicity of words would show that a simple answer could not be given. In all questions, therefore, he was subtle and profuse, whilst the other in his answer was perspicuous, brief, and to the point If two such characters could ever have been united in the same person, he would be the best hand at disputation that our times have produced. Both of them possessed acute wit, and an indomitable perseverance, and I believe they would have turned out great and distinguished men in Physical Studies, if they had supported themselves on the great base of Literature, and more closely followed the tracks of the ancients, instead of taking such pride in their own discoveries. All this is said with reference to the time during which I attended on them. For one of them afterwards went to Bologna, and there unlearnt what he had taught: on his return also, he untaught it: whether the change was for the better or the worse, I leave to the judgment of those who heard him before and after. The other of the two was also a proficient in the more exalted Philosophy of Divinity, wherein he obtained a distinguished name. With these teachers I remained two years, and got so versed in commonplaces, rules, and elements in general, which boys study, and in which my teachers were most weighty, that I seemed to myself to know them as well as I knew my own nails and fingers. There was one thing which I had certainly attained to, namely, to estimate my own knowledge much higher than it deserved. I thought myself a young scholar, because I was ready in what I had been taught. Evidence external to this narrative shows that he now went to the school at Chartres,--some sixty miles southwest of Paris,--which was one of three great French schools of the period (see p. 10). During the first half of the twelfth century it became famous under the teaching of the brothers Theodoric and Bernard Sylvester, who are both mentioned in the following passages. The school was distinguished in particular for its devotion to Grammar, Rhetoric, and classical Latin literature; in this respect it was in marked contrast to Paris, where Logic and Theology were the prevailing studies. I then, beginning to reflect and to measure my strength, attended on the Grammarian William de Conches during the space of three years; and read much at intervals: nor shall I ever regret the way in which my time was then spent. After this I became a follower of Richard l'Eveque, a man who was master of every kind of learning, and whose breast contained much more than his tongue dared give utterance to; for he had learning rather than eloquence, truthfulness rather than vanity, virtue rather than ostentation. With him I reviewed all that I had learned from the others, besides certain things, which I now learnt for the first time, relating to the Quadrivium, in which I had already acquired some information from the German Hardewin. I also again studied Rhetoric, which I had before learnt very superficially with some other studies from Master Theodoric, but without understanding what I read. Afterwards I learnt it more fully from Peter Hely.[11] In another chapter, which is here inserted in the narrative, John describes in detail the teaching at Chartres. This is one of the most complete accounts which we have of the manner and the matter of the teaching in a twelfth-century school. He begins by a general discussion of the importance of Grammar, which is the "foundation and root" of reading, teaching, and reflection. Throughout this discussion he refers constantly to Quintilian's "Institutes of Oratory." The study of Rhetoric and of other Arts prepares one for the proper understanding of Literature: "The greater the number of Arts with which one is imbued, and the more fully he is imbued with them, so much the more completely will he appreciate the elegance of the authors, and the more clearly will he teach them." As to the study of Literature, care should be used in selecting the best authors. Bernard, he reports, "always said that unnecessary reading should be avoided, and that the writings of illustrious authors were sufficient; since to study whatever all that the most contemptible men have ever said results in too great torture or in idle boasting, and hinders and even overwhelms the intelligence, which is better left empty for other writings." The reading chosen was classical Latin literature; "in this reverent dependence upon the ancients, lies the main peculiarity of the school of Chartres," which under Bernard and his brother "enjoyed a peculiar distinction, continually growing until it became almost an unapproached pre-eminence among the schools of Gaul."[12] This reading is in turn a preparation for Philosophy. "He who aspires to Philosophy should understand reading, teaching and reflection, together with practice in good works." "Search Virgil and Lucan, and there, no matter of what philosophy you are professor, you will find it in the making." All this is in marked contrast to the method of "Cornificius," who proposed to train philosophers "suddenly." John continues: Bernard of Chartres, the most copious source of letters in Gaul in modern times, followed this method, and in the reading of authors showed what was simple, and fell under the ordinary rules; the figures of grammar, the adornments of rhetoric, the quibbles of sophistries; and where the subject of his own lesson suggested reading related to other arts, these matters he brought into full view, yet in such wise that he did not teach everything about each topic but, in proportion to the capacity of his audience, dispensed to them in due time the full scope of the subject. And because the brilliancy of any speech depends either on _Propriety_ (that is, the correct agreement of adjective or verb with the substantive) or on _Metathesis_ (that is, the transfer of the meaning of an expression for a worthy reason to another signification), these were the things which he took every opportunity to inculcate in the minds of his hearers. And since the memory is strengthened by exercise and the wits are sharpened by imitating what is heard, he urged some by warnings, and some by floggings and punishments [to the constant practice of memorizing and imitation]. They were individually required on the following day to reproduce some part of what they had heard the day before, some more, some less, for with them the following day was the pupil of the day preceding. Evening drill, which was called _declension_, was packed with so much grammar that if one gave a whole year to it he would have at his command, if he were not unusually dull, a method of speaking and writing, and he could not be ignorant of expressions which are in common use.... For those of the boys for whom preliminary exercises in imitating prose or poetry were prescribed, he announced the poets or orators and bade them imitate their example, pointing out the way they joined their words and the elegance of their perorations. But if any one to make his own work brilliant had borrowed the cloak of another he detected the theft and convicted him, though he did not very often inflict a punishment; but he directed the culprit thus convicted, if the poorness of his work had so merited, to condescend with modest favor to express the exact meaning of the author; and he made the one who imitated his predecessors worthy of imitation by his successors. The following matters, too, he taught among the first rudiments and fixed them in their minds:--the value of order; what is praiseworthy in embellishment and in [choice of] words; where there is tenuity and, as it were, emaciation of speech; where, a pleasing abundance; where, excess; and where, a due limit in all things.... And since in the entire preliminary training of those who are to be taught there is nothing more useful than to grow accustomed to that which must needs be done with skill, they repeatedly wrote prose and poetry every day, and trained themselves by mutual comparisons,--a training than which nothing is more effective for eloquence, nothing more expeditious for learning; and it confers the greatest benefit upon life, at least, if affection [rather than envy] rules these comparisons, if humility is not lost in literary proficiency.[13] John's stay at Chartres (1138-1141) made him a permanent advocate of liberal education; but to no avail; the influence of Paris and the rising tide of Aristotelianism gained the day. As a champion of the newly-recovered works of Aristotle (see p. 42) he was more in accord with the tendencies of his time. The concluding section of the account narrates John's return to Paris, his further studies there (1141-1148), and his visit to his old school on the "Mount": From hence I was withdrawn by the poverty of my condition, the request of my companions, and the advice of my friends, that I should undertake the office of a tutor. I obeyed their wishes; and on my return [to Paris] after three years, finding Master Gilbert [de la Porrée] I studied Logic and Divinity with him: but he was very speedly removed from us, and in his place we had Robert de Poule, a man amiable alike for his rectitude and his attainments. Then came Simon de Poissy, who was a faithful reader, but an obtuse disputator. These two were my teachers in Theology only. Twelve years having passed away, whilst I was engaged in these various occupations, I determined to revisit my old companions, whom I found still engaged with Logic at Mont St. Genevieve, and to confer with them touching old matters of debate; that we might by mutual comparison measure together our several progress. I found them as before, and where they were before; nor did they appear to have reached the goal in unravelling the old questions, nor had they added one jot of a proposition. The aims that once inspired them, inspired them still: they had progressed in one point only: they had unlearned moderation, they knew not modesty; in such wise that one might despair of their recovery. And thus experience taught me a manifest conclusion, that, whereas dialectic furthers other studies, so if it remain by itself it lies bloodless and barren, nor does it quicken the soul to yield fruit of philosophy, except the same conceive from elsewhere.[14] This was doubtless one of the experiences which led John to vigorous argument on the futility of devotion to Logic alone, and on the importance of a liberal education: That eloquence is of no effect without wisdom is a saying that is frequent and true. Whence it is evident that to be of effect it operates within the limits of wisdom. Therefore eloquence is effective in proportion to the measure of wisdom which each one has acquired; for the former does harm if it is dissociated from the latter. From this it follows that dialectic, which is the quickest and most prompt among the hand-maids of eloquence, is of use to each one in proportion to the measure of his knowledge. For it is of most use to him who knows the most and of least use to him who knows little. For as the sword of Hercules in the hand of a pygmy or dwarf is ineffective, while the same sword in the hand of Achilles or Hector strikes down everything like a thunderbolt, so dialectic, if it is deprived of the vigor of the other disciplines is to a certain degree crippled and almost useless. If it is vigorous through the might of the others, it is powerful in destroying all falsehood and, to ascribe the minimum to it, it is adequate for the proper discussion of all things ... Now it is very easy for each workman to talk about his own art; but to do skilfully what the art requires, is most difficult. For what physician is there who does not talk often and much about elements, and humors, and complexions, and diseases, and the rest that pertain to physic? But he who gets well on such talk could well have afforded to be even sicker. What ethical teacher has not an abundance of rules for good living so long as they exist only on his lips? But it is clearly a much harder task to express them in actual life. Mechanics, individually, talk glibly about their own arts, but not one of them so lightly vies (in practice) with the architect or the boxer. It is the same in every other line. So it is very easy to talk about definition, arguments, or genus and the like, but to devise these same things within the limits of a single art for the purpose of performing fully the functions of the art, is far more difficult [i.e. to discuss logic in the abstract is easy, but to reason logically in any specific field of knowledge is difficult]. Therefore he who is hampered by a dearth of the disciplines will not have the power which Dialectic promises and affords.[15] The views of John of Salisbury concerning the study of Aristotle are indicated on pages 42-44. 2. THE NEW METHOD The new method of study and investigation, developed by Abelard, was a second influence of importance in the growth of universities. The method itself--later known as the scholastic method--is illustrated on pages 20, 58, 121 ff. The present section therefore merely indicates the ways in which it influenced the course of higher education. (_a_) The new method was one cause of the awakened interest in study and investigation. Its effect is thus described by the most learned historian of mediaeval universities: Paris and Bologna experienced before all other schools, and nearly simultaneously, at the beginning of the twelfth century, an unexpected, almost sudden development. For in these schools alone a definite branch of learning was treated ... by a new method, adapted to contemporary needs, but hitherto unknown, or insufficiently known, to other teachers of the period; and thereby a new era of scientific investigation was inaugurated. This new method had an attractive power for teachers and scholars of various countries ... In this way the cornerstones of permanent abodes of learning were laid. The continually growing number of scholars brought with it the increase of teachers; the desire of both classes for learning was awakened; and this desire, and the combative exchange of ideas in the disputations,--which now first became really established in the schools as a result of the new method,--were effective forces to keep investigation active, and the schools themselves from decline. In Paris, it was the cultivation of Logic, but chiefly the new method in Theology, ... developed in various ways especially by Abelard and other teachers, and extended by his contemporaries and their disciples ... which caused the revolution in the schools of that city.[16] (_b_) The new method of Abelard established a new form of exposition, and consequently a new mode of teaching, in Canon Law and in Theology. The earliest university text-book in Canon Law--the "Decretum" of Gratian--adopted this method, with some modifications. It was followed in portions of the chief text-book in Theology,--the "Sentences" of Peter Lombard. Variously modified, it became the method used in all subsequent scholastic philosophy and theology. It was widely used in connection with other university studies. In general, it was to mediaeval education what the method of experiment is to the study and teaching of modern natural science. A good illustration of its recent use is Thomas Harper's "Metaphysic of the School." (_c_) The scholastic method became the basis of one of the most important university exercises,--the disputation or debate, which was employed in every field of study.[17] 3. THE NEW STUDIES During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the intellectual life of western Europe was enriched by the addition of a group of books, old and new, which were destined to influence profoundly the growth of the universities, as well as the whole course of mediaeval life and thought. Without some such addition to the stock of learning higher education could hardly have developed at all, for the materials available for it previous to the twelfth century were decidedly scanty. The books presently to be described furnished a body of advanced and solid instruction, suited to the needs of the times. They formed one of the permanent influences which both developed and maintained centers of higher education, for the new learning was not less potent in attracting students than the fame of individual teachers or the new method of study. The greater number of the books which formed the body of university instruction were recoveries from the mass of ancient and long-disused Greek and Roman learning, together with a few works of Arabic and Jewish origin. To this group belong the works of Aristotle, the body of Roman Law, and the medical works of Galen, Hippocrates, and various Arabic and Jewish physicians. In the main, these had been hitherto unknown in western Europe, or at least practically for-gotten since the days of the Roman Empire. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries they were collected and made generally accessible to students. Those not originally written in Latin were now translated into Latin; manuscript copies were multiplied and widely diffused. But the intellectual activity of the times accomplished much more than the recovery of some fragments of ancient learning; it also created two new fields of study,--Scholastic Philosophy and Theology, and Canon Law,--and produced the text-books which marked them off as distinct and professional studies. The book which established the _method_ of these studies was Abelard's "Yes and No" (see p. 20); but the works which furnished the substance of university instruction were, in Theology, the "Sentences" (Sententiae) of Peter Lombard, and in Canon Law, the "Decree" (Decretum) of Gratian, which was also known as the "Harmony of Contradictory Canons" (Concordia Discordantium Canonum), and additions thereto, indicated on page 56. Thus, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the growth of universities was stimulated by the development of a great body of learning hitherto inaccessible or unknown. The striking nature of this development will be clearer if we recall that no addition to the learning of western Europe in the least degree comparable to this had been made during the entire seven centuries preceding. The books above mentioned did not constitute the sole resources for higher education. Besides the already long-used text-books on the Seven Liberal Arts there were mathematical and philosophical works of Arabic origin, and as the revival progressed many new books were written on the old subjects. But the books already named were fundamentally important as furnishing not only the early intellectual impulse to the growth of universities, but also the main body of studies in the Faculties of Arts, Theology, Law, and Medicine down to the year 1500. Many of them were in use at a much later date, and some--with many revisions--are still standard text-books. No one can understand the intellectual life of the universities who does not have some acquaintance with the titles and contents of these works. It may be added that acquaintance with them is essential also to the understanding of European history and literature. This section is therefore devoted to certain details concerning the early history of university studies. (a) _The Works of Aristotle_ The works of Aristotle were composed in Athens, 335-322 B.C. Their history, from the time of Aristotle's death to their appearance in Latin translations in western Europe, fifteen hundred years later, cannot be here detailed. The translations commonly used in the universities were nearly all made during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The earlier ones were made in Spain, from Arabic versions of the original Greek; the later, directly from Greek copies found in Constantinople, and elsewhere in the East. The Arabic-Latin translations were very poor, owing to the two removes from the original Greek and the incapacity of the translators. Those directly from the Greek were somewhat better, yet far from satisfactory; and new versions were repeatedly made down to the end of the fifteenth century. University reforms sometimes included the adoption of these better translations (see p. 48). The works known by the year 1300 may be classified in four groups: {1. Categories = {Predicamenta. I. Logical { {Categoriae. treatises {2. On interpretation = {De Interpretatione. commonly { {Peri Hermeneias. referred to {3. Prior Analytics = Analytica Priora. as the Organon {4. Posterior Analytics = Analytica Posteriora. or {5. Topics = Topica. Methodology {6. Sophistical} = Sophisticae Elenchi. { Refutations} II. Moral {7. Politics. and Practical {8. Ethics. Philosophy {9. Rhetoric. {10. Poetics. {11. A Physical Discourse (Physics). {12. On the Heavens. {13. On Generation and Destruction. {14. Meteorologies. {15. Researches about Animals. {16. On Parts of Animals. {17. On Locomotion of Animals. {18. On Generation of Animals. III. Natural {19. On the Soul. Philosophy. {20. Appendices to the work "On the Soul." { (_a_) On Sense and Sensible Things. { (_b_) On Memory and Recollection. { (_c_) On Sleep and Waking. { (_d_) On Dreams and Prophesying in Sleep. { (_e_) On Longevity and Shortlivedness. { (_f_) On Youth and Old Age. { (_g_) On Life and Death. { (_g_) On Respiration. IV. Rational {21. Metaphysics. Philosophy. { This encyclopedic collection became accessible in Latin translations only by slow degrees. Abelard knew only the first two (possibly also the third and fourth) works of the Organon. John of Salisbury, in the next generation, was familiar with the six treatises of the Organon, but apparently not with the others. Little seems to have been added to these until the beginning of the thirteenth century, when the Ethics, the Physics, and the Metaphysics were mentioned at Paris,--the last two as forbidden works. The great era of translation seems to have been between 1200 and 1270, when both Arabic-Latin and Greek-Latin versions were made of most of the remaining treatises. The recovery of Aristotle thus occupied more than a century and a half. During that period the intellectual life of western Europe was stimulated by the influx of hitherto unknown works of that philosopher, and weighty additions were made to the list of available studies. As usual, the world of scholars and the universities were slow to recognize the worth of the new studies. This was due partly to the natural conservatism of teachers, and partly to the fear of ecclesiastical authorities that the study of Aristotle would give rise to heresies. Thus in the documents of the time we meet, on the one hand, vigorous arguments by progressive scholars in favor of Aristotle, and on the other, university regulations prescribing what books shall or shall not be studied. The attitude of Abelard toward Aristotle has already been cited (see p. 19). His pupil, John of Salisbury, devotes a considerable portion of the _Metalogicus_ to a discussion of the utility of the various portions of the Organon and to the defense of Aristotle, as is shown by the titles of various chapters of that work. It is important to remember that he is advocating the study of the _newly_ translated books, as well as those already known: That Logic, because it seeks the truth, takes the lead in all Philosophy. On the usefulness of the Categories and their appliances. What Conception is, and the usefulness of the Periermeniae or more correctly Periermenia. [Peri Hermeneias. On Interpretation.] Of what the Body of Art consists; and on the usefulness of the Topics. Why Aristotle deserved more than others the name of philosopher. That Aristotle erred in many ways; that he is eminent in Logic. John of Salisbury clearly recognized the supremacy of Aristotle among logicians. After naming Apuleius, Cicero, Porphyry, Boethius, Augustine, and others, he adds: But while individually they shine forth because of their own merits, they all boast that they worship the very footsteps of Aristotle; to such a degree, indeed, that by a sure pre-eminence he has made peculiarly his own the common name of all philosophers. For by Antonomy [a figure of speech] he is called The Philosopher _par excellence_. It is clear, however, that Aristotle had by no means attained, at the middle of the twelfth century, the authoritative position which he held a hundred years later. This appears in the chapter "On those who Carp at the Works of Aristotle": I cannot sufficiently wonder what sort of a mind they have (if, that is, they have any) who carp at the works of Aristotle, which, in any case, I proposed not to expound but to praise. Master Theodoric, as I recall, ridiculed the Topics,--not of Aristotle, but of Drogo. Yet he once taught those very Topics. Certain auditors of Master Robert of Melun calumniated this work as practically useless. All decried the Categories. Wherefore I hesitated some time about commending them; but [there was no question as to] the rest of his works, since they were commended by the judgment of all; but I did not think that they should be praised grudgingly. Yet opposition is made to the Elenchi [Sophistical Refutations], though stupidly, because it contains poetry; but clearly the idiom of [the Greek] language does not lend itself readily to translation. In this respect the Analytics seem to me preferable, because they are no less efficient for actual use, and because by their easier comprehension they stimulate eloquence.[18] The slowness with which these works made their way is described by Roger Bacon at the end of the thirteenth century. But a part of the philosophy of Aristotle has come slowly into the use of the Latins. For his Natural Philosophy and Metaphysics, and the Commentaries of Averrhoes and of others, were translated in our times, and were excommunicated at Paris before the year of our Lord 1237 on account of [their heretical views on] the eternity of matter and of time, and on account of the [heresies contained in the] book on Interpretation of Dreams (which is the third book on Sleep and Wakefulness), and on account of the many errors in the translation. The Logicalia were also slowly received and read, for the blessed Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury, was the first at Oxford, in my time, to lecture on the book of Elenchi [Sophistical Refutations] and I saw Master Hugo who at first read the book of Posterior Analytics, and I saw his opinion. So there were few [books] which were considered worth [reading] in the aforesaid philosophy of Aristotle, considering the multitudes of Latins; nay, exceedingly few and almost none, up to this year of our Lord 1292. So, too, the Ethics of Aristotle has been tardily tried and has lately been read by Masters, though only here and there. And the entire remaining philosophy of Aristotle in a thousand volumes, in which he treated all the knowledges, has never yet been translated and made known to the Latins.[19] The last sentence of the account displays an ignorance of the number of Aristotle's extant writings which was doubtless shared by all of Bacon's contemporaries. Earlier writers, beginning with Andronicus of Rhodes (first century B.C.), had also placed the number at one thousand; Bacon probably copied the statement from one of these. The attitude of ecclesiastical authorities toward the study of Aristotle at Paris is expressed in a series of regulations extending over nearly half a century (1210-1254). They indicate at first a fear of certain of the newly translated books on account of their heretical views, as is stated by Roger Bacon (p. 44). This suspicion gradually disappears; and by 1254 all the more important works of Aristotle are not only approved, but prescribed for study. In 1210 a church council held at Paris sentenced certain heretics to be burned, condemned various theological writings, and added: Nor shall the books of Aristotle on Natural Philosophy, and the Commentaries [of Averrhoes on Aristotle] be read in Paris in public or in secret; and this we enjoin under pain of excommunication.[20] In 1215 the statutes of the Papal Legate, Robert de Courçon, for the University, prescribe in detail what shall, and what shall not, be studied: The treatises of Aristotle on Logic, both the Old and the New, are to be read in the schools in the regular and not in the extraordinary courses. On feast-days [holidays] nothing is to be read except ... the Ethics, if one so chooses, and the fourth book of the Topics. The books of Aristotle on Metaphysics or Natural Philosophy, or the abridgments of these works, are not to be read.[21] In other words, the Old and New Logic are prescribed studies; the Ethics, and Topics, Bk. IV, are optional; the Metaphysics and the Natural Philosophy are forbidden. Sixteen years later (1231) the Statutes of Pope Gregory IX for the University prohibit only the Natural Philosophy, and even these works only until they are "purged from error": Furthermore, we command that the Masters of Arts ... shall not use in Paris those books on Natural Philosophy which for a definite reason were prohibited in the provincial council [of 1210], until they have been examined and purged from every suspicion of error.[22] The final triumph of Aristotle in the University is indicated by the statute of the Masters of Arts in 1254.[23] It must have had at least the tacit approval of the pope or his delegate. The statute is too long to quote effectively to the point. None of the works are forbidden, and a large number are prescribed. The list of works mentioned includes-- (1) The six logical treatises of the Organon; (2) Ethics, Bks. I-IV; (3) Physics, On the Heavens and the Earth, Meteorologics, On Generation, On Animals, On the Soul, On Sense and Sensible Things, On Sleep and Waking, On Memory and Recollection, On Life and Death; (4) Metaphysics. To these are added two other works then believed to be Aristotle's,--On Plants, and On Causes,--and numerous books by other authors (named on p. 137) which do not concern the present discussion. A comparison of the list above with the list on page 40 will show that nearly the whole range of Aristotle's works is prescribed. Comparison with the statute of 1215 will show not only a change of view regarding the works then forbidden, but also an immense broadening of the studies of the Faculty of Arts in the course of forty years. The foregoing details are cited to give an idea of the first stage of the question of Aristotle in the universities. The statute of 1254 may be taken as closing the long struggle for the recognition of his works. The broad principle of their general acceptance had been established; thenceforward for nearly three centuries they remained the dominant studies of the Faculties of Arts everywhere. These centuries include the second period of their academic history. Their authority is now hardly questioned; and woe to the questioner! They furnish the basis for the great structure of scholastic philosophy; they are reconciled with Christian doctrine. Aristotle is thenceforward "The Philosopher"--he is so styled even in modern scholastic philosophy; he is "the forerunner of Christ in things natural," "the master of those who know." In this period, then, academic debate concerned itself with matters of detail. What portions of his works should be studied for the various degrees in Arts? In what order should they be studied? What comments should be read? What translations should be used? So late as 1519 these are the chief questions considered in the reformed plan of studies in Arts at Leipzig. The reader will note the stress laid upon the study of the text itself; the exclusion of frivolous comments, and the use of the latest translations by Greek scholars. Inasmuch as no good thing is more desirable than philosophy, as Cicero says, and none more advantageous has been given to the race of mortals, or granted by heaven, or will ever be given as a gift; in order that we may possess this too, we choose as our guide Aristotle, whom we cause to be commended for his knowledge of facts, the number of his works, his ability in speaking, and the acumen of his intellectual powers. Nor will we interpret the visions and involved questions of his interpreters, since it is characteristic of a very poor intellect to grow wise from commentaries only, in which, neglecting Aristotle's meaning, the Sophists dispute about empty trifles. But his works, translated in part by Archeropylus [Argyropulos], in part by Augustus Nipho and Hermolaus Barbarus and Theodoras Gaza, will be made clear in the order outlined below:[24] [Then follows the list of books, for which see p. 134]. The third stage of the debate concerning Aristotle began shortly after 1500. His works were less exclusively the subject of study: they were being displaced by the Latin and Greek classics. They were, moreover, the object of repeated attack. In 1536, in the University of Paris, which had so long maintained their study, Pierre Ramus successfully defended the startling thesis, "Everything that Aristotle taught is false." This was only one sign of their loss of prestige. New and improved text-books in Logic absorbed the useful portions of the Organon; the authority of the Natural Philosophy waned with the rise of experimental science; that of the Metaphysics yielded to the new philosophy of Descartes. By the end of the seventeenth century they ceased to be a potent factor in university studies. (b) _The Roman Law_ The great compilation of the Roman Law known as the _Corpus Juris Civilis_ (Body of Civil Law) constitutes a second important addition of the twelfth century to the field of university studies. It was probably more important as an influence upon the growth of universities than the works of Aristotle. The greater part of the Corpus Juris was compiled at Constantinople, 529-533 A.D., by certain eminent jurists under the Roman Emperor, Justinian. The purpose of the work was to reduce to order and harmony the mass of confused and contradictory statutes and legal opinions, and to furnish a standard body of laws of manageable size in place of the unwieldly mass of incorrect texts commonly in use, so that "the entire ancient law, in a state of confusion for some fourteen hundred years and now by us made clear, may be, so to speak, enclosed within a wall and have nothing left outside it." The jurists entrusted with this work were also required to prepare an introductory book for students, as described below. After the completion of the whole work Justinian issued (533-565) many new statutes (Novellae) which were never officially collected, but which came to be considered a part of the Corpus Juris. The main divisions of the Body of Civil Law are-- (1) The Code, in twelve books, which contains statutes of the Emperors from the third century A.D. Since [says Justinian] we find the whole course of our statutes ... to be in a state of such confusion that they reach to an infinite length and surpass the bounds of all human capacity, it was therefore our first desire to make a beginning with the most sacred Emperors of old times, to amend their statutes, and to put them in a clear order, so that they might be collected together in one book, and, being divested of all superfluous repetition and most inequitable disagreement, might afford to all mankind the ready resource of their unalloyed character.[25] (2) The Digest, or Pandects, in fifty books, containing extracts from the opinions of Roman lawyers on a great variety of legal questions. This work was also undertaken to bring order and harmony out of the prevailing confusion: We have entrusted the entire task to Tribonianus, a most distinguished man, Master of the Offices, ex-quaestor of our sacred palace, and ex-consul, and we have laid on him the whole service of the enterprise described, so that with other illustrious and learned colleagues he might fulfil our desire. [He is] to collect together and to submit to certain modifications the very most important works of old times, thoroughly intermixed and broken up as they may almost be called. But in the midst of our careful researches, it was intimated to us by the said exalted person that there were nearly two thousand books written by the old lawyers, and more than three million lines were left us by them, all of which it was requisite to read and carefully consider and out of them to select whatever might be best. [This was accomplished] so that everything of great importance was collected into fifty books, and all ambiguities were settled, without any refractory passage being left.[26] In mediaeval university documents the Digest is frequently mentioned in three divisions, which probably indicate three separate instalments in which the MS. of the work was brought to Bologna in the eleventh and twelfth centuries: the Old Digest (Digestum Vetus) Bks. I-XXIV, title ii, Infortiatum Bks. XXIV, title iii-XXXVIII, title iii, and New Digest (Digestum Novum) Bks. XXXVIII, title iv-L. The meaning of the term Infortiatum is uncertain. This distinction between the various parts of the Digest is purely arbitrary.... The division must have originated in an accidental separation of some archetypal MS.[27] (3) The Institutes, in four books, an elementary text-book for students. The purpose of the book was to afford a simple, clear, and trustworthy introduction to the study of law, and to economize the student's time: When we had arranged and brought into perfect harmony the hitherto confused mass of imperial constitutions (i.e. the Code), we then extended our care to the vast volumes of ancient law; and, sailing as it were across the mid ocean, have now completed, through the favour of heaven, a work that once seemed beyond hope (i.e. the Digest). When by the blessing of God this task was accomplished, we summoned the most eminent Tribonian, master and ex-quaestor of our palace, together with the illustrious Theophilus and Dorotheus, professors of law, all of whom have on many occasions proved to us their ability, legal knowledge, and obedience to our orders; and we have specially charged them to compose, under our authority and advice, Institutes, so that you may no more learn the first elements of law from old and erroneous sources, but apprehend them by the clear light of imperial wisdom; and that your minds and ears may receive nothing that is useless or misplaced, but only what obtains in actual practice. So that, whereas, formerly, the junior students could scarcely, after three years' study, read the imperial constitutions, you may now commence your studies by reading them, you who have been thought worthy of an honour and a happiness so great that the first and last lessons in the knowledge of the law should issue for you from the mouth of the emperor. When, therefore, by the assistance of the same eminent person Tribonian and that of other illustrious and learned men, we had compiled the fifty books, called Digests or Pandects, in which is collected the whole ancient law, we directed that these Institutes should be divided into four books, which might serve as the first elements of the whole science of law. In these books a brief exposition is given of the ancient laws, and of those also, which, overshadowed by disuse, have been again brought to light by our imperial authority. These four books of Institutes thus compiled, from all the Institutes left us by the ancients, and chiefly from the commentaries of our Gaius, both in his Institutes and in his work on daily affairs, and also from many other commentaries, were presented to us by the three learned men we have above named. We have read and examined them and have accorded to them all the force of our constitutions. Receive, therefore, with eagerness, and study with cheerful diligence, these our laws, and show yourselves persons of such learning that you may conceive the flattering hope of yourselves being able, when your course of legal study is completed, to govern our empire in the different portions that may be entrusted to your care. Given at Constantinople on the eleventh day of the calends of December, in the third consulate of the Emperor Justinian, ever August (533)[28] (4) The Novellae (Novels), or new statutes issued by Justinian between the final edition of the Code and his death (534-565). These are really a continuation of the Code, but they were never officially collected. The Code and the Institutes were known and studied in Italy throughout the Dark Ages, but the Digest, much the largest and most important part of the Corpus Juris, was almost wholly neglected, if not unknown, until the time of Irnerius of Bologna (_c._ 1070-1130). He and his co-laborers collected and arranged the scattered parts of the entire Body of Civil Law, and in particular introduced the Digest to western Europe. "Without the Digest the study of Roman Law was in a worse position than the study of Aristotle when he was known only from the Organon." In a most important sense, therefore, the recovery of the Corpus Juris was a contribution of the twelfth century to the group of available higher studies. Hitherto Law had been taught usually as a mere branch of Rhetoric, and as a part of a liberal education. The body of material now made available was sufficient to occupy the student's entire time for several years. It therefore attained standing as an independent subject, and as a distinctly professional study. The effect of this newly recovered body of learning upon the rise of universities was very much like that of Abelard and his new method. Students flocked in thousands to study law at Bologna, and toward the close of the twelfth century the University was organized. Numerous other universities arose directly from the same impulse, and "Law was the leading Faculty in by far the greater number of mediaeval universities" (Rashdall). Except for Canon Law, the Corpus Juris Civilis remained the chief study of the Faculties of Law for more than five centuries. Roman Law is still very generally taught in European universities. Thus the impulse given by Irnerius and his co-laborers is influential in university affairs of to-day. The influence of Roman Law upon the social and political history of Europe is far-reaching. The subject is beyond the limits of the present work; but it is to be noted that this influence was exerted as a result of its study in the universities (see Rashdall, Vol. II, Pt. II, pp. 708-709). Rashdall and Denifle think that the example of Justinian inspired the first mediaeval grant of special privileges to scholars (see p. 82). If this is true, the Roman Law had a most important effect upon the history of universities themselves. Two important mediaeval privileges for masters and scholars were exemption from taxation and the right of trial before special courts. Whether or not these were copied from the Roman Law is a question; but the Code of Justinian, following the statutes of earlier emperors, explicitly grants both of these privileges to teachers. These are so often mentioned that it is worth while to present those bearing on the subject: THE EMPERORS LEO AND ZENO, AUGUSTI, TO EUSEBIUS, MASTER OF OFFICES. By this law we decree that those who serve in the individual schools, and who, after completing the curricula of their duties, shall have reached the rank of chiefs and through the adored purple of our divinity have won the dignity of most illustrious Counts, shall enjoy both the girdle and all the privileges open to them, and hereafter to their life's end shall be subject to the court of Your Highness only, nor shall they be compelled by the command of any one else whomsoever to undergo civil litigation. Yet in criminal suits and in matters connected with public tribute we wish the appropriate jurisdiction of the rulers of the provinces to be recognized against even such men, lest, under the pretext of a granted privilege, either the influence of the wicked be increased or the public good be diminished.[29] THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE, AUGUSTUS, TO THE PEOPLE. We direct that physicians, and chiefly imperial physicians, and ex-imperial physicians, grammarians and other professors of letters, together with their wives and sons, and whatever property they possess in their own cities, be immune from all payment of taxes and from all civil or public duties, and that in the provinces they shall not have strangers quartered on them, or perform any official duties, or be brought into court, or be subject to legal process, or suffer injustice; and if any one harass them he shall be punished at the discretion of the Judge. We also command that their salaries and fees be paid, so that they may more readily instruct many in liberal studies and the above mentioned Arts. Proclaimed on the fifth day before the Kalends of October (Sept. 27) at Constantinople, in the Consulship of Dalmatius and Zenophilas.[30] (c) _Canon Law_ About 1142 (the year of Abelard's death) Gratian, a monk of Bologna, doubtless influenced by the school of Roman Law in that city, made a compilation of the Canon Law, which included the canons or rules governing the Church in its manifold activities,--"its relations with the secular power, its own internal administration, or the conduct of its members." Hitherto Canon Law had been regarded as merely a subdivision of Theology, just as Roman Law had been considered a branch of Rhetoric. It now became an independent subject,--further addition to the body of higher studies. As an influence upon the development of universities it was not less important than the _Corpus Juris Civilis_. The compilation made by Gratian was added to in later generations, and the whole body of church law was known in the fifteenth century as the _Corpus Juris Canonici_ (Body of Canon Law). Its main divisions are: 1. The Decree of Gratian _(Decretum Gratiani)_ in three parts, published c. 1142. Part I contains one hundred and one distinctions (_distinctiones_) or divisions, which treat of matters relating to ecclesiastical persons and offices. Dist. XXXVII is translated below. Part II contains thirty-six cases (_causae_) each of which is divided into questions (_quaestiones_). These questions deal with problems which may arise in the administration of the canon law. Part III contains five distinctions which deal with the ritual and the sacraments of the church. Under each distinction, or question, are arranged the canons--the views of ecclesiastical authorities--on the matter under discussion. 2. The Decretals (_Decretales_), in five books, published by Pope Gregory IX in 1234. 3. The Sixth Book (_Liber Sextus_), a supplement to the Decretals by Pope Boniface VIII, 1298. 4. The Constitutions of Clementine (_Constitutiones Clementinae_), 1317. 5. Several collections of papal laws not included in those above, known by the general title of _Extravagantes_, i.e., laws _extra vagantes_, or outside of, the four compilations just mentioned. Among all these the _Decretum_ of Gratian was the great innovation which first marked out Canon Law as a distinct field of learning, separate from both Theology and Roman Law. It was written as a text-book; "it was one of those great text-books which take the world by storm." It created an entirely new class of students, separate from those devoted to Arts, Theology, Roman Law, and Medicine,--just as the development of Engineering and other new professional studies have created new groups of university students to-day,--and thereby increased the resort to the universities. The selection following illustrates numerous characteristics of mediaeval university study. (1) The question itself is a very ancient subject of debate; the controversy, on religious grounds, concerning the study of the classics, had already continued for nearly a thousand years, and was destined to continue for centuries after the appearance of the _Decretum_. Many such questions were debated in the universities for generations. The debate on the classics still rages, though the arguments pro and con no longer raise the point of their influence on religious belief. (2) The selection is one among many examples of the powerful influence of Abelard's method in mediaeval writing and teaching. The reader will at once see in it the form of the "Yes and No." (3) It gives a very good idea of the substance of a university lecture, which would ordinarily consist in reading the actual text and comments here set down (see p. 111). (4) It shows how the mass of comments came to overshadow the original text, and by consequence to absorb the greater part of the attention of teachers and students. One object of university reform in all studies at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century was to sweep away this burdensome and often useless material, and to return to the study of the text itself (see p. 48). (5) It illustrates a common mode of interpreting in a figurative sense passages from the Bible which to the modern reader seem to have no figurative meaning. Thus (pp. 64, 66) the plagues of frogs and flies which Moses brought upon Egypt typify "the empty garrulousness of dialecticians, and their sophistical arguments "; the gifts of the three Magi to the infant Jesus signify "the three parts of philosophy," etc. Mediaeval literature contains a great mass of such interpretations. The text and the "gloss," or commentary, are here placed on opposing pages for the sake of clearness. The text is a compilation, chiefly from earlier compilations; Gratian did not as a rule consult the sources themselves. His pupil, Paucapalea, made many additions to the text, one of which appears in this selection. The gloss here translated is the standard commentary (_glossa ordinaria_) which was used for centuries in the regular university lectures (see p. 108). Like the text, it is a compilation from many sources. It was first made (c. 1212) by John the German (Joannes Teutonicus), who added his own notes--usually signed "John"--to his selections from earlier glossators. The names or titles, often abbreviated, of commentators whom he quotes are frequently appended to their notes, e.g. John of Fa[ënza], Hugo [of Pisa], C[ardinalis], Lau[rentius Hispanus]; many notes are unsigned. About 1238 the compilation of John the German was revised and enlarged by Bartholomew of Brescia, who also added comments from other writers, e.g. Arc [hidiaconus]. This revision forms the greater part, if not the whole, of the gloss which appears below. The cross-references, in the comments below, are left untranslated. They are mainly citations of other passages in the _Decretum_ itself. Such references as XVI. quaest III. nemo are to be read, Case XVI, question III, in the section beginning _Nemo_; XLVIII dist. sit rector means Distinction XLVIII, in the section beginning _Sit rector_. Several of the references in this selection are incorrect. The gloss on this page belongs to the first line of text on page 60. It forms, with the Summaries on later pages, a complete analysis of the text. It indicates, first, the five subdivisions of the _distinctio_; second, its general purport. Later summaries analyze small portions of the text. (Cf. the description of the lecture by Odofredus, p. 111.) This division is divided into five sections; the second begins: "Then why ..." (p. 68); the third begins: "The report has come to as" (p. 74); the fourth begins: "Christians are forbidden" (p. 75); the fifth begins: "As therefore is evident" (p. 75). John of Fa.[A] Summary. Here follows the thirty-seventh division in which the question is asked whether it is fitting that the clergy be made acquainted with profane literature, that is, the books of the heathen. And first he proves that they should not be read (as far as "But on the other hand," p. 64). Then he proves the opposite and afterwards gives the solution (to "Then why," p. 68). The first two chapters are plain. [SHALL PRIESTS BE ACQUAINTED WITH PROFANE LITERATURE, OR NO?] =But the question (_h_) is asked whether these men should be made acquainted with profane literature.= Here is what is written upon the matter in the fourth Carthaginian Council: =A Bishop should not read the books of the (_i_) heathen.= A bishop should not read the books of the heathen: those of heretics he may read carefully, either of necessity (_k_) or for some special reason. So Jerome to Pope Damasus on the prodigal son: =Priests are blameworthy who, to the neglect of the Gospels, read comedies.= We see priests of God, to the neglect of the Gospels and the Prophets, reading comedies, singing the Amatory words of bucolic verses, keeping Vergil in their hands, and making that which occurs with boys as a necessity (_k_) ground for accusation against themselves because they do it for pleasure. Idem: =They walk in the vanity and darkness of the senses who occupy themselves with profane learning.[B]= Does he not seem to you to be walking in the vanity of the senses, and in darkness of mind, who day and night torments himself with the dialectic art; who, as an investigator of nature, raises his eyes athwart the heavens and, beyond the depths of lands and the abyss, is plunged into the so-called void; who grows warm over iambics, who, in his over zealous mind, analyses and combines the great jungle of metres; and, (to pass to another phase of the matter), who seeks riches by fair means and foul means, who fawns upon kings, grasps at the inheritances of others, and amasses wealth though he knows not at the time to whom he is going to leave it? (_h_) In this thirty-seventh division Gratian asks[C] whether one who is to be ordained ought to be acquainted with profane literature. First, however, he shows that the clergy ought not to give attention to the books of the heathen.[D] Then he gives the argument on the other side and offers this solution, that some read the books of the heathen for amusement and pleasure, and this is forbidden, while some read for instruction, and this is lawful, in order that, through these books they may know how to speak correctly and to distinguish the true from the false. John, as far as "Then why" (p. 68). And notice that in all the chapters up to "But on the other hand" (p. 64) pleasure alone seems to be forbidden. (_i_) Therefore they ought not to hear the laws, for it is a disgrace to them if they wish to be versed in forensic training. C. de testa consulta divalia. But, on the other hand, the laws are divinely promulgated through the mouths of princes as XVI. quaest. III, nemo.[E] Some say that it is lawful to hear the laws in order that through them the canons may be better understood. He argues in favor of this division in the section beginning "Some read profane literature" (p. 70). John. (_k_) In order that they may know how to speak correctly. Likewise [Jerome] on Isaiah: He who misunderstands the sacred scriptures, or makes a wrong use of profane wisdom, is drunken with wine[F] and with strong drink. They are drunken with wine who (_l_) misunderstand the sacred scriptures and pervert them, and through strong drink they make a wrong use of profane wisdom and the wiles of the dialecticians, which are to be called, not so much wiles as figures, that is, symbols, so-called, and images, which quickly pass away and are destroyed. Likewise, in accordance with tropology (_m_), we ought to regard as false prophets those who interpret the words of the scriptures otherwise than as the Holy Spirit utters them, and as divine those who from the inferences of their own minds and apart from the authority of divine words, proclaim as true the uncertain events of the future. Likewise, those who do not understand the Scriptures according to the actual truth eat sour grapes. Likewise [Jerome] in the Epistle to the Ephesians: Bishops are blamed who train their own sons in profane literature.[G] Let those bishops and priests read [this] who train their own sons in profane literature, and have them read those well-known comedies and sing the base writings of the actors of farces, having educated them perhaps on the money of the church.(_a_) And that which a virgin, or a widow, or any poor person whatever had offered, pouring out her whole substance as an offering for sin, this [is devoted] to a gift (_b_) of the calendar, and a saturnalian offering, (_c_) and, on the part of the grammarian and orator, to a thank-offering to Minerva, or else it is turned over for domestic expenses, or as a temple donation, or for base gain. Eli, the priest, was himself holy, but because ... (_l_) The ears of those who misunderstand the words of the Master should be cut off: as XXIV. quaest. I. si Petrus.[H] (_m_) That is, in accordance with the moral[I] meaning, from trope, i.e. a turning[J] or application, when we apply our words to the shaping of character. XLIII. distinct. sit rector. Additio. They did the opposite and he writes of penitence, distinct. I. super tribus. Archi. (_a_) He argues contrariwise in dist. XXXI. omnino. (_b_) Strena,--the first gift which is given at the beginning of the Calendar[K]. It is given for a good omen. XXV. quaest. ulti. non observetis. It is called Strena as if from sine threna, i.e. without lamentation. (_c_) Sportula (a gift) which is given for fables of Saturn, or for celebrating the festival of Saturn, or for games of Saturn,--for good luck. ...he trained not his sons (_d_) in every form of improving discipline, he fell prostrate and died. (Also from the replies of Pope Urban to Charles, Chapt. 48). Palea [Paucapalea, a pupil of Gratian]: Heretics, when disputing,[L] place the whole strength of their wits upon the dialectic art, which, in the judgment of philosophers, is defined as having the power not of aiding but of destroying study. But the dialectic art was not pleasing[M] to God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, for the Kingdom of God is in the simplicity of faith, not in contentious speech. Also Rabanus on the Afflictions of the Church: The blessed Jerome is beaten by an angel because he was reading the works of Cicero. We read about the blessed Jerome that when he was reading the works (_e_) of Cicero he was chidden by an angel because, being a Christian man, he was devoting himself to the productions of the pagans. [The discussion which follows, to "Hence Bede," etc., p. 66, is attributed, in modern editions, to Gratian.] Hence, too, the prodigal son in the Gospel is blamed because he would fain have filled his belly with the husks (_f_) which the swine did eat. Hence, too, Origen understands by the flies and frogs with which the Egyptians were smitten, the empty garrulousness of the dialecticians and their sophistical arguments. From all which instances it is gathered that knowledge of profane literature is not to be sought after by churchmen. But, on the other hand[N] one reads that Moses and Daniel were learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians and Chaldeans. One reads also that God ordered the sons of Israel to spoil (_g_) the Egyptians of their gold and silver; the moral interpretation of this teaches that should we find in the poets either the gold of wisdom or the silver of eloquence, we should turn it to the profit of useful learning. In Leviticus also we are ordered to ... (_d_) Such a one is rejected by the evidence, as VI. quaest. I. qui crimen. Also, he cannot be a bishop. As XLVIII. dist. § necesse. Nay he is called a dog rather than a bishop. As II. quaest. VII. qui nee. John. (_e_) Because he read them for pleasure not for instruction, as de conse. dist. V. non mediocriter. (_f_) That is, with profane wisdom which fills but does not satisfy,[O] (_g_) XIIII. quaest V. dixit.[P] ...offer up to God the first fruits of honey, that is, the sweetness of human eloquence. The Magi, too, offered three gifts, by which some would have us understand the three parts _(h)_ of philosophy. [The reader will note that the two paragraphs following belong more properly to the first part of the argument; they may be inserted just before the third paragraph above,--"From all which instances," etc.] Finally in his exposition of the Psalms, Cassiodorus bears witness that all the splendor of rhetorical eloquence, all the melody of poetic speech, whatever variety there may be of pleasing pronunciation, have their origin in divine Scriptures. Hence also Ambrose says concerning the Epistle to the Colossians: The sum total of celestial knowledge or of earthly creation is in Him who is their Fountain-head and Author, so that he who knows Him should not seek anything beyond, because He is goodness and wisdom in their completeness; whatever is sought elsewhere, in Him is found in its completeness. In Daniel and Solomon he shows that He is for infidels the source of all their eloquence and wisdom. Infidels do not so think, because they do not, in the Gospels and the prophets, read about astrology and other such like things, which are of slight _(i)_ worth because they avail not for salvation, but lead to error; and whoever devotes himself to these has no care for his soul; while he who knows Christ finds a treasure house of wisdom and knowledge, because he knows that which is of avail. Hence Bede says in the Book of Kings: =The clergy should not be prevented from reading profane literature.[Q]= He harms the mental acumen of readers, and causes it to wane, who thinks that they should in every way be prevented from reading profane books; for whatever useful things _(k)_ are found in them it is lawful to adopt as one's own. Otherwise Moses and Daniel would not have been allowed to become learned in the wisdom and literature of the Egyptians and ... (_h_) I.e. Ethics, natural philosophy, rational philosophy. (_i_) Compared with other knowledge. John. (_k_) He argues that the useful is not vitiated by the useless as XVII. q. IV. questi s. dist. IX. si ad scripturas. Contra Joan. ...Chaldeans, whose superstitions and wantonness nevertheless they shuddered at. And the teacher _(l)_ of the gentiles himself would not have introduced _(m)_ some verses of the poets into his own writings or sayings. [On this Gratian comments:] Then why[R] are those [writings] forbidden to be read which, it ... (_l_) For we read that when Paul had come to Athens he saw an altar of the Unknown God on which it was written: "This is an altar of[S] the Unknown God in whom we live and move and have our being." And with this inscription the Apostle began his exhortation and made known to those Athenians the meaning of this inscription,--continuing about our God and saying: "Whom you pronounce Unknown, Him declare I unto you and worship." Then Dionysius,[T] the Areopagite, seeing a blind man passing by said to him (i.e. Paul), "If you will give sight to that blind man I will believe you." Immediately, when the name of Christ had been invoked, he was restored to sight and Dionysius believed. (_m_) E.g. In the Epistle of Paul to Titus,[U] the quotation from Epimenides the poet: "The Cretians are always liars, evil beasts, slow bellies." I. quaest, i. dominus declaravit. Also he introduced in the first Epistle to the Corinthians this from Menander: "Evil communications often corrupt good manners." XXVIII. quaestio I. saepe. He used also this verse: "I shall hate if I can: if not, I shall love against my will." But Jerome in his fifth division on Consecration often used verses from Virgil and Augustine, this of Lucan's: "Mens hausti nulla" &c. XXVI. quaestio V. nee mirum. And, as a lawyer, he uses the authority of Vergil, ff. de rerum divisione, intantrum § cenotaphium; and also, of Homer, insti. de Dontrahen. emp. § pretium. ...is shown so reasonably, should be read? Some (_n_) read profane literature for their pleasure, being delighted with the productions of the poets and the charm of their words; while others learn them to add to their knowledge, in order that through reading the errors, of the heathen they may denounce them, and that they may turn to the service of sacred and devout learning the useful things they find therein. Such are praiseworthy in adding to their learning profane literature. Whence blessed Gregory did not blame a certain bishop for learning it but because, contrary to his episcopal obligation, he read grammar to the people in place of the Gospel lesson. Hence also Ambrose writes concerning Luke: =Profane writings should be read that they may not be unknown.= Some we read (_o_) that we may not neglect (_a_) them; we read that we may not be ignorant of them; we read not that we may embrace them but that we may reject them.(_b_) So Jerome on the Epistle to Titus: =Grammar should be read in order that through it the Sacred Scriptures may be understood.= If anyone[V] has learned grammar or dialectics in order to have the ability to speak correctly and to discriminate between the true and the false, we do not blame them. Geometry (_c_) and Arithmetic and Music contain truth in their own range of knowledge, but that knowledge is not the knowledge of piety. The knowledge of piety is,--to know the law, to understand the prophets, to believe the Gospel, (and) not to be ignorant of the Apostles. Moreover the teaching of the grammarians can contribute to life, provided it has been applied to its higher uses. Idem: =From the example of Daniel it is established that it is not a sin to be learned in profane literature.=[W] (_n_) Whence Saint Gregory in his LXXXVI Division, and in many places. (_o_) This entire section should be read with regard to profane knowledge according to Jerome, and the threefold reason why it should be acquired is shown: namely that it be not neglected, that it be not unknown, that it may be refuted[X]. So we read some, as the Old and New Testament, that we may not neglect them. Some we read (as the Arts) that we may not be ignorant of them. Some, as the writings of the heretics, that we may refute them. Some (we read) that they be not neglected, as the Old Testament. (_a_) For although of no use yet knowledge of them is necessary, as in dist. VII. cap. ult. (_b_) As the books of heretics. As XXIV. quaestio III. cap. ult. (_c_) Geometry. He does not mention Astronomy because this subject has fallen into disuse as XXVJ. quaest. II. § his ita. Those who are unwilling to partake of the table (_d_) [i.e. meat] and wine of the king, that they may not be defiled, surely would never consent to learn that which was unlawful if they knew that (_e_) the wisdom and learning of the Babylonians was sinful. They learn, however, not that they may conform thereto, but that they may judge and convict. For example, if any one ignorant of mathematics should wish to write against the mathematicians, he would expose himself to ridicule; also in contending against the philosophers, if he should be ignorant of the dogmas of the philosophers. With this intent therefore they would learn the wisdom of the Chaldeans just as Moses had learned all the wisdom of the Egyptians. So too: If ever we are compelled to call to mind profane literature, and from it to learn things we before had omitted, it is not a matter of our personal desire, but, so to speak, of the weightiest necessity,--in order that we may prove that those events which were foretold (_f_) many ages ago by the holy prophets are contained (_g_) in the writings of the Greeks, as well as in those of the Latins and other Gentiles. So, too, from the synod of Pope Eugene: =Bishops should appoint teachers and instructors in suitable places.=[Y] The report has come to us with regard to certain regions that neither teachers, nor care for the pursuit of letters, is found. Therefore, in every way, care and diligence should be used by all the bishops among the peoples subject to them, and in other places where the necessity may arise, that teachers and instructors be appointed to teach assiduously the pursuit of letters and the principles of the liberal arts, because in them especially are the divine commands revealed and declared. Likewise Augustine in his book against the Manichaeans: =The vanity of the gentiles is repressed and refuted by the use of their own authorities.= If the Sibyl or Orpheus or other soothsayers of the gentiles, (_d_) Daniel, Ananias, Misael[Z], Azarias.[AA] For it is disgraceful for one who is in a discussion not to know the law in question. (_e_) From the fact that Jerome here quotes the example of Daniel, the argument is derived that in doubtful cases recourse should be had to the example of our forefathers and others. XVI. quaest. I. sunt nonnulli. XXII. quaest. I. ut noveritis. I quaest. VII. convenientibus. XII. quaest. II questa. XVI. quaest. III. praesulum. XVI. quaest. I. cap. ult. XXVI. quaest. II. non statutum. et cap. non examplo. C. de sen. et interlo. nemo[AB] contra. The solution is that where rules fail recourse must be had from similars to similars, otherwise not. XX. distinct. de quibus;[AC] assuming that it is as there stated. Likewise the argument holds that good is assumed from the very fact that it has come from something good. As VII. quaest. I. omnis qui. & XXXIIII. quaest. I. cum beatissimus. IX. quaest. II. Lugdunensis. XII. quaest. I. expedit. XXVIII. quaest. I. sic enim. XXXI distinct, omnino. John. (_f_) For example, as to the Incarnation, that passage in Virgil[AD]: "Jam nova progenies caelo demittitur ab alto." (_g_) As that passage from Ovid[AE], "Odero si potero: si non, invitus amabo." [The notes on the remaining paragraphs of the text are here omitted owing to their length.] ...or philosophers, are said to have foretold any truth, it certainly has weight in overcoming the vanity of the pagans; not, however, in leading to the acceptance of their authority. For as great as is the difference between the prediction of the coming of Christ by the angels and the confession of the devils, so great a difference is there between the authority of the prophets and the curiosity of the sacrilegious. Likewise Pope Clement: =For the understanding of Sacred Scriptures knowledge of profane writings is shown to be necessary.= It has been reported to us that certain ones dwelling in your parts are opposed to the sacred teaching, and seem to teach just as it seems best to them, not according to the tradition of the fathers, but after their own understanding; for, as we have heard, certain ingenious men of your parts draw many analogies of the truth from the books they read. And there special care must be taken that when the law of God is read, it be not read or taught according to the individual's own mental ability and intelligence. For there are many words in divine scripture which can be drawn into that meaning which each one, of his own will, may assume for himself; but this should not be so, for you ought not to seek out a meaning that is external, foreign, and strange, in order, by any means whatsoever, to establish your view from the authority of scriptures; but you should derive from the scriptures themselves the meaning of the truth. And therefore it is fitting to gain knowledge of the scriptures from him who guards it according to the truth handed down to him by the fathers, and that he may be able correctly to impart that which he rightly learned. For when each one has learned from divine scriptures a sound and firm rule of truth, it will not be strange if from the common culture and liberal studies, which perhaps he touched upon in his youth, he should also bring something to the support of true doctrine,--in such manner, however, that when he learns the truth, he rejects the false and the feigned. Likewise Isidorus in his book of Maxims: =Why Christians should be forbidden read the productions of the poets.= Christians are forbidden to read the productions of the poets because through the allurements of their fables the mind is too much stimulated toward the incentives to unlawful desires. For not only by the offering of incense is sacrifice made to devils, but also by accepting too readily their sayings. [Gratian draws the CONCLUSION.] As therefore is evident from the authorities already quoted ignorance ought to be odious to priests. Since, if in ignorance of their own blindness they undertake to lead others, both fall into the ditch. Wherefore in the Psalm it is said: "Let their eyes be darkened that they may not see, and bow down their back always." For when those who go ahead are darkened, they who follow are easily inclined to bear the burdens of sinners. Therefore priests must endeavor to cast off ignorance from them as if it were a sort of pestilence. For although, in a few instances, it is said that a slave is flogged who does not do his master's will through ignorance of that will, this is not, generally understood of all. For the Apostle says: "If any man be ignorant, let him be ignorant," which is to be understood as referring to him who did not wish to have knowledge that he might do well. Hence Augustine in his book of Questions: Not every man who is ignorant is free from the penalty. For the ignorant man who is ignorant because he found no way of learning (the law) can be excused from the penalty, while he cannot be pardoned who having the means of knowledge did not use them.[31] (d) _Theology_ As above noted, one of the two great contributions of the twelfth-century revival of learning to the field of university studies was scholastic theology. The number of books written on this subject was enormous. The ponderous tomes, loaded with comments, make a long array on the shelves of our great libraries, but they are memorials of a battlefield of the mind now for the most part deserted. The importance of the subject in the scheme of mediaeval education has been much exaggerated; it was the pursuit of a very small minority of students. It has a certain interest to the historian of education, however, as an illustration of the way in which a method struck out by a single original thinker may influence the work of scholars and universities for generations. The method of scholastic theology is mainly due to Abelard. The roots of the nobly developed systems of the thirteenth century theology lie in the twelfth century; and all Sums of Theology, of which there was a considerable number, not only before Alexander of Hales [thirteenth century] but also before and at the time of Peter Lombard, may be traced back directly or indirectly to Paris.[32] In this mass of theological writings one book stands out as the contribution which for three centuries most influenced university instruction in theology. This is the "Sentences" _(Sententiae)_ of Peter Lombard (c. 1100-1160), in four books. The subjects discussed in this work are similar to those treated by Abelard in the _Sic et Non_ (see p. 20). In not a few instances it adopts the form of presentation used in that book, i.e., the citation of authorities on both sides of the case. Like the _Decretum_ of Gratian, it is an illustration of the widespread influence of the _Sic et Non._ A great number of commentaries were written upon this book. A manuscript note in one of the copies in the Harvard library states that four hundred and sixty such commentaries are known; but I have been unable to verify the statement. In theory, the Bible was studied in the Faculties of Theology in addition to the "Sentences"; but in the thirteenth century and later it seems to have occupied, in practice, a minor share of the student's attention. To this effect is the criticism of Roger Bacon in 1292: Although the principal study of the theologian ought to be in the text of Scripture, as I have proved in the former part of this work, yet in the last fifty years theologians have been principally occupied with questions [for debate] as all know, in tractates and summae,--horse-loads, composed by many,--and not at all with the most holy text of God. And accordingly, theologians give a readier reception to a treatise of scholastic questions than they will do to one about the text of Scripture.... The greater part of these questions introduced into theology, with all the modes of disputation (see p. 115) and solution, are in the terms of philosophy, as is known to all theologians, who have been well exercised in philosophy before proceeding to theology. Again, other questions which are in use among theologians, though in terms of theology, viz., of the Trinity, of the fall, of the incarnation, of sin, of virtue, of the sacraments, etc., are mainly ventilated by authorities, arguments, and solutions drawn from philosophy. And therefore the entire occupation of theologians now-a-days is philosophical, both in substance and method.[33] (e) _Medicine_ The medical learning of western Europe was greatly enlarged during the eleventh and twelfth centuries by the translation into Latin of numerous works by Greek, Arabic, and Jewish physicians. These became the standard text-books of the Faculties or Schools of Medicine. The Greek writers most commonly mentioned in the university lists of studies are Hippocrates (fifth century B.C.) and Galen (second century A.D.). Several of their more important works were first translated--like those of Aristotle--from Arabic versions of the original Greek. Avicenna (c. 980-1037) furnished the most important Arabic contribution. Accounts of these men and their writings may be found in any good encyclopedia. For the program of studies at Paris see D.C. Munro, "Translations and Reprints," Vol. II, Pt. III. A list of the books used at Montpellier, one of the most important medical schools, is given in Rashdall, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 123, and Pt. II, p. 780; the list for Oxford, p. 454 f. (f) _Other University Text-books_ The foregoing sections indicate the books which furnished the intellectual basis for the rise of universities, and particularly the basis for their division into Faculties. They do not indicate by any means the whole list of books used in the universities between 1200 and 1500; nor is it possible here to give such a list. Two facts only are to be noted concerning them: First, a considerable number of books already well known in the twelfth century were used in addition to those mentioned above. Among these may be mentioned the Latin grammars of Donatus (_fl._ 350 A.D.) and Priscian (_fl._ 500 A.D.), treatises by Boethius (_c._ 475-525) on Rhetoric, Logic, Arithmetic, and Music, and his translations of various portions of the _Organon_ of Aristotle, and of the _Iagoge_, or Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle, by Porphyry (_c._ 233-306). The Geometry of Euclid (_fl._ 300 B.C.) was translated about 1120 by Adelard of Bath, and the Astronomy (Almagest) of Ptolemy (second century A.D.) was pharaphrased from the Arabic by Gerard of Cremona toward the close of the twelfth century, under the title _Theorica Planetarum_. Second, during the whole period under discussion there was an active production of new text-books on the established subjects, some of which were widely used in the universities. Among the grammars was the _Doctrinale_ of Alexander da Villa Dei, written in 1199. This rhyming grammar was enormously popular, and continued to be so, well into the sixteenth century. The _Grecismus_ and _Labyrinthus_ of Eberhard of Bethune (early thirteenth century), also grammars in rhyme, were widely used. Logical treatises often mentioned in university programs of study were _De Sex Principiis_ (On the Six Principles), written about 1150 by Gilbert de la Porrée, a teacher of John of Salisbury; and the _Summulae_ of Petrus Hispanus (thirteenth century). In the thirteenth century Albertus Magnus made a digest of all the works of Aristotle, which proved to be easier for students than the originals, and which were sometimes used in place of them. Among mathematical works of this century were the _Algorismus_ (Arithmetic) and the _Libellus de Sphaera_ (On the Sphere) by John Holywood (Sacrobosco); and the _Perspectiva Communis_, i.e. Optics, by John (Peckham) of Pisa. A treatise on Music by John de Muris of Paris was produced in the early part of the fourteenth century. All of these were well-known university text-books. They appear in the list at Leipzig throughout the fifteenth century (see p. 139). 4. UNIVERSITY PRIVILEGES The privileges granted by civil and ecclesiastical powers constitute a fourth important influence upon the growth of universities. Beginning with the year 1158 a long series of immunities, liberties, and exemptions was bestowed by State and Church upon masters and students as a class, and upon universities as corporations. Masters and scholars were, for example, often taken under the special protection of the sovereign of the country in which they were studying; they were exempted from taxation, and from military service; most important of all, they were placed under the jurisdiction of special courts, in which alone they could be tried. Universities as corporations were given, among other privileges, the right to confer upon their graduates the license to teach "anywhere in the world" without further examination, and the very important right to suspend lectures, i.e. to strike, pending the settlement of grievances against State or Church. They had, of course, the general legal powers of corporations. Thus fortified, the universities attained an astonishing degree of independence and power; and their members were enabled to live in unusual liberty and security. This fact in itself unquestionably tended to increase the university population. The masters and scholars of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford seem to have led the way in securing privileges. Their precedent made it easier for later universities to secure similar rights. These were sometimes established "with all the privileges of Paris and Bologna," or "all the privileges of any other university." The authorities who granted privileges were the sovereigns of Various countries,--the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, the kings of France, England, the Spains--feudal lords, municipalities, and the Pope or his legates. They usually conferred them upon special universities, or upon the masters and students in specified towns, and sometimes only for a definite term of years. Minor privileges differed greatly in different localities, but the more important ones--indicated above--were possessed by nearly all universities. The documents which follow illustrate both the variety of privileges and the variety of authorities who granted them. (a) _Special Protection is granted by the Sovereign_ I. The earliest known privilege of any kind connected with the history of mediaeval universities is the _Authentic Habita_. It was granted by Frederick Barbarossa (Frederick I), Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, at the Diet of Roncaglia, Italy, in 1158; probably through the influence of Doctors of Law from Bologna. These men were doubtless familiar with the fact that similar privileges had been given to teachers and scholars by various Roman emperors, some of which were preserved in the Code of Justinian (see p. 54). The _Authentic Habita_ may be regarded as the revival of an ancient Roman custom. The section of the _Authentic_ granting the special protection of the Emperor follows: After careful inquiry of the bishops, abbots, dukes, counts, judges, and other nobles of our sacred palace in regard to this matter, we, in our loving-kindness, do grant to all scholars who are travelling for the sake of study, and especially to professors of divine and sacred laws, this privilege: Both they and their messengers are to come in security to the places in which the studies are carried on, and there they are to abide in security. For we think it proper, in order that they may be upheld in their good works by our fame and protection, to defend from all harm, by definite special favor, those by whose knowledge the world is illumined unto obedience to God and to us his servants, and the lives of our subjects are moulded.... Therefore by this law, which is of general effect, and is to be valid forever, we decree that hereafter no one shall show himself so bold as to presume to inflict any injury upon scholars, or, for an offence committed in their former province, to impose any fine upon them,--which, we have heard, sometimes happens through an evil custom. And let violators of this decree, and the local rulers at the time in case they have themselves neglected to punish such violation, know surely that a four-fold restitution of property shall be exacted from all, and that in addition to the brand of infamy affixed to them by the law itself, they shall be forever deprived of their official positions.[34] 2. In 1200 Philip Augustus of France made certain regulations regarding the protection of students at Paris, and entrusted their execution to the Provost of that city. This is the earliest known charter of privileges for Paris. It should be read in connection with the following selection. For the text in full see D.C. Munro, _l.c._ p. 4. Small causes, great events! As is narrated in the contemporary account given below, a simple tavern brawl led to the granting of these extensive privileges. This is one among many examples of the way in which the universities turned similar events to their own advantage. The passage also exhibits a typical conflict between town and gown. On the dissension which existed between the Scholars and the Citizens of Paris. [1200 A.D.] In that same year a grave dissension arose between the scholars and the citizens of Paris, the origin of which was as follows: There was at Paris a notable German scholar who was bishop-elect of Liége. His servant, while buying wine at a tavern, was beaten and his wine jar was broken. When this was known, the German clerks came together and entering the tavern they wounded the host, and having beaten him they went off, leaving him half dead. Therefore there was an outcry among the people and the city was stirred, so that Thomas, the Provost of Paris, under arms, and with an armed mob of citizens, broke into the Hall of the German clerks, and in their combat that notable scholar who was bishop-elect of Liége, was killed, with some of his people. Therefore the Masters of the scholars in Paris going to the King of France complained to him of Thomas, the Provost of Paris and of his accomplices who killed the aforesaid scholars. And at their instance the aforesaid Thomas was arrested, as were certain of his accomplices, and put in prison. But some of them escaped by flight, leaving their homes and occupations; then the King of France, in his wrath, had their houses demolished and their vines and fruit trees uprooted. But as to the Provost, it was decided that he should be kept in prison, not to be released until he should clear himself by the ordeal of water or sword, and if he failed, he should be hung, and if he was cleared he should, by the King's clemency, leave the kingdom. And yet the scholars, pitying him, entreated the King of France that the Provost and his accomplices after being flogged after the manner of scholars at school, should be let alone and be restored to their occupations. But the King of France would not grant this, saying that it would be greatly derogatory to his honor if any one but himself should punish his malefactors. Furthermore, this same King of France, being afraid that the Masters of the scholars, and the scholars themselves, would withdraw from his city, sought to satisfy them by decreeing that for the future no clerk should be haled to a secular trial on account of any misdemeanor which he had committed, but that if the clerk committed a misdemeanor he should be delivered over to the Bishop and be dealt with in accordance with the clerk's court. Also this same King of France decreed that whoever was the Provost of Paris should take oath that he would be loyal to the clerks, saving his loyalty to the King. Moreover this same King conferred upon the scholars his own sure peace and confirmed it to them by his own charter. But that Provost, when he had been detained in the King's prison for many days planned his escape by flight, and, as he was being lowered over the wall, the rope broke, and falling from a height to the ground, he was killed.[35] 3. Special protection for a limited time is granted more explicitly by Philip IV in 1306: Philip, by the grace of God King of France and Navarre, to our Provost at Paris, greeting. Whereas the University, masters and Scholars at Paris, are under our special guardianship and protection as they--both Masters, and Scholars as well--come to their studies, stay in the said city, or return to their own places; and inasmuch as injuries, annoyances, oppression, and violence are frequently inflicted upon them, as we have heard, not only in your prefecture but in other places also, to the prejudice of our guardianship,--which wrongs could not be prosecuted outside of Paris in any way which would prevent them from being distracted from their studies, to their serious prejudice and that of the aforesaid University, and from being harassed by serious struggles and expense,--therefore we entrust and commit to you their protection and custody, and in addition thereto the restraint of those persons who, to the prejudice of our protection and guardianship, inflict upon the above-mentioned Masters or Scholars unjust violence, injury or loss, either within the limits of your prefecture or in other places of our kingdom, wheresoever the aforesaid wrongs are committed. This present arrangement is to be in force for a period of two years only.[36] 4. The personal property of Masters and Scholars is protected. The privilege of Philip Augustus for Paris, 1200. Also our judges [of the secular courts] shall not lay hands on the chattels of the students at Paris for any crime whatever. But if it seem that these ought to be sequestrated, they shall be sequestrated and guarded after sequestration by the ecclesiastical judge, in order that whatever is judged legal by the ecclesiastical judge may be done.[37] More comprehensive protection is given by the charter of Philip IV, 1340/41, concerning Masters and Scholars at Paris. The king decrees-- Likewise, that their goods and means of support, whereon they have and will have to live in pursuing their studies as aforesaid, in consideration of their status, shall not be taken for our use or that of our subjects or be in any way whatever interfered with under cover of wars or any other pretext whatever, by any persons whatever, of whatever condition, status, or prominence they may be.[38] (b) _The Sovereign grants to Scholars the Right of Trial in Special Courts, in the City in which they are studying._ This remarkable privilege was one great source of the liberty of mediaeval scholars. Under its protection they could not be summoned to a court outside the university town, even to answer for an offense committed elsewhere; the plaintiff must appear at the town in which they were studying, and before specified judges, who were at least not inclined to deal severely with scholars. At Paris scholars were not only protected as defendants, but they had the right as plaintiffs to summon the accused to Paris. 1. The earliest document on the subject is the concluding section of the _Authentic Habita_, described above: Moreover, should anyone presume to bring a lawsuit against the scholars on any ground, the choice [of judges] in the matter shall be given to the said scholars, who may meet their accusers before either their professors or the bishop of the city, to whom we have given jurisdiction in this matter. But if, in sooth, the accusers shall attempt to hale the scholar before another judge, the scholar shall escape from the merited punishment, even though the cause be most just, because of such attempt. This provision is reminiscent of, if not actually inspired by, a similar provision for scholars in the Code of Justinian (see p. 54). The _Authentic Habita_ as a whole is important as the fundamental charter of university privileges in Italy, if not in other countries. It was not granted to a university,--indeed, no university was apparently then in existence,--nor to the scholars of any special town; it was "of general effect." But "this pre-university charter was usually recognized as the basis of all the special privileges conferred on particular (Italian) universities by the States in which they were situated."[39] Probably it suggested, directly or indirectly, the granting of similar privileges to universities in other countries. It certainly affected those universities which were founded "with all the privileges of any other university." Two further illustrations follow. 2. In 1245 Pope Innocent IV exempted students at Paris from citation to ecclesiastical courts outside of Paris, in order that their studies might not be interrupted: To the masters and scholars at Paris. In order that you may carry on your studies more freely and be less occupied with other business, we grant your petitions, and by the authority of this present letter bestow upon you the privilege of not being haled by apostolic letters beyond the limits of the city of Paris upon questions that have arisen within its limits, unless [these letters] make express mention of this privilege.[40] 3. The same privilege was granted as regards civil courts by Philip IV in 1340/41: ... The Masters and Scholars studying at Paris, if summoned by any secular judges of our realm, shall not be haled and cited to their courts outside of Paris; nor shall laymen who are subject to our rule attempt to bring this about.[41] This right was known at Paris as the _jus non trahi extra_ (right of not being haled outside). "It became henceforth _the_ characteristic university privilege, not only of Paris but of all universities which were in any degree influenced by Parisian usage."[42] (c) _Exemption from Taxation_ One of the most important privileges enjoyed by modern universities (in common with other educational institutions, and with churches) is exemption from taxation. This privilege is directly traceable to those of the mediaeval universities, and possibly through them to Roman laws on the subject. In the early history of universities the privilege was held, not by the corporations as such, but by masters and scholars as individuals. 1. One example of such exemption is found in the charter of Philip IV, 1340/41, already quoted: To the aforesaid Masters and Scholars [of Paris], now in attendance at the University, and to those who are hereafter to come to the same University, or who are actually preparing in sincerity so to come, also while [they are] staying at the University, or returning to their own homes, _we grant_ ... that no layman, of whatever condition or prominence he may be, whether he be a private person, prefect, or bailiff, shall disturb, molest, or presume otherwise in any way whatsoever to seek to extort anything from the aforesaid Masters and Scholars, in person, family or property, under pretext of toll, _tallia_ [special form of feudal tax], tax, customs, or other such personal taxes, or other personal exaction of any kind, while they are either coming to the University itself, or actually preparing in sincerity to come, or returning to their own homes; and whose status as scholars shall be established by the proper oath. 2. The charter of the University of Leipzig, in 1409, exempts certain property of the corporation, as such, from taxes: Likewise in said town, in behalf of the aforesaid University, and for the increase of the same, we have instituted and founded two Colleges, ... and for these we have given and assigned two houses ... and these same houses of the said Colleges we have made free from all _losunge_, exactions, contributions, _steura_, laws, taxes, and from the control of the citizens of the beforementioned town; and of our sure knowledge we incorporate them and make them free for the advantage of the aforesaid University.[43] The words _steura_ and _losunge_ refer to special forms of taxes whose exact nature is not known. 3. Not only were Masters, students, and corporate property exempt from taxation, but also persons connected with the universities in subordinate capacities. There was much dispute in some places as to the number and occupations of those who might be thus exempted. The following letter of Henry VI of England to the University of Caen, Normandy, settles one of these disputes. On January 22, 1450, the King refused to free the dependents of the university from taxation. The Masters and Scholars thereupon made formal complaint to him that this refusal hindered the free and peaceful pursuit of their studies as guaranteed by his charter of 1432 (see p. 103). In reply (February 13, 1450), the King recognized the justice of the complaint and granted the desired privilege. Compare the similar exemption in the Harvard Charter of 1650 (p. 101). The letter is apparently addressed to the Bailiff of Caen and other royal officials. Nevertheless since those letters of ours [of January 22] were sent, proper and true objection has been made to us as to those privileges, whereby we have well understood that the Doctors, Masters, Scholars, dependents, officers, households and servitors should not be subject to or obliged to contribute to such villein-taxes, aides, and octrois. Therefore is it, that we--wishing our letters, gifts of privileges, and commands to be guarded and supported without any diminution or loss in any manner whatever, but to be increased, augmented and maintained--have regarded and also considered the fact that said members of our said daughter [i.e. the University] could not well carry out the requirements of study, or continue therein, if their servitors and households did not enjoy and use such and similar privileges as said members. Desiring, with all our heart the maintenance, continuation and increase of our said University which (not without good reason) we have under our special favor, considering these things, with the advice and counsel of our very dear and very beloved Cousin Edmond, Duke of Somerset, Lieutenant-General and Governor in our stead of our realms of France, the country and Duchy of Normandy, we command and strictly enjoin you all and each one of you so far as he shall be concerned, that you make or cause to be made free and exempt from said villein-taxes, aides, and octrois, one advocate, one purveyor, one bell-ringer, two booksellers, two parchment makers, two illuminators, two bookbinders, six beadles, five bailiffs, (one for each of the five Faculties) and seven messengers (understanding that there shall be one for each diocese in our said Duchy), and this you shall do up to this number of attendants and servitors of this our University, and at the same time, uphold, maintain and continue them in their rights, franchises, and liberties, of which by our said command, foundation, and augmentation, you find them to be and to have been duly possessed, without suffering anything to disturb or interfere with this. And, although in our other letters devoted to the regulation of this University the said five bailiffs and seven messengers were not in any way included, yet by special grace through these present letters, to the end that our said University may be able to have the servitors necessary to it, without whom the requirements of study could not be continued and maintained, we wish the said five bailiffs and seven messengers to enjoy such and similar privileges as the rest who are named in our other said letters of regulation, notwithstanding that the said letters and any others whatever may require, or seem to require, the contrary to this. And that the aforesaid suppliants may be able to have, at their need, these present letters in various and diverse places, we wish that copies of these, made under the royal seal, be in good faith made like the original.[44] (d) _The Privilege of suspending Lectures_ (Cessatio) One of the most effective privileges of mediaeval universities was the right of suspending lectures. This was used again and again in cases of unredressed grievances against civil or ecclesiastical authorities,--more particularly against the former. A _cessatio_ was usually followed by a migration of masters and scholars to some other university, unless satisfaction was promptly forthcoming. Such a migration was a serious blow to the commercial prosperity of any town; consequently the "cessation" was an instrument of great power for the extraction of all sorts of local concessions. It was often exercised without express authorization by civil or ecclesiastical powers, but the privilege was distinctly conferred by a bull of Pope Gregory IX for Paris in 1231: And if, perchance, the assessment [right to fix the prices] of lodgings is taken from you, or anything else is lacking, or an injury or outrageous damage, such as death or the mutilation of a limb, is inflicted on one of you, unless through a suitable admonition satisfaction is rendered within fifteen days, you may suspend your lectures until you have received full satisfaction. And if it happens that any one of you is unlawfully imprisoned, unless the injury ceases on a remonstrance from you, you may, if you judge it expedient, suspend your lectures immediately.[45] The events leading up to the granting of this privilege are worth recounting as an illustration of the way in which such rights were frequently secured. The "clerks" referred to were of course scholars. The cessation of lectures was followed by a migration to other cities until satisfaction was given. The exact nature of the satisfaction given by the king is not known. One important result, however, was the great charter of papal privileges just referred to,--"the _Magna Charta_ of the University" of Paris.[46] "Concerning the discord that arose at Paris between the whole body of clergy and the citizens, and concerning the withdrawal of the clergy" [1229]: In that same year, on the second and third holidays before Ash Wednesday, days when the clerks of the university have leisure for games, certain of the clerks went out of the City of Paris in the direction of Saint Marcel's, for a change of air and to have contests in their usual games. When they had reached the place and had amused themselves for some time in carrying on their games, they chanced to find in a certain tavern some excellent wine, pleasant to drink. And then, in the dispute that arose between the clerks who were drinking and the shop keepers, they began to exchange blows and to tear each other's hair, until some townsmen ran in and freed the shop keepers from the hands of the clerks; but when the clerks resisted they inflicted blows upon them and put them to flight, well and thoroughly pommelled. The latter, however, when they came back much battered into the city, roused their comrades to avenge them. So on the next day they came with swords and clubs to Saint Marcel's, and entering forcibly the house of a certain shop keeper, broke up all his wine casks and poured the wine out on the floor of the house. And, proceeding through the open squares, they attacked sharply whatever man or woman they came upon and left them half dead from the blows given them. But the Prior of Saint Marcel's, as soon as he learned of this great injury done to his men, whom he was bound to defend, lodged a complaint with the Roman legate and the Bishop of Paris. And they went together in haste to the Queen, to whom the management of the realm had been committed at that time, and asked her to take measures for the punishment of such a wrong. But she, with a woman's forwardness, and impelled by mental excitement, immediately gave orders to the prefects of the city and to certain of her own ruffians [mercenary body-guard] with all speed to go out of the city, under arms, and to punish the authors of the violence, sparing no one. Now as these armed men, who were prone to act cruelly at every opportunity, left the gates of the city, they came upon a number of clerks busy just outside the city walls with games,--men who were entirely without fault in connection with the aforesaid violence, since those who had begun the riotous strife were men from the regions adjoining Flanders, whom we commonly call Picards. But, notwithstanding this, the police, rushing upon these men who they saw were unarmed and innocent, killed some, wounded others, and handled others mercilessly, battering them with the blows they inflicted on them. But some of them escaping by flight lay hid in dens and caverns. And among the wounded it was found that there were two clerks, rich and of great influence, who died, one of them being by race a man of Flanders, and the other of the Norman Nation. But when the enormity of this transgression reached the ears of the Masters of the University they came together in the presence of the Queen and Legate, having first suspended entirely all lectures and debates, and strenuously demanded that justice be shown them for such a wrong. For it seemed to them disgraceful that so light an occasion as the transgression of certain contemptible little clerks should be taken to create prejudice against the whole university; but let him who was to blame in the transgression be the one to suffer the penalty. But when finally every sort of justice had been refused them by the King and the Legate, as well as by the Bishop, there took place a universal withdrawal of the Masters and a scattering of the Scholars, the instruction of the Masters and the training of the pupils coming to an end, so that not one person of note out of them all remained in the city. And the city which was wont to boast of her clerks now remained bereft of them.... Thus withdrawing, the clerks betook themselves practically in a body to the larger cities in various districts. But the largest part of them chose the metropolitan city of Angers for their university instruction. Thus, then, withdrawing from the City of Paris, the nurse of Philosophy and the foster mother of Wisdom, the clerks execrated the Roman Legate and cursed the womanish arrogance of the Queen, nay, also, their infamous unanimity [in the matter].... At length, through the efforts of discreet persons, it was worked out that, certain things being done to meet the situation as required by the faults on both sides, peace was made up between the clerks and citizens and the whole body of scholars was recalled.[47] Not infrequently a university which had decreed a cessation was invited to establish itself elsewhere. The cessation at Paris in 1229 was followed by an urgent invitation from the King of England: The King; Greeting to the Masters and the whole body of scholars at Paris. Humbly sympathizing with the exceeding tribulations and distresses which you have suffered at Paris under an unjust law, we wish by our pious aid, with reverence to God and His holy church, to restore your status to its proper condition of liberty. Wherefore we have concluded to make known to your entire body that if it shall be your pleasure to transfer yourselves to our kingdom of England and to remain there to study we will for this purpose assign to you cities, boroughs, towns, whatsoever you may wish to select, and in every fitting way will cause you to rejoice in a state of liberty and tranquillity which should please God and fully meet your needs. In testimony of which &c. Witnessed by the King at Reading, July 16. [1229].[48] (e) _The Right of Teaching everywhere_ (Jus ubique docendi) Masters and Doctors of the three leading universities, Paris, Bologna, and Oxford, were early recognized as qualified to teach anywhere without further examination, by virtue of the superior instruction given at those institutions. Their degrees were in strictness merely licenses to teach within the dioceses in which they were granted. The recognition of these licenses elsewhere grew up as a matter of custom, not by any express authorization. At least one other university (Padua, founded 1222) acquired the privilege in the same way. Later universities,--or the cities in which they were established,--desiring to gain equal prestige for their graduates, obtained from the Pope or from the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire bulls conferring upon them the same privilege. Even Paris and Bologna formally received it from the Pope in 1292. "From this time the notion gradually gained ground that _the jus ubique docendi_ was of the essence of a Studium Generale, and that no school which did not possess it could obtain it without a Bull from Emperor or Pope." "It was usually but not quite invariably, conferred in express terms by the original foundation-bulls; and was apparently understood to be involved in the mere act of erection even in the rare cases where it is not expressly conceded."[49] In practice, the graduates of almost all universities where subject to further examination in one Studium or another before being admitted to teach there, although the graduates of the leading universities may have been very generally received without such test. The privilege is more important in officially marking the rank of a school as a Studium Generale, i.e. a place of higher education, in which instruction was given, by a considerable number of masters, in at least one of the Faculties of Arts, Theology, Law, and Medicine, and to which students were attracted, or at least invited, from all countries. The Bull granting the _jus ubique docendi_ to Paris (Pope Nicholas IV, 1292) is here printed, although it is not the earliest example; a similar Bull was issued for Toulouse as early as 1233. The rhetorical introduction is omitted, as in most instances above. Desiring, therefore, that the students in the field of knowledge in the city of Paris, may be stimulated to strive for the reward of a Mastership, and may be able to instruct, in the Faculties in which they have deserved to be adorned with a Master's chair, all those who come from all sides,--we decree, by this present letter, that whoever of our University in the aforesaid city shall have been examined and approved by those through whom, under Apostolic authority, the right to lecture is customarily bestowed on licentiates in said faculties, according to the custom heretofore observed there,--and who shall have from them license in the Faculty of Theology, or Canon Law, or Medicine, or the Liberal Arts,--shall thenceforward have authority to teach everywhere outside of the aforesaid city, free from examination or test, either public or private, or any other new regulation as to lecturing or teaching. Nor shall he be prohibited by anyone, all other customs and statutes to the contrary notwithstanding; and whether he wishes to lecture or not in the Faculties referred to, he shall nevertheless be regarded as a Doctor.[50] (f) _Privileges granted by a Municipality_ Not infrequently mediaeval cities granted special privileges to universities and their members. These cities recognized the commercial and other advantages resulting from the presence of a large body of students within their gates, and made substantial concessions to retain them, or to secure the settlement of a university which might be migrating from some other city. Instances of the latter kind are numerous in the free cities of Italy. These privileges included very ample legal jurisdiction by the Rector of the university in cases affecting scholars, payment of professors' salaries by the city, exemption from taxes, loans to scholars at a low rate of interest, and guarantees against extortionate prices for food and other necessaries. 1. The following examples are cited, among many others in the statutes of the city of Padua: The town of Padua binds itself to make loans to scholars, according to the quality of the scholars, upon good and sufficient securities or bonds worth a third more than the loan, and upon the oath and promise of the scholars that they accept the loan on their own account and for their own use in meeting their personal expenses and not for any other person or persons or for the use of others. (1260 A.D.) Every six months the Chief Magistrate of Padua shall appoint two money lenders for the scholars,--judges or laymen at the will of the Rector of the scholars--who shall have charge of the town's money that is to be loaned to the scholars. And they shall, in the name of the town, make loans to the scholars in accordance with the statutes and the agreement of the scholars, and at their own risk entirely, so that the town of Padua shall not incur loss. And the money lenders shall themselves deposit in the town treasury good and sufficient security as to this. (1268.) Scholars shall be regarded as citizens with regard to matters advantageous, but not with regard to matters disadvantageous to them. (1261.) Scholars shall not be required to pay the _tolloneum_ (i.e. taxes on imports, collected at the city gates). (1262.)[51] 2. A generation preceding the date of these statutes a large part of the university, dissatisfied with its treatment at Padua, migrated to Vercelli, more than one hundred and fifty miles away. The contract (1228 A.D.) between the rectors of the university and the proctors representing the town contains numerous privileges, among which are the following: Likewise the aforesaid proctors have promised in the name of the town of Vercelli that the town will loan to the scholars, and to the university of scholars, the sum of ten thousand pounds, papal money, at the rate of two pence for two years, and thereafter three pence for six years [under proper security. The customary rate seems to have been four pence.] ... Likewise, when a scholar shall have paid the money loaned to him, the town of Vercelli will retain that amount in the common treasury as principal, and from it will help some other needy scholar under the same agreement and similar conditions. ... Likewise, the town of Vercelli will not allow provisions within the town limits to be withdrawn from their markets [in order to raise the price?] but will cause them to be delivered in the city in good faith, and will cause them to be put on sale twice a week.... [Also one thousand bushels of grain shall be put in the city granary and sold to scholars at cost in time of need.] ... Likewise the town of Vercelli shall provide salaries [for professors] which shall be deemed competent by two scholars and two townsmen, and if they disagree the Bishop shall decide the matter ... and said salaries shall be for one Theologian, three Masters of Laws, two Decretists, two Decretalists, two teachers of Natural Philosophy, two Logicians, and two Grammarians. [These professors shall be chosen by the rectors of the university. The town will send out at its own expense] trustworthy messengers under oath, who shall in good faith, and in the interests of the university of Vercelli, seek out the chosen Masters and Teachers, and shall use their best endeavors to bind them to lecture in the city of Vercelli. [The town will preserve peace within its borders, will consider scholars and their messengers neutral in time of war, will grant them the rights of citizens, and will respect the legal jurisdiction of the rectors, except in criminal and other specially mentioned cases.] Likewise, the town of Vercelli will provide two copyists, through whom it will undertake to furnish men able to supply to the scholars copies in both kinds of Law [Civil and Canon] and in Theology, which shall be satisfactory and accurate both in text and in glosses, and the students shall pay for their copies [no extortionate prices but] a rate based on the estimate of the rectors [of the university]. ... Likewise, the scholars or their representatives shall not pay the tributes in the district of Vercelli which belong and accrue to the town of Vercelli.... The Podesta [Chief Magistrate] and the town itself shall be bound to send, throughout the cities of Italy and elsewhere, (as shall seem expedient to them) notice that a university has been established at Vercelli, and to invite scholars to come to the University of Vercelli.[52] The whole contract was made a part of the city statutes and was to be in force for eight years. (g) _The Influence of Mediaeval Privileges on Modern Universities._ There is no question that the long series of privileges granted to mediaeval universities influences the university life of to-day. Out of many illustrations of this fact two are here cited as affecting American higher education. The reader will observe in these paragraphs from the charters of Harvard College and Brown University the familiar exemption of corporate property from taxation, and the exemption of persons connected with these institutions not only from taxes, but also from other public duties. The charter of Brown University refers explicitly to European university privileges. Both of these charters, with some amendments, are still in force. And, further, be it ordered by this Court and the authority thereof, that all the lands, tenements, or hereditaments, houses, or revenues, within this jurisdiction, to the aforesaid President or College appertaining, not exceeding the value of five hundred pounds per annum, shall from henceforth be freed from all civil impositions, taxes, and rates; all goods to the said Corporation, or to any scholars thereof, appertaining, shall be exempted from all manner of toll, customs, and excise whatsoever; and that the said President, Fellows, and scholars, together with the servants, and other necessary officers to the said President or College appertaining, not exceeding ten,--viz. three to the President and seven to the College belonging,--shall be exempted from all personal civil offices, military exercises or services, watchings and wardings; and such of their estates, not exceeding one hundred pounds a man, shall be free from all country taxes or rates whatsoever, and none others.[53] And furthermore, for the greater encouragement of the Seminary of learning, and that the same may be amply endowed and enfranchised with the same privileges, dignities, and immunities enjoyed by the American colleges, and European universities, We do grant, enact, ordain, and declare, and it is hereby granted, enacted, ordained, and declared, That the College estate, the estates, persons, and families of the President and Professors, for the time being, lying, and being within the Colony, with the persons of the Tutors and students, during their residence at the College, shall be freed and exempted from all taxes, serving on juries, and menial services: And that the persons aforesaid shall be exempted from bearing arms, impresses, and military services, except in case of an invasion.[54] Exemption from "watchings and wardings," and from "military services, except in case of an invasion," is not included in the list of privileges cited in the preceding sections, but it was often conferred on mediaeval universities in almost the exact terms of these charters. 5. THE INITIATIVE OF CIVIL OR ECCLESIASTICAL POWERS Many universities originated without the express initiative of any civil or ecclesiastical power. They either grew up slowly, as in the cases of Bologna and Paris, or established themselves quickly through a migration of students from some other university, as in the cases of Padua, Vercelli, and Leipzig; but in either event the charters which gave them standing as _Studia Generalia_, and the privileges emanating from imperial, royal, princely, or papal authorities, were granted after, rather than before, masters and students had gathered for their work. The cases in which municipalities granted privileges to migrating bodies of students, before their coming, are not included in the above statement. In some instances, however, civil and ecclesiastical authorities took the initiative. Among other examples of universities established directly by them may be cited Naples, founded by Emperor Frederick II, 1224; Toulouse, by Pope Gregory IX, 1230, 1233; Prague, by Emperor Charles IV, 1348; Caen, by Henry VI of England, 1432. The motives which led to this action were, on the one hand, the desire of political powers for the support of learned men, especially lawyers; and, on the other, the desire of the papacy for the more effective propagation of the Catholic faith.[55] The political motive appears in the Letters-patent of Henry VI for Caen, 1432: It befits Royal Highness to govern with due magnificence the peoples subject to him in times of wars and of peace, to the end that they may be defended valorously and constantly from the violence of enemies, and from wrongs offered them; and that they may be rendered tranquil and quiet through laws and active justice, by securing to each man his rights, with due regard to the common interests. For we think that this sort of justice, so excellent and advantageous, can never be practiced without the industry of men of great learning, steeped in laws, divine and human. And formerly our kingdom of France happily abounded in such men; but many kinds of evil men swarmed in, by whom, in the long process of time, the aforesaid kingdom, at one time through the disturbances of civil war, and again through deadly pestilence, and finally through the various butcheries of men, and mighty famine--Alas! the pity of it!--has now been so shaken that scarcely can a sufficient number of sound justices be found in modern times, nor can others succeed, without great difficulty and personal peril, in acquiring securely knowledge and advancement, particularly in Civil Law; whence the aforesaid kingdom, once governed with commendable justice, is subjected to greater inconveniences unless a wholesome remedy be shortly provided.... We therefore, by our special favor, royal authority and plenary power, with the advice and consent of our distinguished Uncle John, governor and regent of our aforesaid kingdom of France and Duke of Bedford, and other nobles of our race, and of many wise men of our great council, do constitute, place, establish, found, and ordain forever by these present letters, a Studium Generale in our city of Caen, in the Diocese of Bayeux [Normandy]. The king does this for the better government of the kingdom, for the reason that no university exists within his jurisdiction in France, and for the preservation of the study of law: We therefore, who with extreme longing desire to have our already-mentioned kingdom governed with justice and equity, and restored so far as we shall be able with God's help [to restore it] to its pristine glory, [establish this university] attentively considering the fact that no Studium in Civil Law has been established in our jurisdictions in France, and in the duchies of Normandy, Burgundy, and Brittany, the counties of Champagne and Flanders, the county of Picardy, and some other parts of the kingdom itself that are united in loyalty and obedience to us. [We do this] in order that the study of Civil Laws may not disappear in the aforesaid places, to the disadvantage of the State, but [that it] may become, under God's guidance, vigorous to His glory, and the glory of our aforesaid Kingdom, and may flourish as an ornament and an advantage to future times. The city of Caen is selected for the location of the university because of its favorable position, character, and surroundings. It is A city, forsooth, suitable, quiet, and safe, becomingly adorned with noted monasteries, fraternities, cloisters, and homes of the Mendicant Friars and other devout religious bodies; with an overflowing population of mild-dispositioned, obedient, and devout people; [a city] fit also because of its varied supply of food and other things adapted to the needs of the human race; prosperous and well-disposed, situated on fertile soil, and near the sea, so that students, and merchants as well, can more readily and easily come together there from almost all parts of the world. The King grants to the university--in order to establish its prestige--all the privileges granted by royal authority to any other university in France: And, that the Doctors, Licentiates, Bachelors, students, and dependents of the aforesaid university, and their households and domestic servants, may be able the more freely and quietly to devote themselves to letters and scholastic deeds, we will, by our royal authority and plenary power, bestow upon these same Doctors, Licentiates, Bachelors, students, dependents, households, and domestic servitors, such and similar privileges, franchises, and liberties as have been granted, given, and bestowed by our predecessors the kings of France upon the rest of the universities of our kingdom. The king grants in particular the usual privilege of a special judge for cases affecting members of the university: And as Conservator of these [privileges] henceforth, we depute and appoint our Bailiff of Caen now in office, and his successors or whoever may hold that office; and to him we commit and consign by these present letters the hearing, determination, and final decision of cases and real actions [cases relating to conveyances of property] relating to persons and property, against all persons whatsoever who may be staying in our said Duchy of Normandy, or who may possess property there, either ecclesiastical or secular, if any action arises with regard to them, whether of offence or defence. We command our justiciaries and officers, or those holding their places, one and all, to obey and to support efficiently the said Bailiff, the Conservator, or whoever holds his place, in the matters prescribed above, and such as are connected therewith. And that the foregoing regulations may acquire strength and firmness we have caused the present letters to be secured by the affixing of our seal.[56] FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 4: History of my Calamities, _l.c._ p. 4.] [Footnote 5: McCabe, _Abelard_, pp. 75, 76, 78.] [Footnote 6: _l.c._. p. 82.] [Footnote 7: _l.c._ p. 89.] [Footnote 8: _Ouvrages Inédits d' Abélard_, ed. V. Cousin, p. 16.] [Footnote 9: _Sic et Non_, CLVI. The Latin text of this book is printed in _Ouvrages Inédits d' Abélard_, ed. V. Cousin.] [Footnote 10: _Metalogicus_, ed. Giles, I, 2, 3.] [Footnote 11: _Metalogicus_, II, 10.] [Footnote 12: Poole, pp. 119,114.] [Footnote 13: _Metalogicus_, I, 24.] [Footnote 14: _Metalogicus_, II, 10. The translation of this chapteris adapted from Giles, _Works of John of Salisbury_, I, p. xiii, and R.L. Poole, _Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought_, pp. 210, 212.] [Footnote 15: _Metalogicus_, II, 9.] [Footnote 16: Denifle: _Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters_, I, 45, 46.] [Footnote 17: See p. 115. The example given shows also an obvious weakness of the method.] [Footnote 18: John of Salisbury, _Metalogicus_, IV, 24.] [Footnote 19: Document printed by Rashdall, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 754.] [Footnote 20: Chart. Univ. Paris., I, No. 11, p. 73.] [Footnote 21: _l.c._ No. 20, p. 78.] [Footnote 22: _l.c._ No. 79.] [Footnote 23: _l.c._ No. 246.] [Footnote 24: Zarncke, _Statutenbücher der Universität Leipzig_, p. 39.] [Footnote 25: _Digest_, translated by C.H. Monro, p. xiii (preface to _Code_).] [Footnote 26: _l.c._ pp. xxv, xxvi.] [Footnote 27: Rashdall, I, 208.] [Footnote 28: Preface to the _Institutes_; translated by T.C. Sandars, published by Longmans, Green & Co.] [Footnote 29: _Code_, Bk. 12; 29, 2.] [Footnote 30: A.D. 333, _Code_, Bk. 10; 53, 6.] [Footnote A: Exodus, XVII. C.] [Footnote B: Summary. Four classes of men are blamed under this caption, i.e. dialecticians, who wrestle daily with the dialectic art; and physicists, who raise their eyes athwart the heavens; and versifiers; and the avaricious, who acquire wealth by fair means and foul, though at the time they know not to whom they are going to leave it.] [Footnote C: I.e., incidentally Hugo. Whether the clergy can give attention to the books of the heathen.] [Footnote D: And he does this as far as the paragraph, "But on the other hand," (p. 66).] [Footnote E: To the same effect C. de long. tem, praescript 1. fin. XXV. quaest. I. ideo. Arc.] [Footnote F: Summary. Under this caption Jerome set forth five cases. For he says that they are drunken with wine who misunderstand and pervert the sacred scriptures. Secondly, they are drunken with strong drink who make a wrong use of profane wisdom. Thirdly, he sets forth who should be called false prophets. Fourthly, who are divine. Fifthly, that he eats sour grapes who expounds the scriptures otherwise than according to the truth, even though it be not contrary to the faith.] [Footnote G: Summary. In this section those priests are blamed by Jerome, who cause their sons and nephews to read comedies and the verses of the poets; because also to this purpose and to other base purposes they divert the money of the church. Wherefore he says that such priest should be punished as was Eli who fell prostrate from his seat and died because he did not correct his sons. The statements which follow are clear as far as paragraph "But on the other hand" (p. 64).] [Footnote H: The ears of those who misunderstand should be torn off.] [Footnote I: Tropology.] [Footnote J: And _logos_, speech, whence, _tropologia_, i.e. the [moral] application of the language. Hugo. As to this see 76 dist. jejunium. in fin.] [Footnote K: I King. II. C.] [Footnote L: Another reading: in their disputations.] [Footnote M: Another reading: "It pleased God to save his people for his Kingdom" &c.] [Footnote N: Summary. From now on, Gratian shows that the clergy ought to be learned in profane knowledge. And this is shown from six considerations. The first is stated at the beginning. The second begins: "One reads also." The third begins: "In Leviticus." The fourth begins: "The Magi, too." The fifth begins: "Finally." The sixth begins: "Hence also Ambrose."] [Footnote O: For as husks load the belly and fill it but do not satisfy, so also this wisdom does not free from spiritual hunger nor banish blindness. But it oppresses with the weight of sins and with the guilt of hell. Whoever therefore, for the removing of the blindness of ignorance seeks to learn other arts and knowledge desires to fill his belly, as it were, with husks. According to Hugo.] [Footnote P: Dan. I. a. Exodi III. & XI.] [Footnote Q: Summary. Certain men forbade Christians to read the books of the gentiles but Bede blames them, saying that they can well be read without sin because profit may be derived from them, as in the cases of Moses and Daniel, and also of Paul, who incorporated in his Epistles verses of the poets, e.g. "The Cretans &c. &c."] [Footnote R: Summary. Gratian solves the contradiction by saying that one ought to learn profane knowledge in addition, not for pleasure but for instruction, in order that the useful things, found therein may be turned to the use of sacred learning. Hence Gregory blamed a certain bishop, not for acquiring profane knowledge but because, for his pleasure, he expounded grammar instead of the Gospel.] [Footnote S: Another reading to the Unknown God, i.e. dative case.] [Footnote T: Dionysius was converted by the preaching of Paul.] [Footnote U: The Apostle used sentences from the poets.] [Footnote V: Summary. This section is divided into two parts. In the first part it is set down that it is not blameworthy if one learns grammar and logic in order to distinguish the true and the false. In the second part which begins with "Geometry and Arithmetic" it is set down that the knowledges of the quadrivium have a truth of their own. But they are not the knowledges of piety, and are not to be so applied. But the Old and the New Testaments are knowledges of piety, and are to be applied. And grammar, if applied to good uses may be made profitable.] [Footnote W: Summary. Two questions were propounded by Jerome. The first was whether it is a sin to learn the learning and knowledge of the pagans, and Jerome answers that it is not, and proves this by the example of four youths, Daniel, Ananias, Azarias, Misael, and by the example of Moses. For these, had they known it to be a sin would not have acquired the learning. For they did so in order to convince unbelievers. Otherwise they would have been exposed to ridicule if, when they were disputing with these unbelievers about their dogmas, they were found to know nothing about them. The second question was, whether it is a sin to cite secular laws in preaching or in discussion. And he replies that it is not, because it is necessary to prove that those things which the sacred writers have said are contained in the books of the heathen.] [Footnote X: Dan. I.] [Footnote Y: Summary. It was reported to Eugene at his Synod that in certain regions there were no teachers to instruct others in the liberal arts, and therefore he enjoined it upon all the bishops to establish teachers in suitable places to teach others daily in liberal doctrines.] [Footnote Z: Daniel and his companions.] [Footnote AA: These were called under other names, Balthasar, Sidrac, Misac, and Abednago. According to Hugo and Lau.] [Footnote AB: as for example XX dist. ca. fina.] [Footnote AC: Recourse is had at times from similars to similars.] [Footnote AD: Virgil.] [Footnote AE: Ovid.] [Footnote 31: _Decretum Gratiani, Distinctio_ XXXVII. ed. Lyons, 1580.] [Footnote 32: Denifle, I, 46.] [Footnote 33: _Compendium Studii Theologiae;_ translated by J.S. Brewer in R. Bacon, _Opera Inedita,_ p. lvi.] [Footnote 34: One sentence of no importance is omitted from the translation. The rest of the document is given below, p. 90. For a slightly different version see D.C. Munro, "Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History," Vol. II, Pt. III, p. 2.] [Footnote 35: Roger de Hoveden, _Chronica_, ed. Stubbs, IV, 120, 121.] [Footnote 36: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, Vol. II, No. 657.] [Footnote 37: Quoted from D.C. Munro, _Translations and Reprints_, Vol. II, Pt. III.] [Footnote 38: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, II, No. 1044.] [Footnote 39: Rashdall, I, p. 147.] [Footnote 40: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, I, No. 142.] [Footnote 41: _l.c._, II, No. 1044.] [Footnote 42: Rashdall, I, p. 343.] [Footnote 43: F. Zarncke, _Statutenbücher der Universität Leipzig,_ p. 4.] [Footnote 44: Fournier, _Statuts et Priv. des Univ. franç._, III, No. 1673.] [Footnote 45: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, Vol. I, p. 59. Quoted from D.C. Munro, _l.c._ p. 9.] [Footnote 46: For the text of this charter in full, see D.C. Munro, _l.c._ p. 7.] [Footnote 47: Matthew Paris, _Chronica Majora_, III, 166-169.] [Footnote 48: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, I, p. 119.] [Footnote 49: Kashdall, I, pp. 11, 12.] [Footnote 50: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, II, No. 578.] [Footnote 51: Documents printed by Denifle, _Die Universitäten, _etc., pp. 801-803.] [Footnote 52: Document printed by Rashdall, II, Pt. II, p. 746.] [Footnote 53: Charter of Harvard College, 1650.] [Footnote 54: Charter of Brown University, 1764.] [Footnote 55: See Compayré, "Abelard," pp. 41-45, and 35-41.] [Footnote 56: Fournier, _Statuts_, etc., III, No. 1644.] IV UNIVERSITY EXERCISES The ways and means of teaching in mediaeval universities were few and simple in comparison with those of our own times. The task of the student was merely to become acquainted with a few books and to acquire some facility in debate. The university exercises were shaped to secure this result. They consisted in the Lecture, the Disputation or Debate, the Repetition, the Conference, the Quiz, and the Examination. Of these the first two and the last were by far the most important; they are described in detail below. The Repetition, given in the afternoon or evening, was either a detailed discussion of some point which could not be treated in full in the "ordinary" lecture, or a simple re-reading of the lecture, sometimes accompanied by catechism of the students upon its substance. The Conference was an informal discussion between professor and students at the close of a lecture, or a discussion of some portion of the day's work by students alone. The Quiz was often held in the afternoon at the student's hall or college, by the master in residence there, as described on page 132. (a) _The Lecture_ Lectures were of two kinds,--"ordinary," and "extraordinary" or "cursory." The former were given in the morning, by professors; the latter in the afternoon, either by professors or by students about to take a bachelor's degree. The purpose of the lecture was to read and explain the text of the book or books of the course. The character of the lecture was largely determined by the fact that all text-books, practically to the year 1500, were in manuscript, and by the further fact that many students seem to have been unable or unwilling to purchase or hire copies. A large part of the lecturer's time was thus consumed in the purely mechanical process of reading aloud the standard text and comments. To these he might add his own explanations; but the simple ability to "read the book" intelligently was sufficient to qualify a properly licensed Master, or a Bachelor preparing to take the Master's degree, to lecture on a given subject. This accounts for the fact that youths of seventeen or eighteen might be found giving occasional lectures, and that regular courses were given by those not much over twenty-one. The books thus read consisted of two parts,--the text, and the "glosses" or comments. A glance at the selection on page 60 will reveal the nature of the latter: they were summaries, explanations, controversial notes, and cross-references, written by more or less learned scholars, in the margin of the text. In the course of generations the mass of glosses became so great as fairly to smother the original work. The selection just referred to is not especially prolific in glosses; cases may be found in which the text of a page occupies only three or four lines, the rest of the space being completely filled with comments, and with explanations of the comments. Instances of books explained to death are not unknown in our own class-rooms! The effect of this accumulation of comments was to draw the attention of both teachers and students more and more away from the text. There is evidence that in some instances the text was almost wholly neglected in the attempt to master the glosses. University reforms at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century sometimes involved the exclusion of this mass of "frivolous and obscure" comment from the lectures, and a return to the study of the text itself. See the introduction to the plan of studies for Leipzig, p. 48. The selection from the Canon Law (p. 59 ff.) gives a good idea of the substance of a dictated mediaeval lecture. Concerning the "original" and more or less off-hand lecture we have the amusing account of Giraldus Cambrensis (_c._ 1146-1220), in his "most flattering of all autobiographies." After recounting--in the third person--his studies at Paris in Civil and Canon Law, and Theology, he says: He obtained so much favor in decretal cases, which were wont to be handled Sundays, that, on the day on which it had become known throughout the city that he would talk, there resulted such a concourse of almost all the doctors with their scholars, to hear his pleasing voice, that scarcely could the amplest house have held the auditors. And with reason, for he so supported with rhetorical persuasiveness his original, wide-awake treatment of the Laws and Canons, and so embellished his points both with figures and flowers of speech and with pithy ideas, and so applied the sayings of philosophers and authors, which he inserted in fitting places with marvellous cleverness, that the more learned and erudite the congregation, the more eagerly and attentively did they apply ears and minds to listening and memorizing. Of a truth they were led on and besmeared with words so sweet that, hanging, as it were, in suspense on the lips of the speaker,--though the address was long and involved, of a sort that is wont to be tedious to many,--they found it impossible to be fatigued, or even sated, with hearing the man. And so the scholars strove to take down all his talks, word for word, as they emanated from his lips, and to adopt them with great eagerness. Moreover, on a certain day when the concourse from all parts to hear him was great, when the lecture was over and was followed by a murmur of favorable applause from all the throng, a certain distinguished Doctor who both had lectured on the Arts at Paris and long studied on the laws at Bologna, whose name was Master Roger the Norman, ... broke out openly in expressions of this sort: "There is not such knowledge under the sun, and if it were by chance reported at Paris, it would, beyond a doubt, carry incomparable weight there, far more so than anywhere else." Now the opening--as it were, the proem--of that talk I have not considered it inappropriate to introduce here; so this is the way it began: "I had proposed to hear before being heard, to learn before speaking, to hesitate before debating. For to cultured ears and to men of the highest eloquence my speech will appear to have little marrow in its views, and its poverty of words will seem jejune. For idle is it, and utterly superfluous, to offer that which is arid to the eloquent, and that which is stale to men of knowledge and wisdom. Whence our Moral Seneca, and, quoting from him, Sidonius, says: "'Until Nature has drunk in knowledge, it is not greater glory to speak what you know than to be silent about what you do not know.' "And yet, since, on the testimony of Augustine, 'Every part out of harmony with its whole is base,' that I may not seem the sole anomaly among you, or, where others speak, be found by my silence a disciple of Pythagoras surpassing the rest, I have chosen to be found ridiculous for my speaking, rather than out of harmony for my silence. "What note then shall the noisy goose emit in the presence of the clear-songed swans? Shall he offer new things, or things well known? Things often considered and trite generate disgust; new things lack authority. For, as Pliny says: 'It is an arduous task to give novelty to old things, authority to new things, brightness to things obsolete, charm to things disdained, light to obscure things, credence to doubtful things, and to all things naturalness!' "The question which we have before us is old, but not inveterate,--a question often argued, but whose decision is still pending: Should a Judge decide according to the evidence, or according to his conviction?" Now he supported the second, but far less justifiable view, by arguments taken from the Laws and the Canons, so forcible that, while all were amazed, all were uncertain whether greater praise should be given to the ornateness of the words or to the efficacy of the arguments.[57] The mode of lecturing on Roman Law at Bologna is thus described by Odofredus (_c._ 1200-1265), a distinguished teacher: First, I shall give you summaries of each title [i.e., each chapter into which the books are divided] before I proceed to the text; second, I shall give you as clear and explicit a statement as I can of the purport of each Law (included in the title); thirdly, I shall read the text with a view to correcting it; fourthly, I shall briefly repeat the contents of the Law; fifthly, I shall solve apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of Law (to be extracted from the passage), commonly called "Brocardica," and any distinctions or subtle and useful problems (_quaestiones_) arising out of the Law, with their solutions, as far as the Divine Providence shall enable me. And if any Law shall seem deserving, by reason of its celebrity or difficulty, of a Repetition, I shall reserve it for an evening Repetition.[58] The varied statement and restatement of the passage, implied in the foregoing description, was doubtless necessary to make it intelligible to the not-too-keen minds of the auditors. As Rashdall points out, it "makes no mention of a very important feature of all mediaeval lectures,--the reading of the 'glosses.'" This is mentioned in the Bologna statutes now to be cited. There are numerous statutes on the mode of lecturing. At Bologna, and doubtless elsewhere, professors seem to have experienced the difficulty, not unknown to modern teachers, of getting through the entire course within the prescribed time. The students, who regulated the conduct of their teachers, made stringent rules to prevent this, and punished violations of them by fines large enough to make professors take due caution: We have decreed also that all Doctors actually lecturing must read the glosses immediately after reading the chapter or the law, unless the continuity of the chapters or of the laws requires otherwise, taking the burden in this matter on their own consciences in accordance with the oath they have taken. Nor, with regard to those things that are not to be read, must they yield to the clamor of the scholars. Furthermore we decree that Doctors, lecturing ordinarily or extraordinarily, must come to the sections assigned _de novo_, according to the regulations below. And we decree, as to the close observance by them of the passages, that any Doctor, in his ordinary lecturing in Canon or Civil Law, must deposit, fifteen days before the Feast of Saint Michael, twenty-five Bologna pounds with one of the treasurers whom the rectors have appointed; which treasurer shall promise to give said money to the rectors, or the general beadle in their name, all at once or in separate amounts, as he shall be required by them or by him. The form, moreover, to be observed by the Doctors as to the sections is this: Let the division of the book into sections (_puncta_) be determined, and then let him be notified. [And if any Doctor fails to reach any section on the specified date he shall be fined three Bologna pounds, while for a second offense he shall be fined five pounds, and for a third and each succeeding violation of the rule, ten pounds.] And if the twenty-five pounds are exhausted, he must deposit in said place a second twenty-five pounds; and the second deposit must be made within eight days from the time when the first was exhausted.... We decree also that no Doctor shall hereafter exceed one section in one lecture. And if the contrary be done by any one he shall be charged with perjury and punished to the extent of three pounds, to be taken from the money deposited for the purpose; and as often as the violation occurs, so often shall the penalty be inflicted, so long as the statute is in force; and the Rector also must exact it. We add that at the end of a section the Doctors must announce to the scholars at what section they are to begin afterwards, and they shall be obliged to follow that section which they have begun, even to the end of the section. But if by chance, after due weight is given to the glosses or text, it seems useful to transfer a part of the lecture to another section, he shall be obliged in his preceding lecture to announce that to the scholars, so that those who wish may make provision beforehand; under penalty of five Bologna shillings for each occasion for the Doctor who does to the contrary. We order this statute to be published in each school at the beginning of the term.... Since topics not read by the Doctors are completely neglected and consequently are not known to the scholars, we have decreed that no Doctor shall omit from his sections any chapter, decretal, law, or paragraph. If he does this he shall be obliged to read it within the following section. We have also decreed that no decretal or decree or law or difficult paragraph shall be reserved to be read at the end of the lecture if, through such reservation, promptness of exit at the sound of the appointed bell is likely to be prevented.[59] A lecture might be either dictated or delivered rapidly, "to the minds rather than to the pens," of the auditors. For pedagogic and possibly other reasons, the latter method seems to have been preferred by the authorities; but lecturers, and students who desire to get full notes, seem to have insisted upon dictation. A statute of the Masters of Arts at Paris, 1355, is one of several unsuccessful attempts to enforce rapid delivery: Two methods of reading the books of the Liberal Arts have been tried: By the first, the Masters of Philosophy from their chairs rapidly set forth their own words, so that the mind of the listener can take them in, but his hand is not able to write them down; by the second, they pronounce them slowly so that the listeners are able to write them down in their presence with the pen. By diligent examination and mutual comparison of these ways the first method is found to be the better, because the conceptual power of the ordinary mind warns us to imitate it in our lectures. Therefore, we, one and all, Masters of Arts, both lecturing and not lecturing, being especially convoked for this purpose ... have made a statute to this effect: All lecturers, Masters as well as Scholars, of the same Faculty, whenever and wherever they happen to be reading any book in regular order or course in the same Faculty, or to be discussing a question according to this or any other method of exposition, shall follow the former method of reading to the best of their ability, to wit: presenting it as though no one were writing it in their presence. It is in accordance with this method that discourses and recommendations are made in the University, and it is followed by Lecturers in the rest of the Faculties. Transgressors of this Statute, whether Masters or Scholars, we deprive thenceforth of their positions as lecturers, of honors, offices, and the rest of their means of support under our Faculty, for one year. But if any one repeats the offense, we double the penalty for the first repetition; for the second, we quadruple it, and so on. And auditors who interfere with the execution of this our Statute by shouting or whistling or raising a din, or by throwing stones, either personally or through their attendants or accomplices, or in any other way, we deprive of and cut off from our company for one year, and for each repetition we increase the penalty to twice and four times the length as above.[60] (b) _The Disputation._ The disputation, or debate, one of the most important university exercises, "first became really established in the schools as a result of the new method." (Cf. page 35.) This exercise was sometimes carried on in the manner of a modern debate; to "respond" in the schools (i.e., to defend a thesis in public debate), and to "oppose" (i.e., to argue against the respondent), was a common requirement for all degrees. Scholars and masters frequently posted in public places theses to the argument of which they challenged all comers, just as a knight might challenge all comers at a tournament to combat. In such cases the respondent usually indicated the side of the question which he would defend. This practice, in a modified form, still exists in some European universities in the public examinations for the Doctor's degree. In another mode, the disputation was carried on by a single person, who argued both sides of the question and drew the conclusion in favor of one side or the other. This was of course merely the oral use of the method of exposition commonly found in the works of scholastic philosophers and theologians. The lecture of Giraldus Cambrensis described above (page 109) was doubtless of this type. A complete example is to be found in Dante's "Quaestio de Aqua et Terra." The brief of the arguments on both sides of this question is here reproduced with some modifications. It illustrates not only the exercise itself, but also the ponderous complications which the scholastic method received at the hands of Abelard's successors, and the weakness of that method when applied to questions of natural science. The reader will note that the argument no longer proceeds by the simple citation of authorities pro and con; the reasonings of the debater are also introduced. Moreover, the argument is more complex. It involves first the statement of the affirmative position; second, the refutation of the affirmative by observation and by reasoning; third, objections to the refutation by reasoning; fourth, refutation of these objections; fifth, final refutation of the original arguments. _Introduction_: Author's reasons for undertaking the discussion. Let it be known to you all that, whilst I was in Mantua, a certain Question arose, which, often argued according to appearance rather than to truth remained undetermined. Wherefore, since from boyhood I have ever been nurtured in love of truth, I could not bear to leave the Question I have spoken of undiscussed: rather I wished to demonstrate the truth concerning it, and likewise, hating untruth as well as loving truth, to refute contrary arguments. And lest the spleen of many, who, when the objects of their envy are absent, are wont to fabricate lies, should behind my back transform well-spoken words, I further wished in these pages, traced by my own fingers, to set down the conclusion I had reached and to sketch out, with my pen, the form of the whole controversy. THE QUESTION: IS WATER, OR THE SURFACE OF THE SEA, ANYWHERE HIGHER THAN THE EARTH, OR HABITABLE DRY LAND? AFFIRMATIVE ARGUMENT: Five affirmative arguments generally accepted. _Reason 1._ Geometrical Proof: Earth and Water are spheres with different centers; the center of the Earth's sphere is the center of the universe; consequently the surface of the Water is above that of the Earth. _Reason 2._ Ethical Proof: Water is a nobler element than Earth; hence it deserves a nobler, or higher, place in the scheme of the universe. _Reason 3._ Experimental Proof: based on sailors seeing the land disappear under their horizon when at sea. _Reason 4._ Economical Proof: The supply of Water, namely, the sea, must be higher than the Earth; otherwise, as Water flows downwards, it could not reach, as it does, the fountains, lakes, etc. _Reason 5._ Astronomical Proof: Since Water follows the moon's course, its sphere must be excentric, like the moon's excentric orbit; and consequently in places be higher than the sphere of Earth. NEGATIVE ARGUMENT: These reasons unfounded. I. REFUTATION BY OBSERVATION. Water flows down to the sea from the land; hence the sea cannot be higher than the land. II. REFUTATION BY REASONING: A. _Water cannot be higher than the dry land._ _Proof_: Water could only be higher than the Earth, 1. If it were excentric, or 2. If it were concentric, but had some excrescence. But since _x_. Water naturally moves downwards, and _y_. Water is naturally a fluid body: 1. Cannot be true, for three impossibilities would follow: _a_. Water would move upwards as well as downwards; _b_. Water and Earth would move downwards in different directions; _c_. Gravity would be taught ambiguously of the two bodies. Proof of these impossibilities by a diagram. 2. Cannot be true, for _a_. The Water of the excrescence would be diffused, and consequently the excrescence could not exist: _b_. It is unnecessary, and what is unnecessary is contrary to the will of God and Nature. B. _All land is higher than the sea._ _Proof_: It has been shown that Water is of one level, and concentric with the Earth: Therefore, since the shores are higher than the edges of the sea, and since the shores are the lowest portions of the land, It follows that all the land is higher than the sea. C. _Objections to the foregoing reasoning, and their refutation._ 1. _Possible affirmative argument_: Earth is the heaviest body; hence it is drawn down to its own center, and lies beneath the lighter body, Water. 2. _Objection to this argument_: Earth is the heaviest body only by comparison with others; for Earth is itself of different weights. 3. _Refutation of this objection_: On the contrary, Earth is a simple body, and as such subject to be drawn equally in every part. 4. _Answer to the refutation, with minor objections and their refutation._ Since the objection is in itself sound, and Earth by its own Particular Nature, due to the stubbornness of matter, would be lower than the sea; and since Universal Nature requires that the Earth project somewhere, in order that its object, the mixture of the elements, may be fulfilled: It follows that there must be some final and efficient cause, whereby this projection may be accomplished. _a_. The final cause has been seen to be the purpose of Universal Nature. _b_. The efficient cause cannot be (i) the Earth, (ii) the Water, (iii) the Air or Fire, (iv) the heaven of the Moon, (v) the Planets, nor (vi) the Primum Mobile: Therefore it must be ascribed to the heaven of the Fixed Stars (for this has variety hi efficiency, as is seen in the various constellations), and in particular to those Stars of the Northern Hemisphere which overhang the dry land. (_x_) _First objection_: Why is the projecting continent then, not circular, since the motion of these stars is circular? _Answer_: Because the material did not suffice for so great an elevation. (_y_) _Second objection_: Why is this elevation in this particular place? _Answer_: Because God whose ways are inscrutable, willed it so. We should therefore desist from examining too closely the reasons, which we can never hope to fathom. D. _Refutation of the original arguments_: _Reason 1._ Invalid because Earth and Water are spheres with the same center. _Reason 2._ Invalid because of the external influence of Universal Nature, counteracting the internal influence of Particular Nature. _Reason 3._ Invalid because it is sphericity of the sea and not the lowness of the land which interferes with one's view at sea. _Reason 4._ Invalid because Water does not flow to the tops of mountains, but ascends thither in the form of vapors. _Reason 5._ Invalid because Water imitating the moon in one respect, need not imitate it in all.[61] This brief obviously illustrates much more than the form of the mediaeval Disputation. It leaves one in no doubt as to the difference between the natural science of the Middle Ages and that of our own time. It also illustrates the weakness of the scholastic method when applied to questions which modern science would settle by experiment. The argument abounds in misstatements of fact, the conclusion is incorrect, and the "reasoning" by which it is reached can be described, from the modern point of view, only as grotesque. The weakness of the method was recognized by Roger Bacon so early as the thirteenth century. The growing recognition of its futility finds repeated expression in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, notably in the New Method (Novum Organum) of Francis Bacon. Like the scholastic method and the worship of Aristotle, the Disputation fell into disrepute because of the extravagant lengths to which it was carried. The following sarcastic criticism by the Spanish scholar, Juan Luis Vives (1462-1540), is one illustration of the growing revolt of his times against it: Disputations, also, to no slight degree have blinded judgment. They were instituted originally (but only among young men) to stimulate mental vigor, often torpid, and to make young men keener in their studies, so that they might either conquer or not be conquered, and also that the instruction received from their teachers might be more deeply impressed upon them. Among men, or older persons, there was a kind of comparison of opinions and reasons, not aimed at victory but at unravelling the truth. The very name testifies that they are called disputations because by their means the truth is, as it were, pruned or purged [dis = apart; puto = to prune, or to cleanse]. But after praise and reward came from listeners to the one who seemed to have the best ideas, and out of the praise often came wealth and resources, a base greed of distinction or money took possession of the minds of the disputants, and, just as in a battle, victory only was the consideration, and not the elucidation of truth. So that they defended strenuously whatever they once had said, and overthrew and trampled upon their adversary. Low and sordid minds such as with drooping heads look solely at such trivial and ephemeral results, regarded as of small consequence the great benefit that results from study:--namely probity or knowledge of truth; and these two things they did not regard with sufficient acuteness nor did they comprehend their great value, but they sought the immediate reward of money or popular favor. And so, in order to get a greater return for their labor, they admitted the populace to their contests like the spectators of a play brought out at the theatre. Then, as one might expect when the standard is lowered, the philosopher laid aside his dignified, venerable character, and put on his stage dress that he might dance more easily: the populace was made spectator, umpire, and judge, and the philosopher did that which the flute player does not do on the stage,--he suited his music, not to his own ideas and to the Muses, as his old teacher advises, but wholly to the circle of onlookers and the crowd whence distinction and gain was likely to come back to the actors. There was no need of real, solid teaching (at least, not in the opinion of those who are going to learn); but pretence and dust were thrown in the eyes of the crowd. So the one plain road of obtaining the truth was abandoned; six hundred ways of pretending were made, by which each strove for what suited himself, especially since there is nothing made so ugly as to lack a sponsor. Not only did the populace flock to this opinion--that the object of learning is to dispute, just as it is the object of military life to fight--but the public unanimity swept away the veterans, the _triarii_ [the more experienced soldiers who were placed in the third line] as it were, of the scholastic campaign (but these have no more ability and judgment than the dregs of the people), so that they regard him as superfluous and foolish who would call them back to mental activity and character and that quiet method of investigation, philosophy. [They think that] there is no other fruit of studies save to keep your wits about you and not give way to your adversary, either to attack him boldly or to bear up against him, and shrewdly to contrive by what vigor, by what skill, by what method of supplanting, he may be overturned. Therefore under this beautiful scheme, surpassing all others, it was the plan to break in the boy immediately and train him constantly; they began disputing as soon as they were born and ceased only at death. The boy brought to school, is bidden to dispute forthwith on the first day and is already taught to quarrel, before he can yet speak at all. So also in Grammar, in the Poets, in the Historians, in Logic, in Rhetoric, in absolutely every branch. Would any one wonder what they can find to do in matters that are perfectly open, very simple and elementary? There is nothing so transparent, so limpid that they do not cloud it over with some petty question as if ruffled by a breeze. It is [thought] characteristic of the most helpless stupidity, not to find something which you may make obscure by most intricate measures and involve in very hard and rigid conditions, which you may twist and twist again. For you may simply say: "Write to me,"--here comes a question, if not from Grammar then from Logic, if not from Logic then from Physics,--"What motions are made in writing?" Or, from Metaphysics, "Is it substance or quality?" And these boys are hearing the first rudiments of Logic who were only yesterday, or the day before, admitted to the school. So they are to be trained never to be silent, but vigorously to assert whatever comes uppermost lest they may seem at any time to have given in. Nor is one dispute a day enough, nor two, like a meal. At lunch they dispute, after lunch they dispute, at dinner they dispute, after dinner they dispute. Do they do these things to learn, or to cook a new dish? They dispute at home, they dispute away from home. At a banquet, in the bath, in the tepidarium, at church, in the city, in the fields, in public, in private, in all places and at all times they dispute. Courtesans in charge of a panderer do not wrangle so many times, or gladiators in charge of a trainer do not fight so many times for a prize as these do under their teacher of philosophy. The populace, not self-restrained and serious, but fickle, barbarous, pugnacious, is wonderfully tickled with all this as with a mock battle. So there are very many exceedingly ignorant men, utterly without knowledge of literature in any form, who take more pleasure in this form of show than in all else; and the more easily to win the fight, they employ a quick and prompt mode of fighting and deliver a blow every second, as it were, in order the more speedily to use up their foe. They neither assail their adversary with uninterrupted argument nor can they endure prolonged talk from him. If by way of explaining himself he should begin to enlarge, they raise the cry: "To the point! To the point! Answer categorically!" Showing how restless and flippant _their_ minds are who cannot stand a few words.... To such a degree did they go that instead of a settlement based on the strongest arguments, such as drove them into their absurdities, they considered it sufficient to say: "I admit it, for it follows from my own conclusion," and the next step is: "I deny it. Prove it. I will defend it appropriately." For he who "defends appropriately" (in their own words), no matter by what incongruous admissions and concessions, is held to be a learned man and best adapted to disputation, that is, to the apex of all knowledge. (c) _The Examination_ The examination, as an exercise leading to a degree, is one phase of modern educational practice which comes from mediaeval universities. The system of examinations grew up slowly. Generalization is difficult owing to the differences in practice in various universities, but broadly speaking the student who took a Master's or Doctor's degree in any Faculty passed through the three stages of Bachelor, Licentiate, and Doctor, and at each stage underwent some form of examination. The examination for the License (to teach anywhere) seems to have been the most formidable of the three; that for the Doctorate being mainly ceremonial. In general, the examination tested the candidate's knowledge of the books prescribed, and his power of public debate. The statutes of Bourges (c. 1468-1480) thus describe the requirements and the manner of procedure of examinations for the License in Arts: [In preparation for the A.B. degree, which preceded the License, the candidate had heard lectures on (1) The Isagoge (Introduction) of Porphyry to the Categories of Aristotle, (2) the following works of Aristotle: (a) Categories; (b) Peri Hermeneias (On Interpretation), the first (?) two books and a part of the fourth; (c) Topics, first book; (d) Physics, first three books.] Likewise we have decreed that before any one comes to the grade of License he must have heard four other books of Physics, three books "On the Heavens," two of "On Generation," the first three of "On Meteors," three "On the Soul," "On the Memory," "On the Length and Brevity of Life," with the first six books of "Metaphysics" and the first six on "Ethics" with a part of Euclid, and with the book "On the Sphere" [by John Sacrobosco]. Likewise we have decreed that candidates must respond twice openly and in public, and there may be five at most in one day and in the same debate; yet four will be sufficient. And when they respond they must pay, each his own chairman, a scudo of gold. Likewise we have determined that, when this has been done, the Faculty shall appoint four Masters who have already been Masters for three years and who do not have [the candidates] that year as pupils under their own special direction; and they shall test the sufficiency of all the candidates. And the said committee shall take oath that they will accept those who are eligible and will reject those who are ineligible. Likewise we have decreed that, when this has been done, on the report of said committee, over their seals manual faithfully transmitted, the Chancellor shall arrange the candidates in the order assigned to them by said committee, always putting the better men and those who are eligible ahead of the others, in order that the opportunity of studying well may be given to the students and that no one may suffer harm from his position. Likewise we have decreed that before proceeding to license the candidates themselves, the assembled Faculty of Arts shall ordain four Masters, other than the first, who shall examine in assigned groups the said candidates in their own persons. And if they do not find them to be such as the first examiners reported that they found them, they shall report to the Faculty, pointing out the deficiency that the Faculty may have knowledge of the mistake of the first committee. If it finds that they made a mistake it shall have authority to correct their errors by changing the positions [of the names on the list] and by rejecting them entirely if they seem ineligible. Likewise we have decreed that when their approval or disapproval has been settled by the said second examiners, they shall place their candidates according to proper order in one list sealed with their own seals, and shall deliver it, under enclosure, to the Chancellor, and it shall not be lawful for him to change the order but he shall license them in the order set down in the list.[62] The process of taking the Licentiate and the Doctorate in Laws at Bologna, in vogue at the end of the thirteenth century and later, is described at great length in the Statutes of 1432. The examination consisted of two parts; the first private, the second public. The first led to a License, which was, however, a license merely to proceed to the public examination. The Statute concerning the private examination is summarized by Rashdall: The private Examination was the real test of competence, the so-called public Examination being in practice a mere ceremony. Before admission to each of these tests the candidate was presented by the Consiliarius of his Nation to the Rector for permission to enter it, and swore that he had complied with all the statutable conditions, that he would give no more than the statutable fees or entertainments to the Rector himself, the Doctor or his fellow-students, and that he would obey the Rector. Within a period of eight days before the Examination the candidate was presented by "his own" Doctor or by some other Doctor or by two Doctors to the Archdeacon, the presenting Doctor being required to have satisfied himself by private examination of his presentee's fitness. Early on the morning of the examination, after attending a Mass of the Holy Ghost, the candidate appeared before the assembled College and was assigned by one of the Doctors present two passages (puncta) in the Civil or Canon Law as the case might be. He then retired to his house to study the passages, in doing which it would appear that he had the assistance of the presenting Doctor. Later in the day the Doctors were summoned to the Cathedral or some other public building by the Archdeacon, who presided over but took no active part in the ensuing examination. The candidate was then introduced to the Archdeacon and Doctors by the presenting Doctor or Promoter as he was styled. The Prior of the College then administered a number of oaths in which the candidate promised respect to that body and solemnly renounced all the rights of which the College had succeeded in robbing all Doctors not included in its ranks. The candidate then gave a lecture or exposition of the two prepared passages; after which he was examined upon them by two of the Doctors appointed by the College. Other Doctors might ask supplementary questions of Law (which they were required to swear that they had not previously communicated to the candidate) arising more indirectly out of the passages selected, or might suggest objections to the answers. With a tender regard for the feelings of their comrades at this "rigorous and tremendous Examination" (as they style it) the students by their Statutes required the Examiner to treat the examinee "as his own son." The Examination concluded, the votes of the Doctors present were taken by ballot and the candidate's fate determined by the majority, the decision being announced by the Archdeacon.[63] The successful candidate ordinarily proceeded within a short time to the public examination, which was held in the cathedral. At this examination he received both the formal license to teach and the Doctor's degree. Before the appointed day he went about inviting friends and public officials to the ceremony. Ostentation at this time was forbidden: Those who are candidates for the Doctor's degree, when they give their invitations to the public examination, should go without trumpets or any instruments whatever; and the Beadle of the Arch-deacon of Bologna, with the Beadles of the Doctors under whom they are to have the public examination, should precede him on horseback. At that late day they [the candidates] shall not provide any feast, except among scholars from the same house or among those related to the candidate in the first, second, third, or even the fourth degree. Furthermore no one of the Rectors shall presume to ride with him on that day.[64] On the actual day of the examination, however, "the love of pageantry characteristic of the mediaeval and especially of the Italian mind was allowed the amplest gratification"; the candidate went to the cathedral, doubtless preceded by trumpeters, and escorted by a procession of his fellow-students. The statutes of the German Nation at Bologna describe as one object of that organization "the clustering about, attendance upon, and crowding around our Doctors-to-be, in season and out of season." Moreover, "the Scholars of our Nation shall individually accompany the one who is to be made Doctor, to the place where the insignia [of the degree] are usually bestowed, if he so wishes, or has so requested of the Proctor [of the Nation]. Also, they shall escort him with a large accompanying crowd from the aforesaid place to his own house, under penalty of one Bologna shilling."[65] The University statutes are to the same effect, but they prohibit horse-play, and the extravagance of tournaments. "Ultramontane" scholars are those from north, "Cismontane," those from south, of the Alps. Moreover, the ultramontane scholars shall accompany the ultramontane candidate, and the cismontane, the cismontane, from their dwelling places to Saint Peter's when they go there to take the public examination, and at that time hay and straw shall not be placed [on the floor of] the church. Furthermore all the ultra-and cis-montanes shall be present at the public examination, and all shall afterwards accompany the new Doctor from the church to his house under penalty of ten Bologna shillings, which it shall be the duty of the Rector to exact within eight days. And no scholar at the public examination of any citizen or foreign scholar shall be dressed for a dance or a brawl or a tournament, nor shall he joust as a knight. If any one disobey, he shall incur the penalty of perjury and ten Bologna pounds, and if he does not pay this within ten days on the demand of any Rector he shall be deprived of the advantage and honor of our University. And we impose the penalty of perjury also upon the Rector of the student who is to take the public examination, and this penalty he shall incur from the very fact that he should by all means exact from the candidate an oath that on the day on which he rides about to give invitations for the public examination which he is to take, he will not bring about any jousting or brawling as some have done heretofore. And if the candidate, when required, is unwilling to take the oath, or if he takes the oath and breaks it, he [the Rector] shall utterly forbid the public examination and direct the Doctors not to hold their meeting and also stop the Beadle, so that he shall not dare to announce his programme through the schools, under an arbitrary penalty to be imposed.[66] The ceremony at the cathedral included, first, the formal test of the candidate. After making a speech he held a disputation, in which he defended a thesis taken from the Laws against opponents chosen from the body of students, "thus playing for the first time the part of a Doctor in a University disputation." He was then presented by the Promoter to the Archdeacon, who conferred the final License to teach Civil or Canon Law or both, according to the student's training. This was done by a formula probably similar to the following, which is taken from a book published in 1710: Inasmuch as you have been presented to me for examination in both [Civil and Canon] Laws and for the customary approval, by the Most Illustrious and Most Excellent D.D. (naming the Promoters), golden Knights, Counts Palatine, Most Celebrated Doctors, and inasmuch as you have since undergone an arduous and rigorous examination, in which you bore yourself with so much learning and distinction that that body of Most Illustrious and Excellent Promoters without one dissenting voice,--I repeat, without one dissenting voice,--have judged you worthy of the laurel, therefore by the authority which I have as Archdeacon and senior Chancellor, I create, publish, and name you, N.N., Doctor in the aforesaid Faculties, giving to you every privilege of lecturing, of ascending the Master's chair, of writing glosses, of interpreting, of acting as Advocate, and of exercising also the functions of a Doctor here and everywhere throughout the world; furthermore, of enjoying all those privileges which those happy individuals, who have been so deserving in these fostering colleges, are accustomed to use and enjoy. And I trust that all these things will forever result in the increase of your fame and the honor of our Colleges, to the praise and glory of Almighty God and of the ever blessed Virgin Mary.[67] "In pursuance of the license thus conferred, he was then invested by the Promoter with the _insignia_ of the teaching office, [the chair, the book, the ring, the cap,] each, no doubt, with some appropriate formula. He was seated in the Magisterial chair or _cathedra_. He was handed the open book--one of the Law texts which it was his function to expound. A gold ring was placed upon his finger, either in token of his espousal to Science or in indication of the Doctor's claim to be the equal of Knights; and the Magisterial _biretta_ placed upon his head: after which the Promotor left him with a paternal embrace, a kiss, and a benediction."[68] Then followed the triumphal procession homeward through the town, "preceded by the three University pipers and the four University trumpeters." (d) _A Day's Work at Louvain in_ 1476 Documents which describe the day's work of a mediaeval student are not common. A Ducal ordinance for the University of Louvain in 1476 indicates the way in which the student was supposed to work at that institution. The tutors shall see that the scholars rise in the morning at five o'clock, and that then before lectures each one reads by himself the laws which are to be read at the regular lecture, together with the glosses.... But after the regular lecture, having if they wish, quickly heard mass, the scholars shall come to their rooms and revise the lectures that have been given, by rehearsing and impressing on their memory whatever they have brought away from the lectures either orally or in writing. And next they shall come to lunch ...after lunch, each one having brought to the table his books, all the scholars of the Faculty together, in the presence of a tutor, shall review that regular lecture; and in this review the tutor shall follow a method which will enable him, by discreet questioning of every man, to gather whether each of them listened well to the lecture and remembered it, and which will recall the whole lecture by having its parts recited by individuals. And if watchful care is used in this one hour will suffice.[69] (e) _Time-table of Lectures at Leipzig_, 1519 There must have been some orderly arrangement of each day's lectures as the requirements for the various degrees became fixed; but I have not found an early document on the subject. The Statutes of Leipzig for 1519 give "an accurate arrangement of the lectures of the Faculty of Fine Arts, hour by hour, adapted to a variety of intellects and to diverse interests." They do not always specify the semester in which the book is to be read; in such cases the title is placed in the center of the column. The list includes practically all the books required for the degrees of A.B. and A.M. Unless otherwise specified, they are the works of Aristotle; but the versions are, as noted on page 48, new translations from the Greek. These translations are praised in no uncertain terms in the Statutes. The Metaphysic is presented in Latin by Bessarion "so cleverly and with so good faith that he will seem to differ not even a nail's breadth from the Greek copies and sentiments of Aristotle." The Ethics and the Economics are "cleverly and charmingly put into Latin by Argyropulos;" the Politics and the Magna Moralia are "finely translated by Georgius Valla, that well-known man of great learning," etc. Lectures, it will be noted, began early. The following tabular view is compiled from Zarncke, _Statutenbücher der Universität Leipzig_, pp. 39-42. In addition to the "ordinary," or prescribed, books, "two books of Cicero's Letters will be read on festal days"; and "the Greek Grammar of Theodorus Gaza will be explained at the expense of the illustrious Prince George." SUMMER | WINTER | SUMMER | WINTER | | | 6 A.M. | 1 P.M. | Metaphysics. |Metaphysics. |Posterior |Topics (4 Bks.) Introduction |On | Analytics. |Generation and (Porphyry). | Interpretation |Sense and | Destruction. Categories. |Logic (Aquinas). | Sensation. |Being and | |Memory and | Essence On Six Principles (Gilbert de la | Recollection. | (Aquinas). Porrée). |Sleep and Waking.| Physics (Digest of Aristotle by |Longevity and | Albertus Magnus). | Shortlivedness.| -----------------------------------| | 8 A.M. |Institutes of Oratory | (Quintilian). Physical Hearing (sic.) Physics? |---------------------------------- Reading and Disputation by | 2 P.M. candidates for A.B. and A.M. | Grammar (Priscian). |On the Soul (3 |On the Heavens -----------------------------------| Bks). | and the Earth. 11 A.M. |Common |On the Substance | Arithmetic, and| of the World Logic: Summulae (Petrus Hispanus). | On the Sphere | (Averroes). | | (Sacrobosco). |Common Rhetoric (Cicero |On the Orator | | Perspective, to Herennius). | (Cicero). | | i.e., Optics Physical |On the Vital | | (John of Auscultation | Principle | | Pisa). (Themistius). | (Themistius). |Theory of the Planets (Gerard of | | Cremona). | Ethics | Politics. | Economics. |Magna Moralia, _i.e._, | Ethics, abbreviated from | Aristotle and Eudemus. |---------------------------------- | 4 P.M. | |Theocritus. |Herodotus. |Virgil. |Aristotle, Problems. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 57: Giraldus Cambrensis, ed. Brewer, I, pp. 45-47.] [Footnote 58: Quoted by Rashdall, I, p. 219.] [Footnote 59: Malagola, _Statuti delle Università i dei Collegi dello Studio Bolognese._ Selections from pp. 41-43.] [Footnote 60: Bulaeus, _Historia Universitatis Parisiensis_, IV, 332.] [Footnote 61: Dante, _Quaestio de Aqua et Terra_, tr. A.C. White, pp. VII-IX.] [Footnote 62: Document printed by Rashdall, II, Pt. II, pp. 742-3.] [Footnote 63: Rashdall, I, p. 226.] [Footnote 64: Malagola, _Statuti_, etc., p. 116.] [Footnote 65: _Acta Nationis Germanicae_, pp. 4, 8.] [Footnote 66: Malagola, _Statuti_, etc., p. 116.] [Footnote 67: Document printed by Rashdall, II, Pt. II, p. 734.] [Footnote 68: Rashdall, I, p. 229.] [Footnote 69: Document printed by Rashdall, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 766.] V REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREES IN ARTS In general, the candidate for the A.B. degree must have taken part as "respondent" or "opponent" (see p. 115) in a prescribed number of disputations, and must have "heard" the lectures on certain prescribed books before taking his examination for the degree. (This examination seems, in some cases, to have been little more than a certification by a committee of Masters that the student had fulfilled the foregoing requirements.) The candidate for the degree of A.M. must have completed further prescribed books and disputations, and must have "read," i.e., lectured upon, some book or books which he had previously "heard," before taking his examination for the License (to teach everywhere). No general statement can be given as to the required number of disputations; the practice differed at various times and places. The Statutes of Leipzig required during the fifteenth century six "ordinary" and six "extraordinary" responses from the prospective Bachelor. The prospective Master was required to declare that he had been present at thirty ordinary Bachelors' disputations, and had argued in each one "if he had been able to get the opportunity to argue." The candidate for the License at Paris, in 1366, must have attended disputations throughout one "grand Ordinary," and must have "responded" twice. At Oxford the youth must have taken part in disputations for a year as "general sophister," and must have "responded" at least once, before taking the A.B. or before "Determination," which was the equivalent of the A.B. Prospective masters must have responded at least twice.[70] The following lists of prescribed books give a good idea of mediaeval requirements (aside from disputations) for the degrees of A.B. and A.M., at various times and places. The reader will note at once the predominance of Aristotle, and the variations in requirements for the degrees. Many similar lists might be cited from the records of other universities; but they would give little additional information as regards the degrees in Arts. 1. List of Books Prescribed for the Degrees of A.B. and A.M. at Paris, 1254. The following list from the Statutes of 1254 does not separate the books into the groups required for each degree, but indicates the total requirement for both. {Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle { (Isagoge), Porphyry. (1) The "Old" Logic {Categories, and On Interpretation, { Aristotle. {Divisions, and Topics except Bk. IV, { Boethius. {Prior and Posterior Analytics, Aristotle. (2) The "New" Logic {Sophistical Refutations, " {Topics, " (3) Moral Philosophy: Ethics, 4 Bks., " {Physics, Aristotle. {On the Heavens and the Earth, " {Meteorics, " {On Animals, " {" the Soul, " (4) Natural Philosophy {" Generation, " {" Sense and Sensible Things, " {" Sleep and Waking, " {" Memory and Recollection, " {" Life and Death, " {" Plants, " (?) (5) Metaphysics: Metaphysics, " {On the Six Principles, Gilbert de la Porrée {Barbarismus (Bk. 3, Larger Grammar), { Donatus. (6) Other Books {Grammar (Major and Minor), Priscian. {On Causes, Costa Ben Luca. {On the Differences of Spirit and Soul { (another translation of On Causes).[71] An interesting part of the Statute of 1254 relates to the length of time to be given to the various books, or groups of books, prescribed. The entire Old Logic is to be read in about six months (October 1-March 25); the New Logic and Priscian's Grammar in the same length of time; the Physics, the Metaphysics and On Animals, together, in somewhat more than eight months (October 1-June 25); the four books of the Ethics, alone, in six weeks; On Life and Death is to be completed in one week, and several of the other treatises in the same group are to be read in periods varying from two to five weeks. Knowledge of these facts renders the list as a whole considerably less imposing than it might otherwise appear. 2. Books required at Paris in 1366. In this and all the following examples the books are by Aristotle unless otherwise specified. For the A.B.: (1) Grammar: Doctrinale, Alexander da Villa Dei. (2) Logic: The Old and the New Logic, as above. (3) Natural Philosophy: On the Soul. For the License to teach everywhere: (1) Natural Philosophy: Physics; On the Heavens and the Earth; On Generation and Corruption; Parva Naturalia (see p. 143); On Mechanics. (2) Mathematics: "Some books"; probably the treatises required at Leipzig in 1410. (See p. 140). (3) Politics. (4) Rhetoric. For the A.M.: (1) Ethics. (2) Meteorics (3 Bks.).[72] 3. Books required at Oxford, 1267: For the A.B. (Determination): (1) Logic: The Old and the New Logic (see p. 140), and On the Six Principles. (2) Either Grammar (selections from Donatus and Priscian), or Natural Philosophy (Physics, On the Soul, and On Generation and Corruption).[73] For the A.B. in (?) 1408. (1) Logic: The Old and the New Logic in "cursory," or extraordinary, lectures, given by Bachelors; Introduction, Porphyry: On the Six Principles, Gilbert de la Porrée; Sophistical Refutations. (2) Grammar; Barbarismus, Donatus. (3) Mathematics: Arithmetic; Computus ecclesiasticus (Method of finding Easter); On the Sphere, Sacrobosco.[74] 4. Books required at Leipzig for the Degree of A.B. in 1410.[75] (1) Grammar; Priscian (the last two books). [2 months.] {Tractatus (Summulae), Petrus Hispanus. [2-1/2-3 months.] (2) Logic {The "Old" Logic (see Paris, 1254). [3-4 months.] {The "New" " except Topics. [6-1/2-7 months.] (3) Nat'l Philosophy {Physics. [6-9 months.] {On the Soul. [7 weeks-2 months.] (4) Mathematics; On the Material Sphere (Sacrobosco). [5-6 weeks.] 5. Books required at Leipzig for the Degree of A.M. in 1410. (1) Logic {Logic of Heytisbury. {Topics, Aristotle. [3-4 months.] (2) Moral and {Ethics. [6-9 " ] Practical {Politics. [4-9 " ] Philosophy {Economics. [3 weeks.] {On the Heavens and the Earth. [3-1/2-4 { months.] {On Generation and Destruction. [7 { weeks-2 months.] (3) Natural Philosophy {Meteorics. [3-1/2-4 months.] {Parva Naturalia (i.e., the books on { Sense and Sensible Things, Sleep and { Waking, Memory and Recollection, { Longevity and Shortlivedness). [2-1/2-3 { months.] (4) Metaphysics: Metaphysics. [5-9 months.] {Astronomy: Theory of the Planets { (Gerard of Cremona). [5-6 weeks.] {Geometry: Euclid. [5-9 months.] {Arithmetic: Common Arithmetic (Sacrobosco). (5) Mathematics { [3 weeks-1 month.] {Music: Music (John de Muris). [3 { weeks-1 month.] {Optics: Common Perspective (John { of Pisa). [3-3-1/2 months.][76] FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 70: Statutes of 1431.] [Footnote 71: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, I, No. 246.] [Footnote 72: Rashdall, I, p. 436.] [Footnote 73: _Munimenta Acad. Oxon.,_ I, pp. 35-36.] [Footnote 74: _Munimenta Acad. Oxon._, I, pp. 242-243.] [Footnote 75: The figures in brackets indicate the time to be given to each book, or group of books. The data are from Zarncke, _Statutenbücher der Univ. Leipzig._, 311-312.] [Footnote 76: For the requirements in 1519 see p. 134.] VI ACADEMIC LETTERS 1. LETTERS RELATING TO PARIS (a) _A Twelfth-Century Critic_ The pessimist who laments the decay of education, and who feels that its golden age was the time in which he received his own training, or earlier, is a perennial figure in the history of education. The following letter has a surprisingly modern ring. Denifle (p. 747) thinks that Stephen was unable to reconcile himself to the new movement at Paris because of his monastic training. Stephen's view, however, "was not wholly wrong." Compare the letter of Peter de la Celle to John of Salisbury, page 144. "Stephen [Bishop] of Tournai, in his letters directed to the Pope, laments the ruin of the study of sacred literature, of Canon Law and the Arts, and, blaming the professors, implores the hand of Apostolic correction." (1192-1203.) To the Pope. Beseeching his pardon, we would speak to our sovereign Pontiff, whose kindness stimulates our boldness, whose knowledge supports our ignorance, whose patience assures indulgence. The authority of our forefathers first impels us, then the disease which is insinuating itself, and which will in the end be irremediable if its evil influence be not checked at the beginning. Nor do we say this, Father, as though we wish to be either censors of morals, or judges of the doctors, or debaters of doctrines. This burden requires stronger shoulders and this fight calls for the vigorous arms of spiritual athletes. We wish only to point out this distress to your sacred Fatherhood, on whom God has conferred the power of checking error and the knowledge of how to correct it. The study of sacred letters among us has descended into the very factory of confusion; the teachers are more watchful for glory than for doctrine, and they write up new and modern summaries and commentaries upon theological foundations, with which they soothe, retain, and deceive their pupils; as though there were not plenty of works of the holy fathers who, we read, put forth their sacred writings inspired by that same spirit which we believe inspired the apostles and prophets when they composed theirs.... Public debates are carried on in violation of the sacred constitutions concerning the incomprehensibility of the Deity; a wordy, carnal strife on the incarnation of the Word goes on irreverently. Even the indivisible Trinity is divided at the street corners and quarrelled over, so that there are already as many errors as there are teachers, as many scandals as lecture rooms, as many blasphemies as public squares. Furthermore, if recourse is had to the courts which are established by Common Law, either those set up by us, or by the regular judges which we are bound to recognize, there is presented by venal men the tangled forest of the Decretals, under the pretext, as it were, of the sacred memory of Pope Alexander, and the more ancient sacred Canons are thrown away, rejected, and spewed out. This confusion being made in the very centre of the wholesome regulations made by the Councils of the holy fathers, they impose upon their councils no method and on their business no restraint, those letters having prevailing weight, which, it may be, lawyers have forged and engrossed for pay in their own offices or chambers. A new volume, got together from these sources, is both read regularly in the schools and is exposed for sale in the market with the approval of the crowd of notaries, who rejoice that both their labor is lessened and their pay increased in engrossing these suspicious works. Two woes have been set forth, and lo, a third woe remains! The Faculties called liberal [i.e., free] have lost their old time liberty, and are devoted to a slavery so complete that long-haired youths shamelessly possess themselves of the offices in these Faculties, and beardless boys sit in the seat of the Elders, and those who do not yet know how to be pupils strive to be named Doctors. And they themselves compile their own summaries, reeking and wet with [their own] further drivellings, and not even seasoned with the salt of the philosophers. Neglecting the rules of the Arts and throwing away the standard works of the Makers of the Arts, they catch in their sophisms, as in spiders' webs, the midges of their empty trifling phrases. Philosophy cries out that her garments are rent and torn asunder; she modestly covers her nakedness with certain carefully prepared remnants [but] she is neither consulted by the good man nor does she console the good woman. These things, O Father, demand the hand of Apostolic correction, that the present unseemliness of teaching, learning, and debating may by your authority be reduced to definite form, that the Divine Word may not be cheapened by vulgar attrition; that it may not be said on the corners, Lo! Here is Christ, or Lo! He is there! that sacred things may not be cast before dogs or pearls before swine to be trampled under their feet.[77] (b) _The Monastic View_ To many of the monks of this period study and the search for truth through reason were repellent. In their view the way to spiritual truth was through retirement from the world, and the observance of religious exercises. This is the burden of a letter to John of Salisbury by Peter de la Celle, abbot of a monastery near Rheims, in 1164. Incidentally it gives his view concerning Paris. "Peter de la Celle to John of Salisbury concerning the perils that encompass souls at Paris and concerning the true school of truth." His own Abbot to his own clerk. You have, my well-beloved, chosen a sufficiently delightful exile, where joys, though they be vain, are in superabundance, where the supply of bread and wine exceeds in richness that of your own land where there is the frequent access of friends, where the dwelling together of comrades is common. Who else besides you is there beneath the sky who has not thought Paris the place of delights, the garden of plantations, the field of first fruits? Yet, though smiling [at these things], you have said truly that where pleasure of the body is greater and fuller, there is the exile of the soul; and where luxury reigns there the soul is a wretched and afflicted hand-maid. O Paris! How well-suited art thou to captivate and deceive souls! In thee are the nets of the vices, in thee the arrow of Hell transfixes the hearts of the foolish! This my John has felt and therefore he has named it an exile. Would that you were leaving behind that exile of yours just as it is, and were hastening to your native land not in word and tongue only but in very deed and truth! There, in the book of life would you be looking, not upon forms and elements, but upon divinity itself, as it really is, as upon truth--eye to eye, without labor of reading, without tediousness of seeing, without fallacies and mistakes of understanding, without anxiety of retaining, without fear of forgetting. O blessed school, where Christ teaches our hearts with the words of his virtue, where without study and lecture we learn how we should live happily to eternity! There no book is bought, no teacher of things written is hired, there is no circumventing in debate, no intricacy of sophisms, [but] a plain settlement of all questions, a full apprehension of universal reasons and arguments. There life avails more than lecture; simplicity, more than cavilling. There no one is shut in [i.e., limited in freedom] save he who is shut out. In a word; there every reproach is done away with in the answer given to him who evilly presents an evil life: "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels;" and to him who sets for a good life: "Come, ye blessed" &c. Would that the sons of men were as intent upon these better studies as they are on idle talking, on vain and base buffoonery! Certainly they would harvest richer fruits, more excellent favors, certainly greater honors and beyond doubt would learn the end of all perfection,--Christ,--whom they will never find in these. Farewell.[78] (c) _Letters from or to Students at Paris_ These letters belong to a period covering nearly four centuries. The first gives an opinion of William of Champeaux in marked contrast to that of Abelard. (1) A CERTAIN D. WRITES TO A CERTAIN PRIOR CONCERNING HIS STUDIES AT PARIS. (1109-1112.) I am now in Paris in the School of Master William of Champeaux, the greatest of all the men of his time whom I have known, in every branch of learning. When we hear his voice we think that no man, but, as it were, an angel from heaven, is speaking; for the melody of his words and the profundity of his ideas transcends, as it were, human limitations.... Here, my revered friend, I am training my youth that I may not utterly succumb to those vices which, unless conquered, are wont, as a rule, to overturn this period of life. Here I am doing my best to illumine by doctrine and study my untaught mind, emancipated from the shades of ignorance and the sin of the first man, so far as God, from whom alone comes every blessing of wisdom, shall himself deign to permit. Because the blessing of wisdom, when sought and acquired with pure interest, is rightly believed and considered by all men of discernment as the surmnuni [bonum]. For, as the Apostle says: Knowledge without charity puffeth up but, with charity edifieth: for it uproots vices and grafts in virtues; it instructs itself in its duty to itself, its neighbor, and its Creator; finally, by its presence, it fortifies and defends the mind, over which it presides in person, against all the ills of this life that come to it from without.[79] (2) PHILIP OF HARVENGT TO HERGALD, A STUDENT AT PARIS (DATE BETWEEN 1154 AND 1181) Know that I have both read carefully and when read, accepted gratefully the letters which your affection, with memorable feeling, led you to send to me ...because in them I thought I saw evidence of your progress in learning.... Just as the Queen of Sheba is said to have come with a large retinue, that by the sight of her own eyes she might have surer knowledge of those things whose fame she had eagerly absorbed from afar, so you too, drawn by love of knowledge, came to Paris and found a much desired model of Jerusalem, sought for by many. For here David strikes his harp of ten chords, here with mystic touch he composes the psalms. Here Isaiah is read and in the reading his prophecies are revealed; here the rest of the prophets present their diverse strains of harmonious melody. Here the wisdom of Solomon is open for the instruction of those who have gathered from all parts of the world; here his treasure house is thrown open to eager students. Here to stimulate so great a concourse of students there is so great a throng of clerks that it vies with the numerous multitude of the laity. Happy city! in which the Sacred Codes are pored over with so much zeal and their involved mysteries are solved by the gift of the outpoured Spirit, in which there is so much diligence on the part of the readers, and, in short, so much knowledge of Scriptures that it truly deserves to be called Cariath Sepher, that is The City of Letters. Therein would I have you instructed like Gothoniel, not so much in letters as in the spirit, and so to grasp the Scriptures that you may take delight in searching out their inner sweetness.... Farewell.[80] (3) DESCRIPTION OF PARIS ABOUT 1175 BY GUY DE BASOCHES To a youth who is noble and so like himself as to be a second self, Guy de Basoches [seeks] to match his nobility of birth by high-bred manners.... My situation then is this: I am indeed in Paris, happy because of soundness of both mind and body, happier were you enjoying it too, and happiest had it but been my lot to have you with me. I am indeed in Paris, in that City of Kings, which not only holds, by the sweet delight of her natural dowry, those who are with her, but also alluringly invites those who are far away. For as the moon by the majesty of its more brilliant mirror overwhelms the rays of the stars, not otherwise does said city raise its imperial head with its diadem of royal dignity above the rest of the cities. It is situated in the lap of a delightful valley, surrounded by a coronet of mountains which Ceres and Bacchus adorn with fervent zeal. The Seine, no humble stream amid the army of rivers, superb in its channel, throwing its two arms about the head, the heart, the very marrow of the city, forms an island. Two suburbs reach out to right and left, the less excellent, even, of which begets envy in envious cities. From the two suburbs two stone bridges stretch over to the island and one of them which has been named for its size, for it is Great, faces the north and the English Sea, while the opposite one, which opens towards the Loire, they call the Little Bridge.... On this island Philosophy, of old, placed a royal throne for herself, Philosophy, who, despised in her solitude, with a sole attendant, Study, now possesses an enduring citadel of light and immortality, and under her victorious feet tramples the withered flowers of a world already in its dotage. On this island, the seven sisters, to wit, the Liberal Arts, have secured an eternal abiding place for themselves, and, with the ringing clarion of their nobler eloquence, decrees and laws are proclaimed. Here the healing fount of learning gushes forth, and as it were evoking from itself three most limpid streams, it makes a threefold division of the knowledge of the sacred page into History, Allegory and Morals.[81] (4) JOHANN VON JENZENSTEIN TO MASTER BENESCH OF HORSCHOWITZ, CONCERNING PARIS. (1375.) Master Bennessius, dearest comrade and friend. If recent doings at Paris are unknown to you, if the fecundity of pleasures, the abundance of all things edible, the manners of the men, the bountiful supply of all the sciences, even the clever teaching in very many material crafts,--if you could but see the mere shadow of all these, surely, overpowered by their arguments, you would throw off your sluggishness and generously enter into the aforesaid enjoyments; and your eyes, grown old in old sights would renew their youth in these new sights.... For here (says the writer sarcastically) are distinguished doctors of many faculties, some of whom by their crazy ways of thinking, and still others by crazy ways of acting, others, indeed, by inflicting wounds, and still others by abusive words, furnish enjoyment that is exceeding pleasing; and (he adds more seriously) there are other Masters subtly trained in the seven liberal Arts, by whose example and teaching the entire earth, like the heavens, is adorned with stars; and some of these masters are illuminated by the three trivials and some by the four quadrivials and some by both the trivials and the quadrivials. Now the three trivials are grammar, which teaches clearly the agreement of speech; and starting from that, the youth who holds on to his first teaching makes a beginning whereby he may obtain a deeper taste of the profundities of other knowledge also; the second is rhetoric, which by the charm of its colors adorns as with pearls the subject matter, and ennobles grammar, and instils acceptably into the ears of men that which is heard; the third is logic by means of which the method of skilful deductive reasoning is assigned to the individual sciences, without which the powers of all the sciences are quiescent, and by whose addition all the sciences are regularly organized. (The letter ends with a similar description of the quadrivials.)[82] 2. TWO OXFORD LETTERS OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY (1) OXFORD UNIVERSITY TO THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, ACKNOWLEDGING A GIFT OF BOOKS. (1439.) Most illustrious, most cultured and magnificent Prince, the enduring value of the benefits you have conferred on the English nation, and the meritorious deeds of your most powerful Highness in its behalf can never die, but, with distinguished fame destined to endure, will flourish with ever-renewed praise and happy remembrance. How delightful it certainly is for us to reflect upon these again and again! Among the rest, however, that deed itself redounds to the splendor of your most mighty Highness, namely, that after having brought about the repression of heretic plotting against the church of God, you have chosen to reinvigorate the vineyard of the Lord, your hand-maid, the University of Oxford, with books on all the sciences and virtues, out of which the abundant wine of knowledge and truth may be squeezed by the press of study. For this reason we set forth in this humble letter our thanks, our praise, and our prayers, but we cannot express ourselves adequately. Which of the Universities has found a Prince so munificent, so illustrious, so magnificent?--whose service in the field has ever been successful, whose mind is most liberal, and who displays charity to all, justice to each, and harm to none. What respecter of the wise was ever so pious, what supporter of them so efficient, what patron of the sciences, of virtues, and of books so generous? And by these not only are the hearts of the living enlightened to the glory of God and the advance of virtue, but even more in coming ages will posterity be illumined. Can the happy memory of deeds so great pass away? Nay, but it will be a benediction forever. A statute has been made in the words of your supplicant, and is to be forever in force, which will never fail in prayers in your behalf but will serve as an enduring memorial. Wherefore, although the fame of others may ebb with the flow of time or perish through being overshadowed by the rising of greater men, yet your fame cannot perish under the cloud of oblivion nor can it, of a truth, be obscured by the shadow of greater benefactions. If the great conquests of Alexander come to our ears, renewed day by day through the devices of the wise Greeks who committed such deeds to writing, how much more will this University, your devoted supplicant, bear witness to your magnificent deeds to the end of time, not only by her prayers but also in her writings? Nay, were the tongues of all to be silent the fact itself would bear witness more than speech, the fact, to wit, that one hundred and thirty-nine most precious volumes of theology, medicine, and the seven liberal sciences have been deposited in our library from your own collection, as an eternal witness to your surpassing virtues and munificence. We pray therefore that you may be willing to look upon this University as your vineyard and your handmaid and perpetual supplicant. And may the Lord Himself most glorious, who chose your serenity for the bestowing of such benefactions, grant to you the fruits of the spirit and guide you to the University of the saints. Written at Oxford in our congregation in the twenty-fifth day of the month of January. The most humble supplicant of your Serenity, the University of learning at Oxford.[83] (2) TESTIMONIAL LETTER FOR MR. JOHN KING OF OXFORD To all the children of Holy Church, our Mother, to whom this letter may come, the Chancellor of the University of Oxford and the whole assembly of masters ruling in the same send greeting in the arms of our Saviour. We believe that we present an offering in the sight of the highest truth, as often as we furnish a testimony of high praise to one excellent in virtue and in knowledge. Therefore we,--wishing all whom it may concern to know of the commendable life and the fragrance of honest conversation of our beloved brother, Master John King, M.A. and student in Sacred Theology, a prudent Procurator of our University who has filled his office most efficiently; we therefore, as we have said, wishing all to know, as we are bound to do,--and to prevent so bright a light from being hid beneath the bushel of silence,--do bear witness by this letter that, through the commendable merits of our aforesaid brother and his study, he has attained such proficiency that the fragrant fame of his name--which the praise of his excellent action has exalted to the pinnacle of glory with us--could not be concealed: but from the height of its exalted pedestal it has furnished a living example to all scholars for emulation, and a great light to all people for profitable instruction. And so, while adorning our University with his presence and outshining all in the maturity and dignity of his character, he won the love of all by his spotless name. We commend him therefore to your worshipful reverences, earnestly praying that you will show yourselves favorable and kind to him, both out of regard for our University and for his deserts. In witness of which, and that all may know more fully about his laudable character, we have caused this letter to be sealed for said Master John with the seal of our University. Given at Oxford in the Congregation-house, February 9th, 1434.[84] FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 77: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, I, f. 47.] [Footnote 78: _Chart. Univ. Paris.,_ I, No. 22, p. 24.] [Footnote 79: Jaffé, _Bibliotheca_, V, pp. 285, ff.] [Footnote 80: _Chart. Univ. Paris._, I, No. 51, p. 50.] [Footnote 81: _Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de Paris_, 1877, p. 37 f.] [Footnote 82: _Archiv für oesterreichische Geschichte_, Vol. 55, p. 385.] [Footnote 83: _Epistolae Academicae Oxon._, I, p. 177.] [Footnote 84: _Epistolae Academicae Oxon._, I, p. 113.] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE =1. Additional Readings from the Sources.= MUNRO, D.C. _The Mediaeval Student_. (Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, Vol. II, No. 3.) The student should not fail to procure this little pamphlet, which is a necessary supplement to several of the readings in the present collection. It contains useful explanatory notes as well as important documents. Price, ten cents. Longmans, Green & Co., New York City. ROBINSON, J.H. _Readings in European History_. Vol. I, chap. xix, and especially pp. 446-461. Readings on Abelard, Aristotle in the Universities, Roger Bacon. HENDERSON, E.F. _Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_, pp. 262-266. Charter of the University of Heidelberg, 1386. =2. General References on the History of Mediaeval Universities.= RASHDALL, HASTINGS. _The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1895. 1273 pages, 2 vols. in three parts. Much the best work on the subject; based on the sources. Indispensable for reference. MULLINGER, J.B. _Encyclopedia Britannica_, Art. _Universities._ "The first tolerably correct (though very brief) account which has appeared in English." Includes university history to 1882. _Encyclopedia Britannica_ and other encyclopedias. The student who may not have access to works mentioned in this list is reminded that brief accounts of the men and the subjects here considered are often to be found in good encyclopedias. =3. Bibliographies.= The best single collection of references to the extensive literature of the subject is in Rashdall's work, though this does not include books and articles published since 1895. Compayré (see below) includes a brief list. References to sources and secondary works on the Seven Liberal Arts are published by Abelson; references relating to university text-books of Greek origin by Loomis (see below). =4. Text-books.= COMPAYR�, G. _Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Universities._ New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1892. Still the best single text-book for class use. Contains numerous errors, which should be corrected by comparison with Rashdall. WOODWARD, W.H., _editor_. _Mediaeval Schools and Universities._ Cambridge Contributions to Modern History, I. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. This work, which is still in preparation, will probably supersede Compayré. 5. References to Special Topics. All of the topics treated in this collection of readings are discussed by Rashdall and Compayré. Page references may be found by use of the indexes appended to their books. =Introduction=. On the historical point of view see J.H. ROBINSON, _Readings in European History_, Vol. I, Chap. I; on the place and use of documents, and other questions relating to the study of history, LANGLOIS and SEIGNOBOS, _Introduction to the Study of History_. =Abelard=. MCCABE, JOSEPH. _Abelard_. A scholarly study, in brilliant style. Chaps. I-IV deal with Abelard as a teacher. The best biography in English. =John of Salisbury=. POOLE, R.L. _Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought_, passim. National Dictionary of Biography, Art. _John of Salisbury_. =University Studies=. ABELSON, PAUL. _The Seven Liberal Arts_. The best study in English. Contains much information regarding university text-books in these subjects. LOOMIS, LOUISE R. _Mediaeval Hellenism_. Valuable information concerning the history and the translations of the works of Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates, and other Greek writers. ZELLER, E. _Aristotle and the Earlier Peripatetics_. The standard treatise on the works of Aristotle, and their history. The student is earnestly advised to spend a few hours in examining such copies of the mediaeval text-books as he may find in his college library. The time thus spent will do far more to clarify his ideas as to their character and extent than much talk about them. Old editions, often with the commentaries, may be available; some libraries possess MS. copies. Translations of the more important works of Aristotle may be found by reference to the library catalogue; among these may be mentioned _the Rhetoric_, by J.E.C. Welldon; the _Politics_, by B. Jowett; the _Ethics_ (Nicomachean), by F.H. Peters; the _Poetics_, by S.H. Butcher. Of the _Corpus Juris Civilis_, the _Institutes_ have been translated by T.C. Sandars; the first part of the _Digest_ by C.H. Monro. The _Corpus Juris Canonici_ as it was known in the middle ages has not been translated. This is true also of most books on the Seven Liberal Arts. Some works of Galen and Hippocrates have been done into English; but these translations are old, and probably inaccurate. =Academic Letters=. HASKINS, C.H. _The Life of Mediaeval Students as Illustrated by their Letters_. American Historical Review, 1897-1898. A brief but important study, from the sources; refers to several of the letters here printed. 
27863	----	The Legacy of Ignorantism (Ignorantismo) An address delivered before the Teachers Assembly, Baguio, April 23, 1920 By Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera [English and Spanish] Manila Bureau of Printing 1921 THE LEGACY OF IGNORANTISM [1] (IGNORANTISMO) By Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera An address [2] delivered before the Teachers, Assembly, Baguio, April 23, 1920 Woe unto you, lawyers! for ye have taken away the key of knowledge; ye entered not in yourselves, and them that were entering in ye hindered--Luke 11:52. I have the honor to appear before you accepting with great pleasure an invitation which the Assistant Director, Mr. Osias, kindly extended to me. Having left the choice of the subject to my discretion, I deemed it worth while to speak on the Lay Education which has been in operation in our public schools since the implantation of the new régime which rules the destiny of the Filipino people. I am going to confine myself to facts, and shall speak as frankly and as faithfully as the case requires, altho in so doing I may hurt the feelings of some. Satisfying Movement For some time in our society there has been a growing concern against immorality, against vice, against idleness; in short against those which can rightly be called social ills. Such a tendency is certainly good and satisfying; a sign of a notable social progress altho for the majority it is a cause of alarm and regret because of the seeming increase of such ills. Is there a positive increase of immorality? Is there real cause for alarm because of a moral retrogression of our society? After having asked myself these questions and after having considered the bases for the public clamor and for the excited opinion before the sight of growing vice and immorality, I can say that this tendency of public opinion is satisfying--a sign of betterment, of progress of general morals. In other words, it is not immorality which is growing. Rather, it is the moral consciousness which is gaining ground in individual consciences, thus forming a public opinion which formerly did not exist, completely awake to existing social evils and which are combatted. Not that social morals has been decadent. On the contrary, a moral consciousness has been rapidly formed in our society, a consciousness which formerly was found only among an inconsiderable minority, and which resulted in the new movement against vice and immorality. Public Opinion in Favor of Hygiene To better understand this phenomenon and to explain it as it really is and not as it apparently exists, it is worth while to compare it with the appearance of a new sentiment which was formed since the implantation of the American régime: the hygienic consciousness. Formerly, hardly anybody spoke of the unsanitary conditions of Manila, and only a few in our society had a true idea of its deplorable state. Now that our individual education has enabled us to understand what hygiene is and its importance has been demonstrated, we have not only improved our sanitary condition but a collective sentiment equal to the sum total of the individual sentiments has been formed, and a public opinion in favor of hygiene has been established. Since this opinion grows more rapidly than sanitation itself in Manila, we see that every once in a while the Bureau of Health is censured to the point of attributing to its fault the increase of anti-hygienic conditions, when in reality what increases is the clamor for hygiene by virtue of the increase of the individuals who understand hygiene and demand strict application of its laws and principles. Now public opinion denounces hygienic shortcomings which are incomparably less harmful than formerly, but which we view not in a relative but absolute manner. An unsanitary condition is denounced absolutely as an intolerable evil; relatively speaking our censure would be less severe if we bore in mind that a similar ill is not close at hand; we suffered in silence when we were ignorant not of its existence but of its effects upon health, so then for us it existed in a latent state and we did not see, feel, or notice it because of lack of preparation. It is identical to what happens when at the foot of a post charged with electric current is placed the sign: "Danger to life." Such a sign is practically useless and is no means of safety to the individual who does not know how to read. The one who can read knows the danger; he who does not read does not avail himself of the hygienic value of the danger signal. Anti-Cockpit Campaign Against the cockpit there is now a widespread campaign. This did not grow out of increased passion for the vice but out of the increased number of its enemies. None can say that cockfighting has increased; it is easy to prove that it has decreased; the number of days permitted by law is now insignificant compared with what it was a few years ago. Nevertheless, the campaign against cockfighting has increased precisely because the number of cockfighters has decreased. Exactly the same thing happened in card playing and horse-racing. Nothing in particular would be said about this general movement in favor of social morality if the attitude of public opinion would not have that mistaken and dangerous bias which is given it by certain elements which at all times have been an obstacle to the instruction of the Filipino people. These elements, taking advantage of the preoccupation of public opinion to combat vice and purify public morals, instead of simply supporting this movement and strengthening it justifying its usefulness by the good itself which it seeks to accomplish, launches a political campaign which consists in alarming the people making them believe that immorality increases, that the social ills are growing, that national life itself is endangered thru the fault of the reformers as a result of the new régime in vogue in the Philippines since the loss of the past sovereignty. They take advantage of the current of public opinion in favor of public morals, to make it appear that the democratic form of the Government, the English language, the lay schools, coeducation, and Anglo-Saxon civilization are the causes of the supposed growth of immorality: Such is the program of certain people! Our Enemies Those who in a great measure are guilty to their nation for the misfortunes that befell the Filipino people that resorted to revolution and rebellion to free themselves from a régime opposed to their progress and happiness, forgetting their incapacity to fulfill the obligations which, in the name of their country, they assumed here and which were the causes of the political failure of the past colonization, they to-day wish to defend their interests in our country pursuing their policy which would only produce dissension among the Filipinos. Under the pretext of interesting themselves more than we do in our own welfare, considering us to be blind and incapable to know and distinguish the good from the bad, deeming us eternal indios of inferior mentality, they seek to take us whithersoever they will, where it suits them, thru the dark path where none see but they, they who guide or wish to guide the indio, the eternal child who ought to allow himself to be led! In a foreign weekly published in Manila, we read the following: "Dedicated to the search of the enemies of the progress of the Filipinos, we find them in every bucket, in every cabaret; in the peaceful invasion of Japanese in the Philippines; in "panguingue," in billiard games, in the prevailing immorality in the theaters, in the novel, in the cinematograph and in the postal card; and above all and over all, in the lay school." He who thus expresses himself seeking to arouse Filipino hatred against the Japanese, to create suspicion first and trouble afterwards, is a stranger, and in the language in which he himself writes are written the theatrical works and the immoral novels that come to the Philippines. [3] In his language, too, were promulgated those laws and regulations in our country instituting cockfighting, lottery, billiard, created as sources of revenue for the State--things which we the Filipinos could not oppose in the old political régime without at the same time opposing the government itself which made vice a source of revenue and which, to increase its funds, had to encourage such vices, similar to opium in official smoking-rooms. Of the lay school we shall now speak presently. The Work of Calumny and Hatred Considering the nature of this campaign against our present day institutions, and painfully impressed by the great harm which this disastrous work of calumny, hatred, distrust and pessimism must have upon the progress and tranquillity of us, the Filipinos, I deem it my duty to speak when I am led to think that the limit has been reached by a document which came to my hands. It is no less than a circular which a high prelate directs to the curates of the parishes of his diocese, and which deals with public instruction. [4] Hell Threat The whole document is an attack against the Government schools, simply because in them the Catholic religion is not taught, threatening with hell those parents who send their children to such schools. At the close it says as follows: As a first step, after you have let the parents see the social evils which result from a Godless school, such as crime against purity, murder, suicide, rapine and robbery, disobedience against civil and ecclesiastical authorities, in short, the corruption of customs, all the seasoned fruit of those lay schools, your reverences should influence them to declare, in writing or communications which they should address to us, to the government without euphemisms their irrevocable and decided will that Christian education be given them in the schools. We, for our part, will look after the sending of these petitions to the Legislature. Machiavelic Accusation "All the seasoned fruit of those lay schools" said the prelate referring to the crimes and the corruption of customs which he mentions! An accusation of such nature must be proven by him who accuses. The worst part of it is that such accusations are made and later with the recommendation that they be made to sink into heads of parents or heads of families. The faithful will consider as true the affirmations that come from the lips of their priests, so that such propaganda promotes in the worst manner a feeling against a government accused of fomenting criminality in its schools. The prelate does not enjoin violence; but at such times as these, violence naturally results from an adequate preparation of the popular conscience; and when a people believes that the Government, the educator no less, is the cause of the thieves, the murderers, the corruptors, a people is truly dead who does not seek to wipe out by any means such a government, especially if it is foreign, which corrupts its citizens. Colossal Transformation Fortunately, it can be said without fear of erring that such accusations are altogether false; and if there is anything in the Philippines which deserves the approval of all worthy conscience, something which merits not only the gratitude but the admiration of the Filipino people, it is the organization of public education implanted by the American people. There is not a single Filipino capable of reasoning who does not see and understand the colossal transformation which our entire people experienced by virtue of that lay education. Not only did the Government organize an efficient educational system, but it extended it throughout the Archipelago in such a general way that some European nations which continually cite the annals of history, would very much like it for themselves; not only do we the Filipinos find in our lay schools those elements necessary for our instruction and our education so that we can be useful individuals to ourselves, and coöperate in the administration of our public affairs, but the private schools of the old régime have changed, have improved, have been transformed, have been placed to the level where they should, following the standard maintained by the Government. To deny this is sheer blindness. A Dominican School in Formosa Only he who is blinded by passion is capable of making accusation against the lay school such as we have here reproduced, and against which the first to protest will likely be the Dominican friars in the Philippines whose mission in Formosa, has a girl's school for the Chinese and Japanese in the Capitol, Taihoku, which I visited on my trip to that island. Reverend Father Clemente Fernandez, a Dominican and the Apostolic Vicar of Formosa, did me the honor of accompanying me in visiting such a school, called Beata Imelda, situated in the barrio of Daitelei, in Taihoku. It is a beautiful school of which the Dominicans can justly be proud. But it was not the material or educational organization of the institution that impressed me so much as the absence of all religious images in the rooms, classes, halls, and other rooms used for and by the girls. On my noticing the existence of so singular a case, Reverend Clemente Fernandez made it known to me that, among the conditions stipulated by the law of public instruction of Formosa, both for the government as well as the private schools, is the absolute prohibition of religious education and the presentation of images and objects of worship. This is therefore a lay school, a godless school, upon which should also fall the surprising accusation of a prelate who makes use of the liberty afforded him by our government to teach his religion in our schools, but abusing such right and attempting furthermore to impose his will upon the Government, accusing it of teaching homicide, theft, immorality, and corruption of customs in our schools. Were We To Use the Same Procedure There is no doubt that even under the Spanish régime we already knew of the existence in the Philippines of criminals condemned to death and imprisonment for murder, theft, rape, sacrilege, and all kinds of crimes, and that the corruption of customs was neither unknown nor rare. Since under the entire period of Spanish domination, instruction was under the exclusive care of the friars of the Roman Church, if we utilize the same procedure of the above-mentioned prelate, we could also accuse all the priests of having instructed the Filipinos, thru their education, in murder and in theft, and that the corruption of customs was "all the seasoned fruit of the Catholic schools." I do not propose such an accusation; I only content myself with presenting it as a logical consequence which could be deduced following the method used by the prelate in speaking to no less than his priests in a circular designed to orient the mentality of his clergy and of his parishioners. Pondering over the accusation of the Bishop, it occurred to me that it would be beneficial to recall the public instruction that was formerly given in the Philippines by the "godly schools" and consider the results obtained. Confident in the respectable character, and, to many, the sacred character of the priests, I must resort to their testimony to know what that education was and what results it gave to the Filipino people. We should not conceal the truth when the truth portrays things that may not be pleasing to us. None like those who are dedicated to instruction have such an interest in knowing the mentality of the society in which they live and which it is their duty to educate. An exact knowledge of the moral, intellectual, and physical defects of a people is the most important factor to orient its education, and it would be absurd to close one's eyes to what is bad, because the principle of correcting a certain thing is to know if it is a mistake or not. One cannot correct an evil of which he is ignorant. The Education of the Filipino People under Religious Direction Before attacking or defending the lay education of the public schools it would seem useful to know what the education of the Filipino people was under religious direction, and then know what results were obtained; that is to say, how a man subjected to such a system was transformed after more than three centuries of such a practice. I must secure the data which I here present from ecclesiastical sources because, altho they contain a certain exaggeration, in speaking of its own work which, as it is natural, they defend, magnify, and praise, they are after all the most useful in knowing the defects themselves which, under the circumstances, constitute real confessions. Father Santiago Paya, Rector of the University of Santo Tomas, said among other things the following to the Philippine Commission on July 1, 1899: All secondary instruction in the Philippine Islands was under the University of Santo Tomas. Besides the private schools in Manila there were also some in the provinces, but all the colleges of secondary instruction were subject to Santo Tomas. There were primary schools in almost all the towns supported by the Government in which a very elementary instruction was given * * * reading, writing, catechism, and a little arithmetic. The Filipinos, as a general rule, have good memory but without great talent; they have no good talent. Almost all education in the Philippines was given by the religious orders, that is to say, the secondary and university instruction was maintained by the religious orders, and primary instruction by the curates of the towns. Among the Filipinos all is imitation. They lack originality. They were taught how to read and write Spanish but the majority of them learned it in a purely mechanical manner. The Indios were very averse to the Castilian language; those who knew how to speak it did not like to speak it. This was true in Manila as well as in its suburbs. Those who know Spanish prefer to speak their own language in their homes. From Fray José M. Ruiz in his Memoria presented to the Philippine Exposition in Madrid in 1887, we take the following: The curate is a local inspector of public instruction, adviser of the gobernadorcillos, and president of the various local boards. The Indios see in them a father, a pastor, and a protector, and as such they have always been recognized by the Government of these Islands (p. 239). A great part of the Philippine inhabitants, that is to say, that which lives in the barrios and places more or less isolated and inaccessible, is about to be civilized (está casi por civilizar) (p. 247). Referring to the mass of the people the same father says: The masters devoted as they are, save in a few honorable exceptions, to their proper interests, have ignored completely the instruction of these unhappy ones in their religious duties * * * and their children, given over to the pasture of work animals, are reared in the midst of the most stupid ignorance (p. 254). Later the author adds: To give the Indio means of instruction and to place him in condition to benefit from it, and while this is not done, and until now this has not been done as we shall later show, is to concede rights to him who does not know how to appreciate what he deserves to the disgrace of the Spanish name and to the shame of the Spaniards in these Islands (p. 288). Says the same Friar Ruiz: And altho they are inimical to going to schools (the Indios) and to sending their children, it is because it is nothing but for wasting time since they learn nothing * * *. Furthermore, the towns are so crowded with ignorant teachers that without consulting anybody they establish private schools paid for by the parents of the children. Thus they learn what little good and a great deal of bad which they possess, to whom they teach Cartilla, and something of reading and writing, utilizing as texts for both the books called Corridos, which are full of anachronisms, errors, and absurdities of all kinds * * *. They also learn something of the Catechism (p. 337). The places for the schools besides being bad are completely abandoned, and many are in ruins (p. 339). There is no order in the school, and each one goes in and out without permission whenever he pleases (p. 440). Recognition of a Dominican Fray José M. Ruiz very faithfully recognizes the lamentable state in which the so-called public instruction in the Philippines was found outside of Manila where things were not so bad. From his standpoint it was necessary to teach Spanish and at least to give to the Filipinos books in the dialects, from which they would learn the most elementary things of which they were ignorant, and Religion and Moral. The Rueda [5] translation would be better adding something about the Philippines and the grammar of his dialect in Spanish. Undoubtedly he wanted to say that the Spanish grammar should be translated into the dialects. If this is not done we believe that we would only lose time. With such measures in thirty years the Spanish language would be diffused among the children (pp. 440-441). For the same reason (distance and lack of roads) the boys and girls do not attend schools, and what little they know they learn from some ignorant teachers (maestrillos). People, ordinarily of bad life, escaped from other towns, some of whom are also quack doctors and bone-setters who at the same time that they are teaching the Cartilla and a little bit of the Catechism imbue the children with a thousand and one superstitions and all kinds of vices. The priest who at times goes, out of necessity, to attend to some one who is seriously ill, and very seldom visits them (the Indios) ex-profeso, the parochial districts being generally very large and their duties so numerous and urgent, can only in part remedy some of these evils. The Filipino People Now let us see what kind of people the Filipinos were. It is essential to know the psychology of the community. No opinion is so valuable for the present case than that of the missionary above cited, who says the following about the psychology of the Filipino. As a people who are ignorant and with but little culture, the Indios are bound to have considerable superstitious beliefs which they practice, unconsciously deceived by medicine men, who are the ones who keep alive these ridiculous traditions of their ancestors, without knowing the reasons for what they do (p. 261). They (the Indios) are deeply superstitious, a thing which is revealed in all their acts. Citing the words of Dr. Lacalle, Father Ruiz says: To pretend that a people taking the first steps on the road of civilization, and that in their religious acts manifest themselves in their acts as religious, severe, cultured and real thinkers, is absurd in the extreme (p. 348). And he adds what follows: We should not lose sight of the fact that the Indio is a child badly educated, but a big child completely developed in his passions. He acts not from conscience but from fear; he is moved not by reasons but by impressions; a friend of novelties and spectacles, he acts to the tune of the various impressions which he receives. Naturally he is inconstant and flighty, desiring one thing and another, now liking what he formerly disliked, without firmness nor stability in anything, without knowing many times what to like, nor what befits him. Such is the Indio briefly sketched. The Filipino Spaniards The Filipino Spaniards (españoles filipinos) are of two classes: some are immediate descendants of Spaniards, descendants of Filipino Spaniards, or also children of a Filipina mother and a peninsular father (p. 288). Unfortunately, they have all the bad qualities of the Spaniard and the Indio, and lack that docility of character observed in the latter and the nobility and greatness characteristic of the former. They are of little heart, coward and mean besides being arrogant and choleric and are very rude with the Indios, whom they usually despise and maltreat in words and in deed, and frequently are stupid and troublesome. From the Indios they learned all the superstitions, numerous, untrue, absurd fables which are traditional among them, and in a word, all their habits and customs. Thus they eat rice with their fingers and have marked fondness for the sweets and dirty foodstuffs of the Indios. Since they are brought up with much petting and are not strictly punished, they make bad servants, disobedient, capricious, insolent, and foul-mouthed. The women are so lacking in modesty, and, since they have been reared in the atmosphere of abandon and laziness, they are useless for the management of the home and the family (pp. 289-290). * * * Thus the men as well as the women, altho religious, are credulous and superstitious as the Indios themselves. Such is the idea that can be given about the Filipinos (p. 290). The Chinese half-breed is described in the same manner. Literature for the Filipinos The only literature accessible to the Filipinos of little culture and also to those of the better class consisted of Corridos which constitute the profane literature, and the Pasión and the Novenas which formed the religious reading. Corridos, Pasiones, and Novenas were printed in abundance, in cheap editions, in Spanish as well as in the dialects of the country. The Corridos are stories in verse about historic events, falsified and fanciful, and love tragedies full of wonderful events mixed with divine prodigies and diabolical magics--all lengthy, exaggerated, puerile, and absurd in the extreme. None of the characters is native. All are Turks, Arabs, knights, errants, ambassadors, dukes, warriors in armor provided with magic arms and with balsams like the famous one of Fierabras, good Castilians and bad strangers. All the characters are antipodal to Philippine realities and with the semblance of the real and true being from unknown lands and prodigious races. The same is true with the scene of activities; wonderful lands, Palestine, the kingdom of Navarra, the Empire of Great Kahn, the Palace of Macedonia, and not only are they ignorant of, and do they falsify, the face of the earth, but the planetary system itself suffers a radical change. Palms and tamarind grow in the vicinities of Moscow; Palestine and Macedonia are covered with prairies like Norway and Switzerland, and whales appear in the Mediterranean. Events which begin in the morning in Macedonia and in the most natural manner in the afternoon of the same day in a palace of Babylonia, and a princess of Aragon captured early in the morning in Sicily discusses at midnight and without an interpreter with a Moro of Samarcanda. The Pasión, a work in verse in the different Filipino dialects, is not only the passion of Christ, but it consists of a sort of abridged edition of sacred history. The Novenas are religious booklets dedicated to a saint whose favor is invoked in order to obtain from God such and such favors. They consist of a system of prayers in relation to certain miracles with reflections about the saint, which are said every day for a period of nine consecutive days. To Virgin Mary is attributed the origin of the Novenas because she venerated the number 9 in memory of the fact that nine days it was when she was apprised of the incarnation of the divine Messiah, and also because of the nine months in which she carried Him in her virgin womb. (Novena to Jesús, María, and José, Manila, 1903, in the Exordium.) The Novenas offer a very simple way of obtaining from heaven what is asked in them from a protector saint. If the sympathy and aid of a patron or a patroness whose mediation is implored is won, one can obtain everything, be it appertaining to earthly life or future life. It is a very easy means. It is like a magic ceremony with its ritual composed of praises and acts of humiliation, devotion, submission, admiration, and other propitiatory manifestations looking toward gaining the sympathy and the protection of the saint. This follows an enumeration of favors which may be requested and which are always attended to by God as demonstrated by the numerous examples which are mentioned with scrupulous care in the Novena. All the Novenas are published with ecclesiastical permit after the censorship of the prelate who examines scrupulously the writings to see if there is anything that is contrary to morals, good customs, and absolute orthodoxy. In a word, all are printed with the necessary licenses. The prodigies mentioned in these Novenas compare very well with the enchantments, magics, and sorceries of the primitive Filipinos who invoked the propitiation of their divine spirits by means of ceremonies, sacrifices, charms, and incantations performed by their mangkukulam (witch), babailanas, and other prestidigitators, priests, medicine men, charmers, and fortune-tellers, which are referred to and are enumerated in the old chronicles written by the missionaries in the Philippines. Substitution of "Unseen Powers" All the fear of the mysterious as well as the belief of the Filipinos in unseen powers which took away life, attracted misfortunes, gave victory, or conduced to disaster was conserved, changing only the concepts that they had about the spirits that governed the affairs of life and the phenomena of nature. The patron saints recommended by the missionaries came to take the place of the ancient anitos representative of their past which they gave intervention in their idolatry in all the affairs of life. When the missionaries preached their religion, they condemned the old Pagan superstitions but they taught new superstitions more powerful than the original, not only because of the prestige of the new patrons who are all members of a Celestial Court organized as an earthly aristocracy and headed by the same God, Creator of the Universe, but by communicating with God in the same tongue, which the ordinary man supposed was spoken by Him, which is the Latin tongue, in which the priests said their prayers and sang their hymns. "Ensalmos" The Oremus, the Laus Deo, Agnus Dei, Deo Gracias, Nos cum prole pia, Benedicat Virgo Maria, Per omnia secula seculorum, Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, came under the category of enchantments (ensalmos) known by the terms bolong and mantala of the primitive mangkukulam, manghihikup, mananangisama, etc. etc., of Philippine paganism. All of these Latin phrases acquired so great a prestige that they were looked upon as a form of irresistible invocation for conquering the divine will, and a certain ridiculous sect came to be known as the Colorum, which term originated from the wrong pronunciation of secula seculorum with which many Latin prayers ended, prayers which were incomprehensible but used due to the ignorance of many. The phrase agnus dei qui tolis pecata mundi is used as an incantation in which every word more or less incomprehensible has a sacred character so that if one should say that he despises qui tolis, it would be considered a blasphemy because the Qui Tolis is something sacred or divine. A child after saying the trisagio said by way of protest: "I am tired of saying kirileson (Kyrie eleyson)." His mother then punished him for playing with the name of God. Another child who happened to name a dog Qui Tolis was corrected by his aunt, saying: "The name of God is never used for naming an animal." Magic Invocations All this constitutes a real array of magic invocation in the efficacy of which there is great confidence to avoid evil, ridding of danger, securing more good, and attaining some grace. As an example of the power of the invocations and what can be obtained by merely saying frequently "Jesús, María, y José" (Jesus, Mary, and Joseph), which constitutes the most "divine trinity on earth," the following cases are related: (Novena a Jesús, María y José, Manila, 1903). A bad man walking in the middle of the night in front of the church of San Francisco in Cuzco, Peru, saw lights in the cemetery, and knowing it to be a funeral, went to the place to witness it. Presently he noted that there was a throne where Jesus Christ was found seated between Mary and Joseph. Then several demons appeared, each one with a book in his hand. One of them began accusing a bad woman from Buenos Aires. "Jesus," says the Novena, "pronounced a sentence against her of instant death and with it eternal perdition" (p. 7). The demon disappeared in order to execute the sentence. Another devil read from his book that in Chile there was another bad woman. "Jesus sentenced her to death and condemnation" (p. 8). The devil ran to carry out the sentence. Another one appeared accusing a bad man of Cuzco, and this man was precisely the same who tarried to witness the scene at the cemetery. "When the just judge was about to sentence him to death and condemnation, Blessed Mary and Joseph knelt before the divine Master, asking mercy on behalf of the accused, alleging that many times he invoked the holy names (Jesús, María y José). Jesus having denied pardon, his parents begged him anew, and seeing that they were not making headway toward securing pardon, the Blessed Virgin showed to her Blessed Son the breast from which He sucked, and the Patriarch Saint showed him the hands that maintained him thru his labors" (p. 8). Then Jesus conceded the pardon as a matter of grace which can only be characterized as material gratefulness (estómago agradecido). Great Incentive to Crime The invocation "Jesús, María y José" working as a magic formula saved that man who had no more merit than his ability to mention the names of the "trinity on earth." In the same novena there is a consideration of this most marvelous favor, and that is, that in order to obtain some reform in our lives in view of the favor conceded by Jesus, Mary, and Joseph to their devotee, tho he be a confirmed sinner, it was only necessary to imitate an invocation so frequently repeated in all his days of malice, the words "Jesús, María y José" (p. 10). The man in question had no other merit nor is he enjoined to have one. It is enough that he utters the magic invocation and that he does as he pleases in the belief of being free from punishment. What a great incentive this is to crime! Another Notable Case Another notable case of the effect of the same invocation is that of a Dominican friar called Fray Juan Masias, who for more than twelve years stayed in his dark cell in prayer. He was visited by many devils who pulled and pushed him, treating him very badly in words and in deed. But he was freed from them by saying "Jesus Savior, Mary, and Joseph, be with me." "On other occasions the devils entered hurriedly and noisily catching him by the legs and dragged him from his room to the cloister. Some hit him and slapped him, others stepped on his stomach and on his head, still others scratched his face and sought to pluck his eyes, but invoking the names of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph, they (the devils) vanished and left him (p. 14). And the strangest part of it is that the friar made the invocation after suffering the consequences of the punishment above mentioned; so that, in other words, he condescended to allow the devils to have some fun for a while at his expense. An Economical Diversion The same friar "at other times while going to church in prayer, was caught by the devils and was taken; and they threw him up in the air so high that, passing above the roofs of the capitular hall which divides the first cloister from the next, he fell in the latter. There other devils were awaiting him and receiving him they threw him anew in the same manner so that he landed again in the principal cloister without hearing from him a word of protest or suffering until invoking the sacred names of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph, they left him (p. 15). Who on reading this would not envy a friar having a diversion so entertaining and so sane and economical? How can one help being grateful to the demons who received him in the other hall instead of letting him fall on the floor? With reference to these prodigies mentioned one reads in the same Novena the following considerations: "What trouble is there for us to habituate ourselves in repeating in our invocations the sweetest names of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph? (p. 27). The Infernal Power At every step this infernal power is amplified and magnified in these Novenas. Not only is the devil deemed among the enemies of the soul, together with our body and the entire humanity, but at every moment we tremble at his snares, we consider ourselves weak to resist him and even at times seemingly fearing that the self same God will not know how to defend Himself from the devil because at every step it is sought to awaken God and place him as a sort of guard against this infernal power. "Help us Lord from heaven, our strong liberator in this struggle with the powers of darkness; and as other times thou hast freed thy son, Jesus, from imminent peril of life, so now defend the Holy Church of God from the snares of their enemies and from all adversity, and keep each one of us under thy eternal protection." (Page 54, Ofrecimiento al Santísimo Rosario, Manila, 1905.) Another Miracle The following miracle shows clearly the work of the devil and shows at the same time that souls cannot be condemned so easily when a mortal beseeches the protection of a powerful patron. "A certain man," it is said in the Novena of San Vicente (p. 15), "gave his soul to the devil with a certificate (cedula) signed by his own hand, and hearing the Saint preach, implored him to ask that the demon return it. The Saint fell to praying, and made the devil come and ordered him to return the certificate to the man, having as witnesses of this miracle many thousands of persons." Silliness of Some Saints This foolish fear of the devil is a cause of many errors such as the one mentioned in the following miracle: "In Trayguerra, a simple lad hearing San Vicente preach on the ugliness of the demon, prayed God that a devil be shown him in order to fight. It happened that a poor, old woman was passing who was dumb from birth, was very ugly and poorly dressed, and had sickle in her hand. The lad, thinking that she was the devil, furiously assailed her, and taking away her sickle, cut off her hands, her ears, and her nose. The afflicted woman shouted but as she was dumb she could not make herself understood and only howled, and then the simpleton cut her up, saying: "Let them come and they will see what I do with the devils!" (p. 18, Novena de San Vicente). To believe that God permitted a similar infamy is a gross insult to God. True, the act is committed by a silly lad, but sillier still is the work of the saint in speaking of the physical ugliness of the demon, when according to the understanding of all, the demon is a spirit. "In Taulada," says the Novena (p. 21), "two Moros passed in front of an image of San Vicente, one of whom took off his hat and the other did not. The latter paid dearly for it for in that instant, without knowing from whom, he was slapped, fell to the ground, and had fever from which he died." It was wonderful how it was known that it was a slap, and the miracle could not have been more cruel, not especially because of the insignificance of the fault committed, inasmuch as it dealt with a Moro who did not believe nor did he understand this Christian superstition. A devout one who was wont to go to Saint Filomena asks protection against the devil (Novena, p. 22) and says: "Satan like a hungry lion makes a round about turn; his ministers vie with one another to put me down. I with my frailty am also the enemy of my own soul * * *." As I said the Novenas are used to implore a divine mercy, utilizing the intervention of a saint or a virgin to secure some necessity or a simple affair in life. There is nothing more inspiring than to know the news about the origin of the Novena de San Antonio de Padua which "is said to be revealed by the same saint * * * and the devout ones can follow it confident of obtaining thru his intermediation whatever they desire" (Novena de San Antonio, p. 5). "The same San Antonio revealed to a devout woman the way of doing it" (p. 6). He Who Asks Shall Receive The Novena of María de los Dolores, Manila, 1905, is "for obtaining what is desired in any affair of the soul or for the good of the body." The Novena of San Vicente de Ferrer "altho it can be made in the home, it is much better to do it in the church because there he who asks shall receive and he who looks shall find, as the Lord himself said" (p. 5 of the Novena, Manila, 1917). San Ramon Nonato is: "Patron of the work of the laborers and their livestock; wonderful antidote against pestilence; universal refuge for the cure of all diseases and pains; singular protector of the women who invoke him in their dangerous hours of giving birth, and of the sterile ones who seek the comfort of his protection." This is what is said in the frontispiece of his novena, Manila 1918. "By merely invoking his name or by adoring his saintly relic, and by drinking the water where it is passed, the saint can accomplish thousands of wonders" (p. 6). "I," says one devout woman, "have such faith in and experience with, San Ramon that whatsoever I ask God thru him was always secured or obtained, and for the sake of truth, I swear and confirm the same" (Novena, p. 15). A form of great persuasive virtue to obtain the divine will and to win from it what is desired is to pray the Trisagio. It seems that during a period of great geologic and meteorologic commotions experienced in Constantinople in the year 447 (Trisagio Seráfico, Manila, 1889, p. 7), it happened that "a child of tender age was carried to the winds, all those encamped being eye witnesses, until he could be seen no more. After a long time he returned to earth in the same manner that he went up and stated in the presence of the Patriarch, of the Emperor, and of the wondering multitude, that he heard the angels sing this concert: 'Holy God, Holy Strong, Holy Immortal, have mercy upon us.' (Santo Dios, santo fuerte, santo inmortal, tened misericordia de nosotros.)" The child immediately thereafter died. The Emperor ordered that all should repeat this sacred canticle and that moment the earthquakes ceased and the meteorological disturbances stopped. Hence, "the use of the Trisagio as a form for invoking the Holy Trinity in dangerous fatal times" (p. 78). Among other things the following is tacitly asked in the Trisagio: "Of thy ire and anger, Lord and triune free us. Of the snares, nearness of the demon; of all ire, hate and bad will; of all plagues or epidemics, hunger, storms; of our enemies and their machinations free us" (pp. 20-21). Reminders of Cannibalism Altho the Trinity is composed, as everybody knows, of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and in the Trisagio the three persons are invoked and asked at the same time, nevertheless there are other forms of securing the divine favor, invoking separately only one of the persons of the Trinity. Thus in the Novena of Jesus Sacramentado, the Father is asked by means of the intercession of the Son, or in other words, by only a viscera of the Son or an organ of his body, the heart, or more properly the Sacred Heart of Jesus. "The eternal Father has complacency," says the Novena (p. 6), "in that it is asked in the name of the Heart of his beloved Son * * *." "The Father Eternal said so directly to the venerable Mary of the incarnation" (pp. 6-7). "Ask me thru the heart of my only begotten Son, and thru it I shall hear thee and thou shalt obtain all that thou wouldst ask * * *." Jesus said to his wife Margaret (esposa Margarita): "I ask you that on Friday immediately before the Corpus festivity, you particularly devote yourself to the worship of my heart" (p. 7). The adoration of the heart is not symbolic; it is the real heart that is adored: "they shall adore with greater frequency, to Jesus transsubtantiated, and in him, to his Divine Heart" (p. 7). "His Novena will be made before an image of Jesus or to His Sacred Heart" (p. 10). The devout one, carrying his adoration almost to a point of the revival of atavic cannibalism, says to Jesus: "O, thou owner of mine! Give me thine body and with it thine heart that I may eat it!" (para que le coma) (p. 12). There is a Novena dedicated to Saint Angel Custodio (Manila, 1897), who is the "Angel delegated by God to be at our side, and exercise with us the loving offices of a careful tutor, a loving governor, a loving preceptor, a faithful conductor, and an intimate and true friend * * *" (p. 6). "No saint in heaven interests himself more in our soul and in our business than the holy Guardian Angel" (p. 6). His intervention is so useful and "he not only transmits what is asked but modifies our petitions when he knows that some of our petitions might bring us some spiritual or corporal evil" (p. 7). "It is therefore the best guarantee against any error of ours, and naturally it makes a sense of responsibility absolutely useless." Second Christ Saint Domingo de Guzman is one of the most powerful lawyers in heaven. In his Novena (Manila, 1913), he is called the precursor of Christ, altho in reality he came to the world twelve centuries after Christ (p. 5). "In the chastity, color, and figure of his body, and in the eloquence of his spirit, he was the one most like Christ" (p. 7). He was very celebrated in all manners of prodigies and miracles, both on earth and in heaven, among men as well as among beasts, among the living as well as the dead" (p. 9). One day Virgin Mary appeared to him and "holding him by the hand said to him that she loved him so tenderly, that if the Divine Lady were a mortal, she would not be able to live except in his presence, and would have died by the violence of the great love that she had for him * * *" (p. 10). Later Virgin Mary, not satisfied with such erotic manifestations, married him (le desposó consigo) in the presence of her husband Christ (esposo de Cristo), and of many blessed ones in heaven" (pp. 11-12), resulting that Jesus, besides being the son of Mary, is also her husband, so that with Saint Joseph, Saint Domingo was the third husband of Mary. The Eternal Father communicated to Saint Catalina de Sena that Christ and Domingo were his two special sons * * *." Christ proceeded from the mouth of the Eternal Father, staying at his right, and Saint Domingo proceeded from the breast of the same Eternal Father, at his right on his feet in glory" (p. 15). With such antecedents one can readily understand how "Christ promised to concede to him all that he would ask on behalf of his devotees" (p. 15), so that the power of the Saints is unlimited. In verse it is said of him:-- You can do everything in heaven being husband of Mary; Who so confides in thee (Domingo) give him health and comfort. You have faithfully and unceasingly defended the church (p. 35). Pues podeis tanto en el Cielo, Siendo esposo de María; Domingo, al que en vos confía, Dadle salud y consuelo" (p. 35). Fuesteis can que con desvelo a la Iglesia defendida * * *" (p. 35). The can is referred to here because while the mother was pregnant it (the foetus, el feto) was manifested to her in the form of a dream and in the figure of a dog with a lighted ax in his mouth (p. 6). Promises of the Virgin The Novena to the Virgin of the Rosary begins with an enumeration of the Fifteen Promises of the Virgin to the devotees of the Rosary. In the first she promises to grant whatever special grace is asked of her. He who prays the rosary will be converted if he is a sinner, and in any event will be admitted to life eternal. "All that is asked of her will be secured quickly" (p. 4). The list of miracles performed by the image of the Virgin of the Rosary is endless and occupies all the pages from 37 to 90 of the Novena. Not only does the image perform miracles but her skirt as well as the oil that burns in her lamp, and the water where her hands are washed, or any rosary or object touched by her skirt or her image also accomplish miracles (p. 9). In the Novena of Saint Joseph (Manila, 1910), after reminding him of his relation with God, it is affirmed that "there is no protection more efficacious for securing all that is asked than his" (p. 7). "Necessitating everything from the divine favor it is sure that none shall fail who confident will seek the protection of Saint Joseph" (p. 29). "Saint Joseph assists the needy, gives health to the sick, consoles the afflicted, sends rains, freezes ice, multiplies fruits, favors in storms, on the roads, and among the drowning * * *. Finally there shall be none who trusting in the same will not receive that which is asked." To the Holy Child of Cebu, an image which was left in that city by the companions of Magellan, went the Cebuanos before their conversion to Catholicism to ask rain "carrying him in a procession to the seashore and submerging it in the water and thus secure the rain that they needed so much." (Novena al Santísimo Nombre, Malabón, 1895, p. 5). Nevertheless, the immersion in the sea water is a recourse which may be said to be resorted to only in extreme cases because a verse in that novena says: Si acaso no conseguían las aguas porque os rogaban, al mar, Oh Niño, os llevaban, y en las aguas os metían; y así el agua que pedían, otorgaba vuestro amor" (p. 29). If they failed to get the waters they prayed for, to the sea, Oh Child, they carried thee and put thee in the water, so that thy love conceded the water they asked. The better known miracles by the Holy Child took place from 1618 to 1675. Since then nothing in the Novena that is memorable is registered. Nevertheless, the novena confirms that "the Holy Child performs continually" miracles (p. 15), and to "him go all the citizens of Cebu, Bohol, Leyte, Samar, and Mindanao to kiss his sacred feet and venerate him and commend to him their necessities and misfortunes, asking relief in their sickness, assistance in their voyages, and protections in all the events of life" (pp. 15-16). The certainty of finding what is sought in the novenas is assured in reference to Saint Roque. "The exercise of this novena," it is said (p. 3, Novena, Manila, 1910), "offers us a means of compelling (obligar) this glorious saint to secure of God what we ask." To be rid of epidemics--which has its origin in the corruption of the air--we must have recourse to San Roque with fervent prayers" (p. 3). By the side of the corpse of the saint a letter was found which was supposed to have been written by God, which reads: "Those afflicted with plague who implore the favor of Roque will find health" (p. 5). The intervention of Saint Roque is exclusively in favor of the Catholics. Who so makes his novena says the following: "I implore thee that by the merits of this glorious Saint, thou freest us all who assist to this cult and to all the Catholics of the Kingdom of Spain and of these Islands of all pestilential diseases which might take away our lives" (p. 13). Since the Catholics of the United States are not included here, the Bureau of Health ought to remember that such citizens together with those who are not Catholics who inhabit the Philippines do not enjoy the anti-pestilential protection of Saint Roque. Superstition and Crime In his notable study on Criminal Anthropology of the Philippines, Dr. Sixto de los Angeles (p. 119) says: The easy credulity fomented by the over-development of religious fanaticism, has constituted from the beginning to this day one of the defects unfortunately so widespread still among the native inhabitants of the country * * *. Devoted to their inherited traditions and customs and lacking in adequate opportunities to acquire proper knowledge, the mass of the people have to adhere as it is logical and natural, to their beliefs, which by their not requiring any effort to understand are imbedded and deeply rooted in a spontaneous manner in their minds. As it is shown in our annals of the judiciary, superstition occupies a notable place among the factors of criminality in this country. The superstitions to which Doctor de los Angeles alludes are not only those of the old paganism of the Filipinos which the missionaries after more than three centuries have not succeeded in completely eradicating. The superstitions referred to in this work are those brought here by the same missionaries, and which they have easily succeeded in implanting in the conscience of the Filipinos naturally disposed to credulity by means of the efficient and generous distribution of the novenas and other booklets of devotion. Since until the coming of the Americans the instruction in the Philippines was always and exclusively religious, and was directed by the Roman priests, the persistence of these old superstitions are evident proofs of the failure of religious education. As an excuse missionaries will perhaps attribute this to the invincible rudeness of the Filipinos, which we shall admit for courtesy's sake and to avoid discussions. But what is all-important is not that they were unable to take out something (of the superstitions), out of the supposed hardheadedness of the Indio, but the tremendous wealth of superstition which for more than three centuries these missionaries inculcated (han hecho penetrar) in that same head to the detriment of his mentality and his morality. Lack of Will The sinner lacking in will to control his evil deeds says to Jesus, washing his hands in the divine intervention and giving proof of his lack of due sense of responsibility: "Is it possible, sweet Saviour of souls, that, converting so many every day, alone in my perdition, thou mayest show thyself indifferent?" (p. 13). This is a part of a prayer made by no less a person than His Holiness, Pope Gregory VII, in his Devout Exercise of the Passion of Christ, Manila, 1905. It is said also to the Virgin: "Cleanse, thou Immaculate Virgin, my heart of all sin and take away from me all that may be unpleasant in thy purest eyes! Purge my soul of all earthly love and affections" (pp. 10-11, Corona Franciscana de la Virgen María, Manila, 1902). By the intercession of Saint Francis, the devout one asks of God that "I completely subdue my disorderly passions, powers, and senses," so "that I may subject my thoughts, measure my words, and direct my work to the greatest perfection," and "that thou mayest soften the hardness of my heart" (pp. 18, 20, and 21 of the Novena of Saint Francis de Asis, Manila, 1905). Frightened by the machinations of Satan the devout one to Saint Filomena asks (p. 23, Novena): "She obtains from the Lord that which destroys more and more the powers of my enemies, the devils, and that I be saved in spite of myself." The guidance of Saint Filomena is invoked by saying (p. 25, Novena): "See to it that I also be chaste according to my station, and that my mouth will not utter those words which according to St. Paul, should not be said among the faithful." To Saint Anna, mother of Mary, the devout one says: "Interest thyself therefore, my Saint, that I may be granted patience in my adversities, tolerance of wrongs, and, in everything, a tranquil mind" (Novena, Manila, 1893, p. 10). Also the following prayer is directed: "Put forth therefore your effort, my Saint, with thy sacred grandson, Jesus, that every imperfection and bad desire may be taken from our hearts, that we may pardon for love of God all wrongs." It is not possible to cultivate a sense of dignity or self-respect itself when doctrines are disseminated such as these, which result from the following examples in the Novena of Santa Rosa de Lima. Carried by her humility, she made a mere servant step on her lips (p. 10). "She loved ridicules more than worldly honors" (p. 102). * * * and she desired so much that all others considered her the worst in the world, that she merited being in hell, and that it was her proper place because of her sins. If any body happened not to know her and that she was considered innocent, she would say "nobody knows me, I alone know what I am" (p. 11). "Hearing once that they praised her as being virtuous she felt so bad that she fainted" (p. 11). In a prayer to Saint Filomena (Novena, p. 16), it is said to the saint asking her protection: "My sins made me less than angels, very inferior to the beasts, since these do not forget the manger of their master, and in their own way they are grateful for their food, and I have forgotten the house of God * * *." Not only self ridicule comes out of these things, but lack of logic in attributing to the gratitude of the beasts their return to their manger, when it is clear that the motive that prompts them is simply hunger. The Ire of God The natural phenomena are looked upon thru ignorance as manifestations of the divine wrath which would not have taken place if no one among humanity had not provoked them by their conduct. Saint Thomas Aquinas, who with reason is considered as the most scientific man of his period, believed firmly that the thunder, lightning, and the storms were punitive manifestations of God enraged against men. "From his fear of God, the saintly doctor had an unearthly fear of thunder and tempests, who as a reverent child feared to see wrath in the face of the Father, hoping only that those tempests were not provoked by his sins" (Milicia Angélica, Manila, 1907, p. 21). The blind fear of Saint Thomas led him to conceive a blind justice of the divinity, because of his sins God released the tempests and gave lightning which naturally hurt and molested a great number of persons who suffered by reason of the sins of the saint. To the simple believer, when the wise saint thought and believed in that manner, there was no reason for rejecting the explanation, much less to suspect that to punish justly the sinners was not an act of justice nor of common sense. Lack of Logic Logical mentality cannot be developed when the absurd is fomented and cultivated, especially when it is presented under the false veneer of religion, when it is founded on a purely puerile and simple superstition. In the life of Saint Vicente Ferrer, according to his novenas, the following miracles are referred to, and there is no doubt that he who believes in them cannot really cultivate the faculties of his intelligence. In Valencia a servant of Count de Faura, who was born deaf and without tongue, was that way for many years, and adoring one day the miracle of Saint Vicente, was cured of his deafness, his tongue grew, and thenceforward spoke (p. 17). A woman gave birth to a piece of meat (pedazo de carne) without a human aspect. It was offered to Saint Vicente giving a mass, and at the Epistle, it already had head; at the Gospel, it had arms; and at the Consecration, it had legs, and finally a beautiful child was evolved. The same happened with another woman of Toledo (p. 34). In Lisbon there lived a woman well-known for being quite ugly and was the object of ridicule on the part of all who saw her. She went to San Vicente and one morning she became very fortunate and beautiful, from which the women of Lisbon became so devout to San Vicente that those in Valencia did not excel them (p. 27). A merchant left once for a fair and meanwhile the wife committed an indiscretion (una fragilidad) for which she remained * * *. She came and appeared repentant to San Vicente and the same went to the road whereon the husband returned with some horses, and startled them by means of a cloak and thus dispersed them. Then the husband lost time to gather his horses so that when he returned to his house his wife had time to flee from him, thus saving herself from the consequences of her fault. Thus with the greatest freedom an immoral and grotesque act is related in which the innocent husband is left out and takes no step to have just punishment meted, and the saint with his cloak commits a deviltry only fit for urchins of the brook. It is said that San Ramon takes such a deep interest in the misfortunes and pains of his devotees, and is so extremely compassionate "that his images perspire thru the affliction of his devotees" (p. 12). "An image of the Saint perspired so copiously at one time that a devout woman suffered and the veil with which she covered herself was stained; and some handkerchiefs wet in his perspiration relieved headaches marvelously" (p. 21). Saint Roque has the power of stopping the spread of epidemics. "His protection is what preserves us from plague and other sufferings or diseases, which, having their origin in the corruptions of the air, which should conserve our life, causes death" (p. 3). The Height of Absurdity Is it possible to invent or suppose greater absurdities than those here mentioned? Nevertheless, in order not to prolong this address, I shall only present a few of the cases which are cited in abundance in these little booklets (opusculos), distributed in great profusion among our people. What logic, what reasoning can we expect of minds nurtured with such absurdities, fed up with fakes of such puerile nature that one can hardly believe them to have been narrated by men of simple common sense? The mattress where San Vicente died has become possessed of the virtue of making miracles; by merely lying on it on different occasions over 400 sick persons afflicted with various diseases became well (p. 32). One time when San Antonio de Padua preached on the seashore it happened "that the fishes to whom he preached came out of the water and heard him with all attention." No devotee ever doubts the coming out of fishes, nor does he interests himself in the solution of the physical, physiological, linguistic, and especially logical aspects of such an event, but the Novena to the Saint confirms it so (p. 20). This lecture would be unduly prolonged if I were to mention all the absurdities that appear in the Novenas of which I have quite a collection, which constitute a real array of documents of positive usefulness for the history of the superstition which I have scarcely touched upon here. With what has been said there is enough to explain the origin of the immorality, the real cause of the predisposition to vice, the absence of a sense of responsibility, the natural explanation of what incomprehensible character formed of a mixture of sentiments which the missionaries have contributed to the Filipino, Indio, Spaniard, and Chinese, all influenced by the injurious spirit which pervades all that literature which is completely antagonical to reason. Such, and not the lay education, is responsible for this evil. I am not here to formulate theories or to speak of a capricious hypothesis. Before an audience such as this which I have the honor to address, I need to weigh the value of my words and of my judgment. For this reason I have cited facts, repeating the exact words, not of the profane literature composed of the anonymous Corridos whose detrimental influence is well known, but the authentic texts of Novenas authorized by the ecclesiastical censorship for not containing anything contrary to sane morals, as it is said in the permits granted for their printing. Nor have I thought for a moment of mixing religion in my criticism; nor is it in my power to vary the results or consequences that may result from the facts mentioned in the Novenas, which are the literature responsible for this state of puerile mentality, absolutely inadequate for an understanding of morals, composed of matter that paralyzes, rather than bring out, progress. Morals is nothing but the triumph over one's self, thru which man does what he should and not what he wishes. In the immoral man there is no struggle between two tendencies, one against evil and the other against good. There is only the instinctive tendency; there is no rational control in opposition. What mastery over self does a man have who for the purpose of controlling his habit of dirty and obscene speech seeks the intervention of a saint? Lacking in will, dispossessed of any idea of struggle with himself, how can he triumph over himself? Slave to his own passions it might have seemed that the only thing that might control him was the punishment in store in future life; but this fear does not preoccupy him in the least since at the same time that he is threatened with eternal fire he is told the manner of evading it without ceasing to do evil. Immorality of the Novenas These Novenas contain pernicious teachings for society whose moral foundation consists in the development of the individual qualities such as industry, fulfillment of duty, respect of law, struggle with one's own instincts and passions which require above all else the mastery over one's self. Not only are these social obligations not taught nor mentioned but there is a real stimulus toward all that is bad, assuring to the criminal, to the sinner, that he will be pardoned, that he will be free from punishment, that however badly he may act and however sinful he may be, without the least effort, with the greatest ease and naturalness, he will obtain what he wishes and will triumph on earth as well as in the other life. On the other hand, the individual is terrorized by the influence of evil, always tending to push him on to the road of vice and ignominy; he is inspired with blind confidence by placing on his side a Guardian Angel who never leaves night and day, who supports him, who guides him "his (the Guardian Angel's) intervention being so useful that he modifies that which we asked of God when he knows that our petitions might bring us some spiritual or bodily ill." What idea of justice can one conceive when he remembers the spectacle that was witnessed by that gentleman in the cemetery of Cuzco? Not only are Mary and Joseph presented as interceding with all energy for the salvation of the criminal for the mere reason that he invoked their names, but they remain unmoved and do nothing to soften the cruelty of Jesus Christ when He condemns to sudden death and eternal condemnation the two unfortunate sinful women. They did not invoke the name of Mary and Joseph who only seem to have pity on their clients and work with the same partiality of a Nacionalista or Democrata demagogue. And what significance does a law have which does not admit nor prosecute polygamy when so many virgins are wives of Jesus who expect the other life in order that they may deliver themselves to Him as their husband? What about Mary, wife of the Father, of her own son, of Joseph, and Saint Domingo? Mr. Ignacio Villamor in his report to the Committee on Infant mortality, written when he was Attorney-General, refers to various cases of murder of persons considered as bewitched and as such were sacrificed for being fanatics. The lad of Trayguerra who assailed the ugly woman for mistaking her for the devil himself after hearing a sermon of San Vicente, is absolutely of the same nature as those possessed of the asuang referred to by Mr. Villamor. And what shall be said of the protection of San Isidro invoked by the agriculturists? He gave an example of neglect of his duties as a farmer, because instead of plowing the land, doing the work for which he was paid by his master, he spent the day praying. Thru a miracle, an angel took hold of the plow, guided the bulls while the saint prayed and did not work. And right here in our midst, confident in San Isidro, the people of the field sleep, hoping that the angels shall do the work for them! How can you condemn laziness when the angels protect it? And how can you preach the doctrine of "earning bread by the sweat of your brow" when the labor that sweat presupposes is unnecessary? Without connection whatsoever with the Bureau of Education of the Government of the Philippine Islands, I have spoken in the manner that I have just done, not to defend the lay schools of an unjust and unjustifiable accusation; not to attack any persons or any religious or political ideals, but to contribute to the eradication of one of the bases, one of the strongest causes of criminality, of corruption, of formation of individuals who are useless and detrimental to society: superstition. And, gentlemen, it is not a superstition that is only to be laughed at. Not by any means. It is a ridiculous and even absurd superstition, it is true, but it is a tragic and dangerous because it offers to the wicked, the criminal, the imbecile, the means of triumphing in life, of obtaining what they want, giving them the means of avoiding punishment, making fun here on earth of the justice of men, and securing from God the pardon from eternal condemnation thru the simple means of invoking the name of a saint, or thru the medium of a Latin word which, acting as a sort of open sesame opens wide to the devotee the gates of heaven. The Lamentable Error of the Bishop of Cebu The prelate who accused the public schools in the form above mentioned has committed a lamentable error. For my part, I can say that the accusations awakened in me a desire to investigate the causes of immorality and of the perversion of customs which the said prelate, and we with him, all regret. According to those who have studied the mentality of the majority of our people, it is evident that superstition is the enemy which we all have to combat and that is the cause of many of the moral errors which we observe. The regular friars as well as the secular clergy confess that the mass of the people still finds itself subject to the superstition inherited from our predecessors--the superstition which could be called genuinely Philippine, that which comes from the old belief in the nunu, in the asuang, the anito and all the spirits of the old idolatry preached before the implantation of Catholicism by the Spanish missionaries. Failure of the Missionaries According to their own confessions, these missionaries, after three centuries of preaching, have failed to eradicate those superstitions incrustated in the conscience of the people. We must accept their declaration as a faithful recognition of the failure of their religious mission. I am not interested in, nor do I discuss, the religious point of view, but the importance of superstition in social life, its pernicious influence upon the evolution of morality. What undoubtedly results from the narratives contained in that literature which constituted the only reading of the people is the promotion of ignorance spreading in a very effective manner all the superstitions aforementioned and adding to them a wealth of errors which unfortunately governs the mentality of the mass of the people. Not only the so-called Indios the ones concerned; the sons of the Spaniards of pure blood or those mixed with Indios as well as the Chinese mestizos are also accused of these superstitions. All these, all of us Filipinos, are included among the individuals infected with the leprosy of superstition fomented by the absurd miracles of the Novenas and it cannot be said that it is an evil particularly of the Filipino race but also the inhabitants of the Philippines in general. In order that education be useful it has to form in the individual the sense of responsibility thru the free exercise of reason. The fulfillment of duty shall be its objective and in order to obtain this goal, it is highly necessary to develop the will in man with which he shall fight the animal instincts, the sentimental impulses, all that is contrary to the dictates of reason. Logical mentality (mentalidad lógica), to know what we should do and to enable us to plan out a just route that we should follow; will (voluntad) to enable us to exalt the dictates of reason above the impulses of our own desires: such is the object of lay education, the education in the so-called godless schools, here in the schools of the Government as in the college of Beata Imelda directed by the Dominican fathers under the norm of Japanese ideas translated in imperative laws, situated in Taihoku, capital of Formosa. The reading of the so-called miracles of the type that I have before cited makes the impossible appear possible, thanks to mysterious influences which are easy to secure, not thru industry, but simply thru unworthy and low means and reproved by good morals such as humiliation, adulation, and propitiation. A benefit is not asked or expected thru some positive good that we do, thru fulfillment of duty out of which results a positive good which is a right; resort is had by means of favor, by gaining the benevolence of a saint, making him believe that he is liked, adored, and admired, seeking to exalt his vanity and, thru his mediation, gain the good will of God, not as a benefit conferred directly to him who asks, but in consideration of the merits of the mediator. Nothing can be imagined that is more immoral, more primitive, more contemptible. The celestial court turns out to be a court more corrupt than those of the autocrats condemned by history: the court of the Khans, the Sultans, the Bysantine Emperors, Mungols, Persians, Tartars, all the barbarians who have abused humanity and who have personified injustice and justified revolution and massacres. A society whose members expect everything thru favoritism does not know what emulation is; when an individual finds a means as simple as that offered in the Novenas to secure what he desires following the line of least resistance, does not resort to the exercise of any noble activity, and, consequently, cannot perfect his faculties nor use them; an individual who expects to attain the absurd and improbable cannot know the existence of immutable laws which rule the universe; the individual who expects to secure what he wants thru the medium of a celestial patron cannot conceive the God of Justice nor can he really be a useful member of society. Favor, propitiation, exception, protection, grace, preference, predilection, are incompatible with what a God should be, with the Ideal of civilization, with the supreme aspiration of humanity which is Justice. Disastrous Results Those who believe in the absurd miracle (milagrería absurda), protector of the fools, accomplice of the lazy, of the gamblers, of thieves, of all who, thru its means, seek to secure what they desire--those are the criminals that fill our jails and who die in the gallows; those are the ones, who, armed with their anting-anting, talisman, rosary, scapulary, bones of saints, or shark's teeth, fight with the police, commit outrages, upset order, confident in their triumph because of the protection of their celestial pintakasi. Such is the product not of the schools without god but of god without schools, impossible and paradoxical, whose power manifests itself in capricious methods and in the exercise of prestidigitation. Those individuals are in truth the natural products of that superstition preached, diffused, and presented to the ignorance of people who have come to the point of fearing neither God nor devil and who know that the infernal punishment only is meted to him who does not wear a rosary around his neck or does not confide in a pintakasi, who guarantees eternal salvation because God does not permit that the worshiper of one of His devotees be condemned. What kind of citizen can an individual be in society who laughs at punishment using the easy means of a celestial lawyer. How can terrors of hell infuse fear in him when he knows that thru the medium of a powerful lawyer, God finds himself obliged (forzado) to pardon him. And when a man knows the way of evading divine justice, it is clear that, in order for him to escape human justice, he will resort to appealing to the mercy of the judge, to evade compliance with the law, to the non-fulfillment of any duty, and to live only to enjoy his rights; he will resort, in dealing with human authorities, to the use of the same methods of propitiation, adulation, prevarication, humiliation, and deception which dominated the same God and triumphed over the power of the devil! Never will it be possible for a superstitious man, especially if he is of the type that we have just analyzed, become a useful citizen. Such is the type which unfortunately is the product of an education of three centuries...! The parochial schools (escuelas religiosas) have given their fruit; the lay schools (laicas) have also borne fruitage. The youths who graduate from the latter are undoubtedly not without defects; but they are not poisoned or forever led astray by that brutalizing superstition sown by native and foreign impostors. None of those youths will assail ruthlessly an ugly old woman mistaking her for a devil; he will not dream of flying in the air launched like a balloon by an army of devils. None shall believe that a piece of meat shall be transformed into arms, legs, and heads as a mass offered to a pintakasi progresses; much less can such youth conceive a Jesus Christ that would weaken at the sight of a chest that his mother Virgin Mary would show to remind him of his weak memory of God would forget; nor will he excuse himself of a wrong committed against a companion of the other sex on the pretext that he does not have with him the girdle of the Angelic Militia; much less will he believe that, in spite of a criminal life, he will be able to secure eternal salvation provided only he has taken the precaution of repeating at every turn the invocation of the so-called Trinity on Earth. That lay education will not produce individuals who trust in protection or recommendation to progress and triumph on earth. The lay education is wholly democratic and will not be capable of committing the same faults of those who, by not following their education, seek to employ in the affairs of life those means recommended in the Novenas in order to obtain what is desired by means of the help of the powerful, secured by means of requests, protestations of love, and promise of eternal devotion. That mental conformation created by the diffusion of this superstitious spirit is an obstacle, an insuperable barrier set up against the development of the moral sense. We shall sow principles of morality as the farmer who sows in the fields the seeds properly selected which will not grow unless the soil is adequate. Sane morals is founded upon the basis of reason; when this foundation is lacking, the moral taught will be like a tree that is rootless and lifeless. It is not possible that a school without god (escuela sin Dios) or the one with god can make the seed of morals grow upon a soil prepared by the school of superstition, of magic, and of sorcery. We have to prepare the soil cultivating reason and creating the logical sense. I will only insist on things which only need to be presented before our common sense to be judged as they merit. The Public School Permit me now to express first of all my gratitude to the Assistant Director, Mr. Osias, who had the kindness to honor me with an invitation to speak at this conference. Now, I wish to express to you my thanks for your kind attention. Lastly, I desire to make one declaration: Every time I referred to the new generation, I did not want to mention only the youth educated in the lay schools of the Government, but all the youth educated in modern ideas, all the men and women of whatever age who, throwing aside the weighty burden of the Legacy of Ignorantism (Le gado del Ignorantismo), have accepted modern ideas, have modified their mentality, have been modernized, thanks to the example of, and the contact with, the representatives of American democracy. All the change, all the economic, moral, social, and political transformation effected in the Filipino people, and which none denies nor anyone can deny, reveals progress, and that progress is not the result of the Legacy of Ignorantism but the natural consequence of the régime of liberty, industry, work and logical mentality which governs our public schools and orients our social life. To the Department of Education, to all the teachers of both sexes--Americans and Filipinos--I express my profound gratitude for the splendid manner in which they are complying with the duty entrusted to them by America and by the Philippines. NOTES [1] Ignorantism, the spirit of those who extol the advantage of ignorance; obscurantism. [2] Translated from Spanish. [3] Of the one hundred fifty-six books which the censorship of the Manila Customs refused entrance because they are obscene, five were printed in French and one hundred fifty-one in Spanish. In English, it is known, no obscene literature is found. [4] From the Bishop of Cebu, dated November 19, 1919. [5] This book was printed in 1844. Today, in the year 1920, the seventh edition of the Rueda is sold in Manila and is used in some of the private schools. This edition is a reprint of the original edition without any correction so that in history Japan is not even mentioned, France is a kingdom, Prussian is separated from the rest of Germany; and in Spain, Isabela II is the one who still happily reigns. This is the famous book recommended by the priest who was interested in extending instruction in the Philippines. 
31553	----	[ Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible; some minor changes have been made to correct typographical errors, and some inconsistent spelling. ] UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN IRELAND. BY THE REV. SAMUEL HAUGHTON, M.D, F.R.S., FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATE. DUBLIN: McGLASHAN & GILL. 1868. _Price One Shilling._ DUBLIN: Printed at the University Press, BY M. H. GILL. UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN IRELAND. INTRODUCTION. The political condition of Ireland is, at present, grave; and, in the event of a war with the United States, would become menacing, to England. Irish politicians assert--and it is partly admitted by their opponents--that, in the existing state of Ireland, three questions demand an immediate solution: these questions are, the Land Question, the Church Question, and the Education Question. The tenant farmers of Ireland wish for fixity of tenure, and care but little for compensation for improvements, except as a means of obtaining a practical fixity of tenure; and they would, unquestionably, rejoice to see transferred to themselves, as occupiers of the soil, the rights now enjoyed by absentee noblemen and landlords. It is the opinion of many that the Land question cannot be settled without such a change of owners as would practically amount to a revolution. With respect to the question of the Church, the more intelligent laymen of the Irish National party openly avow their wish to alienate the property of the Church, on the ground that its existence forms a barrier to the union of Irish Protestants with the Catholic majority in the formation of a truly National Irish party. It is asserted, and apparently not without reason, that if the Irish Protestants felt themselves cast off by England, and their Church endowments confiscated, they might become more willing to join their countrymen in an anti-English policy, which the rude breath of war might some day fan into a demand for an Irish Republic, under the guarantee of France and America. It is for English politicians to decide how far the advantages of religious equality would compensate for the risk of national disloyalty. The questions of the Land and Church in Ireland will, doubtless, be fully discussed in the House of Commons by persons acquainted with those questions, and competent to do them justice; but it may be fairly doubted whether the question of Education in Ireland will be examined with as full a knowledge as will be brought to bear on the other questions. The following lines are written in the hope of adding a contribution of facts towards the discussion of one branch of the Education question--that which relates to University Education in Ireland. My apology for writing on this question is, that I have been a Fellow of Trinity College for nearly a quarter of a century, during which time I have taken an active part in the educational reforms which have placed the Graduates of Trinity College foremost in all the competitions for the public services of India, of the Army, and of the Colonies. I am also entitled to be heard as a Clerical Fellow of Trinity College, holding in trust for his brother Protestants the precious gift of education based on pure religion, handed down to us by our forefathers, in defence of which all true Protestants are prepared, if necessary, to sacrifice their lives. Two proposals were discussed, and a third was incidentally alluded to, in the summer of 1867, in the House of Commons, respecting University Education in Ireland; one of these proposals involves a betrayal of the religious base on which the Protestant College of Elizabeth was founded; and another involves a surrender for ever of the high literary and scientific standard of Dublin University, and a permanent lowering of high class education in Ireland. Against the one I feel bound to protest, as an earnest Protestant, and against the other as an advocate for the advancement of science and letters. The proposals made in Parliament respecting University Education are all founded on the generally admitted fact that Roman Catholics in Ireland have not got the same facilities for University Education as the Protestants of that country, and that it is expedient at once to redress this grievance. In order to do so, it has been proposed to do one or other of three things:-- I. To secularize Trinity College, by throwing open its Fellowships and Scholarships to all Students, irrespective of religious qualification. II. To open the University of Dublin to other Colleges than Trinity College, thus transforming the University of Dublin into a National Irish University, on the model of the University of France. III. To grant a Charter and Endowment to a Roman Catholic University, in which the education given shall be based on religion, as in Trinity College at present. I shall endeavour to state briefly the objections which seem to me to be so fatal to either of the first two proposals, as to leave us no alternative but to accept the third horn of the Educational dilemma:-- I. SECULARIZATION OF TRINITY COLLEGE. Trinity College was founded in Dublin by Queen Elizabeth, in 1591, as a Protestant University, and for the purpose of giving to Irish Protestants a University Education, based on the doctrines and discipline of the Reformed Church of England. This infant University was fostered by the guiding hand of the great Lord Burghley, its interests were defended by the ill-fated Essex, and its Statutes were drafted by the highly gifted Bishop Bedell. Trinity College has been well described by her enemies as a "handful of Protestant Clergymen;" because her Fellows, with the exception of three, were required to take Holy Orders in the English Church; and at the present moment five only of her thirty-two Fellowships are permitted by Statute to be held by laymen. Trinity College is now nearly three centuries in existence, and may be regarded as the only English institution that ever succeeded in Ireland. The sons of the Alma Mater founded by Elizabeth may be excused if they point with pride to the names of Ussher, King, and Magee, among her theologians; to Berkeley, Brinkley, and Hamilton, among her thinkers and mathematicians; and to Swift, Goldsmith, Burke, and Plunket, amongst those whom she has given to literature, oratory, and politics, whose names shall live so long as religion, science, and letters attract the respect and claim the study of educated Englishmen. Trinity College has never been, and never was intended to be, a national institution; her emoluments, her Fellowships and Scholarships, are the property of the Irish members of the English Church; and the proposal to throw them open to the competition of Roman Catholics and Dissenters is a proposal for the confiscation, so far, of the property of Irish Protestants. Trinity College has well and faithfully discharged the part she was required to fill; she has maintained the pure doctrine of the English Church against all opponents; she has reared her Students as faithful children of that Church; she has given them an education that enables them to compete successfully with all rivals in the walks of literature and science; and it cannot be fairly alleged against her as a fault that she has not provided for the educational wants of Irish Catholics; she was never intended to do so. The lovers of the gorgeous Rose need not blush because she wants the colour and grace of the beautiful Lily; and I may well be pardoned for believing that no brighter or fairer flower blooms in the garden of the West, than the Tudor Rose planted in Dublin by the proud Elizabeth. In order to estimate rightly the effects of the secularization of Trinity College, both upon the Protestants and the Roman Catholics of Ireland, it will be necessary to give a numerical view of the relative proportions of the different religions and professions among the Students of that College. Taking an average of the past ten years, there are 1200 Students on the books of Trinity College. Of these 1200 Students, 800 are in daily attendance upon lectures, and may be classified as follows:-- 1. Divinity Students, 160 2. Medical Students, 240 3. Law Students, 70 4. Engineering Students, 60 5. Civil Service of India, 30 6. Non-professional Students, 240 ---- Total, 800 In order to find the proportion of Roman Catholics,[1] I have taken, at random, five years from 1855 to 1859, during which 1378 Students entered Trinity College, of whom 80 were Roman Catholics, and 61 were Protestant Dissenters and Jews. We may, therefore, assume that the 1200 Students are distributed as follows:-- 1. English Church, 1077 2. Roman Catholic Church, 70 3. Protestant Dissenters, 53 ---- Total, 1200 The preceding figures give an average of six per cent. of Roman Catholic Students in Trinity College, and in no department of the College do they exceed ten per cent. Thus, in the Medical School, in which there is a larger proportion than in other professional schools, during the four years ending 1867, out of 300 Students matriculated in Medicine, exactly thirty were Roman Catholics, and three were Jews. Let us now examine briefly the effect of secularizing Trinity College upon the Protestant and Roman Catholic Students respectively. It cannot be believed by any one, that the passing of an Act of Parliament secularizing Trinity College would alter in the slightest degree the sentiments and wishes of the 1100 Students of the English Church, or those of the parents and guardians who placed them in Trinity College, knowing and expecting that they would there receive, not only a liberal education, but instruction and training in the principles of the Church of England. Those 1100 young and intelligent Students would still demand an education based upon religion; a demand which would be promptly answered by the Clerical Fellows of the College; and it cannot be doubted that, if they were well led by earnest and competent teachers, they would found a second Trinity College within the walls, which would perpetuate the principles of the College founded by Elizabeth. Such a movement the Parliament would find itself unable to control; for the portion of the funds of Trinity College that is now expended on the education of the Clergy would be allowed, in common justice, to be allocated in future to the same object; and the Clerical Professors and Fellows would gather round them the germ of the Trinity College of the future, faithful to the traditions of the past, and perchance surpassing the reputation of the old College for learning. From what I know of the earnest spirit of Irish Protestants, and of their determination to secure for their children an education founded on the pure word of God, I believe that the Clerical Tutors of the College would at once transfer to themselves the great majority of the Protestant Students of Trinity College. Some 100 or 200 Students might prefer to receive the instruction, and reward the care, of such lay Fellows as might find their way into the secularized Corporation, and thus a permanent domestic schism would become established between the clerical and lay elements of the College, which are now happily at peace. Whatever might be the future of the College, it is certain that, at the outset, the Secular Fellows of the College would have to undergo the rivalry of a trained band of Protestant teachers, supported by sympathizing Students, both smarting under an angry sense of wrong and injustice. Let us now inquire how the secularization of Trinity College would please the Roman Catholic party in Ireland. The Roman Catholic Clergy warn their flocks against Trinity College as a Protestant Institution, necessarily dangerous to the principles of Catholic Students; and, in thus warning them, they are practically wise, for it is simply impossible for seventy Catholics to associate with 1100 Protestants, as equals and fellow Students, without renouncing, more or less, the narrow views respecting Protestants that prevail among the higher circles of their Hierarchy. Trinity College, however, although considered dangerous, has never been placed by the Roman Catholic Clergy in the same category as the Queen's Colleges, which are essentially secularized institutions, without a recognized religion, and "godless:" as such they are absolutely condemned by the Hierarchy, and faithful Catholics are prohibited from entering their walls. The practical effect of secularizing Trinity College, if the experiment were successful, would be to convert it into a fourth Queen's College, and it would thus become one of a class of Educational Institutions which the Church of Rome has always, and consistently, forbidden her children to enter. It is hard to see how such a plan as this can be rationally advocated, on the ground that it would satisfy the just demands of the Catholics of Ireland. So far, therefore, as Irish Roman Catholics are concerned, the secularization of Trinity College would be to them a loss, and not a gain; for it would transfer education in this College from the list of dangerous to that of prohibited enjoyments. I need scarcely add how mean and vindictive would be the spirit that would secularize Trinity College, in order to injure the Irish Protestants, without any corresponding benefit to the Irish Catholics. I believe, therefore, that it would be impolitic for the English Parliament to secularize Trinity College, for the following reasons:-- 1. It would irritate the Irish Protestants to deprive them of a College founded on the principles of their Church, which has done its duty, and has possessed their confidence for three centuries. 2. It would not satisfy the just demand of the Irish Catholics for University Education, merely to admit them to the Fellowships and Scholarships of a secularized College, the principle of which they must feel bound to condemn. II. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND. The second plan that has been suggested for solving the University question in Ireland, in one form or other, amounts to a proposal to throw open the University of Dublin, or the Queen's University in Ireland, or both, so as to embrace in one University a number of Colleges, each retaining its own system of religious training and discipline, and its own endowments, and sending up its Students to pass the Examinations of the Central University, whose functions would be reduced to those of an Examining Board. I readily admit that this proposal is free from one of the objections I have urged against the proposal to solve the University problem by secularizing Trinity College, and that it leaves both Protestants and Catholics free to train their sons in the religious faith and traditions of their forefathers. This advantage, although great, would, however, in my opinion, be purchased at the cost of degrading for ever the standard of University Education in Ireland. If this objection can be established, it ought to have peculiar weight in considering the question of Irish University Education. England differs essentially from Ireland, in affording to her young men countless openings in every walk of life, with or without the benefits of University Education, which in England may be regarded as a luxury enjoyed by the rich; whereas in Ireland an University Education is frequently a necessity imposed upon the sons of the less wealthy middle classes. The openings in life for young men of this class in Ireland are so very limited, that they must either emigrate, or rely on their talents and education, in pushing their way in the learned professions in England and the Colonies. Hence it follows, that any lowering of the standard of University Education in Ireland would be followed by peculiarly disastrous effects. At the present moment, Trinity College may be regarded as a manufactory for turning out the highest class of competitors for success in the Church, at the English Bar, in the Civil Service of India, and in the Scientific and Medical Services of the Army and Navy; and any legislation which would produce the effect of lowering the present high standard of her degrees, would tend to destroy the prospects of the educated classes in Ireland, and become to those classes little short of a national calamity. In order to establish my objection, it is necessary to call to our recollection the ancient and true notion of an University. With the exception of Oxford and Cambridge, there is no example of an ancient University in Europe composed of a collection of free Colleges, united by the common bond of an University, of which all are members, and which conducts the Examinations for Degrees. All other ancient Universities resemble the University of Trinity College in Dublin, in consisting of a single College possessing, either from the Pope or from the Crown, the University privilege of granting Degrees. In modern times, no nation but France has seen fit to depart from this ancient form of University Education; and in that country centralization is so popular and so complete, that the University of France, with its affiliated Colleges, has met with a success very certain not to follow a similar experiment in Ireland. All the Colleges in France are moulded upon the same type, from which no deviation is permitted; and all are under State control, which in France restrains freedom of education by the same trammels as freedom of speech, or liberty of the press. The Minister of Public Instruction can boast that when the clock strikes his telegraphed order sets in motion the tongues of his Professors in Paris, in Strasburgh, in Lyons, and that the same lectures, in almost the same words, are delivered within the same hour to all the educated youth of France. This drilling of the intellect by the sergeants of the Emperor pleases for the present the fancy of the French; it would infallibly fail in Ireland. The condition essential to success in uniting several Colleges into a common University is sameness of type in the education given, and sameness of discipline in the various Colleges. This condition is attained in France by the centralizing and irresistible power of the State; in Oxford and in Cambridge it has grown up spontaneously, and has partially succeeded; in Oxford, however, as in Cambridge, the multiplicity of Colleges and of rival, though similar interests, has produced feebleness in the government of the central authority, which is a fault little complained of in the University of France. I shall presently inquire whether the Colleges of Ireland present that similarity of type which is essential to the success of the experiment of fusing them all into a common University; but in the meantime, admitting, for the sake of argument, that the experiment would succeed, it is worth while to ask whether it would be an advantage to the country. In France we see the perfection of centralization and identity in the Lyceums and Colleges of the entire country; in Germany, on the contrary, we witness the full development of the ancient collegiate idea of the University; twenty-seven distinct and independent University centres of education exist among forty millions of Germans, each University differing from the other, and each possessing its peculiar type of excellence, to attract its Students. I believe that all who are acquainted with the present condition of science and letters in the two countries will be disposed to agree in thinking that the intellect of France is cramped by the imperial cradle in which it is reared, while the genius of Germany is fostered by the freedom of thought, stimulated by such excellent, though diverse centres of development, as Vienna, Munich, Heidelberg, Bonn, or Berlin. University education in France pleases the doctrinaire, just as parterres of flowers of similar hue please the eyes of the gardener; while the Universities of Germany delight the thinker, as the graceful forms and varied colours of the flowers of some tropical forest please the traveller, whose instinctive taste prefers the charms and grace of nature to the symmetry and rules of art. The experiment of the union of different Colleges in a common University has succeeded in France, in Oxford, and in Cambridge, in consequence of the similarity of the Colleges united together; but such an experiment attempted in Ireland would fail, as certainly as an attempt to unite Oxford and Cambridge into one University would fail. We possess in Ireland three distinct types of Collegiate education, of which may be cited as examples--Trinity College, in Dublin; the Roman Catholic College of Carlow, and Queen's College, in Belfast. These Colleges represent, respectively, the religious Protestant type, the Roman Catholic type, and the secular or mixed type, of Collegiate discipline and training. Any person of education acquainted with Ireland knows the impossibility of fusing such distinct elements in a common crucible; and yet each system, in its way, is excellent, and will produce good fruits, if left to develope itself, and not forced upon those who conscientiously dissent from its fundamental principles. Let us suppose, however, the experiment tried by persons only partially acquainted with education, and with the condition of Ireland--and by such only could it be attempted--then it is easy to see that success could be obtained only at the expense of lowering the standard of education. It is plain that one or other of two things would happen: either the University Senate would be composed of persons altogether independent of the Colleges, and appointed by the State, or it would consist, as in Oxford and Cambridge, of heads of Colleges and persons representing their varied interests. In the first case supposed we should witness the painful and degrading spectacle of Irish Colleges submitted to the rule of State-appointed, perhaps, State-paid Governors, who, under the name of an University Senate, would prescribe the curriculum for degrees, appoint Examiners, and confer the titles awarded by those Examiners. It is not possible to suppose that a Senate appointed by an authority outside the Colleges, and consisting of persons removed from the details of University Education, would be competent to decide the weighty and important questions that must come before them; in fact, a Senate constituted as I have supposed, in discussing questions of education, would be about as likely to come to a wise decision as a collection of shoemakers speculating on the structure of a watch, and making proposals for its improvement, who will certainly destroy the delicate machinery they are unable to understand, unless they have the sagacity to call in the watchmakers to their aid. It might be imagined that the standard of education could be maintained by such a system, on the hypothesis that a State-nominated Senate would always appoint competent Examiners; but in such a case those Examiners would themselves become the University, and would regulate the value of the degrees conferred by it, and the country could have no guarantee that the standard of education would continue to be maintained; for this would be to suppose, on the part of successive Governments, a purity in their appointment of Senators which no rational man expects will ever be found outside the boundaries of the kingdom of Laputa. If the Senate of the National University were composed of State officials, they would feel themselves bound to maintain the interests of all the Colleges committed to their care, and it would be impossible to maintain the standard of Degrees at a point higher than the attainments of the weakest College in the partnership, whose defective standard would regulate that of the University Degree, just as the sailing of the slowest tub in the squadron regulates the manoeuvres of the entire fleet. If, on the other hand, the Senate of the National Irish University should be composed, after the model of Oxford and Cambridge, of the heads and representatives of the various Irish Colleges, although liberty of education might be preserved, the standard of the degrees would become degraded by the simple operation of a natural law easy to explain. The heads of the Irish Colleges, united into a "happy family" University by the hands of a paternal Government, would either struggle with each other for supremacy, or enter into a compromise for peace sake, on some such plan as the following:-- After a few preliminary skirmishes, to try each other's skill, in arranging a common curriculum in Morals or History, it would be found that profound and irreconcileable differences existed among the Colleges on the most elementary principles, and that it would be impossible for the heads of Trinity College, of St. Patrick's College of Maynooth, of Queen's College of Belfast, and of other institutions, to agree upon a common curriculum of education, or even of examination for Degrees, that would satisfy the reasonable and conscientious scruples of all parties. Under these circumstances, a sort of bargain would be made between the heads of the various Colleges, who would agree to take each other's certificates without challenge, and confer the Degrees recommended by each independently of the others. The University and its Senate would thus become simply a machinery for authorizing the Students of the various Colleges to add certain letters, such as M. A., or LL. B., after their names; and it would become the interest of all the Colleges in which a really good education was given, that such letters should have a formal significance only; the education itself, testified by the addition of the name of the College, having alone a real market value readily appreciated by the public. Each College of reputation would be careful to have its own name inserted after the letters signifying the University Degree, and thus would be practically created as many Universities as there are Colleges in Ireland, and a disastrous competition downwards would be the inevitable result. The Degrees of the so-called National University would be like the bills of a weak firm--dishonoured by the public unless endorsed by the name of a solvent trader--and the letters M. A., or LL. B., would become like the praises on a bad man's gravestone, purchaseable at so much a letter. I believe, therefore, that I am entitled to protest against the scheme of forming a National University by fusing together the different Colleges in Ireland, on the following grounds:-- 1. Because such a scheme for a National University would prove to be a failure, on account of the want of similarity in the Colleges composing the University. 2. Because such a scheme would, in the long run, infallibly lower the standard and degrade the character of Irish University Degrees; a result that would prove peculiarly disastrous to the educated classes in Ireland. III. ROMAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND. Having disposed of the first two schemes for satisfying the demand of the Irish Catholics for University Education, and shown one to be impolitic, and the other to be injurious, it might naturally be expected that I should now proceed to advocate the advantages of the remaining plan, which consists in a Charter and Endowment for a Roman Catholic University in Ireland, in which the Irish Catholics and their Clergy should be allowed to arrange their own programme of University Education without the interference of Irish Protestants, or of English doctrinaires; but this course I feel to be unnecessary, as it mainly concerns Roman Catholics themselves to state their wishes and explain their views respecting it. Protestant interference in such a question is as irritating and as useless as would be the interference of a mutual friend in a quarrel between a man and his wife. English politicians, in the matter of University Education for the Irish Catholics, have hitherto imitated the doctrine laid down by Mr. Bumble--that "the great principle of out-of-door relief is, to give the paupers exactly what they don't want; and then they get tired of coming." Twenty-seven out of twenty-nine of the Irish Catholic Bishops ask for a Catholic University Charter and Endowment, and are supported in this claim by an overwhelming majority of their flocks. The Irish Catholics asked the English Parliament for bread, and they gave them a stone: instead of a Chartered University, with a fair endowment and perfect freedom of Education, they received Queen's Colleges, which were condemned as godless, and which they were prohibited by their Church from using. Let the Parliament of England for once try an experiment which will meet with the approval of Irishmen of all classes, and give to Ireland a third University, in which the highest and best type of Catholic education shall be developed freely. Protestantism cannot suffer by the contrast, and education must certainly benefit. If Germans can proudly boast of their twenty-seven Universities--if Italians can point to twenty-one Universities, awaking from their slumbers at the call of liberty--if little Belgium can support her four Universities, all active, and required by the wants of her people--surely it cannot be too much for the Irish people, divided as they unhappily are by distinctions of religion and bitter recollections of ancient feuds, to ask that the Protestant University of Elizabeth, and the Secular University of Victoria, shall be supplemented by a Catholic University, possessing the confidence of Irish Catholics, and sharing with her friendly rivals, no longer jealous sisters, the glorious task of leading the youth of Ireland into the pleasant paths of Literature and Science. The milk-white Lily is not less beautiful than the crimson Rose; let them flourish side by side in the garden of Ireland. FOOTNOTES: 1: Roman Catholics were first admitted into Trinity College by an Act passed by the Irish Parliament in 1793. 
20669	----	produced from public domain images available in the University of Michigan Making of America Collection) THE OAHU COLLEGE AT THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. BOSTON: PRESS OF T. R. MARVIN, 42 CONGRESS STREET. 1856. THE OAHU COLLEGE. In the year 1841, a school was commenced, for the children of missionaries, at Punahou, near Honolulu, Sandwich Islands. Five year ago, it was opened to others besides the children of missionaries. The number of pupils has varied from thirty to sixty, and the whole number of pupils, up to September, 1854, was one hundred and twenty-two. In May, 1853, the Hawaiian Government incorporated twelve persons, all of them except one either then or formerly connected with the mission, as a corporate body by the name of "_The Trustees of the Punahou School and Oahu College_." It is probable that the legal name of the institution will be shortened, and that it will be called simply the "_Oahu College_." The charter recognizes the design of the institution to be "the training of youth in the various branches of a Christian education, teaching them sound and useful knowledge." It further states, that, "as it is reasonable that the Christian education should be in conformity to the general views of the founders and patrons of the institution, no course of instruction shall be deemed lawful in said institution, which is not accordant with the principles of Protestant Evangelical Christianity, as held by that body of Protestant Christians in the United States of America, which originated the Christian mission to the Islands, and to whose labors and benevolent contributions the people of these Islands are so greatly indebted." There is also an additional security for the institution in the following article, namely,--"Whenever a vacancy shall occur in said corporation, it shall be the duty of the Trustees to fill the same with all reasonable and convenient dispatch. And every new election shall be immediately made known to the Prudential Committee of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and be subject to their approval or rejection, and this power of revision shall be continued to the American Board for twenty years from the date of this charter." _The Sandwich Islands Christianized._ The effort to christianize the Sandwich Islands was begun in the year 1820, and has succeeded beyond any similar efforts recorded in history. In the year 1853, a little more than thirty years from the commencement of the mission, the Board was able to make proclamation in the Annual Report, that the people of the Sandwich Islands had become a Christian nation. The proofs then adduced of this fact were beyond all controversy; such as entitled the Hawaiian nation to the Christian name, if any people on earth might claim it; though without that intellectual development and social culture, which enter so deeply into the modern idea of civilization. But even in respect to these things a vast work had been accomplished. It was evident to the Prudential Committee, as early as the year 1848, that the time had come for a change of some sort in the relations of the missionaries to the people of the Islands and to the Board. They saw that new and additional motives must be presented to induce the married missionaries to remain at the Islands, or the greater part of them might feel constrained to return to this country within a few years, to make provision for their children. This was not owing simply, nor chiefly, to the number and age of their children, (for such a result was nowhere seen in the older missions elsewhere,) but to the novel and remarkable relations, at that time, of the mission to the people of the Sandwich Islands. The problem, as then presented, was, how to give scope to the parental feelings in missionaries, without increasing burdens and expenses that could not be borne; though it soon appeared that there was really a higher problem to be solved, and one that was novel in missions, namely, how to bring the mission itself, as such, to a termination, dissolving its relations to the Board, and merging its members in the newly created Christian community. The first problem stated came first in the order of time, and it involved the solution of the other. It was, how to convert the Islands into the home of the missionaries, (which the peculiar relation of the Islands to the commercial world then rendered possible,) and the missionaries into citizens and pastors. This was effected, so far as the action of the Prudential Committee was concerned, by a series of resolutions made public in the Report of the Board for the year 1849. The response of the missionaries was in general favorable, though it required five years was complete the arrangement. The case was unprecedented; there was no experience; every step had to be considered in its principles, its equity, and its expediency. The transition was at length effected, and the mission was merged in the general Christian community of the Islands. The meeting of the mission in May, 1853, was its last meeting in its associated, corporate character as a mission,--responsible, as such, to the Board, controlling, as such, the operations of its members. The relations of the ministry and churches of the Sandwich Islands towards the Board and its patrons, and towards other foreign missions and the Christian church at large, then became those of an independent Christian community. The salaries of the native pastors, the cost of church buildings, and the greater part of the cost of schools, were to be met (as in fact they have been) by the natives. So was the support of Hawaiian missionaries, whether sent to Micronesia, or to the Marquesas Islands. It was only in _part_, however, that the natives could support their _foreign_ pastors. The Board, in this new relation of things, would have to sustain to the new Christian community a relation like that, which the Home Missionary Society sustains to the Christian community in Oregon or California; and it might be necessary to continue this relation for some time. _Native College at Lahainaluna._ The first important step taken at the Islands after the mission had responded, in the year 1849, to the proposals of the Prudential Committee, was the transfer, by the Board, of the native Seminary or College at Lahainaluna to the Hawaiian Government. This is wholly for natives. The transfer was made on the condition, that the institution should continue to cultivate sound literature and science, and not allow to be taught religious doctrines contrary to those heretofore inculcated by the mission. In case of the non-fulfillment of the conditions, the whole property, with any additions and improvements made upon the premises, was to revert to the Board. The government have since sustained two clerical professors obtained from the company of missionaries, and the institution answers the purpose of a College for the native community. It is not adapted, however, nor can it be, to the wants of the foreign community. _Necessity for the College at Punahou._ The Oahu College is open to natives speaking the English language; but it is especially designed for pupils from that increasing and important portion of the Hawaiian community, which is of foreign origin. This of course includes those who have heretofore constituted the mission. These, with their families, must be regarded as in the highest degree essential to the religious welfare of the Islands. Their children, now at the Islands in a course of education, not including those too young for school, nor those in the colleges and schools of the United States, number one hundred and forty-five. To remove even a considerable portion of these for education to the United States, would be at great expense and inconvenience, and there is a growing conviction among the parents, that their children must be chiefly educated there. "They can there," says one of the most experienced of the parents, "be under parental guardianship and home influences; and this will help to retain both parents and children in the field. The education will be less perfect than in the United States, but it will fit them better, in some respects, to labor in the land of their birth, than an education in a foreign country. The parents will seek an education for their children elsewhere, if it be not provided for them at the Islands; but it is believed that most of them will retain their children there, if a college be there provided." The number of foreign residents and their descendants is increasing at the Sandwich Islands. An intelligent glance at the future will show, that this enterprising community is destined to exert a very commanding influence in that increasingly important part of the world, and that the necessity of its being well educated cannot be over-estimated. The foreign community now springing up at the Sandwich Islands will inevitably shape the character and destiny of the whole northern Pacific. The missionary part of this community has now the vantage ground as regards all good influences, and with the divine blessing is able to mould the literary and religious institutions of the Hawaiian nation. Religion, just now, has a strong hold on those Islands. The present is, therefore, a favorable time to institute a College, and put it into a working condition. The necessity for an institution, such as it is proposed to make of the _Oahu College_, is one of the most obvious and interesting facts now presented to our view in that part of the world. 1. The College is essential to the development and continued existence of the Hawaiian nation. It is so because the missionary portion is really the _palladium_ of the nation, and because a College is essential to that part of the community. The religious foreign community cannot otherwise long continue to perform its functions. It must have the means of liberally educating its children on the ground. Without a College, its moral, social and civil influence will tend constantly to decay. This most precious Christian influence, now rooted on the Islands, now no longer exotic, needs only the proper culture to perpetuate itself. The cheapest thing we can do for the Islands and for that part of the world, is to furnish this culture. It is better to educate our ministry there, than to send it thither from these remote shores. Indeed we are shut up to this, as our main policy. The providential indications are perfectly clear. Through the grace of God and the gospel of his Son, all the means, excepting such as are pecuniary, for perpetuating Christianity at the Islands, are already there. Mr. Armstrong, the Minister of Instruction at the Islands, writing to one of the Secretaries of the American Board under date of January 2, 1856, bears this remarkable testimony:-- "During the year 1855, just closed," he says, "I visited all the Islands, and every missionary station, in the course of my official duty, and had good opportunities for seeing how the brethren conduct the affairs of their respective stations, and the success that has crowned their labors. I found them all at their posts, hard at work, watching for souls, and promoting the welfare of their people in various ways. As a class, they are very laborious and self-denying, and the advancement of their people in knowledge, industry, civilization and religion, is the best evidence of their success. I have lived for weeks on weeks among the natives, lodging with them in their huts, partaking of their homely fare and sleeping on their mats; and the more I see of them, the more I bless God for what he has done for them. I do not believe there is a community on earth, of the same number, more entirely pervaded by the blessed gospel. In the remotest corners of the land, I find a Bible and Hymn-book in nearly every house, if there was nothing else." We may say of the faithful men, who, ceasing to be missionaries in the technical sense, are now laboring as pastors of churches, superintendents of education, or professors in the native College, or as physicians, teachers, editors, or Christian merchants:--"Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved." Had the great body of these men left the Islands in the year 1848, the native government could not long have survived the catastrophe; and now, and for years to come, they will be, under God, the most effectual safeguard the Hawaiian Government and people can possibly have. Remaining there, with their numerous and healthy families of children, and furnished with facilities for educating those children, the government, the nation, the Islands will continue, with the ordinary blessing of Heaven, to be Christian, evangelical, a glorious monument of the triumphs of the gospel, a light enlightening the benighted groups lying far to the westward, and a cause for admiring gratitude to the whole Christian world! Surely results like these are worth a great outlay for their preservation; but this cannot be effectually done without the speedy institution of a _College at the Islands_, where a portion of the children of foreign parents, and some of the more promising of the native youth, may receive that liberal education which is deemed so important in this country. 2. There is another and highly interesting view of the subject. This Christian community at the Sandwich Islands,--mixed in blood, but one in Christ,--should be regarded as a centre of light and influence for the large number of inhabited but benighted Islands scattered over the far and vast WEST of the Pacific Ocean. This missionary enterprise in the insular world beyond, besides its intrinsic importance, is among the necessary means, by its reacting influence, of raising the Hawaiian churches to the point of self-support and self-control; and its value, in this view, is already delightfully evident. The pecuniary means for supporting missionaries in Micronesia who are sent from the United States, must of course come in great measure from this country; but the support of missionaries and native assistants drawn from the Hawaiian churches, (as well as much of the labor connected with the details of the business,) may be thrown upon the 'Hawaiian Missionary Society,' which is independent of the American Board; and no small portion of the missionaries may at length be obtained from among the _alumni_ of the _Oahu College_. Dr. Gulick, one of the first missionaries to Micronesia, is the son of a missionary at the Sandwich Islands, though educated in the United States; and the missionary children at the Islands are associated together to provide among themselves the means for his support. When the missionary ship, to be called the 'Morning Star,' which has been requested for the mission in Micronesia, is actually in those seas, the proposed institution for educating missionaries inured to the people and climate, will become a still more valuable auxiliary. Thus we see, that the reasonable endowment of the Oahu College will be a good use of money for the upbuilding of Christ's kingdom at the Sandwich Islands, and for extending that kingdom through the islands of the great ocean beyond. _Funds and Buildings of the College._ The value of the property now belonging to the Oahu College, derived chiefly through the American Board, is estimated as follows: Three hundred acres of land, $9,000 College building, two stories, 7,000 Two dwelling houses, 6,000 Twelve lodging rooms, 2,000 Dining room, kitchen, etc., 1,000 Out-houses, 500 Farming implements, herds, etc., 1,500 ------- Total, $27,000 The land on which the buildings stand has an excellent and valuable spring of water, sufficient to irrigate it. There are one hundred acres in this lot, all enclosed by a good stone wall, and in part under cultivation. Another hundred acres adjoining, is also enclosed with a stone wall, and is devoted to pasturage. Another hundred acres of woodland lies about two miles distant. The buildings will suffice for the present. An observer, familiar with the college edifices of the United States, may hardly be able to recognize a _College_ in what he sees at Punahou. But what there is surpasses what were the _visible beginnings_ of either Harvard, or Yale. Until the present time, moreover, there has been only a preparatory school. The first college class, and that a small one, commences the present year. A number of young men, once at Punahou, who would perhaps have been in the College had there been one, are at Williams, Yale, or some other of our American Colleges. Some have completed their preparations for life's business, and are preachers, missionaries, merchants, or connected with the government of the Islands. _The Endowment._ The cost of living at the Sandwich Islands has been materially increased by the settlement and mines of California. Just at present, it may not be easy to bring the expenses of a family at Punahou within the bounds recommended for the salaries of the officers of College. The arrangement for salaries should be based, however, on what we know to be the general course of things in the world. Fifteen hundred dollars, with the use of a house, is thought not to be too large a salary for the President of the Oahu College; and twelve hundred dollars, with the use of a house, for a Professor. The American Board will pay these two salaries for the years 1856 and 1857. The Trustees propose to raise the sum of _fifty thousand dollars_. This is not too large a beginning. Of this sum the Hawaiian government engages to give ten thousand dollars, or one fifth part; on condition that the remaining forty thousand dollars be raised before July 6, 1858, and that the King have the right of nominating two of the twelve trustees of the College. The Prudential Committee have voted to subscribe five thousand dollars towards the endowment, on behalf of the American Board, payable in the year 1858. It should be understood that, excepting the duty of approval or disapproval in respect to the election of members on the Board of Trustees, laid upon the American Board by the Charter for the space of twenty years, that Board has no connection whatever with the College, or control of its proceedings. The College is an independent institution, sustaining no other relation to the Board, than it does to every other benefactor. * * * * * The Colleges of New England had generally some benevolent patron provided for them by Divine Providence;--a Harvard, a Yale, a Dartmouth, a Brown, a Bowdoin, a Williams; and the Colleges very properly took and embalmed their names in memory of an enlightened and refined Christian community. These provided the general endowment. Many liberal men also funded particular professorships; or gave funds for the education of young men of talents and character, without the means of obtaining a liberal education. May the Lord raise up such benefactors for the Oahu College. That has grown, as the New England Colleges did, out of a great religious movement and the wonderful blessing of God on that movement. It has a religious object, and is controlled by a religious influence. The funds have every practicable guard from perversion. The permanent necessity for such an institution is apparent in the certainty of a permanent, rising, influential community on those admirably situated Islands. The independence of the Hawaiian Nation,--which, under present circumstances, is most favorable to its development,--is guaranteed by the United States, Great Britain and France; and the presumption of its falling under the dominion of a power foreign to us, is too small to deserve notice; and the influence of the College itself, as already described, will be one of the most effectual guards against such a result. There is not a finer climate in all the world. Were it true, that the native population is still wasting away, the effect of corrupt commerce in old heathen times, still greater would be the need of such an institution. A flourishing community of some kind at the Sandwich Islands, then certainly will be; and the religious influences now at the Islands will be as available for that community, as hereafter developed, with whatever elements, as it will be for the one now existing. A number of gentlemen have kindly consented, at the request of the Prudential Committee of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, acting for the Trustees of the College, to take charge of the funds contributed in this country for the Oahu College, (where the donors do not direct them to be remitted directly to the Trustees at the Islands;) and they will invest such funds in the United States, and cause the interest to be remitted annually to the officer of the corporation legally authorized to receive it. The Trustees for the Fund, appointed in the first instance by the Prudential Committee, will fill the vacancies occurring in their own number; and they will be authorized to transfer the investment of the funds to the Sandwich Islands whenever they and the Trustees of the College concur in the opinion, that this can be safely and advantageously effected. The following gentlemen compose the Trustees for the Funds to be invested in the United States; namely,-- HENRY HILL, Esq., of Boston, Mass. PELATIAH PERIT, Esq., of New York city. Gen. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, of Norwich, Conn. Hon. THOMAS W. WILLIAMS, of New London, Conn. HENRY P. HAVEN, Esq., of New London, Conn. JAMES HUNNEWELL, Esq., of Charlestown, Mass. WILLIAM E. DODGE, Esq., of New York city. ABNER KINGMAN, Esq., of Boston, Mass. _Boston, August_ 1856. At a meeting of the Trustees of Oahu College, held at Honolulu, Oct. 27, 1856, the following resolutions were adopted with reference to the appointment of the Trustees for the Funds: _Resolved_, 1. That the following gentlemen be and are hereby appointed Trustees, to receive, take charge of, and invest any funds that may have been, or hereafter may be contributed, in the United States, for the endowment of Oahu College; viz., HENRY HILL, Esq., of Boston, Mass. PELATIAH PERIT, Esq., of New York city. Gen. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, of Norwich, Conn. Hon. THOMAS W. WILLIAMS, of New London, Conn. HENRY P. HAVEN, Esq., of New London, Conn. JAMES HUNNEWELL, Esq., of Charlestown, Mass. WILLIAM E. DODGE, Esq., of New York city. ABNER KINGMAN, Esq., of Boston, Mass. _Resolved_, 2. That the Trustees appointed by the foregoing resolution be and are hereby authorized to fill all vacancies occurring in their own number; and that they be and are also further authorized to transfer the investment of any funds that may be received by them for the endowment of Oahu College, to the Sandwich Islands, whenever they and the Trustees of the said College concur in the opinion, that this can be safely and advantageously done. * * * * * The President of the College is now in this country to act for the Board of Trustees, under the following commission: _Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, Feb_. 26, 1857. Know all persons to whom these presents may come, that the Rev. Edward Griffin Beckwith, President of Oahu College, is duly appointed and authorized by the Board of Trustees of this Institution to act as their agent in procuring funds, instructors, and books for the same; and to promote its general interests in all such ways as may be in his power, during his contemplated visit to the United States. To this end, the Trustees of the College hereby bespeak for him the kind regards and co-operation of all the friends of education and religion with whom he may meet during his mission. R. ARMSTRONG, _Sec'y of Board of Trustees_. At a meeting of the Trustees for the Fund, held in Boston, May 28, 1857, it was _Resolved_, That the Rev. E. G. Beckwith, President of Oahu College, now in this country for the purpose of obtaining an endowment for that now and important Institution at the Sandwich Islands, be earnestly commended, by the Trustees for the Fund it is proposed to raise for the College in this country, to the liberal patronage of those who would promote the cause of education at the Islands, and thus give stability and perpetuity to the civil and Christian institutions which have been so successfully introduced into that part of the world; with the understanding, that the investment of the Fund be made under the direction of the aforesaid Trustees residing in the United States. ABNER KINGMAN, _Clerk_. The following is the form of subscription, which it is proposed to circulate among the friends of this enterprise: We, the undersigned, subscribe the several sums set to our respective names, towards a Fund for the endowment of the Oahu College, in the Sandwich Islands, which Fund is to be invested under the direction of a Board of Trustees in the United States appointed for this purpose by the Trustees of the College; and the income arising therefrom to be annually appropriated to the support of said institution. Provided always, that no portion of said subscriptions, or any of the income arising therefrom, shall be used for the promotion of any system or course of education not in accordance with the Sixth Article of the present Charter of the said College. * * * * * Article Sixth of the Charter, reads as follows: "Be it hereby further known, that, as the object of the Institution is the training of youth in the various branches of a Christian education, and, as it is reasonable that the Christian education should be in conformity to the general views of the founders and patrons of the Institution, no course of instruction shall be deemed lawful in said Institution, which is not accordant with the principles of Protestant Evangelical Christianity, as held by that body of Protestant Christians, in the United States of America, which originated the Christian Mission to these Islands, and to whose labors and benevolent contributions the people of these Islands are so greatly indebted." * * * * * HENRY HILL, Esq., of Boston, Mass., Chairman of the Trustees for the Fund, is Treasurer of said Board of Trustees, and all remittances for the College can be made to him, at his office, 118 Milk St. _Boston, June_ 1, 1857. 
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13482	----	WHAT THE SCHOOLS TEACH AND MIGHT TEACH by FRANKLIN BOBBITT Assistant Professor of Educational Administration The University of Chicago 1915 CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY Leonard P. Ayres, Director The Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation Cleveland, Ohio Charles E. Adams, Chairman Thomas G. Fitzsimons Myrta L. Jones Bascom Little Victor W. Sincere Arthur D. Baldwin, Secretary James R. Garfield, Counsel Newton D. Baker, Counsel Alien T. Burns, Director FOREWORD This report on "What the Schools Teach and Might Teach" is one of the 25 sections of the report of the Education Survey of Cleveland conducted by the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation in 1915. Twenty-three of these sections will be published as separate monographs. In addition there will be a larger volume giving a summary of the findings and recommendations relating to the regular work of the public schools, and a second similar volume giving the summary of those sections relating to industrial education. Copies of all these publications may be obtained from the Cleveland Foundation. They may also be obtained from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. A complete list will be found in the back of this volume, together with prices. TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword List of Tables Prefatory Statement The Point of View Reading and Literature Spelling Handwriting Language, Composition, Grammar Mathematics Algebra Geometry History Civics Geography Drawing and Applied Art Manual Training and Household Arts Elementary Science High School Science Physiology and Hygiene Physical Training Music Foreign Languages Differentiation of Courses Summary LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1. Time given to reading and literature 2. Sets of supplementary reading books per building 3. Weeks given to reading of different books in High School of Commerce 4. Time given to spelling 5. Time given to handwriting 6. Time given to language, composition, and grammar 7. Time given to arithmetic 8. Time given to history 9. Time given to geography 10. Time given to drawing 11. Time given to manual training 12. Time given to science, physiology, hygiene 13. Time given to physical training 14. Time given to music PREFATORY STATEMENT For an understanding of some of the characteristics of this report it is necessary to mention certain of the conditions under which it was prepared. The printed course of study for the elementary schools to be found in June, 1915, the time the facts were gathered for this report, was prepared under a former administration. While its main outlines were still held to, it was being departed from in individual schools in many respects. Except occasionally it was not possible to find record of such departures. It was believed that to accept the printed manual as representing current procedure would do frequent injustice to thoughtful, constructive workers within the system. But it must be remembered that courses of study for the city cover the work of twelve school years in a score and more of subjects, distributed through a hundred buildings. Only a small fraction of this comprehensive program is going on during any week of the school year; and of this fraction only a relatively small amount could actually be visited by one man in the time possible to devote to the task. In the absence of records of work done or of work projected, unduly large weight had to be given to the recommendations set down in the latest published course of study manual. New courses of study were being planned for the elementary schools. This in itself indicated that the manual could not longer be regarded as an authoritative expression of the ideas of the administration. Yet with the exception of a good arithmetic course and certain excellent beginnings of a geography course, little indication could be found as to what the details of the new courses were to be. The present report has had to be written at a time when the administration by its acts was rejecting the courses of study laid out in the old manual, and yet before the new courses were formulated. Under the circumstances it was not a safe time for setting forth the _facts_, since not even the administration knew yet what the new courses were to be in their details. It was not a safe time to be either praising or blaming course of study requirements. The situation was too unformed for either. In the matter of the curriculum, the city was confessedly on the eve of a large constructive program. Its face was toward the future, and not toward the past; not even toward the present. It was felt that if the brief space at the disposal of this report could also look chiefly toward the future, and present constructive recommendations concerning things that observation indicated should be kept in mind, it would accomplish its largest service. The time that the author spent in Cleveland was mostly used in observations in the schools, in consultation with teachers and supervisors, and in otherwise ascertaining what appeared to be the main outlines of practice in the various subjects. This was thought to be the point at which further constructive labors would necessarily begin. The recommendation of a thing in this report does not indicate that it has hitherto been non-existent or unrecognized in the system. The intention rather is an economical use of the brief space at our disposal in calling attention to what appear to be certain fundamental principles of curriculum-making that seem nowadays more and more to be employed by judicious constructive workers. The occasional pointing out of incomplete development of the work of the system is not to be regarded as criticism. Both school people and community should remember that since schools are to fit people for social conditions, and since these conditions are continually changing, the work of the schools must correspondingly change. Social growth is never complete; it is especially rapid in our generation. The work of education in preparing for these ever-new conditions can likewise never be complete, crystallized, perfected. It must grow and change as fast as social conditions make such changes necessary. To point out such further growth-needs is not criticism. The intention is to present the disinterested, detached view of the outsider who, although he knows indefinitely less than those within the system about the details of the work, can often get the perspective rather better just because his mind is not filled with the details. THE POINT OF VIEW There is an endless, and perhaps worldwide, controversy as to what constitutes the "essentials" of education; and as to the steps to be taken in the teaching of these essentials. The safe plan for constructive workers appears to be to avoid personal educational philosophies and to read all the essentials of education within the needs and processes of the community itself. Since we are using this social point of view in making curriculum suggestions for Cleveland, it seems desirable first to explain just what we mean. Some of the matters set down may appear so obvious as not to require expression. They need, however, to be presented again because of the frequency with which they are lost sight of in actual school practice. Children and youth are expected as they grow up to take on by easy stages the characteristics of adulthood. At the end of the process it is expected that they will be able to do the things that adults do; to think as they think; to bear adult responsibilities; to be efficient in work; to be thoughtful public-spirited citizens; and the like. The individual who reaches this level of attainment is educated, even though he may never have attended school. The one who falls below this level is not truly educated, even though he may have had a surplus of schooling. To bring one's nature to full maturity, as represented by the best of the adult community in which one grows up, is true education for life in that community. Anything less than this falls short of its purpose. Anything other than this is education misdirected. In very early days, when community life was simple, practically all of one's education was obtained through participating in community activities, and without systematic teaching. From that day to this, however, the social world has been growing more complex. Adults have developed kinds of activities so complicated that youth cannot adequately enter into them and learn them without systematic teaching. At first these things were few; with the years they have grown very numerous. One of the earliest of these too-complicated activities was written language--reading, writing, spelling. These matters became necessities to the adult world; but youth under ordinary circumstances could not participate in them as performed by adults sufficiently to master them. They had to be taught; and the school thereby came into existence. A second thing developed about the same time was the complicated number system used by adults. It was too difficult for youth to master through participation only. It too had to be taught, and it offered a second task for the schools. In the early schools this teaching of the so-called Three R's was all that was needed, because these were the only adult activities that had become so complicated as to require systematized teaching. Other things were still simple enough, so that young people could enter into them sufficiently for all necessary education. As community vision widened and men's affairs came to extend far beyond the horizon, a need arose for knowledge of the outlying world. This knowledge could rarely be obtained sufficiently through travel and observation. There arose the new need for the systematic teaching of geography. What had hitherto not been a human necessity and therefore not an educational essential became both because of changed social conditions. Looking at education from this social point of view it is easy to see that there was a time when no particular need existed for history, drawing, science, vocational studies, civics, etc., beyond what one could acquire by mingling with one's associates in the community. These were therefore not then essentials for education. It is just as easy to see that changed social conditions of the present make necessary for every one a fuller and more systematic range of ideas in each of these fields than one can pick up incidentally. These things have thereby become educational essentials. Whether a thing today is an educational "essential" or not seems to depend upon two things: whether it is a human necessity today; and whether it is so complex or inaccessible as to require systematic teaching. The number of "essentials" changes from generation to generation. Those today who proclaim the Three R's as the sole "essentials" appear to be calling from out the rather distant past. Many things have since become essential; and other things are being added year by year. The normal method of education in things not yet put into the schools, is participation in those things. One gets his ideas from watching others and then learns to do by doing. There is no reason to believe that as the school lends its help to some of the more difficult things, this normal plan of learning can be set aside and another substituted. Of course the schools must take in hand the difficult portions of the process. Where complicated knowledge is needed, the schools must teach that knowledge. Where drill is required, they must give the drill. But the knowledge and the drill should be given in their relation to the human activities in which they are used. As the school helps young people to take on the nature of adulthood, it will still do so by helping them to enter adequately into the activities of adulthood. Youth will learn to think, to judge, and to do, by thinking, judging, and doing. They will acquire a sense of responsibility by bearing responsibility. They will take on serious forms of thought by doing the serious things which require serious thought. It cannot be urged that young people have a life of their own which is to be lived only for youth's sake and without reference to the adult world about them. As a matter of fact children and youth are a part of the total community of which the mature adults are the natural and responsible leaders. At an early age they begin to perform adult activities, to take on adult points of view, to bear adult responsibilities. Naturally it is done in ways appropriate to their natures. At first it is imitative play, constructive play, etc.--nature's method of bringing children to observe the serious world about them, and to gird themselves for entering into it. The next stage, if normal opportunities are provided, is playful participation in the activities of their elders. This changes gradually into serious participation as they grow older, becoming at the end of the process responsible adult action. It is not possible to determine the educational materials and processes at any stage of growth without looking at the same time to that entire world of which youth forms a part, and in which the nature and abilities of their elders point the goal of their training. The social point of view herein expressed is sometimes characterized as being utilitarian. It may be so; but not in any narrow or undesirable sense. It demands that training be as wide as life itself. It looks to human activities of every type: religious activities; civic activities; the duties of one's calling; one's family duties; one's recreations; one's reading and meditation; and the rest of the things that are done by the complete man or woman. READING AND LITERATURE The amount of time given to reading in the elementary schools of Cleveland, and the average time in 50 other cities[A] are shown in the following table: TABLE 1.--TIME GIVEN TO READING AND LITERATURE ======================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time |-----------------------|------------------------ Grade | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities -------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 317 | 266 | 43 | 31 2 | 317 | 235 | 36 | 26 3 | 279 | 188 | 32 | 21 4 | 196 | 153 | 22 | 16 5 | 161 | 126 | 18 | 13 6 | 136 | 117 | 15 | 12 7 | 152 | 98 | 17 | 10 8 | 152 | 97 | 17 | 10 ======================================================== Total | 1710 | 1280 | 25 | 17 -------------------------------------------------------- During the course of his school life, each pupil who finishes the elementary grades in Cleveland receives 1710 hours of recitation and directed study in reading as against an average of 1280 hours in progressive cities in general. This is an excess of 430 hours, or 34 per cent. The annual cost of teaching reading being about $600,000, this represents an excess annual investment in this subject of some $150,000. Whether or not this excess investment in reading is justified depends, of course, upon the way the time is used. If the city is aiming only at the usual mastery of the mechanics of reading and the usual introductory acquaintance with simple works of literary art, it appears that Cleveland is using more time and labor than other cities consider needful. If, on the other hand, this city is using the excess time for widely diversified reading chosen for its content value in revealing the great fields of history, industry, applied science, manners and customs in other lands, travel, exploration, inventions, biography, etc., and in fixing life-long habits of intelligent reading, then it is possible that it is just this excess time that produces the largest educational returns upon the investment. [Footnote A: Henry W. Holmes, "Time Distribution by Subjects and Grades in Representative Cities." In the Fourteenth Year Book of the National Society for the Study of Education, Part I, 1915. University of Chicago Press.] It would seem, however, from a careful study of the actual work and an examination of the printed documents, that the chief purpose of teaching reading in this city is, to use the terminology of its latest manual, "easy expressive oral reading in rich, well-modulated tone." It is true that other aims are mentioned, such as enlargement of vocabulary, word-study, understanding of expressions and allusions, acquaintance with the leading authors, appreciation of "beautiful expressions," etc. Properly emphasized, each of these purposes is valid; but there are other equally valid ends to be achieved through proper choice of the reading-content that are not mentioned. There is here no criticism of the purposes long accepted, but of the apparent failure to recognize other equally important ones. The character of the reading-content is referred to only in the recommendation that in certain grades it should relate to the seasons and to special occasions. Even in reference to the supplementary reading, where content should be the first concern, the only statement of purpose is that "children should read for the joy of it." Unfortunately, this mistaken emphasis is not at all uncommon among the schools of the nation. How one reads has received an undue amount of attention; what one reads in the school courses must and will receive an increasingly large share of time and thought, in the new evaluation. The use of interesting and valuable books for other educational purposes at the same time that they are used for drill in the mechanics of reading is coming more and more to be recognized as an improved mode of procedure. The mechanical side of reading is not thereby neglected. It is given its proper function and relation, and can therefore be better taught. So far as one can see, Cleveland is attempting in the reading work little more than the traditional thing. The thirty-four per cent excess time may be justified by the city on the theory that the schools are commissioned to get the work done one-third better than in the average city. The reading tests made by the Survey fail to reveal any such superiority. The city appears to be getting no better than average results. Certainly people should read well and effectively in all ways in which they will be called upon to read in their adult affairs. For the most part this means reading for ideas, suggestions, and information in connection with the things involved in their several callings; in connection with their civic problems; for recreation; and for such general social enlightenment as comes from newspapers, magazines, and books. Most reading will be for the content. It is desirable that the reading be easy and rapid, and that one gather in all the ideas as one reads. Because of the fact that oral reading is slower, more laborious for both reader and listener, and because of the present easy accessibility of printed matter, oral reading is becoming of steadily diminishing importance to adults. No longer should the central educational purpose be the development of expressive oral reading. It should be rapid and effective silent reading for the sake of the thought read. To train an adult generation to read for the thought, schools must give children full practice in reading for the thought in the ways in which later as adults they should read. After the primary teachers have taught the elements, the work should be mainly voluminous reading for the sake of entering into as much of the world's thought and experience as possible. The work ought to be rather more extensive than intensive. The chief end should be the development of that wide social vision and understanding which is so much needed in this complicated cosmopolitan age. While works of literary art should constitute a considerable portion of the reading program, they should not monopolize the program, nor indeed should they be regarded as the most important part of it. It is history, travel, current news, biography, advance in the world of industry and applied science, discussions of social relations, political adjustments, etc., which adults need mostly to read; and it is by the reading of these things that children form desirable and valuable reading habits. The reading curriculum needs to be looked after in two important ways. First, social standards of judgment should determine the nature of the reading. The texts beyond the primary grades are now for the most part selections of literary art. Very little of it has any conscious relation, immediate or remote, to present-day problems and conditions or with their historical background. Probably children should read many more selections of literary art than are found in the textbooks and the supplementary sets now owned by the schools. But certainly such cultural literary experience ought not to crowd out kinds of reading that are of much greater practical value. Illumination of the things of serious importance in the everyday world of human affairs should have a large place in reading work of every school. It is true that the supplementary sets of books have been chosen chiefly for their content value. Many are historical, biographical, geographical, scientific, civic, etc., in character. On the side of content, they have advanced much farther than the textbooks toward what should constitute a proper reading course. Unfortunately, the schools are very incompletely supplied with these sets. If we consider all the sets of supplementary readers found in 10 or more schools, we find that few of those assigned for fourth-grade reading are found in one-quarter of the buildings and none are in half of them. The same is true of the books for use in the fifth and seventh grades. Some of the books for the sixth and eighth grades are found in more than half of the buildings, but there is none that is found in as many as three-quarters of them. The second thing greatly needed to improve the reading course is more reading practice. One learns to do a thing easily, rapidly, and effectively by practice. The course of study in reading should therefore provide the opportunity for much practice. At present the reading texts used aggregate for the eight grades some 2100 pages. A third-grade child ought to read matter suitable for its intelligence at 20 pages per hour, and a grammar-grade child at 30 to 40 pages per hour. Since rapidity of reading is one of the desired ends, the practice reading should be rapid. At the moderate rates mentioned, the entire series of reading texts ought to be read in some 80 hours. This is 10 hours' practice for each of the eight school years, an altogether insufficient amount of rapid reading practice. Of course the texts can be read twice, or let us say three times, aggregating 30 hours of practice per year. But even this is not more than could easily be accomplished in two or three weeks of each of the years--always presuming that the reading materials are rightly adapted to the mental maturity of the pupils. This leaves 35 weeks of the year unprovided for. To make good this deficit, the buildings are furnished with supplementary books in sets sufficiently large to supply entire classes. The average number of such sets per building is shown in the following table: TABLE 2.--SETS OF SUPPLEMENTARY READING BOOKS PER BUILDING Grade Average number of sets 1 10.0 2 6.3 3 5.1 4 5.5 5 6.3 6 5.3 7 5.5 8 6.0 A fifth, sixth, seventh, or eighth-grade student ought to be able to read all the materials supplied his grade, both reading texts and all kinds of supplementary reading, in 40 or 50 hours. He ought to do it easily in six weeks' work, without encroaching on recitation time. He can read all of it twice in 10 weeks; and three times in 14 weeks. After reading everything three times over, there still remain 24 weeks of each year unprovided for. The reply of teachers is that the work is so difficult that it has to be slowed down enough to consume these 24 weeks. But is not this to admit that the hill is too steep, that there is too much dead pull, and that the materials are ill-chosen for practice in habits of rapid intelligent reading? It is not by going slow that one learns to go fast. Quite the reverse. Too often the school runs on low speed gear when it ought to be running on high. The low may be necessary for the starting, but not for the running. It may be necessary in the primary grades, but not thereafter for those who have had a normal start. Reading practice should certainly make for increased speed in effective reading. The actual work in the grades is very different from the plan suggested. In taking up any selection for reading, the plan in most schools is about as follows: 1. A list of the unusual words met with is written on the blackboard. 2. Teacher and pupils discuss the meaning of these words; but unfortunately words out of the context often carry no meaning. 3. The words are marked diacritically, and pronounced. 4. Pupils "use the words in sentences." The pupil frequently has nothing to say that involves the word. It is only given an imitation of a real use by being put into an artificial sentence. 5. The oral reading is begun. One pupil reads a paragraph. 6. With the book removed, the meaning of the paragraph is then reproduced either by the reader or some other pupil. This work is necessarily perfunctory because the pupil knows he is not giving information to anybody. Everybody within hearing already has the meaning fresh in mind from the previous reading. The normal child cannot work up enthusiasm for oral reproduction under such conditions. 7. The paragraph is analyzed into its various elements, and these in turn are discussed in detail. Such work is not reading. It is analysis. A selection is not read, it is analyzed. The purpose of real reading is to enter into the thought and emotional experience of the writer; not to study the methods by which the author expressed himself. The net result when the work is done as described is to develop a critical consciousness of methods, without helping the children to enter normally and rightly into the experience of the writer. The children of Cleveland need this genuine training in reading. Reading in the high schools needs very much the same sort of modernization. There are more kinds of literature than classical belles-lettres, and perhaps more important kinds. We would not advocate a reduction of the amount of aesthetic literature. Indeed, the young people of Cleveland need to enter into a far wider range of such literature than is the case at present. But the reading courses in high schools should be built out in ways already recommended for elementary schools. The training, however, should be mainly in reading and not in analysis. The former is of surpassing importance to all people; the latter is important only to certain specialists. And, what is more, fullness of reading and right ways of reading will accomplish incidentally most of the things aimed at in the analysis. The following table of the reading outline of the High School of Commerce is a fair sample of what the city is doing. Note how much time is given to the reading and analysis of the few selections covered in four years. TABLE 3.--WEEKS GIVEN TO READING OF DIFFERENT BOOKS IN HIGH SCHOOL OF COMMERCE Weeks to read First Year Ashmun's Prose Selections 9 Cricket on the Hearth 5 Sohrab and Rustum 3 Midsummer Night's Dream 6 Ivanhoe 11 Second Year Autobiography of Franklin 7 Idylls of the King 10 Treasure Island 7 Sketch Book 7 Vision of Sir Launfal 3 Third Year Silas Marner 7 Iliad (Bryant's--4 books) 5 Washington's Farewell Address 5 First Bunker Hill Oration 6 Emerson's Compensation 5 Roosevelt Book 6 Fourth Year Markham's The Man with the Hoe 2 Tale of Two Cities 10 Public Duty of the Educated Man 4 Macbeth 11 Self-Reliance 6 When a short play of a hundred pages like Macbeth requires nearly three months for reading, when almost two months are given to Treasure Island and nearly three months to Ivanhoe, clearly it is something other than reading that is being attempted. It is perfectly obvious that the high schools are attending principally to the mechanics of expression and not to the content of the expression. The relative emphasis should be reversed. The amount of reading in the high schools should be greatly increased. Those who object that rapid work is superficial believe that work must be slow to be thorough. It should be remembered, however, that slow work is often superficial and that rapid work is often excellent. In fact the world's best workers are generally rapid, accurate, and thorough. Ask any business man of wide experience. Now leaving aside pupils who are slow by nature, it can be affirmed that pupils will acquire slow, thorough habits or rapid, thorough habits according to the way they are taught. If they are brought up by the slow plan, naturally when speeded up suddenly, the quality of their work declines. They can be rapid, accurate, and thorough only if such strenuous work begins early and is continued consistently. Slow habits are undesirable if better ones can just as well be implanted. To avoid possible misunderstanding, it ought to be stated that the plan recommended does not mean less drill upon the mechanical side of reading. We are recommending a somewhat more modernized kind of mechanics, and a much more strenuous kind of drill. The plan looks both toward more reading and improved habits of reading. One final suggestion finds here its logical place. Before the reading work of elementary or high schools can be modernized, the city must purchase the books used in the work. Leaving the supplying of books to private purchase is the largest single obstacle in the way of progress. Men in the business world will have no difficulty in seeing the logic of this. When shoes, for example, were made by hand, each workman could easily supply his own tools; but now that elaborate machinery has been devised for their manufacture, it has become so expensive that a machine factory must supply the tools. It is so in almost every field of labor where efficiency has been introduced. Now the books to be read are the tools in the teaching of reading. In a former day when a mastery of the mechanics of reading was all that seemed to be needed, the privately purchased textbook could suffice. In our day when other ends are set up beyond and above those of former days, a far more elaborate and expensive equipment is required. The city must now supply the educational tools. It is well to face this issue candidly and to state the facts plainly. Relative failure can be the only possible lot of reluctant communities. They can count on it with the same assurance as that of a manufacturer of shoes who attempts to employ the methods of former days in competition with modern methods. In this city the expenditures for supplementary textbooks have amounted to something more than $31,000 in the past 10 years. Approximately one-third of this sum was spent in the first seven years of the decade and more than $20,000 in the past three years. This indicates the rapid advance in this direction made under the present school administration but the supply of books still falls far short of the needs of the schools. A fair start has been made but nothing should be permitted to obstruct rapid progress in this direction. SPELLING Cleveland has set apart an average amount of program time for spelling. Possibly the study might more accurately be called word-study, since it aims also at training for pronunciation, syllabification, vocabulary extension, and etymology. Since much of the reading time is given to similar word-study, the figures presented in Table 4 are really too small to represent actual practice in Cleveland. TABLE 4.--TIME GIVEN TO SPELLING ======================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time |-----------------------|------------------------ Grade | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities -------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 47 | 54 | 6.5 | 6.3 2 | 63 | 66 | 7.2 | 7.3 3 | 79 | 73 | 9.0 | 8.0 4 | 63 | 67 | 7.1 | 6.9 5 | 51 | 61 | 5.7 | 6.3 6 | 47 | 58 | 5.4 | 5.9 7 | 47 | 52 | 5.4 | 5.3 8 | 47 | 51 | 5.4 | 5.1 ======================================================== Total | 444 | 482 | 6.5 | 6.4 -------------------------------------------------------- The general plan of the course is indicated in the syllabus: "Two words are made prominent in each lesson. Their pronunciation, division into syllables, derivation, phonetic properties, oral and written spelling and meaning, are all to be made clear to pupils. "The teaching of a new word may be done by using it in a sentence; by definition or description; by giving a synonym or the antonym; by illustration with object, action or drawing; and by etymology. "Each lesson should have also from eight to 20 subordinate words taken from textbook or composition exercises.... Frequent supplementary dictation, word-building and phonic exercises should be given. Spell much orally.... Teach a little daily, test thoroughly, drill intensively, and follow up words misspelled persistently." In most respects the work agrees with the usual practice in progressive cities: the teaching of a few words in each lesson; the frequent and continuous review of words already taught; taking the words to be taught from the language experience of the pupils; following up words actually misspelled; studying the words from many angles, etc. In some respects the work needs further modernization. The words chosen for the work are not always the ones most needed. Whether children or adults, people need to spell only when they write. They need to spell correctly the words of their writing vocabulary, and they need to spell no others. More important still, they need to acquire the habit of watching their spelling as they write; the habit of spelling every word with certainty that it is correct, and the habit of going to word-lists or dictionary when there is any doubt. This development of the habit of watchfulness over their spelling as they write is the principal thing. One who has it will always spell well. In case he has much writing to do, it automatically leads to a constant renewing of his memory for words used and prevents forgetting. The one who has only memorized word-lists, even though they have been rigorously drilled, inevitably forgets, whether rapidly or slowly; and in proportion as he lacks this general habit of watchfulness, degenerates in his spelling. The reason why schools fail to overcome the frequent criticism that young people do not spell well, is because of the fact that they have been trying to teach specific words rather than to develop a general and constant watchfulness. The fundamental training in spelling is accomplished in connection with composition, letter-writing, etc. Direct word-list study should have only a secondary and supplemental place. It is needed, first, for making people conscious of the letter elements of words which are seen as wholes in their reading, and for bringing them to look closely into the relations of these letter elements; second, for developing a preliminary understanding of the spelling of words used; and third, for drill upon words commonly misspelled. While a necessary portion of the entire process, it probably should not require so much time as is now given to it and the time saved should be devoted to the major task of teaching spelling watchfulness in connection with writing letters and compositions. The great majority of the population of Cleveland will spell only as they write letters, receipts, and simple memoranda. They do not need to spell a wide vocabulary with complete accuracy. On the other hand, there are classes of people to whom a high degree of spelling accuracy covering a fairly wide vocabulary is an indispensable vocational necessity: clerks, copyists, stenographers, correspondents, compositors, proof-readers, etc. These people need an intensive specialized training in spelling that is not needed by the mass of the population. Such specialized vocational training should be taken care of by the Cleveland schools, but it should not be forced upon all simply because the few need it. The attempt to bring all to the high level needed by the few, and the failure to reach this level, is responsible for the justifiable criticism of the schools that those few who need to spell unusually well are imperfectly trained. The spelling practice should continue through the high school. It is only necessary for teachers to refuse to accept written work that contains any misspelled word to force upon students the habit of watchfulness over every word written. The High School of Commerce is to be commended for making spelling a required portion of the training. The course needs to be more closely knit with composition and business letter-writing. HANDWRITING Cleveland gives a considerably larger proportion of time to handwriting than the average of the 50 cities. TABLE 5.--TIME GIVEN TO HANDWRITING ======================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time |-----------------------|------------------------ Grade | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities -------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 47 | 50 | 6.5 | 6.7 2 | 63 | 60 | 7.2 | 6.7 3 | 63 | 52 | 7.2 | 5.7 4 | 63 | 53 | 7.2 | 5.5 5 | 67 | 50 | 6.4 | 5.1 6 | 47 | 47 | 5.4 | 4.8 7 | 47 | 39 | 5.4 | 3.9 8 | 32 | 37 | 3.6 | 3.7 ======================================================== Total | 419 | 388 | 6.1 | 5.1 -------------------------------------------------------- The curriculum of handwriting resolves itself mainly into questions of method, and of standards to be achieved in each of the grades. These matters are treated intensively in the section of the survey report entitled "Measuring the Work of the Public Schools." LANGUAGE, COMPOSITION, GRAMMAR The schools devote about the usual amount of time to training for the correct use of the mother tongue. Most of the time in intermediate and grammar grades is devoted to English grammar. Composition receives only minor attention. TABLE 6.--TIME GIVEN TO LANGUAGE, COMPOSITION, AND GRAMMAR ======================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time |-----------------------|------------------------ Grade | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities -------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 79 | 75 | 10.9 | 8.6 2 | 95 | 79 | 10.8 | 8.7 3 | 79 | 94 | 9.0 | 10.3 4 | 104 | 106 | 11.8 | 10.9 5 | 120 | 116 | 13.6 | 12.0 6 | 120 | 118 | 13.6 | 12.2 7 | 125 | 134 | 14.3 | 13.7 8 | 125 | 142 | 14.3 | 14.1 ======================================================== Total | 847 | 864 | 12.3 | 11.4 -------------------------------------------------------- In the teaching of grammar too much stress is placed on forms and relations. Of course it is expected that this knowledge will be of service to the pupils in their everyday expression. But such practical application of the knowledge is not the thing toward which the work actually looks. The end really achieved is rather the ability to recite well on textbook grammar, and to pass good examinations in the subject. In classes visited the thing attempted was being done in a relatively effective way. And when judged in the light of the kind of education considered best 20 years ago, the work is of a superior character. As a matter of fact, facility in oral and written expression is, like everything else, mainly developed through much practice. The form and style of expression are perfected mainly through the conscious and unconscious imitation of good models. Technical grammar plays, or should play, the relatively minor role of assisting students to eliminate and to avoid certain types of error. Since grammar has this perfectly practical function to perform, probably only those things needed should be taught; but more important still, everything taught should be constantly put to use by the pupils in their oversight of their own speech and writing. Only as knowledge is put to work, is it really learned or assimilated. The schools should require much oral and written expression of the pupils, and should enforce constant watchfulness of their own speech on the part of the pupils. It is possible to require pupils to go over all of their written work and to examine it, before handing it in, in the light of all the grammatical rules they have learned. It is also possible for pupils to guard consciously against known types of error which they are accustomed to make in their oral recitations. Every recitation in whatever subject provides opportunity for such training in habits of watchfulness. Only as the pupil is brought to do it himself, without prompting on the part of the teacher, is his education accomplished. A limited amount of systematic grammatical teaching is a necessary preliminary step. The purpose is an introductory acquaintance with certain basic forms, terminology, relationships, and grammatical perspective. This should be accomplished rapidly. Like the preliminary survey in any field, this stage of the work will be relatively superficial. Fullness and depth of understanding will come with application. This preliminary understanding can not be learned "incidentally." Such a plan fails on the side of perspective and relationship, which are precisely the things in which the preparatory teaching of the subject should be strong. This preliminary training in technical grammar need not be either so extensive or so intensive as it is at present. An altogether disproportionate amount of time is now given to it. The time saved ought to go to oral and written expression,--composition, we might call it, except that the word has been spoiled because of the artificiality of the exercises. The composition or expression most to be recommended consists of reports on the supplementary reading in connection with history, geography, industrial studies, civics, sanitation, etc.; and reports of observations on related matters in the community. Topics of interest and of value are practically numberless. Such reports will usually be oral; but often they will be written. Expression occurs naturally and normally only where there is something to be discussed. The present manual suggests compositions based upon "changes in trees, dissemination of seeds, migration of birds, snow, ice, clouds, trees, leaves, and flowers." This type of composition program under present conditions cannot be a vital one. Elementary science is not taught in the schools of Cleveland; and so the subject matter of these topics is not developed. Further, it is the world of human action, revealed in history, geography, travels, accounts of industry, commerce, manufacture, transportation, etc., that possesses the greater value for the purposes of education, as well as far greater interest for the student. Probably little time should be set apart on the program for composition. The expression side of all the school work, both in the elementary school and in the high school, should be used to give the necessary practice. The technical matters needed can be taught in occasional periods set aside for that specific purpose. The isolation of the composition work continues through the academic high schools and in considerable degree through the technical high schools also. In the high schools the expression work probably needs to be developed chiefly in the classes in science, history, industrial studies, commercial and industrial geography, physics, etc., where the students have an abundance of things to discuss. Probably four-fifths of all of the training in English expression in the high schools should be accomplished in connection with the oral and written work of the other subjects. MATHEMATICS To arithmetic, the Cleveland schools are devoting a somewhat larger proportion of time than the average of cities. TABLE 7.--TIME GIVEN TO ARITHMETIC =========================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time| Grade |----------------------------------------------- | Cleveland | 50 cities| Cleveland | 50 cities | ----------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 38 | 60 | 5.2 | 6.9 | 2 | 136 | 96 | 15.5 | 10.7 | 3 | 142 | 131 | 16.3 | 14.4 | 4 | 152 | 149 | 17.2 | 15.4 | 5 | 142 | 144 | 17.1 | 14.9 | 6 | 155 | 146 | 17.5 | 15.0 | 7 | 142 | 140 | 16.1 | 14.4 | 8 | 158 | 142 | 17.9 | 14.1 | =========================================================== Total | 1065 | 1008 | 15.5 | 13.3 | ----------------------------------------------------------- That everybody should be well grounded in the fundamental operations of arithmetic is so obvious as to require no discussion. Beyond this point, however, difficult problems arise. The probabilities are that the social and vocational conditions of the coming generation will require that everybody be more mathematical-minded than at present. The content of mathematics courses is to be determined by human needs. One of the fundamental needs of the age upon which we are now entering is accurate quantitative thinking in the fields of one's vocation, in the supervision of our many co-operative governmental labors, in our economic thinking with reference to taxation, expenditures, insurance, public utilities, civic improvements, pensions, corporations, and the multitude of other civic and vocational matters. Just as the thought involved in physics, astronomy, or engineering needs to be put in mathematical terms in order that it may be used effectively, so must it be with effective vocational, civic, and economic thinking in general. Our chief need is not so much the ability to do calculations as it is the ability to think in figures and the habit of thinking in figures. Calculations, while indispensable, are incidental to more important matters. Naturally before one is prepared to use mathematical forms of thought in considering the many social and vocational problems, he must have mastered the fundamentals. The elementary school, at as early an age as practicable, should certainly give the necessary preliminary knowledge of and practice in the fundamental operations of arithmetic. This should be done with a high degree of thoroughness, but it should always be kept in mind that this is only a preliminary mastery of the alphabet of mathematical thinking. The other part of our problem is a development of the quantitative aspects of the vocational, economic, and civic subjects. One finds clear recognition of this in Cleveland in the new arithmetic manual. The following quotations are typical: "The important problem of the seventh and eighth grades is to enable the pupils to understand and deal intelligently with the most important social institutions with which arithmetical processes are associated." In discussing the teaching of the mathematical aspect of insurance, we find this statement: "Owing to the important place this subject holds in life, we should emphasize its informational value rather than its mathematical content." Under taxation and revenue: "If the general features of this subject are presented from the standpoint of civics, the pupils should have no difficulty in solving the problems as no new principle is introduced." Under stocks and bonds: "Pupils should be taught to know what a corporation is, its chief officers, how it is organized, what stocks and bonds are, and how dividends are declared and paid, in so far as such knowledge is needed by the general public." These statements indicate a recognition of the most important principle that should control in the development of all of the mathematics, elementary and secondary, beyond the preliminary training needed for accuracy and rapidity in the fundamental operations. When this principle is carried through to its logical conclusion, it will be observed that most of these developments will not take place within the arithmetic class, but in the various other subjects. Arithmetic teaching, like the teaching of penmanship, etc., is for the purpose of giving tools that are to be used in matters that lie beyond. The full development will take place within these various other fields. For the present, it probably will be well for the schools to develop the matters both within the arithmetic classes and in the other classes. Neither being complete at present, each will tend to complete the other. On the side of the preliminary training in the fundamental operations, the present arithmetic course of study is on the whole of a superior character. It provides for much drill, and for a great variety of drill. It emphasizes rapidity, accuracy, and the confidence that comes to pupils from checking up their results. It holds fast to fundamentals, dispensing with most of the things of little practical use. It provides easy advances from the simple to the complicated. The field of number is explored in a great variety of directions so that pupils are made to feel at home in the subject. One large defect is the lack of printed exercise materials, the use of which would result in greatly increased effectiveness. Such printed materials ought to be furnished in great abundance. ALGEBRA In the report of the Educational Commission of Cleveland, 1906, we find the following very significant sentences relative to the course of study for the proposed high school of commerce: "An entirely new course of study should be made out for this school. Subjects which have been considered necessary in a high school, because they tend to develop the mind, should not for this reason only be placed in a commercial course. Subjects should not be given because they strengthen the mind, but the subjects which are necessary in this course should be given in such a way as to strengthen the mind. The mathematics in this school should consist of business arithmetic and mensuration. We can see no reason for giving these students either algebra or geometry. But they should be taught short and practical methods of working business problems." We find here a recommendation since carried out that indicates a clear recognition of the principle of adaptation of the course of study to actual needs. Carried out to its logical conclusion, and applied to the entire city system, it raises questions as to the advisability of requiring algebra of girls in any of the high school courses; or of requiring it of that large number of boys looking forward to vocations that do not involve the generalized mathematics of algebra. Now either the commercial students do need algebra or a large proportion of these others do not need it. It seems advisable here to do nothing more than to present the question as one which the city needs to investigate. The present practice, in Cleveland as elsewhere, reveals inconsistency. In one or the other of the schools a wrong course is probably being followed. The current tendency in public education is toward agreement with the principle enunciated by the Cleveland Educational Commission, and toward a growing and consistent application of it. Differentiation in the mathematics of different classes of pupils is necessary. The public schools ought to give the same mathematics to all up to that level where the need is common to all. Beyond that point, mathematics needs to be adapted to the probable future activities of the individual. There are those who will need to reach the higher levels of mathematical ability. Others will have no such need. There is a growing belief that even for those who are in need of algebra the subject is not at present organized in desirable ways. It is thought that, on the one hand, it should be knit up in far larger measure with practical matters, and on the other, it should be developed in connection with geometry and trigonometry. The technical high schools of Cleveland have adopted this form of organization. Their mathematics is probably greatly in advance of that of the academic schools. GEOMETRY Form study should begin in the kindergarten, and it should develop through the grades and high school in ways similar to the arithmetic, and in conjunction with the arithmetic, drawing, and construction work. Since geometrical forms involve numerical relations, they supply good materials to use in making number relations concrete and clear. This is now done in developing ideas of fractions, multiplication, division, ratio, per cent, etc. It should be done much more fully and variously than at present and for the double purpose of practising the form-ideas as well as the number-ideas. Arithmetic study and form-study can well grow up together, gradually merging into the combined algebra and geometry so far as students need to reach the higher levels of mathematical generalization. At the same time that this is being developed in the mathematics classes, development should also be going on in the classes of drawing, design, and construction. The alphabet of form-study will thus be taught in several of the studies. The application will be made in practical design, in mechanical and free-hand drawing, in constructive labor, in the graphical representation of social, economic, and other facts of life. The application comes not so much in the development of practical problems in the mathematics classes as in the development of the form aspect of those other activities that involve form. We have here pointed to what appears to be in progressive schools a growing program of work. Everywhere it is yet somewhat vague and inchoate. In connection with the arithmetic, the drawing, the construction and art work, and the mathematics of the technical high schools, it appears to be developing in Cleveland in a vigorous and healthy manner. HISTORY The curriculum makers for elementary education do not seem to have placed a high valuation upon history. Apparently it has not been considered an essential study of high worth, like reading, writing, spelling, grammar, and arithmetic. To history are allotted but 290 hours in Cleveland, as against 496 hours in the average of 50 progressive American cities. This discrepancy should give the city pause and concern. If a mistake is being made, it is more likely to be on the part of an individual city than upon that of 50 cities. The probability is that Cleveland is giving too little time to this subject. TABLE 8.--TIME GIVEN TO HISTORY =========================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time| Grade |----------------------------------------------- | Cleveland | 50 cities| Cleveland | 50 cities | ----------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 0 | 27 | 0.0 | 3.1 | 2 | 0 | 31 | 0.0 | 3.4 | 3 | 19 | 35 | 2.1 | 3.8 | 4 | 25 | 57 | 2.9 | 5.8 | 5 | 25 | 67 | 2.9 | 6.9 | 6 | 51 | 71 | 5.7 | 7.3 | 7 | 85 | 91 | 9.7 | 9.2 | 8 | 85 | 117 | 9.7 | 11.6 | =========================================================== Total | 290 | 496 | 4.2 | 6.5 | ----------------------------------------------------------- The treatment in the course of study manual indicates that it is a neglected subject. Of the 108 pages, it receives an aggregate of less than two. The perfunctory assignment of work for the seventh grade is typical: "UNITED STATES HISTORY "B Assignment. Mace's History, pp. 1-124 inclusive. Questions and suggested collateral reading found in Appendix may be used as teacher directs. "A Assignment. Mace's History, pp. 125-197. Make use of questions and suggested collateral reading at your own option." For fifth and sixth grades there is assigned a small history text of 200 pages for one or two lessons per week. The two years of the seventh and eighth grades are devoted to the mastery of about 500 pages of text. While there is incidental reference to collateral reading, as a matter of fact the schools are not supplied with the necessary materials for this collateral reading in the grammar grades. The true character of the work is really indicated by the last sentence of the eighth-grade history assignment: "The text of our book should be thoroughly mastered." In discussing the situation, the first thing to which we must call attention is the great value of history for an understanding of the multitude of complicated social problems met with by all people in a democracy. In a country where all people are the rulers, all need a good understanding of the social, political, economic, industrial, and other problems with which we are continually confronted. It is true the thing needed is an understanding of present conditions, but there is no better key to a right understanding of our present conditions than history furnishes. One comes to understand a present situation by observing how it has come to be. History is one of the most important methods of social analysis. The history should be so taught that it will have a demonstrably practical purpose. In drawing up courses of study in the subject for the grammar grades and the high school, the first task should be an analysis of present-day social conditions, the proper understanding of which requires historical background. Once having discovered the list of social topics, it is possible to find historical readings which will show how present conditions have grown up out of earlier ones. Looked at from a practical point of view, the history should be developed on the basis of topics, a great abundance of reading being provided for each of the topics. We have in mind such topics as the following: Sociological Aspects of War Territorial Expansion Race Problems Tariff and Free Trade Transportation Money Systems Our Insular Possessions Growth of Population Trusts Banks and Banking Immigration Capital and Labor Education Inventions Suffrage Centralization of Government Strikes and Lockouts Panics and Business Depressions Commerce Taxation Manufacturing Labor Unions Foreign Commerce Agriculture Postal Service Army Government Control of Corporations Municipal Government Navy Factory Labor Wages Courts of Law Charities Crime Fire Protection Roads and Road Transportation Newspapers and Magazines National Defense Conservation of Natural Resources Liquor Problems Parks and Playgrounds Housing Conditions Mining Health, Sanitation, etc. Pensions Unemployment Child Labor Women in Industry Cost of Living Pure Food Control Savings Banks Water Supply of Cities Prisons Recreations and Amusements Co-operative Buying and Selling Insurance Hospitals After drawing up such lists of topics for study, they should be assigned to grammar grades and high school according to the degree of maturity necessary for their comprehension. Naturally as much as possible should be covered in the grammar grades. Such as cannot be covered there should be covered as early as practicable in the high school, since so large a number of students drop out, and all need the work. Of course, this would involve a radical revision of the high school courses in history. It is not here recommended that any such changes be attempted abruptly. There are too many other conditions that require readjustment at the same time. It must all be a gradual growth. Naturally, students must have some familiarity with the general time relations of history and the general chronological movements of affairs before they can understand the more or less specialized treatment of individual topics. Preliminary studies are therefore both necessary and desirable in the intermediate and grammar grades for the purpose of giving the general background. During these grades a great wealth of historical materials should be stored up. Pupils should acquire much familiarity with the history of the ancient oriental nations, Judea, Greece, Rome, the states of modern Europe and America. The purpose should be to give a general, and in the beginning a relatively superficial, overview of the world's history for the sake of perspective. The reading should be biographical, anecdotal, thrilling dramas of human achievement, rich with human interest. It should be at every stage of the work on the level with the understanding and degree of maturity of the pupils, so that much reading can be covered rapidly. Given the proper conditions--chiefly an abundance of the proper books supplied in sets large enough for classes--pupils can cover a large amount of ground, obtain a wealth of historical experience, and acquire a great quantity of useful information, the main outlines of which are remembered without much difficulty. They can in this manner lay a broad historical foundation for the study of the social topics that should begin by the seventh grade and continue throughout the high school. The textbooks of the present type can be employed as a part of this preliminary training. Read in their entirety and read rapidly, they give one that perspective which comes from a comprehensive view of the entire field. But they are too brief, abstract, and barren to afford valuable concrete historical experience. They are excellent reference books for gaining and keeping historical perspective. Reading of the character that we have here called preliminary should not cease as the other historical studies are taken up. The general studies should certainly continue for some portion of the time through the grammar grades and high school, but it probably should be mainly supervised reading of interesting materials rather than recitation and examination work. We would recommend that the high schools give careful attention to the recommendation of the National Education Association Committee on the Reorganization of the Secondary Course of Study in History. CIVICS Civic training scarcely finds a place upon the elementary school program. The manual suggests that one-quarter of the history time--10 to 20 minutes per week--in the fifth and sixth grades should be given to a discussion of such civic topics as the department of public service, street cleaning, garbage disposal, health and sanitation, the city water supply, the mayor and the council, the treasurer, and the auditor. The topics are important, but the time allowed is inadequate and the pupils of these grades are so immature that no final treatment of such complicated matters is possible. For seventh and eighth grades, the manual makes no reference to civics. This is the more surprising because Cleveland is a city in which there has been no end of civic discussion and progressive human-welfare effort. The extraordinary value of civic education in the elementary school, as a means of furthering civic welfare, should have received more decided recognition. The elementary teachers and principals of Cleveland might profitably make such a civic survey as that made in Cincinnati as the method of discovering the topics that should enter into a grammar grade course. The heavy emphasis upon this subject should be reserved for the later grades of the elementary school. In the high schools, a little is being accomplished. In the academic high schools, those who take the classical course receive no civics whatever. It is not even elective for them. Those who take the scientific or English courses may take civics as a half-year elective. In the technical high schools it is required of all for a half-year. The course is offered only in the senior year, except in the High School of Commerce, where it is offered in the third. As a result of these various circumstances, the majority of students who enter and complete the course in the high schools of Cleveland receive no civic training whatever--not even the inadequate half-year of work that is available for a few. Whether the deficiencies here pointed out are serious or not depends in large measure upon the character of the other social subjects, such as history and geography. If these are developed in full and concrete ways, they illumine large numbers of our difficult social problems. It is probable that the larger part of the informational portions of civic training should be imparted through these other social subjects. Whether very much of this is actually done at present is doubtful; for the history teaching, as has already been noted, is much underdeveloped, and while somewhat further advanced, geography work is still far from adequate at the time this report is written. GEOGRAPHY Geography in Cleveland is given the customary amount of time, though it is distributed over the grades in a somewhat unusual way. It is exceptionally heavy in the intermediate grades and correspondingly light in the grammar grades. As geography, like all other subjects, is more and more humanized and socialized in its reference, much more time will be called for in the last two grammar grades. TABLE 9.---TIME GIVEN TO GEOGRAPHY =========================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time| Grade |----------------------------------------------- | Cleveland | 50 cities| Cleveland | 50 cities | ----------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 0 | 16 | 0.0 | 1.8 | 2 | 0 | 7 | 0.0 | 0.8 | 3 | 28 | 50 | 3.2 | 5.4 | 4 | 101 | 83 | 11.4 | 8.5 | 5 | 125 | 102 | 14.3 | 11.2 | 6 | 125 | 107 | 14.3 | 11.0 | 7 | 57 | 98 | 6.4 | 9.9 | 8 | 57 | 76 | 6.4 | 7.6 | =========================================================== Total | 493 | 539 | 7.2 | 7.1 | ----------------------------------------------------------- As laid out in the manual now superseded, and as observed in the regular classrooms, the work has been forbiddingly formal. In the main it has consisted of the teacher assigning to the pupils a certain number of paragraphs or pages in the textbook as the next lesson, and then questioning them next day to ascertain how much of this printed material they have remembered and how well. It has not consisted of stimulating and guiding the children toward intelligent inquisitiveness and inquiring interest as to the world, and the skies above, and waters round about, and the conditions of nature that limit and shape the development of mankind. That the latter is the proper end of geographical teaching is being recognized in developing the new course of study in this subject. Industries, commerce, agriculture, and modes of living are becoming the centers about which geographic thought and experience are gathered. The best work now being done here is thoroughly modern. Unfortunately it is not yet great in amount in even the best of the schools, still less in the majority. But the direction of progress is unmistakable and unquestionably correct. As in the reading, so in geography, right development of the course of study must depend in large measure upon the material equipment that is at the same time provided. It sounds like a legitimate evasion to say that education is a spiritual process, and that good teachers and willing, obedient, and industrious pupils are about all that is required. As a matter of fact, just as modern business has found it necessary to install one-hundred-dollar typewriters to take the place of the penny quill pens, so must education, to be efficient, develop and employ the elaborate tools needed by new and complex modern conditions, and set aside the tools that were adequate in a simpler age. The proper teaching of geography requires an abundance of reading materials of the type that will permit pupils to enter vividly into the varied experience of all classes of people in all parts of the world. In the supplementary books now furnished the schools, only a beginning has been made. The schools need 10 times as much geographical reading as that now found in the best equipped school. It would be well to drop the term "supplementary." This reading should be the basic geographic experience, the fundamental instrument of the teaching. All else is supplementary. The textbook then becomes a reference book of maps, charts, summaries, and a treatment for the sake of perspective. Maps, globes, pictures, stereoscopes, stereopticon, moving-picture machine, models, diagrams, and museum materials, are all for the purpose of developing ideas and imagery of details. The reading should become and remain fundamental and central. The quantity required is so great as to make it necessary for the city to furnish the books. While the various other things enumerated are necessary for complete effectiveness, many of them could well wait until the reading materials are sufficiently supplied. In the high schools the clear tendency is to introduce more of the industrial and commercial geography and to diminish the time given to the less valuable physiography. The development is not yet vigorous. The high school geography departments, so far as observed, have not yet altogether attained the social point of view. But they are moving in that direction. On the one hand, they now need stimulation; and on the other, to be supplied with the more advanced kinds of such material equipment as already suggested for the elementary schools. DRAWING AND APPLIED ART The elementary schools are giving the usual proportion of time to drawing and applied art. The time is distributed, however, in a somewhat unusual, but probably justifiable, manner. Whereas the subject usually receives more time in the primary grades than in the grammar grades, in Cleveland, in quite the reverse way, the subject receives its greatest emphasis in the higher grades. TABLE 10.--TIME GIVEN TO DRAWING =========================================================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time| Grade |----------------------------------------------- | Cleveland | 50 cities| Cleveland | 50 cities | ----------------------------------------------------------- 1 | 47 | 98 | 6.5 | 11.3 | 2 | 47 | 54 | 5.3 | 6.0 | 3 | 47 | 56 | 5.3 | 6.2 | 4 | 47 | 53 | 5.3 | 5.5 | 5 | 57 | 50 | 6.4 | 5.2 | 6 | 57 | 50 | 6.4 | 5.1 | 7 | 57 | 50 | 6.4 | 5.0 | 8 | 57 | 49 | 6.4 | 4.9 | =========================================================== Total | 416 | 460 | 6.1 | 6.1 | ----------------------------------------------------------- Drawing has been taught in Cleveland as a regular portion of the curriculum since 1849. It has therefore had time for substantial growth; and it appears to have been successful. Recent developments in the main have been wholesome and in line with best modern progress. The course throughout attempts to develop an understanding and appreciation of the principles of graphic art plus ability to use these principles through practical application in constructive activities of an endlessly varied sort. Occasionally the work appears falsetto and even sentimental. It is often applied in artificial schoolroom ways to things without significance. General grade teachers cannot be specialists in the multiplicity of things demanded of them; it is not therefore surprising that they sometimes lack skill, insight, ingenuity, and resourcefulness. Too often the teachers do not realize that the study of drawing and design is for the serious purpose of giving to pupils a language and form of thought of the greatest practical significance in our present age. The result is a not infrequent use of schoolroom exercises that do not greatly aid the pupils as they enter the busy world of practical affairs. These shortcomings indicate incompleteness in the development. Where the teaching is at its best in both the elementary and high schools of Cleveland, the work exhibits balanced understanding and complete modernness. The thing needed is further expansion of the best, and the extension of this type of work through specially trained departmental teachers to all parts of the city. There should be a larger amount of active co-operation between the teachers of art and design and the teachers of manual training; also between both sets of teachers and the general community. MANUAL TRAINING AND HOUSEHOLD ARTS In the grammar grades manual and household training receives an average proportion of the time. In the grades before the seventh, the subject receives considerably less than the usual amount of time. TABLE 11.--TIME GIVEN TO MANUAL TRAINING ======+=======================+======================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time Grade +-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ 1 | 32 | 42 | 4.3 | 4.8 2 | 32 | 47 | 3.5 | 5.1 3 | 32 | 40 | 3.5 | 4.5 4 | 32 | 45 | 3.5 | 4.6 5 | 38 | 50 | 4.3 | 5.2 6 | 38 | 57 | 4.3 | 5.8 7 | 63 | 72 | 7.1 | 7.1 8 | 63 | 74 | 7.1 | 7.4 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ Total | 330 | 427 | 4.8 | 5.6 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ It is easy to see the social and educational justification of courses in sewing, cooking, household sanitation, household decoration, etc., for the girls. They assist in the training for complicated vocational activities performed in some degree at least by most women. Where women are so situated that they do not actually perform them, they need, for properly supervising others and for making intelligible and appreciative use of the labors of others, a considerable understanding of these various matters. Where this work for girls is at its best in Cleveland, it appears to be of a superior character. Those who are in charge of the best are in a position to advise as to further extensions and developments. It is not difficult to discern certain of these. It would appear, for example, that sewing should find some place at least in the work of seventh and eighth grades. The girl who does not go on to high school is greatly in need of more advanced training in sewing than can be given in the sixth grade. Each building having a household arts room should possess a sewing machine or two, at the very least. The academic high schools are now planning to offer courses in domestic science. As in the technical high schools, all of this work should involve as large a degree of normal responsibility as possible. We omit discussion here of the specialized vocational training of women, since this is handled in other reports of the Survey. When we turn to the manual training of the boys, we are confronted with problems of much greater difficulty. Women's household occupations, so far as retained in the home, are unspecialized. Each well-trained household worker does or supervises much the same range of things as every other. To give the entire range of household occupations to all girls is a simple and logical arrangement. But man's labor is greatly specialized throughout. There is no large remnant of unspecialized labor common to all, as in the case of women. To all girls we give simply this unspecialized remnant, since it is large and important. But in the case of men the unspecialized field has disappeared. There is nothing of labor to give to boys except that which has become specialized. A fundamental problem arises. Shall we give boys access to a variety of specialized occupations so that they may become acquainted, through responsible performance, with the wide and diversified field of man's labor? Or shall we give them some less specialized sample out of that diversified field so that they may obtain, through contact and experience, some knowledge of the things that make up the world of productive labor? Cleveland's reply, to judge from actual practices, is that a single sample will be sufficient for all except those who attend technical and special schools. The city has therefore chosen joinery and cabinet-making as this sample. In the fifth and sixth grades work begins in simple knife-work for an hour a week under the direction of women teachers. In the seventh and eighth grades it becomes benchwork for an hour and a half per week, and is taught by a special manual training teacher, always a man. In the academic high schools the courses in joinery and cabinet-making bring the pupils to greater proficiency, but do not greatly extend the course in width. Much of this work is of a rather formal character, apparently looking toward that manual discipline formerly called "training of eye and hand," instead of consciously answering to the demands of social purposes. The regular teachers look upon the fifth and sixth grade sloyd[*sic] which they teach with no great enthusiasm. Seventh and eighth grade teachers do not greatly value the work. The household arts courses for the girls have social purposes in view. As a result they are kept vitalized, and are growing increasingly vital in the work of the city. Is it not possible also to vitalize the manual training of the boys--unspecialized pre-vocational training, we ought to call it--by giving it social purpose? The principal of one of the academic high schools emphasized in conversation the value of manual training for vocational guidance--a social purpose. It permitted boys, he said, to try themselves out and to find their vocational tastes and aptitudes. The purpose is undoubtedly a valid one. The limitation of the method is that joinery and cabinet-making cannot help a boy to try himself out for metal work, printing, gardening, tailoring, or commercial work. If vocational guidance is to be a controlling social purpose, the manual training work will have to be made more diversified so that one can try out his tastes and abilities in a number of lines. And, moreover, each kind of work must be kept as much like responsible work out in the world as possible. In keeping work normal, the main thing is that the pupils bear actual responsibility for the doing of actual work. This is rather difficult to arrange; but it is necessary before the activities can be lifted above the level of the usual manual training shop. The earliest stages of the training will naturally be upon what is little more than a play level. It is well for schools to give free rein to the constructive instinct and to provide the fullest and widest possible opportunities for its exercise. But if boys are to try out their aptitudes for work and their ability to bear responsibility in work, then they must try themselves out on the work level. Let the manual training actually look toward vocational guidance; the social purpose involved will vitalize the work. There is a still more comprehensive social purpose which the city should consider. Owing to the interdependence of human affairs, men need to be broadly informed as to the great world of productive labor. Most of our civic and social problems are at bottom industrial problems. Just as we use industrial history and industrial geography as means of giving youth a wide vision of the fields of man's work, so must we also use actual practical activities as means of making him familiar in a concrete way with materials and processes in their details, with the nature of work, and with the nature of responsibility. On the play level, therefore, constructive activities should be richly diversified. This diversity of opportunity should continue to the work level. One cannot really know the nature of work or of work responsibility except as it is learned through experience. Let the manual training adopt the social purpose here mentioned, provide the opportunities, means, and processes that it demands, and the work will be wondrously vitalized. It is well to mention that the program suggested is a complicated one on the side of its theory and a difficult one on the side of its practice. In the planning it is well to look to the whole program. In the work itself it is well to remember that one step at a time, and that secure, is a good way to avoid stumbling. Printing and gardening are two things that might well be added to the manual training program. Both are already in the schools in some degree. They might well be considered as desirable portions of the manual training of all. They lend themselves rather easily to responsible performance on the work level. There are innumerable things that a school can print for use in its work. In so doing, pupils can be given something other than play. Also in the home gardening, supervised for educational purposes, it is possible to introduce normal work-motives. By the time the city has developed these two things it will have at the same time developed the insight necessary for attacking more difficult problems. ELEMENTARY SCIENCE This subject finds no place upon the program. No elaborate argument should be required to convince the authorities in charge of the school system of a modern city like Cleveland that in this ultra-scientific age the children who do not go beyond the elementary school--and they constitute a majority--need to possess a working knowledge of the rudiments of science if they are to make their lives effective. The future citizens of Cleveland need to know something about electricity, heat, expansion and contraction of gases and solids, the mechanics of machines, distillation, common chemical reactions and a host of other things about science that are bound to come up in the day's work in their various activities. Considered from the practical standpoint of actual human needs, the present almost complete neglect of elementary science is indefensible. The minute amount of such teaching now introduced in the language lessons for composition purposes is so small as to be almost negligible. The topics are not chosen for their bearing upon human needs. There is no laboratory work. Naturally much of the elementary science to be taught should be introduced in connection with practical situations in kitchen, school garden, shop, sanitation, etc. Certainly the applied science should be as full as possible. But preliminary to this there ought to be systematic presentation of the elements of various sciences in rapid ways for overview and perspective. To try to teach the elements only "incidentally" as they are applied is to fail to see them in their relations, and therefore to fail in understanding them. Intensive studies by way of filling in the details may well be in part incidental. But systematic superficial introductory work is needed by way of giving pupils their bearings in the various fields of science. The term "superficial" is used advisedly. There is an introductory stage in the teaching of every such subject when the work should be superficial and extensive. This stage paves the way for depth and intensity, which must be reached before education is accomplished. HIGH SCHOOL SCIENCE Having no elementary science in the grades, one naturally expects to find in the high school a good introductory course in general science, similar in organization to that suggested for the elementary stage. But nowhere is there anything that even remotely suggests such a course. Students who take the classical course get their first glimpse of modern science in the third or fourth high school year, when they have an opportunity to elect a course in physics or chemistry of the usual traditional stamp. No opportunity is given them for so much as a glimpse of the world's biological background. Those who take the scientific or English course have access to physical geography and to an anemic biological course entitled, "Physiology and Botany," which few take. Students of the High School of Commerce have their first contacts with modern science in a required course in chemistry in the third year, and elective physics in the fourth year. In the technical high schools the first science for the boys is systematic chemistry in the second year and physics in the third. They have no opportunity of contact with any biological science. The girls have "botany and physiology" in their first year. The city needs to organize preliminary work in general science for the purpose of paving the way to the more intensive science work of the later years. A portion of this should be found in the elementary school and taught by departmental science teachers; and a portion in the first year of the high school. As junior high schools are developed, most of this work should be included in their courses. As to the later organization of the work, the two technical high schools clearly indicate the modern trend of relating the science teaching to practical labors. What is needed is a wider expansion of this phase of the work without losing sight of the need at the same time for a systematic and general teaching of the sciences. It is a difficult task to make the science teaching vital and modern for the academic high schools, since they have so few contacts with the practical labors of the world. Cleveland needs to see its schools more as a part of the world of affairs, and not so much as a hothouse nursery isolated from the world and its vital interests. PHYSIOLOGY AND HYGIENE Teaching in matters pertaining to health is given but a meagre amount of time in the elementary schools. While the school program shows one 15-minute period each week in the first four grades, and one 30-minute period each week in the four upper grades, it appears that in actual practice the subject receives even less time than this. In the attempt to observe the class work in physiology and hygiene, a member of the Survey staff went on one day to four different classrooms at the hour scheduled on the program. In two cases the time was given over to grammar, in one to arithmetic, and in one to music. This represents practice that is not unusual. The subject gets pushed off the program by one of the so-called "essentials." It is difficult to see why health-training is not an essential. In a letter to the School Board, February 8, 1915, Superintendent Frederick wrote: "The teaching of physiology and hygiene should become a matter of serious moment in our course of study. At present it is not systematically presented in the elementary schools: and in the high schools it is an elective study only in the senior year. My judgment is that it should become a definite part of the program, as a required study in the seventh and eighth grades." The small nominal amount of time as compared with the time usually expended is partially shown in Table 12. Professor Holmes' figures for the 50 cities include elementary science along with the physiology and hygiene. TABLE 12.--TIME GIVEN TO SCIENCE, PHYSIOLOGY, HYGIENE ======+=======================+======================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time Grade +-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ 1 | 10 | 37 | 1.3 | 4.3 2 | 10 | 41 | 1.1 | 4.5 3 | 10 | 40 | 1.1 | 4.4 4 | 10 | 37 | 1.1 | 3.8 5 | 19 | 34 | 2.1 | 3.5 6 | 19 | 40 | 2.1 | 4.2 7 | 19 | 45 | 2.1 | 4.5 8 | 19 | 57 | 2.1 | 5.7 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ Total | 116 | 331 | 1.7 | 4.4 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ In addition to the work of the regular teachers in this subject, a certain amount of instruction is given by the school physicians and nurses. In his report to the Board, 1913, Dr. Peterson writes: "Health instruction is given by doctors and nurses in personal talks to pupils, talks to whole schools, tooth-brush drills conducted in many schools, and in visits into the homes by the nurses. Conscious effort is continually made by all doctors and nurses to inspire to right living all of the children with whom they come in contact." Looking somewhat to the future, it can be affirmed that the school physicians and nurses are the ones who ought to give the teaching in this subject. After giving the preliminary ideas in the classrooms, they alone are in position to follow up the various matters and see that the ideas are assimilated through being put into practice both at school and at home. At present, however, 16 physicians and 27 nurses have 75,000 children to inspect, of whom more than half have defects that require following up. It is a physical impossibility for them to do much teaching until the force of school nurses is greatly increased. For the present certain things may well be done: 1. A course in hygiene and sanitation, based upon an abundance of reading, should be drawn up and taught by the regular teachers in the grammar school grades. This course should be looked upon as merely preliminary to the more substantial portions of education in this field. The physicians and nurses should select the readings and supervise the course to see that the materials are covered conscientiously and not slighted. 2. The schools should arrange for practical applications of the preparatory knowledge in as many ways as possible. Children in relays can look after the ventilation, temperature, humidity, dust, light, and other sanitary conditions of school-rooms and grounds. They can make sanitary surveys of their home district; engage in anti-fly, anti-mosquito, anti-dirt, and other campaigns; and report--for credit possibly--practical sanitary and hygienic activities carried on outside of school. Only as knowledge is put to work is it assimilated and the prime purpose of education accomplished. 3. The corps of school nurses should be gradually enlarged, and after a time they can be given any needed training for teaching that will enable them, as the work is departmentalized in the grammar grades, to become departmental teachers in this subject for a portion of their time. Their "follow-up" work will always give them their chief educational opportunity; but to prepare for this the classwork must give some systematized preparatory ideas. In the high schools, training of boys in hygiene and sanitation is little developed. The only thing offered them is an elective half-year course in physiology in the senior year of the scientific and English courses in the academic high schools. In the classical course, and in the technical and commercial schools, they have not even this. Physiology is required of girls in the technical schools, and is elective in all but the classical course in the others. While in one or two of the high schools there is training in actual hygiene and sanitation, in most cases it is physiology and anatomy of a superficial preliminary type which is not put to use and which therefore mostly fails of normal assimilation. The things recommended for the elementary schools need to be carried out in the high schools also. PHYSICAL TRAINING The city gives slightly more than the usual amount of time to physical training in the elementary schools. Except for first and second grades, where a slightly larger amount is set aside for the purpose, pupils are expected to receive one hour per week. TABLE 13.--TIME GIVEN TO PHYSICAL TRAINING ======+=======================+======================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time Grade +-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ 1 | 63 | 46 | 8.7 | 5.4 2 | 54 | 41 | 6.2 | 4.5 3 | 38 | 40 | 4.4 | 4.5 4 | 38 | 40 | 4.3 | 4.2 5 | 38 | 38 | 4.3 | 4.0 6 | 38 | 40 | 4.3 | 4.2 7 | 38 | 38 | 4.3 | 3.7 8 | 38 | 39 | 4.3 | 4.0 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ Total | 345 | 322 | 5.0 | 4.2 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ Even though it is a little above the average amount of time, it is nevertheless too little. A week consists of 168 hours. After deducting 12 hours a day for sleep, meals, etc., there remain 84 hours per week to be used. In a state of nature this was largely used for physical play. Under the artificial conditions of modern city life, the nature of children is not changed. They still need huge amounts of active physical play for wholesome development. Most of this they will get away from the school, but as urban conditions take away proper play opportunities, the loss in large degree has to be made good by systematic community effort in establishing and maintaining playgrounds and playrooms for 12 months in the year. The school and its immediate environment is the logical place for this development. The course of study lays out a series of obsolescent Swedish gymnastics for each of the years. The work observed was mechanical, perfunctory, and lacking in vitality. Sandwiched in between exhausting intellectual drill, it has the value of giving a little relief and rest. This is good, but it is not sufficiently positive to be called physical training. Very desirable improvements in the course are being advocated by the directors and supervisors of the work. They are recommending, and introducing where conditions will permit, the use of games, athletics, folk dances, etc. The movements should be promoted by the city in every possible way. At present the regular teachers as a rule have not the necessary point of view and do not sufficiently value the work. Special teachers and play leaders need to be employed. Material facilities should be extended and improved. Some of the school grounds are too small; the surfacing is not always well adapted to play; often apparatus is not supplied; indoor playrooms are insufficient in number, etc. These various things need to be supplied before the physical training curriculum can be modernized. In the high schools two periods of physical training per week in academic and commercial schools, and three or four periods per week in the technical schools, are prescribed for the first two years of the course. In the last two years it is omitted from the program in all but the High School of Commerce, where it is optional. With one or two exceptions, the little given is mainly indoor gymnastics of a formal sort owing to the general lack of sufficiently large athletic fields, tennis courts, baseball diamonds, and other necessary facilities. Special commendation must be accorded the home-room basis of organizing the athletics of the technical high schools. Probably no plan anywhere employed comes nearer to reaching the entire student body in a vital way. With the exceptions referred to, it seems that the city has not sufficiently considered the indispensable need of huge amounts of physical play on the part of adolescents as the basis of full and life-long physical vitality. High school students represent the best youth of the community. Their efficiency is certainly the greatest single asset of the new generation. There are scores of other expensive things that the city can better afford to neglect. The one thing it can least afford to sacrifice on the altar of economy is the vitality of its citizens of tomorrow. MUSIC In the elementary schools Cleveland is giving considerably more than the average amount of time to music. In the high schools, except for a one-hour optional course in the High School of Commerce, the subject is developed only incidentally and given no credit. It is entirely pertinent to inquire why music should be so important for the grammar school age and then lose all of this importance as soon as the high school is reached. TABLE 14.--TIME GIVEN TO MUSIC ======+=======================+======================== | Hours per year | Per cent of grade time Grade +-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ | Cleveland | 50 cities | Cleveland | 50 cities ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ 1 | 47 | 45 | 6.5 | 5.2 2 | 54 | 48 | 6.1 | 5.3 3 | 54 | 47 | 6.1 | 5.1 4 | 54 | 48 | 6.1 | 4.9 5 | 51 | 45 | 5.7 | 4.7 6 | 51 | 45 | 5.7 | 4.6 7 | 51 | 45 | 5.7 | 4.4 8 | 51 | 44 | 5.7 | 4.4 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ Total | 413 | 367 | 6.0 | 4.8 ------+-----------+-----------+-----------+------------ The probability is either that it is over-valued for the elementary school and should receive diminished time; or it is under-valued for the high school and should be given the dignity and the consideration of a credit course, as it is in many progressive high schools. It cannot be urged that the subject is finished in the elementary schools. Pupils in fact receive only an introductory training in vocal music. The whole field of instrumental music remains untouched. It seems the city ought to consider the question of whether the course ought not to be much expanded and continued throughout the high school period as an elective subject. However, in considering the question it should be kept in mind that there are very many things of more importance and of far more pressing immediate necessity. FOREIGN LANGUAGES German has long been taught in the elementary schools. Until less than 10 years ago it was taught in all grades beginning with the first. More recently it has been confined to the four upper grades. Beginning with the present year, it is taught only in the seventh and eighth grades. The situation is so well presented in the report of the Educational Commission of 1906 that further discussion here is unnecessary. They summarize their discussion of the teaching of German in the elementary schools as follows: "Such teaching originated in a nationalistic feeling and demand on the part of German immigrants, and not in any educational or pedagogical necessity. "It aimed to induce the children of Germans to attend the public schools, where they would learn English and be sooner Americanized. "For 15 years [now 25 years] past, German immigration has almost ceased, and other European nationalities, as the Bohemians, Poles, and Italians, have taken their place numerically. "The children of the earlier German immigrants are already Americanized and use the English language freely, and those later born, of the second and third generations, no longer need to be taught German in the schools beginning at six years of age. "It is demonstrated by experience and by abundant testimony that children neither from German nor from English-speaking families really learn much German in the primary and grammar grades, that is, from six to 13 years of age. "Hence the Commission recommends that the teaching of German in these grades be discontinued and that the German language be taught only in the high schools. "It is admitted that those who begin German in the high school, after the second year, can keep up with and do as good work in the same classes as those who have had eight years of German in the primary and grammar grades and two years in the high schools." The form of argument that once was valid for including German in the elementary course of study may now be valid for Polish, Hungarian, Bohemian and Italian, for the children of the first generation of these nationalities. Properly done, it is a means of preventing the children's drifting from the parental moorings. After the first generation, it would not be needed. It is impossible, in the limited space at our disposal, to discuss comprehensively so complicated a topic as foreign languages in the high school. One group of educators sturdily defends the traditional classical course, with its great emphasis on Greek and Latin, while another group as urgently insists that if any foreign languages are taught, they must be the modern ones. These opposing schools of thought are profoundly sincere in their conflicting beliefs. Each side is absolutely certain that it is right and is unalterably of the opinion that there is no other side of the question to be even so much as considered. Anything that agrees with its own side is based on reason; anything opposed is but ignorant prejudice. Under the circumstances the disinterested outsider may well suspect that where there is so much sincerity and conviction, there must be much truth on both sides. And undoubtedly this is the case. Latin is a living language in our country in that it provides half of our vocabulary. Pupils who would know English well should have a good knowledge of this living Latin. If the Latinists would shift their ground to this living Latin and provide means of teaching it fully and effectively for modern purposes, it is possible that the opposing schools of thought might here find common ground upon which all could stand with some degree of comfort and toleration. When Latin study of the character here suggested is devised, it ought to be opened up to the students of all courses as an elective, so that it could be taken by all who wish a full appreciation and understanding of their semi-Latin mother tongue. Such a study ought to be required of the clerical students of the High School of Commerce. In the meantime, however, all will have to wait until the Latinists have provided the plans and the materials. In the new so-called English course in the academic high schools required foreign languages are omitted entirely. In the third and fourth years German or Spanish is made elective. This gives rise to several questions. If the foreign language is studied simply as preparation for the leisure occupation of reading its literature--the only value of the course in the case of most who take it--why should not French be elective also? By far the largest of the world's literatures, outside of the English, is the French. The Spanish has but a small literature; and while Germany has excelled in many things, belles-lettres is not one of them. Another question relates to the placing of these electives. If one is to study a foreign language at all, it is usually thought best to begin earlier than the third year of the high school, so as to finish these simple matters that can be done by children and gain time in the later years for the more complicated matters that require mature judgment. DIFFERENTIATION OF COURSES Courses of training based upon human needs should be diversified where conditions are diversified. Uniform courses of study for all schools within a city were justifiable in a former simpler age, when the schools were caring only for needs that were common to all classes. But as needs have differentiated in our large industrial cities, courses of training must also become differentiated. In Cleveland this principle has been recognized in organizing the work of the special schools and classes. For all the regular elementary schools, however, a uniform course of study has been used. Under the present administration, principals and teachers are nominally permitted wide latitude in its administration. A large part of this freedom is taken away by two things. One is the use by the city of the plan of leaving textbooks to private purchase. For perfectly obvious reasons, so long as textbooks are privately purchased, a uniform series of textbooks must be definitely prescribed for the entire city. Uniform textbooks do not necessarily enforce a uniform curriculum. In usual practice, however, they do enforce it as completely as a prescribed uniform course of study manual. As the schools of different sections of the city are allowed to experiment and to develop variations from the course of study, they should be allowed greater freedom in choosing the textbooks that will best serve in teaching their courses. The second condition enforcing a uniform course of study in certain subjects is the use of uniform examinations in those subjects. We would merely suggest here that it is possible to use supervisory examinations without making them uniform for all schools. Different types of school may well have different types of examination. Different social classes often exist within the same school. Administrative limitations probably must prevent the use of more than one course of study in a single elementary school. But as the work of the grammar grades is departmentalized, and as junior high schools are developed, it will become possible to offer alternative courses in these grades. Those practically certain of going on to higher educational work requiring foreign languages and higher mathematics should probably be permitted to begin these studies by the sixth or seventh grade. On the other hand, those who are practically certain to drop out of school at the end of the grammar grades or junior high school should have full opportunities for applied science, applied design, practical mathematics, civics, hygiene, vocational studies, etc. When the necessary studies are once organized and departmental work introduced, it is not difficult to arrange for the necessary differentiation of courses in the same school. Finally, courses of study should provide for children of differing natural ability. Extra materials and opportunities should be provided for children of large capacity; and abbreviated courses for those of less than normal ability. In departmentalized grammar grades and junior high schools this can be taken care of rather easily by permitting the brighter pupils to carry more studies than normal, and the backward ones a smaller number than normal. Under the present elementary school organization with classes so large and with so many things for the teachers to do, it is practically impossible to effect such desirable differentiations. SUMMARY 1. The fundamental social point of view of this discussion of the courses of study of the Cleveland schools is that effective teaching is preparation for adult life through participation in the activities of life. 2. The schools of Cleveland devote far more time to reading than do those of the average city. In too large measure this time is employed in mastering the mechanics of reading and in the analytical study of the manner in which the words are combined in sentences and the sentences in paragraphs. The main object of the reading should be the mastery of the thought rather than the study of the construction. Through it the children should gain life-long habits of exploring, through reading, the great fields of history, industry, applied science, life in other lands, travel, invention, biography, and wholesome fiction. To this end the work should be made more extensive and less intensive. As an indispensable means toward this end the books should be supplied by the schools instead of being purchased by the parents. 3. The teaching of spelling should aim to give the pupils complete mastery over those words which they need to use in writing and it should instil in them the permanent habit of watching their spelling as they write. Drill on lists of isolated words should give way to practice in spelling correctly every word in everything written. The dictionary habit should be cultivated, and every written lesson should be a spelling lesson. 4. The time devoted to language, composition, and grammar is about the same as in the average city. The chief result of the work as done in Cleveland is to enable the pupil to recite well on textbook grammar and to pass examinations in the subject. The work in technical grammar should be continued for the purpose of giving the pupils a foundation acquaintance with forms, terms, relations, and grammatical perspective, but this training need not be so extensive and intensive as at present. The time saved should be given to oral and written expression in connection with the reading of history, geography, industrial studies, civics, sanitation, and the like. Facility and accuracy in oral and written expression are developed through practice rather than through precept. They are perfected through the conscious and unconscious imitation of good models rather than through the advanced study of technical grammar. Only as knowledge is put to work is it really learned or assimilated. 5. Cleveland gives more time to mathematics than does the average city. The content of courses in mathematics is to be determined by human needs. A fundamental need of our scientific age is more accurate quantitative thinking about our vocations, civic problems, taxation, income, insurance, expenditures, public improvements, and the multitude of other public and private problems involving quantities. We need to think accurately and easily in quantities, proportions, forms, and relationships. Arithmetic teaching, like the teaching of penmanship, is for the purpose of providing tools to be used in matters that lie beyond. The present course of study is of superior character, providing for efficient elementary training and dispensing with most of the things of little practical use. The greatest improvement in the work is to be found in its further carrying over into the other fields of school work and in applying it in other classes as well as in the arithmetic class. In the advanced classes mathematics should be differentiated according to the needs of different pupils. Algebra should be more closely related to practical matters and developed in connection with geometry and trigonometry. 6. History receives much less attention in this city than in the average city. The character of the work is really indicated by the last sentence of the eighth-grade history assignment: "The text of our book should be thoroughly mastered." The work is too brief, abstract, and barren to help the pupils toward an understanding of the social, political, economic, and industrial problems with which we are confronted. It should be amply supplemented by a wide range of reading on social welfare topics. This reading should be biographical, anecdotal, thrilling dramas of human achievement, rich with human interest. It should be at every stage on the level with the understanding and degree of maturity of the pupils so that much reading can be covered rapidly. 7. In Cleveland, where there has been an almost unequalled amount of civic discussion and progressive human-welfare effort, the teaching of civics in the public schools receives too little attention. It is recommended that the principals and teachers make such a civic survey as that made in Cincinnati as the method of discovering the topics that should enter into a grammar-grade course. Not much civics teaching should be attempted in the intermediate grades, but it should be given in the higher grades. 8. A new course of study in geography is now being put into use. The work as laid out in the old manual and as seen in the classrooms has been forbiddingly formal. It has mainly consisted of the teacher assigning to the pupils a certain number of paragraphs or pages in the textbook as the next lesson, and then questioning them next day to ascertain how much of this printed material they have remembered and how well. The new course of study recognizes, on the contrary, that the proper end of geographical teaching is rather to stimulate and guide the children toward an inquiring interest as to how the world is made, and the skies above, and the waters round about, and the conditions of nature that limit and determine in a measure the development of mankind. To attain this ideal will require in every school 10 times as adequate provision of geographical reading and geographical material as is now found in the best equipped school. 9. Drawing and applied art have been taught in Cleveland since 1849. The object of the teaching is to develop an understanding and appreciation of the principles of graphic art and ability to use these principles in practical applications. Where this work is done best, it shows, in both the elementary and high schools, balanced understanding and complete modernness. What is needed is extension of this best type of work to all parts of the city through specially trained departmental teachers. 10. Where teaching of household arts is at its best in Cleveland, it is of a superior character and should be extended along lines now being followed. Manual training for boys should be extended and broadened with a view to giving the pupils real contact with more types of industry than those represented by the present woodwork. 11. Elementary science finds no place in the course of study of Cleveland. The future citizens of Cleveland will need an understanding of electricity, heat, expansion and contraction of gases and solids, the mechanics of machines, distillations, common chemical reactions, and the multitude of other matters of science met with daily in their activities. The schools should help supply this need. 12. Teaching in matters pertaining to health is assigned little time in the elementary schools, and the time that is assigned to it is frequently given to something else. The subject gets pushed off the program by one of the so-called "essentials." A course in hygiene should be drawn up, and practical applications of the work should be arranged through having pupils look after the sanitary conditions of rooms and grounds. The school doctors and nurses should help in this teaching and practice. 13. Physical training is given about as much time as in the average city, but without adequate facilities for outdoor and indoor plays and games. At present the work is too largely of the formal gymnastic type. Desirable improvements in the course are being advocated by the directors and supervisors of the work. They are recommending and introducing, where conditions will permit, the use of games, athletics, folk dances, and the like. The movement should be promoted in every possible way. 14. In the elementary schools Cleveland gives more than the average amount of time to music, but in the high schools the subject is developed only incidentally and is given no credit. It is a question whether this arrangement is the right one, and in considering possible extensions it should be remembered that there are other subjects of far more pressing immediate necessity. 15. It is impossible in this brief report to discuss adequately so complicated a matter as that of the teaching of foreign languages in the high schools, but some of the most important of the questions at issue have been indicated as matters which the school authorities should continue to study until satisfactory solutions are reached. 16. Where school work in Cleveland is backward, it is because it has not yet taken on the social point of view. Where it is progressive, it is being developed on the basis of human needs. There is much of both kinds of work in Cleveland. 17. In a city with a population so diversified as is that of Cleveland, progress should be made steadily and consciously away from city-wide uniformity in courses of study and methods of teaching. There should be progressive differentiation of courses to meet the widely varying needs of the different sorts of children in different sections of the city. CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY REPORTS These reports can be secured from the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio. They will be sent postpaid for 25 cents per volume with the exception of "Measuring the Work of the Public Schools" by Judd, "The Cleveland School Survey" by Ayres, and "Wage Earning and Education" by Lutz. These three volumes will be sent for 50 cents each. All of these reports may be secured at the same rates from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. Child Accounting in the Public Schools--Ayres. Educational Extension--Perry. Education through Recreation--Johnson. Financing the Public Schools--Clark. Health Work in the Public Schools--Ayres. Household Arts and School Lunches--Boughton. Measuring the Work of the Public Schools--Judd. Overcrowded Schools and the Platoon Plan--Hartwell. School Buildings and Equipment--Ayres. Schools and Classes for Exceptional Children--Mitchell. School Organization and Administration--Ayres. The Public Library and the Public Schools--Ayres and McKinnie. The School and the Immigrant--Miller. The Teaching Staff--Jessup. What the Schools Teach and Might Teach--Bobbitt. The Cleveland School Survey (Summary)--Ayres. * * * * * Boys and Girls in Commercial Work--Stevens. Department Store Occupations--O'Leary. Dressmaking and Millinery--Bryner. Railroad and Street Transportation--Fleming. The Building Trades--Shaw. The Garment Trades--Bryner. The Metal Trades--Lutz. The Printing Trades--Shaw. Wage Earning and Education (Summary)--Lutz. 
30743	----	THE PHILOSOPHY OF EVOLUTION TOGETHER WITH A PRELIMINARY ESSAY ON THE METAPHYSICAL BASIS OF SCIENCE. TWO PAPERS Read before THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, ARTS, AND LETTERS at the Annual Meetings of February, 1873 and February, 1874. BY STEPHEN H. CARPENTER, LL. D., _Professor of Logic, etc., in the University of Wisconsin, and President of the Department of Speculative Philosophy in the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters._ [REPRINTED FROM THE ACADEMY'S TRANSACTIONS.] MADISON, WIS.: ATWOOD & CULVER, PRINTERS AND STEREOTYPERS. 1874. THE METAPHYSICAL BASIS OF SCIENCE. All knowledge is essentially one. The object-matter upon which intellect exerts itself, does not affect the subjective act of knowing. Physics, when stripped of that which is merely contingent, becomes metaphysics. Physical science deals with object-matter, and discusses the signs by which nature communicates her message--that is, phenomena. Metaphysical science has to do with the subject-mind, and discusses the meaning of the message. The one converts God's hieroglyphics into easily-intelligible language; the other translates this language into Idea. If this be true, there must be a unity of method in all science, however great the diversity of the object-matter investigated. This method is subjectively determined, that is, by the constitution of the mind, and not by the particular form of matter upon which intellectual energy may be exerted. If there is an essential unity in all knowledge, it is because there is a corresponding unity of method in all mental activity. It is only when we look upon what is to be known, that truth separates into sciences; but particular truths become particular sciences only under assumed relations to the whole of which they form a part. Objectively considered, science is classified knowledge; subjectively viewed, it is the laws or principles according to which knowledge is classified. Every actor implies an act--every thinker a thought. We may therefore universally make this dual classification, according as we view the mental operation involved, or the attributes of objects which form the subject of thought. The possibility of science is conditioned upon the possibility of classification. Mere knowledge is not science, as the world ought to have learned by costly experience. Even classified knowledge may not be science; it becomes science not through previous classification, but in the act of being classified, and therefore only as the principle of classification is apprehended--that is, only as the particular application of the law of generalization is distinctly recognized. A man may know a book and know nothing more; he knows the science only when he is capable of making the book for himself. Mere knowledge thus differs from science in that the one is held only by the apprehensive powers of the mind, while the other passes beyond these into the reflective or ratiocinative. Pure science, then, must be wholly abstract. The forms and substances of Nature with which the scientific student deals, are only the discrete figures of the young mathematician, to be thrown aside with advancing knowledge. Matter is only the staff on which the mind leans, while too feeble to go alone. It is not the finely chiseled statue that renders a man a sculptor; it is the conception which is therein embodied. A day-laborer may have cut the stone, but only the artist could conceive the idea. So in science, we care but little for the particular results at which we arrive, compared with the laws, according to which the results have been attained. But conceptions cannot be communicated without being rendered objective. The ideal of the artist is locked up in his own mind, until on canvas, in marble, or by means of some other physical symbol, he communicates his high imaginings. Matter, then, according to the present constitution of things is the condition of intellectual communication. Law cannot be studied as abstract law; it can be studied only while acting, and that which exhibits this activity must be matter--something which will always and uniformly obey. There can be no conception of force except as acting, and the sole medium of such activity is matter. Thus again, matter is the condition of all communication from nature to man. Science is thus, in a measure, determined by the conditions of its discovery and communication. But we must distinguish between an invariable condition and that which is thus conditioned. Matter is not science; it is only the condition of its discovery and communication. Air is not hearing; it is the condition of hearing. We do not study matter for the sake of the matter when we study science, but for the sake of the law communicated to us in these changes of matter, and Law is a metaphysical, not a physical idea. Reason, not sense, apprehends it. Law is, so to speak, formulated in the physical, but it is not material. Matter is only the vehicle of science, as language is the vehicle of thought. It is plain, then, that just as in mathematics we have a division into pure and mixed, according as we deal with matter in the abstract or in the concrete, so we may in any science make a corresponding division, according as we confine our attention to the laws revealed by matter or to the matter revealing the laws: in other words; just as we give attention to the ideas of the message, or to the language in which it is communicated. The language must first be learned, but the words used to communicate the message may be separately understood, and yet the meaning of the message wholly missed. Knowing only the one makes a charlatan; knowing the other makes a savan. The sciences based upon this objective study of Nature are denominated Natural Sciences; and because they lisp the first syllables of Nature's message to man, they should be his primary teachers. It is by their aid that the universal message of God to man must be read. They form, as it were, a public highway leading from Nature to God. But the difficulty is that observing men become so absorbed in admiring some splendid piece of Divine engineering that they stop to gaze and wonder, until losing sight of everything above and beyond, they refuse to advance, fondly imagining that they have reached the end of the journey. The science based upon this subjective study of Nature is called metaphysics. Logic has been defined as "The Science of Thought;" it should be termed "The Science of Thinking." It is not a dead body which we are studying by dissection, but a living, vital Force, which we study by observing its activities. We find here the same error which we find elsewhere--a stopping with the material symbol, and an ignoring of the intellectual force which clothed itself with the symbol. Astronomy is not the science of circles and spheres, ellipses and ellipsoids, but of the Force whose sensible utterances are given in these curves. We might as well call Painting the science of pictures, or Sculpture the science of statues. So Language, the medium of thought, is only a symbol, less material indeed than pictures and statues, but still physical. What we want in "The Science of Thinking" is not the knowledge of symbols, but the knowledge of that which is symbolized. The chemist does not care for the compounds he finds in his retort; he seeks after the truth which these compounds formulate. Metaphysics and Physics evidently agree in this; that both are seeking to frame an articulate utterance of the Idea given in the diverse manifestations of Force--the Idea which includes all Potencies, the summing up of all phenomena into that final generalization which includes the intellectual as well as the material, until at last we reach the essential unity of all Truth. Science, then, is classification, or the discovery of the principles of classification, rather than an arbitrary acquaintance with things classified. Every science, however, must have an objective expression--that is, must be formulated. In this, both metaphysical and physical science agree; the only difference in this respect is, that in Physics, Nature gives us in the first place the material interpretation of the idea--that is, the basis of classification--which we have only to translate into idea: while in metaphysics, we first have the idea to which we must furnish the objective utterance. We see here the precise difference between what is called the logical and the natural method--the one being usually called the reverse of the other. The difference is not so much a difference in intellectual procedure as in objective expression. For instance: The botanist has before him the whole range of vegetable forms. He notes resemblances and differences, and groups plants into species and genera, but his work is not ended when these are named and known, and their qualities discovered. He is seeking amidst these multifarious forms for the law of vegetable growth and reproduction. Every organ of the plant is the symbol of an idea, and these ideas form the science of Botany. These Ideas are metaphysical--that is intellectual, and only their sensible manifestation is physical. The symbols of these Ideas, being given in Nature, must be learned from observation before they can be used intelligently, just as words must be learned before one can speak a language. Mastery of the means of expression is as essential to the communication of ideas an is the possession of the ideas themselves. The botanist observes an individual plant, and notes its characteristics. He observes others which possess some of these characteristics whilst others are wanting. He forms a class-type from these agreeing attributes, and gives this new collocation of characteristics a name. Nature never presents this class-type absolutely; it is found nowhere but in intellect. What has the botanist done but to retranslate the communication of Nature into Idea, and then to express this idea by less complicated and less physical symbols? Man's province in this case is simply to interpret the hieroglyphics of Nature into a more readily comprehended language--to express that simply which nature has expressed confusedly. The scientist restricts himself to the interpretation of a single class of symbols, as the Botanist to plants, the Zoologist to animals, but the end sought in each case is the same--that is, to change all these physical utterances of Nature into Idea, and to secure for this Idea a method of expression involving the least possible materiality of symbol--that is, to change individual facts and phenomena into general principles, which, because abstract, are unchangeable. When this has been done, the work of the Naturalist ceases, but the work of Man, the Thinker is not done; it is only just begun. By assuming the ultimate expressions of the various natural sciences as individual and not as typical, we can treat the truths reached by them precisely as the Botanist treated plants, and, rejecting points of of difference, may find in them all some central idea. This is the province of the metaphysician. He seeks the law of Idea, he determines the law of Thinking, just as all other laws are determined, from a study of the symbols formulating its expression in Nature. When this law has been distinctly enunciated, and freed from all intermixture with the contingent, then the work of the metaphysician ceases, the _summum genus_ has been reached. The truths communicated in the symbols of Nature, have been correlated and enunciated, and finally translated from the dialect of man the physical into the language of man the intellectual. Physical science determines the separate words of this message of God, the letters of which are scattered throughout Nature. Metaphysics combines these words into propositions which enunciate a distinct truth. There is therefore neither conflict nor variation between the method of Logic and the method of Nature. The movement of both is in the same direction; the only difference is in the point of starting. And another truth no less important, which follows from the foregoing discussion, is that the method of Nature is fundamental to the method of Logic. Physics should precede metaphysics, but not exclude it; both are essential to every true science, and physics, which stops with physics, leads man by dazzling promises into some Utopian desert only to leave him there to die of hunger. And it is no less true that metaphysics, without this basis in experimental science, is illusory and untrustworthy, wherever the original data are necessarily empirical. Two conditions are thus necessary to all science: a body of knowable truth capable of being systematized; and an intelligence capable of apprehending and systematizing it. One of these conditions is physical and one is metaphysical; and all true science must be the resultant of Law and Idea, the Objective and the Subjective, the twin forces of Nature and Man. If either of these conditions be wanting, there can be no true science, for science can neither be "evolved from the depths of the personal consciousness," nor can the scattered letters of scientific truth, as given in nature, arrange themselves into the words of a significant message. Knowledge must be classified before it is science, and that which classifies can only be intellect--discovering and enunciating this classification according to the laws of mental action. As prominence is given to one or other of these two conditions we have the division into Logical and Natural, but the fundamental principle of classification is the same in both--it being simply the law of intellectual action--just as the law which governs the action of the levers of a loom will determine the pattern of the woven fabric. There can, therefore, be no conflict between the methods of Logic and those of Nature. The determining element in all classification, whether of the phenomena of Mind or of the grosser phenomena of Matter is uniformly and always the same--the law of intellectual action. Science then resolves itself into a determination of this Law of mental activity, so that in an ultimate analysis, all science is metaphysical, just as all science primarily is physical. Here, as elsewhere, Law can be studied only in its objective manifestations. The Law of Thinking can be educed only from expressed Thought, but the Law is not objective thought, any more than the idea of the sculptor is marble, or the conception of the painter is paint. The simplest expression of thought is not the syllogism but the logical proposition. Now, it is plain that if the proposition is the formulation--the material representative of thought--if we study it as we study other natural symbols, we will find in it the fundamental Law of Thinking, and ultimately the fundamental Law of all Science: just as, if it were possible to reduce all elementary substances to one, the chemist would be able to find in that one a condensed expression of chemical science. What then is a proposition? Simply stated, it is the assertion of relation between two terms; or more abstractly, it is the reference of an individual to its species--the assertion of a classification. We find here the same duality which we noticed above. If we give prominence to the individual notion, we consider the proposition in extension; if we turn our attention to the specific notion we consider the proposition in intention: in the one case referring to the individuals composing the class, in the other to the attributes composing the class-type. The first corresponds to induction, the second to deduction. When we study individuals we study physics; when we study the attributes composing the class-type, we study metaphysics. The Law of Thinking as educed from a study of the proposition is the law of classification. The proposition, considered affirmatively, asserts explicitly agreement between certain attributes of two terms; that is, it asserts a classification. The aim of science is to reach this proposition, to discover and assert the principle of classification--in other words, to formulate metaphysically what nature has presented physically. We must find, then, the first or fundamental law of thinking in this _integration_ or classification. This fundamental law may be subdivided into two species, according to the two terms of the proposition; of which the first may be stated thus: "Every possible object of thought is to a certain extent identical with every other"; and as the proposition implicitly states disagreement, the second may be stated thus: "Every possible object of thought is to a certain extent diverse from every other." The first gives the positive (subjective) condition of the proposition, the second the negative (objective) condition: both together constitute the conditions of thinking. The proposition is thus the assertion of the same in the different. The proposition also asserts, implicitly, the _tertium quid_, or the basis of classification--the class-type, to which both terms are referred--that is, the proposition secondarily asserts an analysis. According to the first condition we have the inductive process; according to the second we have the deductive process. A complete movement of idea from its purely physical symbolization to its metaphysical interpretation, must involve both these processes. The mind possesses the power of analysis; it can watch its own operations and retrace its steps, until it arrives at the original data of consciousness; but analysis cannot comprise the whole of the logical process. Before there can be analysis there must be something to be analyzed; before steps can be retraced, they must be taken. We must not confound a condition with a Law--the one is a conception antecedent to all action, a genus to which the particular activity may be referred; the other is coincident with action. The one is the medium of the other. We may illustrate this idea by science itself, which is reached only by an analysis of Art. Matter is the condition of the expression of an idea; hence to all but the artist, Art must precede Science, but this cannot be in the case of the artist; in his mind the Idea is first conceived, and there it is given expression in the forms of Art. Here, as uniformly in Nature, the whole absolutely precedes the part--the universal exists before the particular--God before man. Truth absolute thus exists before truth conditioned. Science before Art. Remove conditions and the conditioned becomes the absolute; art and science coincide. But truth which is assumed to be out of all relations, cannot be comprehended by man, and practically is not. Even the universal propositions of deduction express universality under conditions--that is universality of relation; just as infinity in mathematics means that which passes measurement, while in fact between infinity and measurement there is no relation, and the infinite is thus incomprehensible as an object of thought, although by no means unrecognizable as a necessary condition antecedent to all intellectual action. It is of vital importance that we note this distinction, because reasoning, i. e. classification, is possible only so long as we deal with what is admitted to be under relation: if we assume a term to be out of all relation, it ceases to be an object of thought--it can neither be classified nor unclassified; it is beyond reason. Mathematics can proceed with its investigations only so long as it treats all quantities as measurable; it must wholly cease its calculations if an infinite term be introduced. To claim that analysis represents the complete normal action of the intellect in reasoning, is ultimately to claim that the initial point of thinking is the _summum genus_ of thought--God. Now God is undoubtedly the initial point of absolute thought, but he is not the beginning of human thought. Intellectually speaking, God is the final generalization; every movement possible to him must be one of analysis--a differentiation of Himself, so to speak, by negatives. Thus the course of absolute Thought, beginning with God, must be first towards a complete differentiation into ultimate individualization; and lastly a complete integration again of individuals into an infinite whole. This dual action completes the circle of intellectual activity. We have dropped attribute after attribute until we have reached the last possible analysis; but we do not stop here, but by the assumption of attributes we again reach the highest possible synthesis. This must be the method of the divine activity, successive differentiation and integration, the closing in of a mighty circle of infinity, embracing all the finite, but never losing the essential characteristic of the infinite. Now, if this also represent the exact movement of the finite mind in action--that is, in reasoning, man must be God. Man is finite. Even his infinite is only the immeasurable--not that which is without the category of measure. He cannot begin where the Infinite begins, at the highest possible generalization,--but he must begin with the finite. If what we have shown above be true, man must begin with the individual, and the first mental act of the positive character of thinking, is the reference of this individual notion to a class. Now the _class-notion_ is the same as the individual notion, less certain attributes as _individual_ attributes, but gathered into a larger whole. This process is plainly integration; we are rejecting from the new conception whatever prevents enlarging the class. Each higher generalization involves all the attributes of the lower, not individually, but specifically or generically. In the final generalization, extension and intension coalesce. Just as we reach the individual by differentiating a universal through successive negations, we reach the universal again, by integration, by successively denying the negations through which we just now differentiated. The movement of the finite mind in reasoning is thus from the individual through the universal to the individual again. Science thus parts into two great branches--one seeking to establish principles by what we have called integration, and the other the elucidation of facts by _a priori_ reasoning instead of observation. That is, the aim of true science is to free man from the restrictions of the finite, and to place him in possession of the infinite--the closing in of a lesser circle of infinite truth, yet never losing hold upon the finite. In accordance with this view we see science pursuing its integrations until it has identified as composing an essential unity all the various manifestations of force. This is the finite becoming the infinite, for unity is, in so far, infinity--God is one, a unity, not a unit. But we also see science going beyond this point, and by a new series of differentiations reaching truths new to experience, if indeed not impossible to experience. Between these two limits all knowledge is forever moving. It can never rest. The tide of thought sweeps onward towards the infinite--God following it to its final absorption into the _I Am_, simple being,--while finite man, because of his finiteness, can only reach those universals which are infinite only to human thought. Like men on a journey we leave the train when we have reached our journey's end, but the train passes on out of sight in the distance, sending back, now and then, tokens of its progress, as it thunders over a bridge, or whistles shrill as it nears some further stopping place, until at last all is still, not because the train has stopped, but because we can follow it no further with our senses. Even after science has reached the utmost limit possible to it, it is not satisfied to rest there, but starts at once upon its return trip, to bring to notice undiscovered facts hidden in these mighty generalizations. Thus the pendulum of intellectual activity unceasingly vibrates between the infinite and the finite, never resting, because Idea and Matter, the force of Man and the force of Nature can never be completely identified. THE PHILOSOPHY OF EVOLUTION. The intellectual processes of a rational being must proceed according to some law. They cannot succeed each other at hap-hazard. The notion of rationality is conditioned upon this regular procedure; if this be wanting, the essential character of rational action is wanting. But to say that rational processes are determined by law, and conditioned upon a regular procedure, is simply to assert that the steps in ratiocination are so related to each other that the relation of each to every other may be determined by the application of the law--the difference between any two steps being analogous to the difference between any other two. The astronomer determines the orbit of a planet from three observations, because he thereby determines the law of variation between these points; from which he assumes that this law will be constant, presenting a series of terms each differentiated according the series of differences already determined. Applying the same principle to mental phenomena, we may determine the law of intellectual action. Thoughts are discriminated by the presence or absence of certain attributes. At one extreme we find the _summum genus_, comprising the fewest possible attributes distinguishing an idea; at the other extreme we find the individual, comprising any number of attributes. Between these two extremes we find a regular series of intermediate terms. The movement of an idea from the general to the individual is like the motion of a planet through one-half of its orbit; while the return movement from the individual to the general, corresponds to the motion of the planet over the remaining half of its orbit. The same law governs both movements and unites the two halves of the orbit into a single whole; and a series of observations taken at equal distances, will, by the uniformity of differences presented, reveal the operation of the same law in this dual manifestation. Upon examining the processes of deduction and induction, we find in each the same series of terms, differing only in the fact that they are in inverse order, and this correspondence reveals the operation of one and the same law. An inductive series is only a deductive series read backward. Any two terms in a series whether inductive or deductive, differ only in the degree of generality, and differ similarly from a third term, so that two being known the third can be therefrom determined. In a deductive series the terms differ by a constant increase in the number of individualizing attributes--a concept being expanded into a deductive series by such regular additions. Having two terms we can proceed to the third--that is, from two propositions expressing this relation, we can proceed to a conclusion. In an inductive series the terms differ by a constant diminution in the number of individualizing attributes--an individual term being expanded into an inductive series, by successively dropping the attributes which compose the individual term, until we reach the required degree of generalization. Thought must proceed in one of these two directions. The object-matter of thought being composed wholly of attributes can differ only in the presence or absence of certain attributes. A combination, then, of these two movements must complete the intellectual orbit. The direction of the movement of the mind will be determined by the end proposed. When we possess the knowledge of phenomena and wish to discover law--that is, when we seek information--we proceed by induction, from the individual to the general. When possessed of knowledge, we wish to discover its applications, when knowing the law, we wish to determine the phenomena necessarily resulting therefrom, we proceed by deduction--from the general to the individual. Complete knowledge, then, consists in the highest possible generalization, and the expansion of this term into a series, ending only with the last possible individualization. The aim of physical science is to determine that half of the intellectual orbit which lies between the individual and the general--the aim of metaphysical science is to trace the other half which lies between the general and the individual. When we seek to know what is, we proceed by induction--the method of the phenomenal. When, knowing what is, we proceed to determine what hence must be, we proceed by deduction--the method of the Necessary. Thus Science, at first seeking principles, proceeds by induction to establish them; but after these fundamental principles have been established, it proceeds deductively to determine what must result from them, without waiting to discover these truths by observation. Knowledge is thus complete just in proportion to the extension of its scope through generalization. The higher the generalization, the more inclusive will it be, and the _summum genus_, or the final generalization, will be the highest attainable reach of knowledge. When man can make no further generalization, his knowledge will be, in so far, absolute and complete, and all that remains possible to him will be the practical application of what he already knows. Perfect knowledge is nothing but perfect generalization. The Supreme Intelligence being hypothetically possessed of all knowledge, that is, having discriminated the absolute _summum genus_, can proceed no further in this direction; his intellectual activity must be exerted in a descending series, or from the general towards the individual, and this process must be, as we have seen above, by a determinate series of steps, fixed by the operation of a definite law, which law proceeds by the successive addition of attributes to the general. Complete knowledge, being complete generalization, the lines of all science will necessarily converge, as they approach this generalization, until all sciences coalesce in one science, and all truth is reduced to a single expression in the utterance of the final conception. In accordance with the laws of thinking, this general term is reached by successive omissions of particularizing attributes, until at last we reach Being--the absolute _summum genus_, wholly free from individual attributes, and thereby embracing everything possible to thought, whether material or immaterial. But this _summum genus_ must be predicable of this whole. Matter and mind may thus be reduced to a single category, and the physical and the intellectual finally coalesce in this last generalization. Materialism and idealism thus differ merely in the degree of generalization reached--or rather they both agree in avoiding the final generalization which identifies both matter and mind. Materialism must always deal with the individual, for matter can appear under no other form. Idealism must always rest upon the general, for thought, to be thought, must state a generalization. Each, however, finds its explanation in the other, and both are harmonized by the application of the law of intellectual action above given. Matter and Mind are complementary, not incompatible. They differ with each other, but they agree in being similarly related to a third term. Matter is objective; it is thought taking form, becoming individual, manifesting itself in space. Mind is subjective. The one appeals to the senses; the other is known only to the consciousness. Science reaches its full development only when it includes both physical and intellectual phenomena within its scope. Every step which it takes carries it further from the purely physical, and brings it nearer the purely intellectual--that is the development of physical science is from the individual towards the general, and it reaches its end, its completion, only when the last distinction, that of subjective and objective, has disappeared in the last possible generalization. When the objective has been identified with the subjective, the distinction between Mind and Matter has been obliterated, and we have reached the Supreme Intelligence--the "I Am" of Scripture--simple Being. Matter is the formal expression of thought, or the necessary condition of such expression, and in this condition is found the link that connects the subjective and objective manifestations of _being_. Subjectivity is ideality, as objectivity is materiality. The consciousness can take cognizance only of what is within itself, and therefore without every other. Consciousness is therefore wholly personal. To communicate an idea it must be placed within the consciousness of another. To reach this result it must cease to be personal, must pass out of the subjective consciousness into objective form, so as to be placed in the same relation to the speaker and the hearer. Thought, out of the consciousness of the thinker, is objective to him, and to render thought objective is to give it material form. Thought to be communicated, must pass out of the consciousness of the thinker into a material representation. The assumption of material form individualizes the idea. The artist's mind may be filled with splendid conceptions, but no one but he can look within his consciousness and see them. Before others can have any knowledge of his thoughts, he must give them form, or embody them in statues or paintings. The soul of the musician may be thrilled by the harmonies that his imagination creates, but no other soul can join him in this ecstasy until he has given form to his conceptions. So the thinker must embody his thoughts in language before he can communicate them to another. Matter, then, is the vehicle by which thought is communicated, and, so far as we are concerned, the necessary condition of such communication, so that the conception of thought apart from the thinker involves the intervention of material forms, and it is by the interpretation of these symbolical forms that we discover the idea. Now, let us suppose a Supreme Intelligence. The intellectual processes of such a Being, to be conceived as rational by us, must be identical with ours, or at least analogous to ours. The possession of infinite attributes may in fact free him from the control of any law, but it is impossible for us to conceive an intelligence acting otherwise than in accordance with law. So that if the Supreme Intelligence is to communicate with man, it must be in obedience to the laws which control our mental activities. The Divine thought must, then, like human conceptions, be communicated by means of physical symbols. The Supreme Intelligence, being the final generalization, must possess all knowledge, and the only intelligent action possible to him from our point of view, is from this absolute generalization towards the concrete and individual. The absolute general is purely subjective, which, to become cognizable, must be rendered objective. This can be secured to us only through the intervention of material forms. From this point of view, matter is only the symbol of thought--thought apart from the thinker. The first result of the divine activity in self-manifestation would be the analysis of _being_ into subjective and objective--that is the discrimination of mind and matter, which terms are severally the final generalizations of the two fundamental divisions of science. Matter, then, mere formless, chaotic matter, would be the first result of creative activity. Following the development of this idea in its continually increasing individuality, as new attributes are severally added, matter assumes determinate form and becomes related in systems, as the various so-called elementary substances are discriminated, until finally all truth, capable of being revealed by inorganic matter, is presented to us. Add the idea of organism and we have the two great divisions of phenomena--material and vital. The higher the generalization, the fewer will be the attributes composing the concept, and thus the simpler will be the form symbolizing its expression. As in the case of matter, the first result of the divine activity was more matter, undiscriminated by any further attribute; so here, we have, as the first organic creation, a concrete expression of the highest possible generalization comprising the fewest possible attributes--that is, forms of life involving the fewest individual characteristics. To matter add the simplest organic attribute--that is, the one lying nearest the genus--and we have mere organized matter, the simple cell, the foundation of all life, no matter how great its future complexity, equally the origin of animal and vegetable growth, which are as yet entirely undiscriminated. This would be the first appearance of life.[1] Differentiating again by the addition of a new attribute, and organic being is subdivided into the two species, vegetable and animal. Beginning with these typical forms, adding single attributes in a continuous series, we at last reach the highest types of animals and plants. Finally, add rationality to the animal, and we reach man, the highest and therefore the most complex type of life, and who, so far as we are concerned, must be the end of creation. We cannot conceive of any higher creation, because we cannot add an attribute to those we already possess, any more than we can conceive of an additional sense by which to cognize such new attribute. This process has been determined from the very outset by those intellectual laws which we cannot disobey, and which we cannot conceive disobeyed by an intelligent creator. If the law of intellectual action require this process from the simple to the complex, the concrete representation of the steps of this process must indicate the operation of this law, and must also proceed from the simple and rudimentary to the complex and highly developed. An intelligent Creator in revealing his thought must follow the method which our minds must follow in interpreting this revelation. When we know and seek to communicate our knowledge, we proceed from the general to the specific.[2] The Creator assumed to be infinite in knowledge would therefore follow this process instead of the method peculiar to investigation. The law of intellectual action determines this method, and the conditions of intellectual communication determine the representation of this method in the material expression of the ideas communicated. Considering the operation of this law under these conditions, we find that the thought communicating only, as nearly as may be, the generic idea, will be distinguished from it by the addition of but a single attribute as the generic by itself is incapable of being represented in concrete form, the expression of this thought in form will present us matter distinguished from matter in general by but a single attribute. The least possible individualizing attribute added to the highest possible generalization gives us the simplest expression of an idea, and the form or the organism symbolizing this thought will be the simplest form and the simplest organism possible. For instance: in organic life the highest generalization barely individualized will give us the simple cell; and no matter what degree of complexity we subsequently reach by the addition of an almost infinite number of attributes, we nevertheless begin in every case with the same starting point. Each higher type is reached by adding to a lower. The higher thus embraces all that can be found in the lower, and something besides. This method is invariable, and can never be departed from. The genus must always be predicable of every individual component of every species contained under it. Translating this law into the forms of material expression, and it requires each higher species to physically include all lower species, and to differ from them only by addition. Man, the highest type, must thus include all the attributes of the cell as physically expressed, and without them he would not be man. The differences between no two terms in a series can be total. If the successive steps in a train of thought must be related, so that no two notions will be wholly distinct from each other, these notions will constitute a series, each term of which will, in a measure, determine the next, so soon as the law of the series is discovered; and if this train of thought be objectively presented, it will afford a corresponding series of physical terms, each one of which will in like manner determine the next. But thought is impossible unless by a train of ideas so related. Its physical expression will therefore be equally impossible except by a series of physical terms similarly related, each one of which in some manner determines the next. There must then be a perfect continuity in the line that reaches from the simplest form of matter through all grades of organic life up to man, the highest expression of the divine idea. There can be no break in the chain of thought, because the law of the logical process forbids it: there can be no break in the series of material symbols for the conditions of concrete expression equally forbid it. A symbol is nothing except as it represents that which is to be symbolized. So the symbols form a physical series, because the thoughts symbolized form a logical series. If the creator has fully revealed his thought, it must be by a series of physical terms arranged in such a manner as to indicate the logical series of ideas symbolized. Every form of matter is a symbol of thought, and challenges interpretation. Every change in form corresponds to an antecedent change in idea, and must be intended to reveal it. As thought, then, begins its evolution with the general and proceeds to the individual by a series of terms each of which is similarly related to both extremes, we must find the material enunciation of this process assuming the form of a series of terms, beginning with mere nebulous matter, grading into organic life, and organic life presenting us with a similar series beginning with the mere cell and ending with man. So rigid and invariable must this serial arrangement be that if a term in either series be wanting, we are authorized to hypothetically interpolate it. "Nature never makes a leap," says the scientific investigator, as he studies the material symbols of thought. "Thought never makes a leap," says the metaphysician, as he studies the necessary laws of rational action: and both have uttered the same truth. We prove a proposition by determining the steps by which it was educed from a more generic statement. Science must proceed in the same manner, for science only discovers the track of mind--it does not make the track, it only follows it. If then we find the chain of evolution broken at any point, science must either stop there, or assume the wanting term in the series. We have the right to interpolate these missing terms, for we must assume that the thoughts of God communicated to us in material forms constitute a continuous revelation, beginning with Himself, the final generalization, and ending with man the highest individualization. These limits are fixed--the one by the nature of God, and the other by the nature of man. Between these two extremes we must find a series of intermediate terms. Any other conception of their relation than that of a determinate series is impossible and irrational; and a series, so far as it means anything, means evolution of some sort. Finding the relation between these terms--distinguishing the _same_ which reproduces itself, and the _different_ which introduces a new term--that is, determining the law of apparent evolution--is the problem presented to science. The astronomer found Bode's law to all appearance violated by the omission of a planet between Mars and Jupiter. He could see no reason for the law, but if the planets had been placed by an intelligent Creator, some order of arrangement must be discoverable according to which their position was determined. The Creator being intelligent, it is impossible to conceive them placed fortuitously. There must then be a link between Mars and Jupiter, because the law once established cannot be broken. The same law may be observed in the arrangement of leaves around the axis of a plant. If intelligence arranged them they must be arranged in some order, for intelligence never performs the least act without a purpose. Each leaf or pair of leaves is not a mere duplication of the previous leaf or pair of leaves. The relation which subsists between any two sets in the series expresses the idea of the Creator, and this must be constant. Completing the series as indicated by different plants, we may assume that if any term is apparently wanting, it is only because it has not been discovered. In neither of these cases would it be asserted that any physical evolution had taken place--the terms form a series of which each term is equally determined by the operation of a fixed law; and yet it is an operation precisely analogous to that which in the case of animals presents every appearance of a real evolution. Take, for instance, a series of animals, presenting at one period of time the simplest and most rudimentary forms, and at another the most complex and highly organized; we cannot do otherwise than conceive these two extremes as related by intermediate terms, through the operation of some law which holds good throughout the series. The relation subsisting between any two, must be the same as that subsisting between any other two similarly situated, or a departure from that relation which is itself governed by a definite law discoverable from a comparison of two sets of terms. The application of this law is so universal and so rigid that we need not hesitate to interpolate a missing term, and confidently assert that it either does exist or has existed. To deny this principle is to deny the necessity of continuity in reasoning. This continuity of thought is represented in matter by the persistence of generic forms under specific differences. But just as the specific is the generic with certain additions, so the individual is this same generic with still further additions; and these additions, whether considered solely in space, as given in the symbols of physical science, or in time as in the conceptions of intellectual science, must be determined by the same unvarying law. The persistence of the same form furnishes us the means of identifying this relation, while the differences reveal to us the successive steps by which the generic was differentiated into the individual. If the creative thought has been expressed by the forms of matter, the laws of thought must be thus expressed in the relative forms of matter. Anything less than this, while it might interpret isolated ideas, would not communicate the method of the creative process, and science is nothing but the discovery of this method. If the terms of the logical process must be arranged in a series, the physical symbols rendering this logical process cognizable, must be arranged in a similar series, for science becomes impossible when the logical process becomes undiscoverable. The differences between the terms in this series must be cognizable. Two terms which are indistinguishable are practically identical; and two terms which are not identical vary by a difference which is cognizable by itself apart from either term. The steps in the logical evolution of the final term. _Being_ must be separable to be cognizable, and the material forms interpreting these steps to the senses must also be distinguishable. A species differs from the genus by the addition of at least one attribute. Now, if the species is distinguishable from the genus, the attribute which differentiates it, must be separately cognizable--so also the individual differs from the species by the addition of attributes, which must in like manner be separately cognizable, or the species will never be conceived independently of the individuals. A thought cannot proceed by insensible steps, nor can its material expression vary otherwise than by determinate and distinguishable differences. The distinction of species is thus a logical necessity. The addition of distinct attributes to the genus gives origin to distinct species; variation in attributes not affecting their substantial identity gives rise to varieties. One species, then, cannot become another, except by the assumption of a new specific attribute, so that one species passes into another precisely as the genus passes into the species, and that is just as, and not otherwise, than one thought passes into another. The fundamental law of the logical process is that we pass from the generic towards the individual; from the simple to the complex. Induction can proceed only by assuming a genus at the outset--that is, by assuming certain attributes in the individual to be generic. Translate this law into material forms, and we have each higher--that is more complex--species evolved from the lower by the addition of some new characteristic. This new attribute cannot be added by the functional activity of the lower organism; that can only reproduce itself. A thought does not change merely through repeated expression. We pass to the conclusion of a syllogism, not from each term, but from a comparison of the premises--and this requires an intellectual operation entirely distinct from a mere apprehension of the terms. It is one thing to comprehend the premises; it is quite another to deduce a conclusion from them. It may necessarily follow, but it requires a separate act of the mind to reach it. Premises will not of themselves reach a conclusion. Reading this same truth in the forms of matter, we may say that species will not pass into higher species without the intervention of a force distinct from either. The impulse which adds a new attribute must be intellectually separable from all those pre-existing, and its material representation must be physically distinct from pre-existing forms. This complete separability precludes the possibility of mere physical genesis. The added attribute is presented by a new form of matter, revealing the presence of a new thought--a new effect, requiring the agency of a new cause. In accordance with the usual economy of nature, who never duplicates her forces, change will be made only so far as may be necessary to communicate the additional idea. Organisms representing previous thoughts will be added to, in order to express the expansion of the thought, instead of a creation _de novo_ in each instance. Thus an identical cellular structure will be found in all organic beings, from the lowest to the highest, each higher type carrying forward the idea and its physical expression found in the lower. The differences between no two terms in the series can be total, nor can any two terms be identical, as each higher species will embrace all the attributes of the lower, differing only by the addition of others. This is simply the physical expression of the logical truth that whatever can be predicated of the genus can be predicated of every individual contained under it. As the individual is only the expansion of the genus, so higher physical types must also be similar expansions of lower. Here, then, is evolution, or development: primarily an evolution of the generic into the individual, the continued differentiation of a generic idea through successive individualizations, each adding to the previous group of attributes, thus rendering the idea increasingly complex; and, secondly, an apparent physical evolution or development, interpreting this logical process by a series of physical forms so related as to reveal the relation existing between the thoughts thus interpreted. In the physical representation of the ideas so related, there must be an apparent physical evolution--that is, the process of evolution logically must, like the ideas thus evolved, have a physical expression, and the successive steps in this logical evolution must be revealed by material forms bearing an analogous relation, and thereby expressing the logical process. Matter is nothing, so far as we are now concerned, but the condition necessary to the objective expression of thought. Every phase of matter is simply an objective formulation of a corresponding phase of thought. Every addition to form implies an antecedent increase of thought, as there can be no formal expression until there is something to be expressed. There can, then, be no such thing as mere material evolution, for whatever is material is only symbolical. Matter being thus wholly inert, the origin of the impulse towards greater complexity must be sought for outside of that which undergoes the change. The movement by which one species becomes a higher is not an elaboration, an extension or a differentiation of existing attributes, but involves the positive addition of a new attribute, different and distinct from any or all previously existing. One species cannot pass into another by an innate impulse, for a species is an entity composed of a determinate number of attributes, and all attributes potentially present must be considered as actually present. We cannot say that the child is a different species from the man, and that one passes into the other by a process of evolution, because all the essential attributes of the man are potentially present in the child. If the polyp, by the action of innate forces, operating through a series of ages, however extended, can, without any impulse from without, develop itself into a man, then the polyp is as much a man as a boy is, differing only in the time required for development: and the data for the final deduction of the highest types of creation must be furnished in the most elementary forms of life. The force manifesting itself in organic life is readily distinguishable from the organism by which it is manifested. Life and organization are not synonyms; one is the condition of the other, but a condition is not a cause. We can consider force apart from organism, and this possible separation in thought proves that the same form may not represent both, but that life can absolutely exist apart from organs which serve to give it a physical manifestation.[3] Physical life being conditioned upon organization, whenever the organism varies, the vital force thus manifested must also vary, such variation being necessarily antecedent to its manifestation. The organism varies, because it must, in order to express the added thought. Change in organism, therefore, is not induced by simple organic action, because the organs and the force acting through them can be distinguished. Assuming that matter is the objective or formal representation of thought, there can be no change in the material expression without a corresponding change in the antecedent conception. There can, then, be physical evolution, only as there is antecedent logical evolution, and then only because of this logical evolution and not because of the operation of an innate organic force. Force, whatever may be its genesis, is only the exertion of power, not the increase of it. Exertion limits the view to the force immediately in operation. We may replace one manifestation by another, but the quantity is neither increased nor diminished by this change. Change in form implies the operation of force: and apart from such manifestation in matter, it escapes the tests of science, and passes into the purely metaphysical notion of cause. And unless the operation of force be constant, or, if different forces are blended, variable according to some determinate law, the action of which is constant and discoverable, so that the different units of force are separately measurable, the force thus irregular in its action can never be placed in any scientific category. Evolution, then, cannot proceed from any innate organic impulse, unless the force that tends to exact reproduction, and the force that induces a change be equally and separately cognizable. Change must proceed according to some law which accounts for the change, and distinguishes between the normal exertion of power and that exertion which causes a deviation. Science, to be science, must explain apparent exceptions as fully as the regular operation of forces, and that which causes the irregularity must be as distinctly cognizably by itself as the force which acts regularly. Anything less than this is not science. The discovery of Neptune was the result of the application of this principle; it was a successful attempt to discriminate the force which caused variation from the force which operated regularly. Each species represents the operation of certain vital forces, and one cannot physically pass into another except by the increase of this force, or at least by a change in the manner of its manifestation; and this increase in amount or this change in direction must separately be accounted for. Nor does it matter, for the purposes of this discussion, as to the genesis of this added increment, further than to show that its origin must be exterior to the organism by which its presence is manifested; for vital energy acting through an organism is a unit, and cannot, even in thought, be separated into distinguishable portions. Change in the direction of vital energy indicates that the original impulse has been modified in its action by encountering another force, for nothing but force can change the direction of force. It does not fall within the range of this paper to determine the nature of this exterior force which is thus distinguishable from that acting through the vital organization, and therefore capable of separate objective representation. Metaphysically we may say that force is resolvable into will, but will being purely personal is incapable of material representation, and thus cannot enter into the determinations of physical science, which does not seek to discover the origin of force, but deals solely with its presence. As the logician must assume his premises, and, as a logician, cannot question their truth, so the physicist must assume a force in operation, and, as a physicist, cannot examine its genesis. The physical or the metaphysical method of inquiry is valid only so long as restricted to physical or metaphysical processes: a mixture of the two methods will give results satisfactory neither to science nor to philosophy. As logic furnishes no criterion by which to test the absolute truth of propositions, but deals wholly with conclusions drawn from given premises, so science furnishes no data by which to determine the absolute genesis of force, but restricts its enquiries to the phenomena resulting from a force given. For the student of physical science cause and effect is only the transference of a given and determined force from one material form to another. If this idea is to be traced further, it must be studied outside the limits of physics. This study belongs to metaphysics. Now, if physical science does not deal with the origin of the initial force, but assumes at the outset its presence, no more does it fall within its province to examine into the origin of the increments which give to physical forms that variety which renders science possible. Science deals with results, not antecedents; and after having determined results, it is not authorized to affirm that one species has produced another by evolution, or has produced it at all. If there are agreements between different organisms by which they are brought into relation, there are also differences by which they are discriminated, and these differences imply increments of force; and to assert that one organism has evolved another is to determine not merely the presence of this new increment, but also to determine its origin. Scientific investigation deals with phenomena which give evidence to the senses of a _transference_ of force from one form or from one manifestation to another. Transference is not increase--an effect can be no more than the evolution of what was potentially present in the cause; it cannot add to it. The origin of the force must be investigated according to intellectual laws. It has been argued that a Supreme Intelligence in manifesting his thought will, according to the necessary laws of rational activity, pass from the universal and general to the particular and individual, or from concepts involving few attributes to those involving these and others; and that these steps in the rational process must be represented in a corresponding physical series; and that the communication of thought is conditioned upon this physical representation. If the logical series comprises one thousand terms, each related to the preceding according to logical law the physical series must comprise one thousand terms, each physically related in such a manner as to reveal this law. As the highest generalization comprises the fewest attributes, the concrete expression of this idea will present the simplest possible physical form and the least complexity of organization, and thus will present the lowest types of life; and as the individual comprises the greatest number of attributes, its concrete expression will present the greatest complexity, and consequently the highest type of life. We have seen that the logical process begins with the general and ends with the individual; its material expression must therefore begin with the lowest orders and end with the highest. But the individual cannot be immediately derived from the general without the intervention of intermediate generalizations. No more in the concrete expression of this deduction can we pass from the lowest types to the highest without the intervention of an intermediate series. These intermediate terms are not capable of independent interpretation; they find their full explanation only in the extremes of the series--God and Man. If, then, in the intellectual process from the abstract and universal towards the concrete and individual, we find a constant evolution of idea, each advance being an addition to the previous conception, each new term in the series embracing all the attributes of the preceding, and differing only by addition; and if thought is possible only on this condition; it necessarily follows that the material representation of this thought must present physical forms similarly related, so that, leaving out of view the intellectual genesis of this relation, the observer might conclude that these forms compose a series evolved from a primordial cell in accordance with an organic law. But such we find to be the universal law of intellectual procedure: this apparent development or evolution must, therefore, be the condition of the communication of such intellectual process, and the physical terms are brought into this relation by the fact that they symbolize the logical process. If the material symbols of thought were unrelated physically, the thoughts thus expressed would also be unrelated and independent. But such a supposition readers Science impossible, for its one aim is to find the _same_ in the _different_. If there be no _same_, there can be no science: if there be no _different_, there can be no science. Thought proceeds by adding the _different_ to the _same_ in an endless series, and this addition of the _different_ to the _same_ expressed in concrete forms is what is called evolution. If no evolution were apparent in Nature, there could be no Science; for those steps which to the naturalist indicate evolution, being only the physical expression--the formulation--of the logical process, afford the means by which the student reaches the highest generalization. If these steps be wanting, he cannot proceed. Admitting then to its fullest extent the fact that, judged from a purely physical point of view, all organic forms seem to have been derived each from its immediate predecessor, by a mere functional impulse; and admitting that science is possible upon no other condition; we claim that these material forms are brought into such relation by intellectual evolution, and not by physical genesis; they represent an evolution of Thought and not an evolution of Matter. We know from consciousness that this process of evolution is the method of our thinking. We know also that the divine thought can be rendered intelligible to us upon no other hypothesis than that which supposes it to be governed by the laws which control human thought. Translating the physical symbols which we see about us, and which present this appearance of evolution, we infer that this is the method according to which the divine mind proceeded. Science will not materially err in its physical results, if it adopt the hypothesis of physical evolution, but it must confine its attention to physics; it is only as we attempt higher generalizations that the insufficiency of the hypothesis becomes manifest in its failure to satisfy the conditions of the problem as presented to philosophy. FOOTNOTES: [1] This, of course, does not absolutely determine the order of organic creation; as in the case of the syllogism the conclusion or either premise may be the proposition first enunciated, the order of expression being determined by circumstances. [2] Compare the demonstrations of Geometry. [3] As in the case of man after the death of the body. 
19701	----	CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY HEALTH WORK IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS LEONARD P. AYRES AND MAY AYRES [Illustration: CFS] THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION CLEVELAND · OHIO 1915 COPYRIGHT, 1915, BY THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION WM·F. FELL CO·PRINTERS PHILADELPHIA THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION Charles E. Adams, Chairman Thomas G. Fitzsimons Myrta L. Jones Bascom Little Victor W. Sincere Arthur D. Baldwin, Secretary James R. Garfield, Counsel Allen T. Burns, Director THE EDUCATIONAL SURVEY Leonard P. Ayres, Director [Illustration: Team work between physician and nurse in Cleveland.] FOREWORD This report on "Health Work in the Public Schools" is one of the 25 sections of the report of the Educational Survey of Cleveland conducted by the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation in 1915. Twenty-three of these sections will be published as separate monographs. In addition there will be a larger volume giving a summary of the findings and recommendations relating to the regular work of the public schools, and a second similar volume giving the summary of those sections relating to industrial education. Copies of all these publications may be obtained from the Cleveland Foundation. They may also be obtained from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. A complete list will be found in the back of this volume, together with prices. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Foreword 5 List of Illustrations and Diagrams 9 The Argument for Medical Inspection 11 Health and School Progress 13 Examinations for Physical Defects 14 Objections to Medical Inspection 16 How the Work Started 18 The Present System 20 The School Nurse 21 Cleveland's Dispensaries 24 Dental Clinics 28 Eye Clinics 30 Co-operation of College for Barbers 32 The Medical Inspection Staff 32 The Plan of Concentrating Interests 34 Uniform Procedure 37 Vaccination 39 Future Development 43 Ten Types of Health Work 46 Health and Education and Business 48 Summary 54 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE Team work between physician and nurse in Cleveland. _Frontispiece_ Tony's tonsils need attention 17 Either doctor or nurse visits every school every day 20 Cleveland's dispensaries are well equipped 25 The equipment of the Marion School dental clinic cost about $700 28 The eye clinic is advertised by its loving friends 31 Vaccinated children at Hodge School--50,000 more are unvaccinated 39 Shower baths installed in an old building in a crowded section 44 DIAGRAMS Number of children given physical examinations each year for five school years and number found to have physical defects 26 Per cent of physical defects corrected each year for five school years 36 HEALTH WORK IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS Cleveland employs 16 physicians, one oculist, and 27 nurses to take charge of the health of her school children. The city spends $36,000 a year on salaries and supplies for these people. There are 86 school dispensaries and clinics. Cleveland is making this heavy investment because she finds it pays. THE ARGUMENT FOR MEDICAL INSPECTION Medical inspection is an extension of the activities of the school in which the educator and the physician join hands to insure for each child such conditions of health and vitality as will best enable him to take full advantage of the free education offered by the state. Its object is to better health conditions among school children, safeguard them from disease, and render them healthier, happier, and more vigorous. It is founded upon a recognition of the intimate relationship between the physical and mental conditions of the children, and the consequent dependence of education on health conditions. In Cleveland, the value of medical inspection was recognized while the movement was still in its infancy in America. Here, as elsewhere, this sudden recognition of the imperative necessity for safeguarding the physical welfare of school children grew out of the discovery that compulsory education under modern city conditions meant compulsory disease. The state, to provide for its own protection, has decreed that all children must attend school, and has put in motion the all-powerful but indiscriminating agency of compulsory education, which gathers in the rich and the poor, the bright and the dull, the healthy and the sick. The object was to insure that these children should have sound minds. One of the unforeseen results was to insure that they should have unsound bodies. Medical inspection is the device created to remedy this condition. Its object is prevention and cure. Ever since its establishment the good results of medical inspection have been evident. Epidemics have been checked or avoided. Improvements have been noted in the cleanliness and neatness of the children. Teachers and parents have come to know that under the new system it is safe for children to continue in school in times of threatened or actual epidemic. HEALTH AND SCHOOL PROGRESS But medical inspection does not confine itself to dealing with contagious disease. Its aid has been invoked to help the child who is backward in his school studies. With the recent extensions in the length of the school term and the increase in the number of years of schooling demanded of the child, has come a great advance in the standards of the work required. When the standards were low, the work was not beyond the capacity of even the weaker children; but with close grading, fuller courses, higher standards, and constantly more insistent demands for intellectual attainment, conditions have changed. Pupils have been unable to keep up with their classes. The terms "backward," "retarded," and "exceptional," as applied to school children, have been added to the vocabularies of educators. School men discovered that the drag-net of compulsory education was bringing into school hundreds of children who were unable to keep step with their companions, and because this interfered with the orderly administration of the school system, they began to ask why the children were backward. The school physicians helped to find the answer when they showed that hundreds of these children were backward simply because of removable physical defects. And then came the next great forward step, the realization that children are not dullards through the will of an inscrutable Providence, but rather through the law of cause and effect. EXAMINATIONS FOR PHYSICAL DEFECTS This led to an extension of the scope of medical inspection to include the physical examination of school children with the aim of discovering whether or not they were suffering from such defects as would handicap their educational progress and prevent them from receiving the full benefit of the free education furnished by the state. This work was in its infancy five years ago, but today Cleveland has a thorough and comprehensive system of physical examination of its school children. Surprising numbers of children have been found who, through defective eyesight, have been seriously handicapped in their school work. Many are found to have defective hearing. Other conditions are found which have a great and formerly unrecognized influence on the welfare, happiness, and mental vigor of the child. Attention has been directed to the real significance of adenoids and enlarged tonsils, of swollen glands and carious teeth. Teachers and parents have come to realize that the problem of the pupil with defective eyesight may be quite as important to the community as that of the pupil who has some contagious disease. If a child who is unable to see distinctly is placed in a school where physical defects are unrecognized and disregarded, headaches, eyestrain, and failure follow all his efforts at study. He cannot see the blackboards and charts; printed books are indistinct or are seen only with much effort, everything is blurred. Neither he nor his teacher knows what is the matter, but he soon finds it impossible to keep pace with his companions, and, becoming discouraged, he falls behind in the unequal race. In no better plight is the child suffering from enlarged tonsils and adenoids, which prevent proper nasal breathing and compel him to keep his mouth open in order to breathe. Perhaps one of his troubles is deafness. He is soon considered stupid. This impression is strengthened by his poor progress in school. Through no fault of his own he is doomed to failure. He neglects his studies, hates his school, leaves long before he has completed the course, and is well started on the road to an inefficient and despondent life. Public schools are a public trust. When the parent delivers his child to their care he has a right to insist that the child under the supervision of the school authorities shall be safe from harm and shall be handed back to him in at least as good condition as when it entered school. Even if the parent does not insist upon it, the child himself has a right to claim protection. The child has a claim upon the state and the state a claim upon the child which demands recognition. Education without health is useless. It would be better to sacrifice the education if, in order to attain it, the child must lay down his good health as a price. Education must comprehend the whole man and the whole man is built fundamentally on what he is physically. OBJECTIONS TO MEDICAL INSPECTION The objection that the school has no right to permit or require medical inspection of the children will not bear close scrutiny or logical analysis. The authority which has the right to compel attendance at school has the added duty of insisting that no harm shall come to those who go there. The exercise of the power to enforce school attendance is dangerous if it is not accompanied by an appreciation of the duty of seeing to it that the assembling of pupils brings to the individual no physical detriment. [Illustration: Tony's tonsils need attention.] Nor are the schools, in assuming the medical oversight of the pupils, trespassing upon the domain of private rights and initiative. Under medical inspection, what is done for the parent is to tell him of the needs of his child, of which he might otherwise have been in ignorance. It leaves to the parent the duty of meeting those needs. It leaves him with a larger responsibility than before. It is difficult to find a logical basis for the argument that the school has not the right to inform the parents of defects present in the child, and to advise as to remedial measures which should be taken to remove them. The justification of the state in assuming the function of education and in making that education compulsory is to insure its own preservation and efficiency. Whether or not it is successful will depend on the degree to which its individual members are spiritually prepared for modern co-operation. But the well-being of a state is as much dependent upon the strength, health, and productive capacity of its members as it is upon their knowledge and intelligence. In order that it may insure the efficiency of its citizens, the state, through its compulsory education enactments, requires its youth to pursue certain studies which experience has proved necessary to secure that efficiency. Individual efficiency, however, rests not alone on education or intelligence, but is equally dependent on physical health and vigor. Hence, if the state may make mandatory training in intelligence, it may also command training to secure physical soundness and capacity. Health is the foundation on which rests the happiness of a people and the power of a nation. HOW THE WORK STARTED The first work of this kind in Cleveland is described in Superintendent Jones' report for 1900. In that year the schools became greatly interested in the question of defective vision. Tests were made by teachers in different grades, and as a result over 2,000 children were given treatment. In 1906, an agreement was reached with the Board of Health, so that each alternate day a health inspector communicated with the principal of every school. Teachers were warned to be on the alert for symptoms of illness, and children showing signs of measles, whooping cough, scarlet fever, or other common diseases of childhood, were reported to the principal, and through her to the Board of Health. Contagious cases were excluded from school as soon as detected, and a systematic campaign started against the waves of disease which were sweeping one after another through the schools. In the same year Drs. L. W. Childs, J. H. McHenry, H. L. Sanford, and other members of the medical profession volunteered their services as school physicians, to detect not only cases of possible contagion, but also the existence of physical defects. What was probably the first school dispensary in the United States was opened at the request of Dr. Childs by the Board of Education in 1907 at the Murray Hill School. The value of school dispensaries was so immediately evident that by 1909 seven others were established for the use of these three physicians. Coincident with the dispensaries came the school nurse. When the first nurse was appointed at the Murray Hill School, a remarkable change was observed among the children. Absences became less frequent. Skin diseases were rare. Children began to take an interest in health matters, and there was a marked rise in standards of neatness and cleanliness. Teachers and principals united in their demand for more nurses, until within a year after the movement started there were six nurses appointed by the Board of Education and regularly employed in school work. In the same year, December, 1909, the Board of Education formally voted to establish a Division of Health Supervision and Inspection as part of the regular school system. THE PRESENT SYSTEM As it is at present organized, the Division handles inspection for contagious disease, inspection for physical and mental defects, follow-up work for the remedying of defects, health instruction, recommendation of children to schools for the physically and mentally handicapped, school lunches, gardens, and playgrounds. Either the nurse or physician reports at each school every day of the year. Once during the year each child is given a careful physical examination, and further examinations are made when they are needed. All serious defects are reported to parents, and in cases where treatment is important, parents are urged to consult with the school doctor concerning the nature of the difficulty and the best means of curing it. To supplement these interviews, the school nurse spends a large part of her time in visiting homes, talking with parents, noting conditions under which children live, and making suggestions as to home care. [Illustration: Either doctor or nurse visits every school every day.] Some idea of the complexity of this work may be gained from the Division records for 1914-1915. From the beginning of September to the end of June--a period of 38 school weeks--doctors and nurses examined 74,725 children; gave private interviews to 2,547 parents; made 5,675 visits to dispensaries; 10,603 visits to homes; and gave 76,240 treatments and dressings. In addition, they gave 775 toothbrush drills, and 19,406 individual or class health talks to the pupils of the public schools during the year. THE SCHOOL NURSE The value of the school nurse is one feature of medical inspection of schools about which there is no division of opinion. Her services have abundantly demonstrated their utility, and her employment has quite passed the experimental stage. The introduction of the trained nurse into the service of education has been rapid, and few school innovations have met with such widespread support and enthusiastic approval. The reason for this is that the school nurse supplies the motive force which makes medical inspection effective. The school physician's discovery of defects and diseases is of little use if the result is only the entering of the fact on the record card or the exclusion of the child from school. The notice sent to parents telling of the child's condition and advising that the family physician be consulted, represents wasted effort if the parents fail to realize the import of the notification or if there be no family physician to consult. If the physical examination has for its only result the entering of words upon record cards, then pediculosis and tuberculosis are of precisely equal importance. The nurse avoids such ineffective lost motions by converting them into efficient functioning through assisting the physician in his examinations, personally following up the cases to insure remedial action, and educating teachers, children, and parents in practical applied hygiene. Some idea of the work of the school nurses in Cleveland may be gained from the following record of what one nurse did during one day while the survey was in progress. It represents a typical day's work for a typical nurse and is not especially unusual. 8:30 A. M. Home call to get permission to take child to school headquarters for mental examination. Called at Case-Woodland School to examine child with sore throat. Took a child home to have mother clean her up. Called at Harmon School. Treated 10 cases of impetigo, three of toothache, two of ringworm. Took two children home to be cleaned up. Inspected 50 children. Gave health talk. Tried to locate a boy who is to attend partial blind class at Harmon School. Found boy was transferred from Harmon School to Marion School last year. Called at Marion School but found no trace of boy. Called at address to which child was supposed to have moved; no such number. Called at Kennard School to see if Miss O'Neill remembered him at Marion School; found no trace of him. Called at two homes in regard to enlarged tonsils and defective vision. 1:15 P. M. Mayflower School: boy with sprained ankle, soaked in hot water, strapped with adhesive. Treated four cases of impetigo, one cut finger, opened two boils. Conference with mother at school. Instructed her in case of child's discharging ear. Inspected 62 children. Called at two homes to secure treatment for defective teeth. Advised mother to send children to Marion Dental Clinic. To sum up the case for the school nurse: She is the teacher of the parents, the pupils, the teachers, and the family in applied practical hygiene. Her work prevents loss of time on the part of the pupils and vastly reduces the number of exclusions for contagious diseases. She cures minor ailments in the school and clinic and furnishes efficient aid in emergencies. She gives practical demonstrations in the home of required treatments, often discovering there the source of the trouble, which, if undiscovered, would render useless the work of the medical inspector in the school. The school nurse is the most efficient possible link between the school and the home. Her work is immensely important in its direct results and far-reaching in its indirect influences. Among foreign populations she is a very potent force for Americanization. CLEVELAND'S DISPENSARIES Cleveland has 86 school dispensaries, or what are usually termed "physicians' offices." These are rooms about 20 feet long by 15 feet wide, located in the basement or on the first floor of the school building, well lighted, and painted in white or light colors. Usually they contain one or two small white enamel tables, several chairs, a wash basin with running water, a white enamel pail for waste materials, wooden tongue depressors, eye charts, a medical cabinet filled with instruments and supplies, filing boxes, and printed forms. In 37 of the elementary schools, shower baths are provided as part of the equipment of the building. [Illustration: Cleveland's dispensaries are well equipped.] Cleveland's dispensaries are of exceptionally high grade. In every case lighting, ventilation, and equipment are good. Many of the rooms are large enough for conferences and hygiene talks, and in at least one school--East Madison--the dispensary is used with desirable psychological effect for the regular meetings of the Mothers' Club. The excellence of Cleveland's school dispensaries has contributed in no small measure to the efficiency of the medical service, and money spent in this way has been a wise investment. It is probably true that Cleveland's dispensaries are of better grade than those of any other large city in the United States. [Illustration: Columns are proportionate in height to the number of children given physical examinations each year for five school years. Portion in black indicates number having physical defects. The figures above the columns show how many thousands of children were examined and how many found defective in each year.] These dispensaries have proved of the greatest value in rendering the physical examinations of the children more effective and efficient. This work is very different from that which relates to the detection of contagious diseases. The latter is primarily a protective measure and looks mainly to the immediate safeguarding of the health of the community. The former aims at securing physical soundness and vitality and looks far into the future. The physical examinations conducted in these dispensaries have shown conclusively that a large percentage of the Cleveland children--like those of all other cities--suffer from defective vision to the extent of requiring an oculist's care if they are to do their work properly, and if permanent injury to their eyes is to be avoided. More than this, a considerable proportion of the children are so seriously defective in hearing that their school work suffers severely. Most important of all, only a small minority of these defects of sight and hearing are discovered by teachers or known to them, to the parents, or to the children themselves. When the children attempt to do their school work while suffering from these defects, among the results may be counted permanent injury to the eyes, severe injury to the nervous system due to eyestrain, and depression and discouragement, owing to inability to see and hear clearly. Moreover, there are other defects, in particular those of nose, throat, and teeth, which are common among children and which have an important bearing upon their present health and future development. The importance of these defects is emphasized by the fact that, if discovered early enough, they may easily be remedied or modified, whereas neglect leads, almost invariably, to permanent impairment of physical condition. These are the reasons why Cleveland's heavy investment in school dispensaries is yielding a return in enhanced health, happiness, and vigor probably unexcelled by the dividends from any other sort of educational expenditure. DENTAL CLINICS Dental work for school children was introduced about a year ago by the Cleveland Auxiliary of the National Mouth Hygiene Association. Building space is provided by the Board of Education in four schools, Stanard, Lawn, Fowler, and Marion. The Association furnishes equipment, dentists, and assistants. Clinics are open three forenoons a week and are crowded to capacity. [Illustration: The equipment of the Marion School dental clinic cost about $700.] When this work started, it was frankly an experiment. Through wise and thoughtful management the Mouth Hygiene Association has shown that dental clinics for school children are both practical and necessary. This having been demonstrated, the time has come when the city should take over their direction. Cleveland should no longer rely upon the activity of a private organization, but at an early date should assume full financial and administrative responsibility for dental clinics in the public schools. Dr. William Osler, the distinguished English physician, is credited with saying, "If I were asked to say whether more physical deterioration was produced by alcohol or by defective teeth, I should say unhesitatingly, defective teeth." The development of the movement for dental inspection of school children in Cleveland shows that the educational system has been awakening to a realization of the truth and significance of Dr. Osler's statement. The most salient fact in the situation is that the commonest of all physical defects among school children is decayed teeth. Cases of dental defectiveness are frequently greater in number than are all other sorts of physical defects combined. Moreover, it is probably true that there is no single ailment of school children which is directly or indirectly responsible for so great an amount of misery, disease, and mental and physical handicap. These are reasons why Cleveland should steadfastly continue in the maintenance and development of the dental clinics. EYE CLINICS An eye clinic is maintained by the Department of Medical Inspection at the Brownell School. This clinic is open every afternoon during the school year. The method of procedure is as follows: During the routine physical examinations of children by the doctors in the different schools, the vision is tested and, if found defective, the parents are advised of it by note. The nurse then follows up the case and if she finds that the parents are unable to pay for an examination by an oculist, she takes the child to the school clinic, after having obtained the written consent of the parent. There the child is given a thorough and accurate examination, the eyes being first dilated with homatropin and the error of refraction determined by means of the retinoscope. The proper glasses are ordered for the child and in a few days he is brought back to the clinic and the frames carefully adjusted. The nurse then keeps in touch with the case, seeing to it that the child wears the glasses, that the frames are straight, and that the symptoms of which the child complained are relieved. [Illustration: The eye clinic is advertised by its loving friends.] Many parents are unable to pay an oculist's fee but are able and willing to pay a small amount for glasses and in these cases a nominal charge is made for them. Experience has shown that if a charge, no matter how small, is made for the glasses better care is taken of them and better results are obtained. In some cases there has been opposition on the part of the parents to the child's wearing glasses, but usually the nurse has been able to prove to them the necessity and has obtained their consent. During the school year 1914-15, the total number of dispensary visits was 1,913. In 665 cases the eyes were refracted and in 500 cases glasses were furnished. In about 75 per cent of the cases the children's symptoms are relieved and their scholarship is improved. In about 10 per cent of the cases the symptoms are not relieved. About five per cent of the children refuse to wear the glasses. The remaining 10 per cent of the children cannot be located because they have moved from the city or been transferred to private schools. The value of the work of the eye clinic is beyond question. There are no other clinics in connection with the Cleveland public school system. Mental examinations are made by a special teacher appointed for that purpose. All surgical cases are referred to family physicians or local hospitals for treatment. CO-OPERATION OF COLLEGE FOR BARBERS Rather an unusual form of clinical work is found in service rendered by students of the Cleveland College for Barbers. In several districts an arrangement between the school physician and the college provides that free hair cuts be furnished pupils at intervals during the school year. The coming of the barber is an event eagerly greeted, and principals report that as a result children show increased pride in personal appearance. THE MEDICAL INSPECTION STAFF The organization of the staff deserves special comment. The physicians employed are mature men, graduates of well-known medical schools. The youngest medical inspector on the staff is 29, the oldest 46, and the average age of all the doctors is 36. They are picked men, selected for the work because of their skill, intelligence, and social viewpoint. They are splendidly representative of the medical profession in Cleveland. They have fairly wide private practices and in many cases are carrying on the school work at real financial sacrifice because of their interest in the problems it involves. Their assistants are all registered nurses from the Visiting Nurses Association and distinctly high grade women. Medical inspectors receive $100 a month during the school year. They are required to give three and one-half hours a day, five days a week, to work in the schools, inclusive of traveling time between buildings. Nurses are paid on the schedule of the Visiting Nurses Association and salaries range from $60 to $80 depending upon length of service. The upper limit will probably be raised to $85 in the near future. Nurses are on duty from 8:30 to 4:30 every weekday except Saturday, when work ends at noon. Nurses are regularly employed only during the school year, but two are retained longer for service in summer schools. The efficiency of doctors and nurses is in no small measure due to the frequent informal conferences of the staff. In addition to many smaller conferences, once each month the entire staff meets--nurses as well as physicians--to discuss problems which have arisen during the preceding weeks, and makes plans for the future. These meetings are very informal; nurses are urged to take part in the discussion, and the result is the enthusiastic co-operation of the entire staff. THE PLAN OF CONCENTRATING INTERESTS An interesting feature of organization is the plan whereby each year a different series of problems is attacked, and the energies of the entire staff directed along this line. Thus, 1910-1911 shows special emphasis laid upon eye defects, and nearly 11,000 children were found in need of glasses. In 1911-1912, although the number of defects discovered increased, the number of children examined strikingly decreased. Extra study was made of adenoids, glands, nutrition, and goitre. The following year less emphasis was laid on discovering defects and the entire staff united in an effort toward correcting those already noted. Practically every child in the system was examined. At the same time one member specialized on hunting for tuberculosis cases and another on mental examinations of backward children. In 1913-1914, the force was especially interested in the question of communicable disease and the proportion of conjunctivitis, ring worm, impetigo, scabies, and pediculosis discovered and treated was very large. As a natural accompaniment of this activity, the number of home visits and school treatments decidedly increased. In addition, there was a notable rise in the frequency with which parents came to the dispensary for conferences with the doctor about their children. The record for 1914-1915 shows a decrease in the number of home visits, which is partly accounted for by the fact that the number of dispensary visits made by nurses has practically doubled. The number of parent consultations with doctors has increased by one-half the record for 1914, and in contrast with 500 health talks given to classes by nurses last year, we have 1,260 talks by physicians and 4,431 by nurses to classes in 1914-1915. This method of varied problems is unquestionably effective in promoting growth and maintaining interest on the part of the staff. Care should be taken, however, to provide that within each four-year period--twice during the eight years of school life--special emphasis be laid upon the discovery and cure of each of the more important defects. How this emphasis should be distributed is a matter best decided by the staff in conference. It might be found advisable to adopt a plan whereby special attention is given to teeth, adenoids, tonsils, and glands in the lower grades; posture and heart in the upper grades; and eyes, hearing, lungs, and nutrition straight through the grades. Whatever plan is adopted must be the result of study, consultation, and experiment, in an endeavor to find the most economical investment of effort on the part of nurses and doctors in terms of results gained. [Illustration: Columns are proportionate in height to the per cent of physical defects corrected each year for five school years.] Speech defects are very common among children. At first they yield readily to treatment, but if allowed to continue through the adolescent period the habit becomes fixed so that trying to cure it is a difficult and often fruitless task. Judging from the experience of other cities, about 200 boys and 800 girls in the Cleveland public school system are suffering from some form of speech defect. There are few fields in which the medical inspection department has such an opportunity for effective work and in which so little has been done. Effort should be made to locate these children, and form them into groups for daily training, under the direction of a teacher specially prepared to handle speech cases. UNIFORM PROCEDURE In the fall of 1914, the medical staff conducted a survey of its own efficiency. A committee prepared questions concerning procedure, and secured answers from each member of the staff. These answers were compared and discussed in staff meetings and uniform rules were finally adopted for examinations and recording. In line with this, the staff somewhat earlier prepared rules for reporting defects so that all records may be compiled on the same basis. This standardization of work is an especially noteworthy feature of the Cleveland system, and should furnish valuable suggestions to medical inspection departments of other cities. A few of the rules adopted by the staff will serve to indicate the nature of their work: _Teeth_--Report decayed first or second teeth, and reddened and inflamed gums. Do not report loose first teeth. _Tonsils_--Report cases with histories of recurrent tonsilitis, and where the size of the tonsils causes difficulty of swallowing or thick speech. Do not report moderately enlarged tonsils with no history of tonsilitis nor evidence of mechanical obstruction. _Adenoids_--Report mouth breathers with characteristic adenoid faces, convincing yourself as to diagnosis by having the pupil say "l, m, n, o, p." Do not try to confirm the diagnosis of adenoids by a digital examination of the nasopharynx. _Glands_--Report general glandular enlargement and cervical enlargement of the lymphatic glands accompanied by malnutrition and anemia. Do not report submaxillary enlargement in recurrent tonsilitis or carious teeth or post-cervical enlargement in pediculosis capitis, or in impetigo or eczema of the scalp. As a result of rules such as these, a given report means the same thing to every member of the staff; only important defects are stressed; and the effort to remedy them is concentrated where it will be most effective. Statistics based on records such as these will be reliable and may be used for scientific study. VACCINATION Thirteen years ago smallpox visited Cleveland. Twelve hundred and forty-eight cases were reported. There were 30 cases of black smallpox. Many of the patients were blinded or disfigured for life; 224 died. We find in the annual report of the Board of Health for that year: "It was the smallpox we read about, that terrible scourge which struck terror into the former generations. Its contagious nature showed itself everywhere. One case, if not promptly reported to the health office and removed to the hospital, would invariably infect the whole neighborhood. Its severity manifested itself even in the milder cases, while confluent cases, almost without exception, developed hemorrhages during the pustular state.... At the Mayor's request, a meeting of physicians was held ... to consider the smallpox situation.... Vaccination was recommended on all sides, but the people were not prone to get vaccinated.... Wholesale vaccination was finally effected by the action of the School Council and the help of the Chamber of Commerce. The School Council amended the vaccination clause, making vaccination a conditio sine qua non for attending school and giving the health officer the whole control of the matter. Without this amendment the schools could not have opened last fall. The situation was too critical. With it, the opening of the schools helped greatly to exterminate smallpox. Every school, public and private, was put in the charge of a physician.... The doctors worked with a will, and if anything was done thoroughly and conscientiously in this city, it was the vaccination of all teachers and pupils last fall.... Through the influence of the Chamber of Commerce the employers prevailed on their employees to get vaccinated. Also to have everyone of their family vaccinated. The consequence was that the people got vaccinated by tens of thousands. Men who formerly spurned the vaccinator from their door came now to his office.... The city paid for 195,000 vaccinations." In 1910 smallpox again broke out, this time in the southeastern part of the city, and threatened to spread over the entire community. With vivid memories of earlier horrors, the disease was met at the outset with vigorous measures. It was discovered that in spite of the experience of the Board of Education eight years before, and without regard to the rule which provided that "No teacher or pupil shall attend any school without furnishing satisfactory certificate that he or she has been successfully vaccinated or otherwise protected from smallpox," unvaccinated children had been admitted to the public schools literally by thousands. By the time that 63 cases of smallpox had been reported the Board of Health again took matters into its own hands, entered the schools, and vaccinated 55,000 school children. Equally vigorous measures were taken among adults and the epidemic was checked. Every year since 1910 there have been cases of smallpox in Cleveland. The Board of Health no longer relies upon the Board of Education to protect the lives of the community against the scourge. Where 70,000 children are gathered together daily for hours at a stretch, the possibilities of spreading disease throughout the city at large constitute a grave menace. Therefore, immediately upon the report of a case of smallpox, the Board of Health officials exercise their right of entry into the schools of that district, and either vaccinate or exclude from attendance every child who could himself become a carrier of the disease. During the present year over 1,400 children were vaccinated in this way. That vaccination prevents smallpox no intelligent person acquainted with the facts can doubt. An overwhelming mass of incontrovertible evidence can be found in every medical library. The mortality statistics of different countries tell the same story. A single example shows the general experience: In seven provinces of the Philippine Islands there were 6,000 deaths annually from smallpox alone. In his 1906 report, Dr. Victor G. Heiser, Director of Health in the Islands, describes how drastic measures were taken to stamp out the disease. Under his direction practically three million one hundred thousand persons were vaccinated. The following year, instead of 6,000 deaths from smallpox, there was not one. For 13 years the Board of Education has had upon its books a rule requiring vaccination as a prerequisite to admission to the schools. That rule has never been adequately enforced. In July, 1914, City Ordinance 32846-B was passed, one section of which reads: "No superintendent, principal, or teacher of any public, parochial, private school, or other institution, nor any parent, guardian, or other person, shall permit any child not having been successfully vaccinated, nor having had smallpox, to attend school." Although passed a year ago, that ordinance has not yet been enforced. Exact figures cannot be secured, but it is probable that there are in the Cleveland schools today more than 50,000 unvaccinated children. For each of these the superintendent, principal, teacher, and parent may be held liable to a $200 fine, 60 days imprisonment, or both. FUTURE DEVELOPMENT Compared with other large cities, Cleveland has an unusually good system of medical inspection. Where other cities are still struggling with details of organization, record keeping, and the like, Cleveland is ready to lead the way into new and immensely important fields. Medical inspection includes four fields of endeavor: prevention of epidemics, discovery and cure of physical defects, provision of healthful surroundings, and formation of correct habits of thought and action in regard to health. The first two are concerned with remedying present conditions, and here Cleveland is doing excellent work. The latter two provide health insurance for the future. In these, Cleveland has made a beginning but should carry her efforts far in advance of anything now attempted. Thirteen years ago a crusade was started against the common drinking cup. Today there is not a school in the city which is not supplied with sanitary drinking fountains, and the common cup is a thing of the past. Nine years ago individual towels were supplied to children in certain schools. At the present time individual towels, soap, and hot water are available in every building. In 1906 the first shower bath was installed in an elementary school. Now there are 37 buildings so equipped. The windows in some of the classes for the blind are made of amber tinted glass. For years there has been agitation in favor of adjustable seats and desks, and although conditions in certain schools are still very bad, these are exceptions, and the general seating provision is in accordance with the laws of hygiene. [Illustration: Shower baths installed in an old building in a crowded section.] But the Division of Medical Inspection must go farther than this. The physician must join with the psychologist and the educator in scientific research to determine the conditions best suited to the education of the child. Shall blackboards be of slate, composition board, or glass? Shall they be colored black, green, or ivory white? Is light chalk on a dark ground better or worse than dark chalk on a light ground? Is prismatic window glass superior to plain? To what extent is glare from polished desks detrimental to eyesight? How large must be the type in textbooks in order that young children may easily read it? What variations from the present school program are necessary in order to make adequate provision for change in the use of different sets of muscles, and relief from nerve strain? These questions and hundreds of others are facing educational authorities. The method of answering them affects not only the children of one city but the children of all cities throughout the country. Everywhere schoolmen are on the alert to gain information which will help in solving these problems. In addition to regular work of inspection and examination, the doctors and nurses of Cleveland spend a great deal of time in conferences with parents, talks with teachers, lessons and talks to children, toothbrush drills, and the like. The importance of work of this kind can hardly be overestimated, but it must be far more than "talks at people." It should be the aim of the Department of Medical Inspection to establish right habits in regard to health. For this reason, although both methods are helpful, drill in the use of the toothbrush is more effective than lectures on the need of using it. As a result of the work of doctors and nurses, Cleveland's children,--and her teachers as well,--should not only believe in plenty of sleep, but should go to bed early; not only disapprove of too much tea and coffee, but have strength to refuse when it is offered. Through classes for the anemic and pre-tubercular, the public schools help each year between two and three hundred children. This is worth doing, but they will render a far greater service to Cleveland if, in addition, they succeed in giving to 80,000 children, so firmly that it will never be broken, the habit of sleeping winter and summer with wide open windows. The dentist, the oculist, the physician, should come to be regarded, not as dispensers of cures nor sympathetic listeners to hypochondriacs, but as leaders to whom intelligent people go in order to forestall trouble,--specialists in health rather than disease. Leading its future citizens to form right habits of thinking and acting in regard to health is one of the greatest educational services which the public school can render. TEN TYPES OF HEALTH WORK As the work in Cleveland develops, it should aim to include all those types of activity which extended and varied experience has shown to better the health of school children, safeguard them from disease, and render them healthier, happier, and more vigorous. Among such activities the following are of special importance: 1. Medical inspection for preventing the spread of contagious disease and for the discovery and cure of remediable physical defects. 2. Dental inspection for the purpose of securing sound teeth among these school children. 3. The steady development of the work of the school nurses to the end that their co-operation with doctors, teachers, and parents may progressively contribute toward improving the health of the children. 4. Open-air schools for giving to the physically weak such advantages of pure air, good food, and warm sunshine as may enable them to pursue their studies while regaining their physical vigor. 5. Special classes and schools for the physically handicapped and mentally exceptional in which children may receive the care and instruction fitted to their needs. 6. School gardens, which serve as nature study laboratories, where education and recreation go hand in hand, and increased knowledge is accompanied by increased bodily efficiency. 7. School playgrounds, which afford space, facilities, opportunity, and incentive for the expression of play instincts and impulses. 8. Organized athletics, which aid in physical development, and afford training in alertness, intense application, vigorous exertion, loyalty, obedience to law and order, self-control, self-sacrifice, and respect for the rights of others. 9. Systematic instruction and practice in personal and community hygiene and sanitation. 10. The progressive improvement of all adjuncts of better sanitation in school houses, such as sanitary drinking cups and fountains, systems of vacuum cleaning, improved systems of lighting, heating, and ventilation. HEALTH AND EDUCATION AND BUSINESS There is one condition in the Cleveland school system which rises like a mighty barrier against the possibility of completely fulfilling any such program of health education as that outlined in the 10 planks of the preceding platform. This is the fundamental fact that the Cleveland school authorities have not yet conceived of health work as being an integral part of education. In this city the work of the Board of Education is divided into three main departments. These are the executive department, the educational department, and the department of the clerk. The executive department is under the leadership of the director of schools and it deals with the business activities of the Board. The educational department is under the superintendent of schools and deals with teaching. Under this organization the activities carried on by the Board of Education must be assigned to one or another of the departments and this entails in most cases arriving at a decision as to whether the work in question is predominantly of an educational nature or of a business nature. In dealing with health work in the public schools, the Board of Education rendered its decision both ways. It decided that provision for health in education was a series of business transactions and so it placed medical inspection in the executive department under the leadership of the director. It also decided that provision for education in health was a teaching problem and so it placed physical education and training in physiology and hygiene under the direction of the superintendent of schools. Despite its decision that provision for health in education is a business matter, while provision for education in health is a teaching matter, the Board realized that some sort of unity was essential if the different sides of the work were carried forward efficiently. They met this situation by employing a competent director of health work and giving him an official dual personality. As the official held responsible for health in education, he is the director of medical inspection and is subordinate to the director of schools. As the official responsible for education in health, he is an assistant superintendent and is responsible to the superintendent of schools. In one capacity he is appointed by the superintendent and receives a portion of his salary from educational funds. In his other capacity he is appointed by the director of schools and paid from business appropriations. As an employee of the educational department, he is appointed for a term of one year, but as an employee of the business department, he is on the civil service list with an indeterminate period of employment. In his educational capacity, he may arrange for the organization of basketball teams for this is held to be a matter of physical education, but in order to have a basketball game actually played at any time outside of regular school hours, he must get the permission of the director, for this is held to be a business transaction. Instruction in infant hygiene is given to the girls in the upper grades. Part of the teaching is done by the regular teachers, the rest by the nurses of the medical inspection department. When the instruction is given by the teachers, it is considered an educational activity and is under the supervision of the superintendent; when the same class is taught by the nurse, it is considered a business transaction and is under the authority of the director. As chief medical inspector, representing the business department, this official discovers a feeble-minded child whom he wishes to transfer to a special class. Since the transfer of this child is an educational problem, he reports the matter to the assistant superintendent in charge of the district. Since the medical inspector is also an assistant superintendent, these two men are co-ordinate educational officials. The assistant superintendent of the district reports the requested transfer to the city superintendent who deals with the matter as an educational problem and issues an order to the chief medical inspector in his capacity as assistant superintendent in charge of physical education to make the transfer. This whole situation, which arises from assigning some phases of the health work to the business department and other phases to the educational department, has not given rise to as many or as serious difficulties as might well be expected. This relative freedom from trouble and friction is an impressive tribute to the unremitting tactfulness of the officials most directly concerned. The chief medical inspector is a conspicuous example of a man defying holy writ by successfully serving two masters. Health work in Cleveland public schools is on a higher plane than in most other cities. Its present accomplishments have carried it further than similar work has gone elsewhere. Its future possibilities are unusually bright because the early stages of development have been successfully passed. The one thing that we may be sure of is that this future development will tend toward an ever closer relationship and more intimate intermingling of the activities which make for health in education and those which are directed toward education in health. Each new development and each forward step renders a separation of the work into educational and business activities progressively difficult. To discover decayed teeth and to teach children to care for their teeth are intimately related matters and their separation is bound to be theoretical and not real. To attempt to separate the testing of vision from teaching concerning the conservation of vision is to lose an opportunity for the most effective sort of instruction. Similarly, if one scrutinizes all of the 10 items that have been suggested as indicating the health activities which Cleveland should continue to develop in its public schools, he can hardly fail to appreciate the utter impossibility of successfully dividing the work into certain activities which shall be educational and certain other activities which shall be business. Sooner or later the theory that this can be done will be destroyed by the logic of events, for health work in our public schools is constantly becoming a more intimate and integral part of the every-day education of all the children. Sooner or later serious difficulties are bound to arise from an administratively unsound arrangement in which a school official in charge of a most important division of work is responsible to two entirely independent chiefs. The opportunities for honest but irreconcilable conflict of views are so numerous that they will surely arise in time. One chief may favor vaccination and the other be opposed to it on principle. One may deem it the duty of the schools to have the doctors and nurses give instruction in sex hygiene while the other may be utterly against anything of the sort. One may hold that the only useful physical exercise is that gained through games and athletics, while the other may favor formal gymnastics. One may believe in school gardens, and the other deem them a waste of time and money. One may believe that courses in infant hygiene should be provided for the girls in the upper grammar grades, while the other may hold that such instruction should be reserved for continuation classes for young women. All of these are matters on which educational authorities are sharply divided in opinion and there are many more of the same nature. The present director of schools, the present superintendent of schools, and the present chief medical inspector have so far worked successfully under the present arrangement of divided duties and responsibilities, but a reorganization along sounder administrative lines should be made before, instead of after, serious trouble arises. Eventually, if not now, Cleveland must realize that health work in education must be placed under the direction of the city's highest educational official who is the city superintendent of schools. SUMMARY 1. Cleveland employs 16 school physicians, one oculist, and 27 nurses. It spends $36,000 a year on salaries and supplies for these people, and maintains 86 school dispensaries and clinics. 2. Through medical inspection, the educator and the physician join hands to insure for each child such conditions of health and vitality as will best enable him to take full advantage of the free education offered by the state. It recognizes the intimate relationship between the physical and mental conditions of children. It realizes that education is dependent upon health. It betters health conditions among school children, safeguards them from disease, and renders them healthier, happier, and more vigorous. 3. The first work of this kind in Cleveland started in 1900 when tests were made of defective vision. In 1906 the Health Department provided inspectors for contagious diseases in the schools. In the same year inspection for physical defects was undertaken; the first dispensary in the United States was established at the Murray Hill School, and school nurses were appointed. In 1909 the Division of Health Supervision and Inspection became part of the regular school system. 4. The Division handles inspection for contagious disease, inspection for physical and mental defects, follow-up work for the remedying of defects, health instruction, recommendations of children to special classes, school lunches, gardens, and playgrounds. Every child is examined every year. 5. Cleveland has 86 dispensaries. In every case lighting, ventilation, and equipment are good. It is probably true that these dispensaries are of better grade than those of any other large city in the United States. 6. Dental clinics are now conducted in four public schools by the Cleveland Auxiliary of the National Mouth Hygiene Association. This work has now reached a point where it should be taken over and administered as a part of the public school system. The function of a private organization is to experiment and demonstrate. It cannot eventuate on a large scale, and it should not if it could. The function of a public organization is to eventuate on a large scale. It can seldom experiment, and it lacks freedom and flexibility in demonstration. The Mouth Hygiene Association has experimented and demonstrated successfully. Its work should now be assumed, continued, and extended by the Division of Medical Inspection. 7. The eye clinic conducted by the Division at the Brownell School is doing excellent work. As the system grows, this clinic should be supplied with more workers. The Cleveland College for Barbers gives an excellent free service in many of the schools. There are no other clinics. Mental examinations are made by a special teacher appointed for that purpose. All surgical cases are referred to family physicians or local hospitals for treatment. 8. Medical inspectors are mature men, graduates of well-known medical schools, with a fairly wide private practice. The school nurses are all registered nurses. 9. The number of school nurses should be increased as rapidly as possible until one nurse is provided on full time for every 2000 children enrolled in school. This would mean the employment of 11 additional nurses, increasing the staff from 27 to 34. As the population increases, more nurses should be added. 10. Office consultations between parents and physicians are among the most important activities of the Division and should be systematically encouraged. To this end arrangements should be made whereby definite hours for parent consultations are assigned to each school. 11. The Division of Medical Inspection has so organized its work that the attention of the staff is concentrated upon a different set of problems each year. This method is unquestionably effective in promoting growth and maintaining the interest of the staff. Care should be taken, however, to provide that within each four-year period special emphasis be laid upon the discovery and cure of each of the more important defects. Some plan should be adopted by the staff whereby effort may be concentrated on discovering and remedying defects at those ages where such expenditure of time and energy will secure the largest returns. 12. Adequate provision should be made for the correction of speech defects. Classes in speech training should be established under the direction of a teacher specially trained in this work. 13. Standardization of work is an especially noteworthy feature of the Cleveland system, and should furnish valuable suggestions to medical inspection departments of other cities. Through this standardization the same terms have uniform meanings when used by different members of the staff, and constant standards are employed in detecting and recording defects. 14. There are probably more than 50,000 unvaccinated children now in the Cleveland schools. Immediate steps should be taken to see to it that every child now in school is vaccinated, and that no child is admitted to school hereafter without similar protection. Principals, teachers, and parents should be held responsible for violation of the vaccination ordinance. 15. The Division of Medical Inspection should plan steadily to enlarge its field of activity in order to provide in constantly increasing measure better working conditions in the schools and to train the children into habits of health that shall be life-long. It is probable that the health work in the Cleveland public schools is unsurpassed by that of any other city in the country. The city now has an opportunity to lead the way into vastly important forward extensions looking toward the provision of health insurance for future generations. 16. Under the present organization, the official in charge of health work is responsible to the director of schools in part of his activities and to the superintendent in the rest of them. He should be responsible to the city superintendent alone, for health work in the public schools is education and not business. CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY SECTIONAL REPORTS These reports can be secured from the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio. They will be sent postpaid for 25 cents per volume with the exception of "Measuring the Work of the Public Schools" by Judd, "The Cleveland School Survey" by Ayres, and "Wage Earning and Education" by Lutz. These three volumes will be sent for 50 cents each. All of these reports may be secured at the same rates from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. Child Accounting in the Public Schools--Ayres. Educational Extension--Perry. Education through Recreation--Johnson. Financing the Public Schools--Clark. Health Work in the Public Schools--Ayres. Household Arts and School Lunches--Boughton. Measuring the Work of the Public Schools--Judd. Overcrowded Schools and the Platoon Plan--Hartwell. School Buildings and Equipment--Ayres. Schools and Classes for Exceptional Children--Mitchell. School Organization and Administration--Ayres. The Public Library and the Public Schools. The School and the Immigrant. The Teaching Staff--Jessup. What the Schools Teach and Might Teach--Bobbitt. The Cleveland School Survey (Summary volume)--Ayres. * * * * * Boys and Girls in Commercial Work--Stevens. Department Store Occupations--O'Leary. Dressmaking and Millinery--Bryner. Railroad and Street Transportation--Fleming. The Building Trades--Shaw. The Garment Trades--Bryner. The Metal Trades--Lutz. The Printing Trades--Shaw. Wage Earning and Education (Summary volume)--Lutz. [Transcriber's Note: The following type-written material was attached inside the front cover of this book and is included here for its historical interest. DIVISION OF MEDICAL INSPECTION and PHYSICAL EDUCATION CLEVELAND Dr. E. A. Peterson Director Mr. H. P. Kimmel Secretary Henry W. Luther Supervisor of Physical Training Louise Klein Miller Curator of School Gardens Anna L. Stanley Supervisor of School Nurses Charlotte Steinbach Examiner of Atypical Children Lola Barnard Ass't. " Mabel J. Winsworth Supervisor of School Feeding Hannah Spero Stenographer THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION SURVEY ROOM 25. 612 ST. CLAIR AVE, N. E. CLEVELAND, OHIO November 18, 1915. The next meeting of the Advisory Committee of the Education Survey will be in the Assembly Room of The Hollenden, Monday, Nov. 22nd, 1915 at 12. The section of the Survey to be considered will describe a feature of school work in which Cleveland equals any and excells most cities of the country. Subject: HEALTH WORK IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS Speaker: LEONARD P. AYRES, Director Education Survey. You are invited to bring any interested friends and are urged to be prompt so as to give full time for both the luncheon and the discussion. Please reply on enclosed card. Yours truly, F. F. Prentiss, Chairman. Allen T. Burns, Director. End of Transcriber's Note] 
27963	----	HISTORY OF EDUCATION BY LEVI SEELEY, PH. D. PROFESSOR OF PEDAGOGY IN THE NEW JERSEY STATE NORMAL SCHOOL _REVISED EDITION_ NEW YORK : CINCINNATI : CHICAGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1899, 1904, BY LEVI SEELEY. Entered at Stationers' Hall. HIST. OF EDUCATION PREFACE The importance of a knowledge of the history of education was never so fully recognized as at the present time. Normal schools and teachers' colleges give this subject a prominent place in their professional courses, superintendents require candidates for certificates to pass examination in it, and familiarity with it is an essential part of the equipment of every well-informed teacher. The history of education portrays the theories and methods of the past, warns of error and indicates established truth, shows difficulties surmounted, and encourages the teacher of to-day by examples of heroism and consecration on the part of educators whose labors for their fellow-men we discuss. To the teacher this study is a constant help in the schoolroom, the trials of which are met with the added strength and inspiration from contact with great teachers of the past. No text-book can be said to contain the last word upon any subject. Least of all can such a claim be made for a history of education, which aims to trace the intellectual development of the human race and to indicate the means and processes of that evolution. Any individuals or factors materially contributing thereto deserve a place in educational history. As to which of these factors is the most important, that is a question of choice, upon which, doubtless, many will differ with the author. Some educators, whose claims to consideration are unquestioned, have been reluctantly omitted on account of the limitations of this work. On the other hand, many teachers lack time for exhaustive study of such a subject. This book is designed to furnish all the material that can be reasonably demanded for any state, county, or city teacher's certificate. It also provides sufficient subject-matter for classes in normal schools and colleges and for reading circles. The material offered can be mastered in a half-year's class work, but, by using the references, a full year can be well employed. For those who desire to make a more extended study of particular topics, the author gives such authorities as years of careful research have shown to be most valuable. Every investigator knows the labor involved in finding suitable material. To spare the reader something of that labor, the literature is given at the beginning of each chapter. By following the collateral readings thus suggested, this book will be found suitable for the most advanced classes. The plan of references embraces three features: (1) literature at the beginning of each chapter; (2) foot references to special citations; and (3) a general bibliography in the Appendix. In the first two, titles are sometimes abbreviated because of their frequent repetition. In case of doubt the reader should refer to the general bibliography, in which all the authorities cited are arranged alphabetically, with full titles. To get the greatest value from this study, classes should be required to keep a notebook which should follow some uniform plan. I suggest the following as such outline: (1) historical and geographical; (2) home life; (3) physical, religious, and æsthetic education; (4) elementary and higher education; (5) summary of lessons taught; (6) educators: (_a_) life, (_b_) writings, (_c_) pedagogical teachings. Of course each teacher will modify this outline to suit his own ideals. Such notebook will be found to be of value not only in review, but also in fixing the subject-matter in the mind of the student. It is generally conceded that the plan of an historical work should be based upon the evolution of civilization. In common with other recent writers on educational history, the author accepts the general plan of Karl Schmidt in his "Geschichte der Pädagogik," the most comprehensive work on this subject that has yet appeared. But the specific plan, which involves the most important and vital characteristics of this book, is the author's own. The details of this specific plan embrace a study of the _history_ and _environment_, of the _internal_, _social_, _political_, and _religious_ conditions of the people, without which there can be no accurate conception of their education. Our civilization had its inception in that of ancient Egypt, and thence its logical development must be traced. If desirable the teacher can omit the chapters on China, India, Persia, and Israel. It will be found, however, that the lessons taught by these countries, though negative in character, are intensely interesting to students, and most instructive and impressive. These countries are also admirably illustrative of the plan employed in the book, and thereby prepare the way for later work. That plan is more fully set forth in the Introduction, a careful study of which is recommended to both teacher and student. The author wishes to acknowledge his appreciation of the valuable assistance in the preparation of this volume rendered by Dr. Elias F. Carr of the New Jersey Normal School, and Professor W. J. Morrison of the Brooklyn Training School for Teachers. LEVI SEELEY. REVISED EDITION I have taken advantage of the necessary reprinting of the book to make certain changes and additions, and to correct a few errors which were found to exist. An attempt has been made to note the recent changes that have taken place, especially in the French and English school systems. L. S. SECOND REVISION The continued and hearty reception which teachers are giving this book has led me to desire to make still further improvements in it. Accordingly, I have added brief sketches of the Sophists, Plutarch, Marcus Aurelius, Rollin, and Jacotot. The space available is all too limited to warrant such treatment as the subjects deserve. All that can be expected is that the reader may become interested and seek further information from special sources. An appendix is added in which the National Educational Association, the National Bureau of Education, the Quincy Movement, the Herbartian Movement, Child Study, Parents' Meetings, Manual Training, and Material Improvements in Schools are each given a brief consideration. L. S. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE INTRODUCTION 15 1. Purpose of the history of education. 2. Plan of study. 3. The study of great educators. 4. Modern systems of education. 5. General outline. CHAPTER II CHINA 20 1. Geography and history. 2. The home. 3. The elementary school. 4. Higher education. 5. Degrees. 6. Examinations. 7. Criticism of Chinese education. 8. Confucius. CHAPTER III INDIA 29 1. Geography and history. 2. The caste system. 3. The home. 4. The elementary school. 5. Higher education. 6. Criticism of Hindu education. 7. Buddha. CHAPTER IV PERSIA 36 1. Geography and history. 2. The home. 3. The State education. 4. Criticism of Persian education. 5. Zoroaster. CHAPTER V THE JEWS 40 1. Geography and history. 2. The home. 3. The Jewish school. 4. Esteem for the teachers. 5. The Schools of the Rabbis. 6. Criticism of Jewish education. 7. The Talmud. CHAPTER VI EGYPT 46 1. Geography and history. 2. The caste system. 3. The home. 4. Education. 5. Criticism of Egyptian education. 6. General summary of oriental education. CHAPTER VII GREECE 53 1. Geography and history. 2. Manners and customs. 3. The Olympian games. CHAPTER VIII ATHENS 56 1. Historical. 2. The difference in spirit between Athens and Sparta. 3. The home. 4. Education. 5. The Sophists. 6. Criticism of Athenian education. CHAPTER IX ATHENIAN EDUCATORS 61 1. Socrates,--life, method, death. 2. Plato,--life, his "Republic," scheme and aim of education. 3. Aristotle,--life, pedagogy, estimate of him. CHAPTER X SPARTA 68 1. Historical. 2. The home. 3. Education. 4. Criticism of Spartan education. 5. Lycurgus. 6. Pythagoras. CHAPTER XI ROME 74 1. The Age of Augustus. 2. Geography and history. 3. The home. 4. Education,--elementary, secondary, higher. 5. Criticism of Roman education. CHAPTER XII ROMAN EDUCATORS 81 1. Cicero,--life, philosophy, pedagogy. 2. Seneca,--the teacher of Nero, great orator, writer, etc., pedagogical writings. 3. Quintilian,--his school, his "Institutes of Oratory," pedagogical principles. 4. Plutarch and Marcus Aurelius. CHAPTER XIII CHRISTIAN EDUCATION--INTRODUCTION 89 1. General view. 2. New principles introduced by Christianity. 3. Importance of the individual. 4. Obstacles which the early Christians had to meet. 5. Slow growth of Christian education. CHAPTER XIV THE GREAT TEACHER 96 1. Life and character. 2. Impression which Christ made. 3. His work as a teacher. 4. An example of pedagogical practice. CHAPTER XV GENERAL VIEW OF THE FIRST PERIOD OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION 101 1. The period covered. 2. The connection of the Church with education. 3. The monasteries. 4. Influence of the crusades. 5. Of the Teutonic peoples. CHAPTER XVI THE FIRST CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS 104 1. The catechumen schools. 2. Chrysostom. 3. Basil the Great. 4. The catechetical schools. 5. Clement of Alexandria. 6. Origen. CHAPTER XVII CONFLICT BETWEEN PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN EDUCATION 111 1. General discussion. 2. Tertullian. 3. Saint Augustine. 4. Augustine's pedagogy. CHAPTER XVIII MONASTIC EDUCATION 116 1. Monasteries. 2. The Benedictines. 3. The seven liberal arts. 4. Summary of benefits conferred by the monasteries. CHAPTER XIX SCHOLASTICISM 121 1. Its character. 2. Its influence. 3. Summary of its benefits. CHAPTER XX CHARLEMAGNE 125 1. History, character, and purpose. 2. Personal education. 3. General educational plans. 4. Summary of Charlemagne's work. CHAPTER XXI ALFRED THE GREAT 130 1. History and character. 2. Educational work. CHAPTER XXII FEUDAL EDUCATION 132 1. Character of the knights. 2. Three periods into which their education was divided. 3. Education of women. 4. Criticism of feudal education. CHAPTER XXIII THE CRUSADES AS AN EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT 136 1. Causes of the crusades. 2. The most important crusades. 3. Summary of their educational value. CHAPTER XXIV THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES 139 1. What led to their establishment. 2. The most important early universities. 3. Their privileges. 4. Their influence. CHAPTER XXV MOHAMMEDAN EDUCATION 143 1. History of Mohammedanism. 2. The five Moslem precepts. 3. Education. 4. What the Mohammedans accomplished for science. 5. General summary of education during the Middle Ages. CHAPTER XXVI THE RENAISSANCE 148 1. The great revival. 2. Principles proclaimed. 3. The movement in Italy. 4. In Germany. 5. Summary of the benefits of the Renaissance to education. CHAPTER XXVII HUMANISTIC EDUCATORS 155 1. Revival of the classics their purpose. 2. Dante. 3. Petrarch. 4. Boccaccio. 5. Agricola. 6. Reuchlin. 7. Erasmus. 8. Pedagogy of Erasmus. CHAPTER XXVIII THE REFORMATION AS AN EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCE 164 1. Conditions at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 2. The invention of printing. 3. The rulers of the leading countries. 4. Intellectual conditions. 5. Luther. 6. Luther's pedagogy. 7. Melanchthon. CHAPTER XXIX OTHER PROTESTANT EDUCATORS 174 1. Sturm. 2. The _Gymnasium_ at Strasburg. 3. The celebrated course of study. 4. Trotzendorf. 5. Neander. CHAPTER XXX THE JESUITS AND THEIR EDUCATION 182 1. The order. 2. Loyola. 3. Growth of the society. 4. Jesuit education. 5. Use of emulation. 6. Estimate of their educational work. 7. Summary. 8. The Port Royalists. CHAPTER XXXI OTHER EDUCATORS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 190 1. Roger Ascham. 2. Double translating. 3. Rabelais. 4. First appearance of realism in instruction. 5. Montaigne. 6. Summary of progress during the sixteenth century. CHAPTER XXXII EDUCATION DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 200 1. Political and historical conditions. 2. The educational situation. 3. Compulsory education. 4. The Innovators. CHAPTER XXXIII EDUCATORS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 205 1. Bacon. 2. The inductive method. 3. Ratke. 4. His pedagogy. 5. Comenius. 6. The "Orbis Pictus." 7. Summary of his work. 8. Milton. 9. Locke. 10. Fénelon. 11. His pedagogy. 12. La Salle and the brothers of the Christian schools. 13. Rollin. 14. Summary of the educational progress of the seventeenth century. CHAPTER XXXIV FRANCKE AND THE PIETISTS 231 1. Pietism. 2. Francke. 3. The Institutions at Halle. 4. The training of teachers. 5. _The Real-school._ CHAPTER XXXV GENERAL VIEW OF THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES 237 1. The abolition of slavery. 2. The extension of political rights. 3. Science as an instrument of civilization. 4. Religious freedom. CHAPTER XXXVI MODERN EDUCATORS--ROUSSEAU 241 1. Life. 2. Pedagogy. 3. The "Émile." CHAPTER XXXVII MODERN EDUCATORS--BASEDOW 250 1. Life. 2. The Philanthropin. 3. Writings. 4. Jacotot. CHAPTER XXXVIII MODERN EDUCATORS--PESTALOZZI 257 1. Childhood. 2. Schooling. 3. Life purpose. 4. The Christian ministry. 5. The law. 6. Farming. 7. Marriage. 8. At Neuhof. 9. Authorship. 10. At Stanz. 11. At Burgdorf. 12. At Yverdon. 13. Summary of Pestalozzi's work. CHAPTER XXXIX MODERN EDUCATORS--FROEBEL 272 1. Life. 2. As teacher. 3. His first school. 4. The kindergarten. 5. The "Education of Man." CHAPTER XL MODERN EDUCATORS--HERBART 278 1. Life. 2. Experience as a tutor. 3. As a university professor. 4. His practice school in the university. 5. Writings. 6. His pedagogical work. 7. Work of modern Herbartians. CHAPTER XLI MODERN EDUCATORS--HORACE MANN 284 1. Life. 2. Work as a statesman. 3. As an educator. 4. His Seventh Annual Report. 5. Love for the common schools. CHAPTER XLII THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF GERMANY 289 1. Administration. 2. School attendance. 3. The schools. 4. Support of schools. 5. The teachers. CHAPTER XLIII THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF FRANCE 296 1. Administration. 2. School attendance. 3. The schools. 4. Support of schools. 5. The teachers. CHAPTER XLIV THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF ENGLAND 304 1. Administration. 2. School attendance. 3. The schools. 4. Support of schools. 5. The teachers. CHAPTER XLV THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES 309 1. No national system. 2. State systems--Administration. 3. School attendance. 4. The schools. 5. Support of schools. 6. The teachers. APPENDIX RECENT EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENTS 315 1. The National Educational Association. 2. The National Bureau of Education. 3. The Quincy Movement. 4. The Herbartian Movement. 5. Child Study. 6. Parents' Meetings. 7. Manual and Industrial Training. 8. Material Improvements. HISTORY OF EDUCATION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The history of education begins with the childhood of the race, and traces its intellectual development step by step to the present time. As such history is academic in character, and furnishes information concerning the educational systems, methods, theories, and practices of the past, it should be placed early in the professional pedagogical course, to serve as the foundation for an improved educational science which profits by the experience of mankind. The history of education presents many of the great problems that have interested thoughtful men, shows how some of these have been solved, and points the way to the solution of others. It studies educational systems, selecting the good, and rejecting the bad, and introducing the student directly to the pedagogical questions that have influenced the world. For these reasons, the study of education should begin with its history. Karl Schmidt says: "The history of the world is the history of the development of the human soul. The manner of this development is the same in the race as in the individual; the same law, because the same divine thought, rules in the individual, in a people, and in humanity. Humanity has, as the individual, its stages of progress, and it unfolds itself in them. The individual as a child is not a rational being; he becomes rational. The child has not yet the mastery over himself, but his environment is his master; he belongs not to himself, but to his surroundings. _The oriental peoples are the child of humanity.... Classical antiquity represents the period of youth in the history of the world.... Christ is the type of perfected manhood._ The history of the individual reflects and repeats the history of humanity, just as the history of humanity is a reflection of the history of the Cosmos, and the history of the Cosmos is an image of the life of God; all history, be it that of humanity or of the individual, of the starry heavens, or of the earth, is development of life toward God." "Where there is development, there is progress. Progress in history is only the more visible, audible, perceptible embodiment of God in humanity."[1] In the study of the education of a people it is necessary first to become acquainted with their social, political, and religious life. To this end a knowledge of the geography and history of their country is often essential, because of the influence of climate, occupation, and environment, in shaping the character of a people. Examples of this influence are not wanting. The peculiar position of the Persians, surrounded on all sides by enemies, required a martial education as a preparation for defensive and offensive measures. Physical education was dominant among the Spartans, because of serfdom which involved the absolute control of the many by the few. No less striking are the effects of physical conditions upon all peoples in stimulating mental activity and in developing moral life, both of which processes are essential to true education. The intellectual product of the temperate zone differs from that of the torrid zone, the product of the country from that of the large city. For these reasons stress is here laid upon the geographical and historical conditions of the peoples considered. For the same purpose we must study the home and the family, the foundations upon which the educational structure is built. The ancient Jew looked upon children as the gift of God, thereby teaching the great lesson of the divine mission of children and of the parents' responsibility for their welfare. This race has never neglected the home education, even when it became necessary to establish the school. The family was the nursery of education, and only when diversified duties made it no longer possible to train the children properly in the home was the school established. Even then the purpose of the school was but to give expression to demands which the home created. The spirit and purpose of the education of a people can be understood only when the discipline, the ideals, and the religion of the home are understood. When we have learned the environment of a people, we are ready to study their elementary education. This takes us into the schoolroom, introduces us to the place where the school is held, indicates the course of study pursued, the discipline, methods of instruction, spirit and training of the teacher, as well as the results obtained. After this we are ready to consider the higher education, which completes the system and measures its efficiency. Another task demanded of the student is to draw lessons from the educational systems studied, to note what can be applied to modern conditions, and to avoid the errors of the past. The product of a method, as shown in the character of the people pursuing it, is of great interest in estimating the value of a scheme of education. Great movements have often been the outcome of the teachings of some individual who, inspired by a new idea, has consecrated his life to it. Through such men the world receives new and mighty impulses toward its enlightenment, civilization takes vast strides in its development, and man approaches nearer his final emancipation. Confucius, Socrates, Augustine, Charlemagne, Luther, Bacon, Comenius, Pestalozzi, Froebel, are names that suggest the uplifting of humanity and the betterment of the world. The study of the lives of these men, of their victories and their defeats, cannot fail to be an encouragement and a suggestive lesson to teachers of all lands and all times. The history of education must therefore consider the biographies of such men as well as their theories and their teachings. Finally, modern systems of education are the outgrowth of the experiences of the past. They represent the results attained and indicate present educational conditions. Nothing can better summarize the total development reached, or better suggest lines of future progress than a comparative discussion of the leading school systems of the world. The last chapters of this book, therefore, are devoted to a study of the school systems of Germany, France, England, and America. These are typical, each being suggestive of certain phases of education, while one of them has largely influenced the education of several other countries. Each furnishes lessons valuable to the student of history. Although many practices in other countries may not be applicable to our conditions, the broad-minded, genuine patriot will not refuse to accept sound principles and good methods from whatever source derived. It must not be forgotten that there is a vital distinction between _Education_ and _Schooling_. Education takes into account all those forces which enter into the civilization and elevation of man, whether it be the home, the school, the state, the church, the influences of environment, or all these combined. It is a continuous process which begins at birth and ceases only at the end of life. By schooling we mean the educative process which is carried on during a limited period of the child's life under the guidance of teachers. The school is a product of civilization. It became necessary because of the division of labor caused by the multiplication of the interests of mankind which made it impossible for the home to continue wholly to care for the training of its children. The history of education must not merely treat of the development of the school, but it must consider education in its broader meaning; that is, as a history of civilization. For this reason some of the great educators of the world who have not been school teachers, must receive consideration. FOOTNOTES: [1] "Geschichte der Pädagogik," Vol. I, pp. 1, 2. CHAPTER II CHINA =Literature.=--_Martin_, The Chinese; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Houghton_, Women of the Orient; _Doolittle_, Social Life of the Chinese; _Johonnot_, Geographical Reader; _Lord_, Beacon Lights of History; _Ballou_, Due West and Footprints of Travel; _Ploetz_, Epitome of Universal History; _Barnes_, Studies in Education; _Stoddard's_ Lectures; _Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu_, The Awakening of the East; _McClure's Magazine_, December, 1900, A Character Study of the Chinaman. The civilization of the "Celestial Empire" is, with the possible exception of that of Egypt, the oldest in the world. And yet, it has contributed but little to the advancement of mankind. Their system of education has failed to stimulate national and individual progress, has fostered narrow egotism, and has excluded external suggestion. It is studied rather for its negative lessons, and therefore suggests practices which the student of education will do well to avoid. The result in China furnishes the best argument against a method of instruction that appeals solely to the memory. This alone is sufficient reason for a study of Chinese education, aside from its strange and unique characteristics which never fail to interest the reader. =Geography and History.=--The Chinese Empire occupies a position on the eastern side of the Asiatic continent within about the same parallels of latitude as the United States, extending from twenty degrees latitude on the south to fifty-three degrees on the north. Its area is about four and a quarter million square miles, being somewhat larger than that of the United States. Its population is estimated at about six times that of our country. It has an abundance of rivers, intersected by numerous canals, which greatly facilitate internal commerce. Many parts of the country are densely populated. The people are largely engaged in agriculture. Tea and silk are the chief articles of export, while rice and millet form the principal food. The Chinese belong to the Mongolian or yellow race. They are an industrious, frugal, and temperate people, though the opium habit is very general and is disastrous in its effects. Doubtless the overcrowded population, which has driven many to live in boats and in crowded apartments, has had much to do in molding the Chinese character. Until recently they have been slow to admit modern improvements and are conservative in the maintenance of their customs, religion, education, and social practices. Consequently they have for many centuries made but little progress. Their authentic history covers, according to extant records, a period of nearly four thousand years. The government is an absolute monarchy; the emperor is regarded as the father of all his people and has complete power over the lives of his subjects. The Chinese language contains no alphabet; each symbol represents a different word; the substantives are indeclinable, and the verbs are without inflection. It thus becomes necessary in mastering the language to learn by rote a vast number of signs and characters,--a prodigious feat for the memory. The religion most widespread among the Chinese is Buddhism (which was imported from India), though ancestor worship is still universal. Women are the principal worshipers, yet the Chinese believe that women have no souls. The belief in transmigration of souls is implicit, and this is used to keep woman in a most degraded condition. If a woman is obedient to her husband and his relatives, and is the mother of sons, she may hope to return to this world, in the future, as a man, and thus have a chance ultimately to reach Buddha's heaven. The belief in the transmigration of souls explains the vegetarian diet of the Buddhist. No zealous Buddhist will touch meat or even eggs, neither will he kill the smallest insect, lest he should thus inadvertently murder a relative.[2] The men care but little for any religion beyond a veneration for their ancestors. Polygamy is very generally practiced, the limit to the number of wives being determined by the ability to support them. Women usually become more religious as they advance in years, and they spend much time in worshiping in the temples. It is they who preserve the national religion and make most difficult the work of missionaries.[3] =The Home.=--The wife exists only for the comfort of her husband. It is her duty to serve and obey him. If she abuses her husband, she receives one hundred stripes; but abuse from him is not a punishable offense. Instruction, at home as well as at school, is confined to boys. The birth of a boy is indicated by hanging a bow and arrow over the door; that of a girl, by a spindle and yarn. In naming the number of his children, the father counts only the boys. Boys are clothed in the finest material the family can afford; girls, in rags. Parents may destroy their children, but only girls are ever sacrificed. The mother can seldom read and write, her chief duty being to instill into her children the two cardinal Chinese virtues--_politeness_ and _obedience_. The relation of parents and children is the highest and purest representation of the relation between the Creator and the creature, and to venerate the parents is the first and holiest of all duties, higher than the love of wife to husband, higher than the reverence for the emperor; therefore the emperor's father cannot be his subject. To the Chinaman all other duties are included in filial duties. The bringing up of the children is left almost entirely to the mother. The training begins very early, and greatest stress from the first is laid upon obedience. Disobedience is a crime punishable by the father with death. There are no illustrated children's books, no nursery rhymes to inspire the imagination, none of the bright and useful things so necessary to a happy childhood. The child grows up with but few playthings calculated to stimulate the powers of the mind. =The Elementary School.=--At about six or seven years of age the child enters school. Sometimes a few parents unite to employ a teacher for their children. The government has no concern for the qualifications of the teacher; no license to teach is required, there is no governmental inspection or control, nor does the State assume any part of the expense of the school. Attendance is not compulsory, and yet male education is so universal that scarcely a boy can be found who does not enjoy opportunities for education. Charity schools are furnished by the wealthy for those who cannot afford to contribute toward the maintenance of a school. There are no public schoolhouses. The school is sometimes held in the temple, sometimes in the home of the schoolmaster, and sometimes in the home of a wealthy patron. The furniture of the schoolroom consists of an altar consecrated to Confucius and the god of knowledge, a desk and a chair for the teacher, and the pupils' desks and stools, provided by the children themselves. No effort is made to render the room attractive. The child is admitted the first time with much ceremony in order that the day may be one of pleasant memories. He also receives a new name, the name of his babyhood being dropped. Indeed, a change of name accompanies each new epoch of his life, as the time he takes a new degree, the day of his marriage, etc. Thus the boy enters upon his new work. The first years of study are devoted to reading, writing, and the elements of arithmetic, which studies complete the education of the majority of the pupils. No effort is made to interest the child; he is simply required to memorize and write as many as possible of the fifty thousand characters. Not until after the names of the characters have been learned by rote is there any effort to teach the meaning of the words which they represent. The child's writing, too, is mechanical, for the expression of thought is but a secondary consideration. Thought awakening is not encouraged in the Chinese course of education. Fear, not interest, is the motive which drives the child to study. Memory is the chief faculty to be cultivated, and each child vies with the others to make the most noise in study. The teacher is greatly revered, only less so than the father. His discipline is rigid, the rod not being spared. There are no new methods to learn; the practice to-day is the same as that of hundreds of years ago; it consists simply in hearing what the children have learned by heart. The second stage of study consists of translations from text-books and lessons in composition. This work brings some pleasure to the child, as it is a little less mechanical. The third stage consists of belles-lettres and essay writing. Only a few ever reach this stage, and the purpose of this advanced work is not intellectual development, or even the accumulation of knowledge, but to prepare for a position under the government, which can be reached by no other means. Even in these last two stages of study memory is the principal faculty brought into play. Without great exercise of this power the vast amount of material can never be mastered. =Higher Education.=--There are no high schools, but men who have taken degrees gather about them young students, who are to devote themselves to study, and give them instruction in the Chinese classics and prepare them for the State examinations for degrees. Great attention is paid to style, and in order to cultivate a good style, students are required to commit to memory many of the productions of their classical authors. They write a great many essays and verses, which are criticised by their teachers. The attention is confined solely to the Chinese classics. The educated Chinaman is usually ignorant of any field of knowledge not embraced in his own literature. There is in the royal library at Pekin a catalogue consisting of one hundred and twelve octavo volumes of three hundred pages each, containing the titles of twelve thousand works, with short extracts of their contents. These works treat of science, medicine, astronomy, and philosophy, while history has an especially rich literature. The Chinese knew how to observe the heavens four thousand years ago, and yet were unable to construct a calendar without the help of the Europeans. They invented gunpowder, the mariner's compass, porcelain, bells, playing cards, and the art of printing long before they were used in Europe, yet they lacked the ability to use these inventions as instruments to their advancement. China is divided into provinces which are subdivided into districts. Candidates must pass three examinations in their own district and those who are successful receive the lowest degree, that of "Budding Intellect." Many thousands enter for this degree, but only about one per cent succeed in attaining it. The possession of this degree does not yet entitle the holder to a public office, but most of those who have secured it become teachers, physicians, lawyers, etc. Once in three years there is another examination for the second degree, called "Deserving of Promotion," conducted by an examiner sent from Pekin. A third examination is also held once every three years, in Pekin, and success in this is rewarded by the title "Fit for Office." Holders of the last two degrees are entitled to an appointment to some office, the highest aim of a Chinaman. All of these examinations are conducted with great strictness and fairness, no one being excluded. Thus every Chinese child of ability has the opportunity to reach the highest positions in the country. There is a still higher degree called the "Forest of Pencils," which is open only to members of the Royal Academy, the _Hanlin_. The acquirement of this degree is the greatest honor to be attained; its possessor is highly esteemed, and may hold the highest offices in the country. In 1905 an edict was promulgated abolishing the old system of examinations. This marks an epoch in Chinese educational history and will tend to place China in the line of modern political and industrial development. =Criticism of Chinese Education.=--1. It is not under government control. 2. It has no interest beyond the boundaries of China, and regards no literature save the Chinese classics. 3. It is non-progressive, having made practically no improvement for many centuries. 4. It cultivates memory to the neglect of the other powers of the mind, and places more emphasis on the acquirement of knowledge than on the development of the human faculties. 5. It obtains its results through fear, not by awakening interest in or love for study. 6. Women are not embraced in the scheme of education. 7. It produces a conservative, untruthful, cunning, and non-progressive people. 8. It reaches practically all of the male sex, and there is opportunity for all to rise to the highest positions of honor, but its methods are so unnatural as to awaken little desire for education on the part of the young. 9. Its motive is debasing to the character. CONFUCIUS (B.C. 550-478) The name of Confucius is the one most revered among the Chinese. To him and his disciples are due not only the native religion, now supplanted by Buddhism, but also the language and literature. He began to teach in a private school at the age of twenty-two. He rejected no pupil of ability and ambition, but accepted none without these qualities. He said, "When I have presented one corner of a subject, and the pupil cannot make out the other three, I do not repeat the lesson." The following are extracts from the analects of Confucius:-- 1. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not to others. 2. Learning without thought is labor lost; thought without learning is perilous. 3. To see what is right and not do it is want of courage. 4. Worship as if the Deity were present. 5. Three friendships are advantageous: friendship with the upright, friendship with the sincere, and friendship with the man of observation. Three are injurious: friendship with a man of spurious airs, friendship with the insinuatingly soft, and friendship with the glib-tongued. 6. Shall I tell you what knowledge is? When you know a thing, to hold that you know it; and when you do not know a thing, to confess your ignorance. FOOTNOTES: [2] Mrs. E. E. Baldwin, Foochow, China. [3] Houghton, "Women of the Orient," p. 14. CHAPTER III INDIA =Literature.=--_Marshman_, History of India; _Ragozin_, Vedic India; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Butler_, Land of the Veda; _Houghton_, Women of the Orient; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Johonnot_, Geographical Reader; _Macaulay_, Essays; _Ballou_, Footprints of Travel; _Stoddard's_ Lectures; Encyclopaedia Britannica; _Arnold_, Light of Asia; _Chamberlain_, Education in India. =Geography and History.=--India lies between the sixth and thirty-sixth parallels of north latitude. It is bordered on the north by the Himalayas and on the south by the Indian ocean. The climate in general is hot, which makes the natives indolent and accounts for their lack of enterprise. The country is very rich, the chief products being wheat, cotton, rice, opium, and tea. The area is about one and a half million square miles, and the population two hundred millions. The early history of India is obscure, as the Brahmans, from religious scruples, have ever been opposed to historical records. It is certain that there was an aboriginal race which occupied the country from an unknown period, and that a branch of the Aryan[4] or Indo-Germanic race came to India and struggled for supremacy. The Aryans succeeded in reducing the natives to subjection or in driving them into the mountains. The comparatively pure descendants of these races are about equal in number in India, their mixed progeny composing the great mass of the Hindu population. The Sanskrit was their classic language, and the Veda their Bible. =The Caste System.=--There are four great castes in India:-- 1. The _Brahmans_, or highest caste, who are the priests, scholars, lawyers, physicians, teachers, etc. This order is highly reverenced by the lower castes, and its members are dignified, abstemious, and sedate. Their highest ideal is to bring their desires and appetites under complete control. They exercise great influence in the land.[5] 2. The _warriors_, who comprise the army and the office holders. 3. The _merchants_, _mechanics_, and _farmers_, who constitute the bone and sinew of India. 4. The _servants_, who receive no education excepting in matters of politeness and other things connected with their station in life. Each caste must pay respect to the higher castes, and association with persons of a lower caste is considered a degradation. The English government of India does not interfere with the caste system, but it is gradually breaking down. Besides the above-mentioned castes, there are tradesmen's castes which have grown up as new occupations have been introduced. Thus there is a potters' caste, a weavers' caste, a carpenters' caste, etc., each son following his father's trade. This accounts for the marvelous skill of the craftsmen of India in weaving carpets and fine muslins, in metal work, and other arts,--workmanship not equaled anywhere else in the world. Brahmanism and Mohammedanism are the chief religions. Buddhism overran the country in the fifth and sixth centuries B.C., but it did not seem to be suited to the Hindus, and now it is found in its purity only in Ceylon. Unlike the Chinese, the Hindus are a very religious people. The Shastas[6] declare that "when in the presence of her husband, a woman must keep her eyes upon her master, and be ready to receive his commands. When he speaks, she must be quiet and listen to nothing besides. When he calls, she must leave everything else and attend upon him alone. A woman's husband is her god, her priest, and her religion. The most excellent work that she can perform is to gratify him with the strictest obedience."[7] The system of sale of girls at birth, for wives, of early betrothal and marriage, of perpetual widowhood under most degrading circumstances,[8] and the practice of polygamy make the condition of woman in India still worse than in China. The English now rule the country with such wisdom and justice that the people are generally contented and loyal. Reforms have been introduced, commerce has been established, improvements have been made, and new life has been awakened. They have also established schools and universities; but as the purpose here is to give a picture of the _caste_ education, the English system will not be described. =The Home.=--Woman has no educational advantages in India, and she is regarded more as the servant than as the equal of her husband. She may never appear uninvited in the presence of any man except her husband. This has worked great hardships for her, especially in cases of sickness, as she can have no medical attendance unless a female medical missionary can be reached. This fact has opened a fertile field for missionary enterprise which has been a great blessing to Hindu women. A member of a caste may marry in his own or in a lower caste; thus the Brahman may have four wives, the warrior three, the farmer two, and the servant one. Parents love their children, and expect of them unquestioning obedience. Children are taught to love and honor their teachers even more than their parents. They are taught to reverence and respect older persons under all circumstances. Contrary to the Chinese idea of education, which is to prepare for this life, the Hindu idea is to prepare for the future life, and children in the home, from their earliest years, are trained with reference to this idea. =The Elementary School.=--All teachers belong to the Brahman caste. They receive no salary, depending upon gifts for their support. They are mild in discipline, and generally humane in their treatment of their pupils. The instruction is given under trees in the open air on pleasant days, and in a tent or shed when the weather is bad. Instruction is given in reading, writing, and arithmetic, though religion constitutes the principal theme. Memorizing the holy sayings of Brahma occupies a large portion of the time. While the Chinaman worships nature and his ancestors, the Hindu worships Brahma. The cultivation of the memory is considered important, but by no means so essential as in the Chinese system. The reading lessons are from the Veda. In writing, the child begins by forming characters in sand with his finger or a stick, then he writes upon leaves, and finally upon paper, with ink. The work in arithmetic is very elementary, being only such as will fit the learners for practical life. Servants and girls are excluded from even this limited education. M. Ida Dean says: "How amused you would be if you could take a peep at a school in India taught by a native teacher. The school is often held in an open shed, and no pains whatever is taken to keep it clean. Often the rafters are festooned with cobwebs and dirt. Of furniture, save the teacher's low desk, there is none. The teacher uses a grass mat, while the boys sit cross-legged on the earthen floor. The teacher, in a singsong voice, reads a sentence which the boys shout after him. Then another sentence is read, which the pupils likewise shout in a singsong voice, while their bodies sway to and fro. This goes on until sentence after sentence is memorized. No one knows nor cares what he is saying. The teacher never explains. Neither teacher nor pupil is ever bothered by that troublesome and inquisitive little word _why_." The castes are taught separately, and especial attention is given to such instruction as will fit them for their station in life. The highest virtues to be cultivated are politeness, patience, modesty, and truthfulness. Morning, noon, and evening there are impressive religious ceremonies in the school, and the pupils must throw themselves at the feet of their teacher with reverential respect. There is no theory of education among the Hindus, each teacher instructing as he pleases, according to historic custom. This precludes any considerable improvement in method or advance in the art of education. There is no authority to decide upon qualifications of teachers, the only essential requisite being that they shall belong to the Brahman caste. =Higher Education.=--The Brahmans are the only educated class, although warriors attend their schools for the purpose of such study as is necessary in connection with their calling. The farmer caste, too, may attend the Brahman schools to learn the studies pertaining to their caste. They pursue in their schools the study of grammar, mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, medicine, law, literature, and religion. Many of them still speak their classic language, the Sanskrit. As their religion is based on philosophy, this study takes precedence over all others. "The Hindus are believed to have originated the decimal system of arithmetical notation which has been transmitted to us through Arabian channels."[9] The end of Hindu wisdom is to rise above all human suffering through knowledge. Wuttke says, "Christians pray, 'Thy Kingdom come'; the Chinese, 'Thy Kingdom remain'; the Hindus, 'Let whatever thou hast created pass away.'" =Criticism of Hindu Education.=--1. It is not universal, a large part of the people being excluded from its benefits. 2. It is based on castes and the promulgation of the caste system, which is baneful. 3. It depends too much upon the cultivation of the memory. 4. It has no philosophy of education, and, therefore, is non-progressive. 5. It does not properly honor woman, and excludes her from its advantages. 6. It produces a dreamy, self-satisfied, indolent, selfish, and non-progressive people. 7. It makes the people self-reflective, which doubtless accounts for their profound philosophical and mathematical discoveries. BUDDHA[10] Buddha lived in the first half of the sixth century B.C. He sought to overthrow Brahmanism and taught that all men are brothers, that they should show friendship, kindness, pity, and love toward their fellow-men. His religion and his spirit approach nearer to Christianity than any other oriental faith, and doubtless his influence was great for the uplifting of the race, though it cannot be classed as technically educational. "Self-denial, virtuous life, suppression of all self-seeking, love for fellow-men," said he, "are cardinal virtues which bring blessedness to mankind." T. W. Rhys Davids says, "Buddha did not abolish castes, as no castes existed at his time." Had the spirit of his teaching prevailed, India would never have been cursed by this baneful system. Buddhism is a religion based on moral acts. In a corrupted form it has many millions of adherents in China, Tibet, Japan, and other countries; but it is found in its purity only in Ceylon. FOOTNOTES: [4] The Aryans are supposed to have originally occupied the country east of the Caspian Sea, though some authorities locate them north of it. The branches of this race are the Hindus, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Celts, Teutons, and Slavs. These branches are related in language and color, and the peoples that find their common origin in the Aryans represent a large part of the world's enterprise and progress. [5] See article in Johonnot's "Geographical Reader," p. 197. [6] A commentary on the sacred book, the Veda of the Hindus. [7] Houghton, "Women of the Orient," p. 34. [8] A betrothed girl becomes a widow upon the death of her promised husband even though she be only two or three years old and may never have seen him. She must always remain a widow, and as such is constantly humiliated. [9] Williams, "History of Modern Education." [10] See North American Review, Vol. 171, p. 517. CHAPTER IV PERSIA =Literature.=--_Benjamin_, Story of Persia; _Ragozin_, The Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia; _Rawlinson_, The Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy; _Myers_, Ancient History; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Lord_, Beacon Lights of History; _Fergusson_, History of Architecture. =Geography and History.=--Persia lies in the pathway of the great caravans which formerly carried on trade between Europe and India. It consists largely of a high plateau, surrounded by mountains. Large parts of the country are sandy and dry from lack of sufficient rain, and therefore are unproductive. The people are a branch of the Aryan race. They doubtless lived a nomadic life, and were obliged to be ever ready to defend themselves. Success in defense against the frequent assaults of their surrounding enemies stimulated them to become a nation of warriors. This fact had much to do in shaping their education. Cyrus the Great conquered Media and brought Persia to the summit of her greatness. The Persians boasted that they had become great by the sword, hence they cared but little for agriculture or manufactures. They levied tribute upon the nations they had subdued. Home production was therefore unnecessary, and they could devote all of their time to the art of war. About one fourth of the population are still classed as wandering tribes, and the nation is an aggregation rather than a unity of peoples. The early Persians worshiped fire, and holy fires which only the Magi, or priests, were allowed to approach, were kept perpetually burning upon the mountain tops. The sun also was worshiped, the Persian kneeling with his face toward the east at sunrise in beatific joy. This worship may have been borrowed from the Egyptians, who were conquered by the Persians, and with whom they stood in close relations. In later times the religion of Zoroaster became the religion of the people. =The Home.=--Wife and children were required to show the father great respect. Each morning the wife was expected to ask her husband nine times, "What do you wish me to do?" The teacher stood next to the father in the child's esteem. The child was kept at home under the care of the mother until seven years of age. An astrologer gave him a name and outlined his future destiny by reference to the stars. It was forbidden to tell him the difference between right and wrong before his fifth year. No corporal punishment was administered before his seventh year. The mother was greatly beloved by her children, though women were excluded from education. The position of woman was much higher than in either China or India. The chief training of children in the home was physical. Throwing, running, archery, riding, etc., were the principal employments of children. Absolute truthfulness and justice were early inculcated. A quick eye, a steady hand, accurate power of observation, and unwavering courage were qualities sought for in every child, and all of the training in the home, as well as in the later education, had for its aim the acquirement of these powers. Thus children were early taught to be self-reliant and fearless. =The State Education.=--1. Persian education was national in character. After the seventh year the boy was taken from home and educated entirely by and for the State. His training in the use of arms, in riding, and in other athletic exercises was continued. There were large public institutions in which the boys were quartered, and simplest food and clothing were given them. Besides the training for war, they were taught religious proverbs and prayers, and were led to practice truth and justice. This education continued until their fifteenth year. The teachers were men who had passed their fiftieth year, and who were chosen for virtue as well as knowledge, that they might serve as models to their pupils. 2. The second period of education consisted of a military training, which occupied the ten years between the age of fifteen and twenty-five. 3. The final period was that of the soldier, which continued till the fiftieth year, when the Persian could retire from the army with honor. The most competent were retained as teachers. Reading and writing were taught to a limited degree, but the chief end of education was to prepare the citizen for war. The Magi were educated in astronomy, astrology, and alchemy, and many of the dervishes have ever been renowned for their acuteness, sense of justice, great powers of observation, and good judgment. =Criticism of the Persian Education.=--1. The State robs the family of its inherent right to educate the children. 2. It neglects intellectual education, giving undue prominence to the physical and moral; and demands too great a part of the active life of man. 3. It makes the highest aim of education to prepare for war, and therefore does not cultivate the arts of peace. 4. It excludes woman from the benefits of education. ZOROASTER[11] Zoroaster, the founder of the Persian religion, was a great teacher. The exact date of his birth is unknown, but it is generally placed at about B.C. 600. The testimony of ancient classic literature confirms the belief that he was an historical person. A tablet unearthed in Greece contains an account of his life and his doctrines. Pliny says that he laughed on the day of his birth and that for thirty years he lived in the wilderness on cheese. He was the founder of the Magi priesthood, but did not teach the worship of fire. His philosophy is _dualistic_. There are two spirits or principles that rule the universe. These are Ormuzd, the principle of light, and Ahriman, the principle of darkness. These two opposing principles are in constant conflict, each striving for the mastery. Man is the center of the conflict, but Ormuzd as his creator has the greater power over him. All influences are summoned to bring about the success of the good, and in the end it will surely prevail. No remission of sin is taught, but judgment is represented as a bridge over which those whose good deeds outweigh their evil deeds are allowed to pass to paradise: in case the evil deeds outweigh the good, the person is cast off forever; in case of a balance of good and evil deeds, there is another period of probation. This dualism shows itself in nature as well as in the spiritual world. Order is opposed to lawlessness, truth to falsehood, life to death, good to evil. It is a religion in which the ideas of guilt and merit are carried out to the extreme. Zoroaster believed that he was the prophet chosen to promulgate these doctrines, and his influence as a teacher upon the Persian nation was unquestionably great. Persia is now a Mohammedan country. FOOTNOTES: [11] North American Review, Vol. 172, p. 132. CHAPTER V THE JEWS =Literature.=--_Hosmer_, Story of the Jews; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Durrell_, New Life in Education; _Myers_, Ancient History; Stoddard's Lectures; _Lord_, Beacon Lights of History; _Josephus_, Antiquities of the Jews; _Morrison_, The Jews under Roman Rule; _Larned_, History for Ready Reference; _Hegel_, Philosophy of History; Report of the United States Commissioner of Education, 1895; _Peters_, Justice to the Jew. =Geography and History.=--The Jews were the ancient people of God, the "chosen people," whose history is recorded in the Old Testament Scriptures. They reached their greatest power and glory during the reigns of David and Solomon, and they occupied Palestine, with Jerusalem as their capital city. Within this small territory, some six thousand square miles in extent, have occurred some of the most important events of history, and the Jewish race has been the representative of God's purposes toward man. The Almighty communicated directly with his people, who were thus made acquainted with the divine will. The early Jews were nomadic in their habits, living in tents, and tending their flocks. The patriarch, who was at the head of a family or tribe, made laws for the people under him and governed them according to the command of God, whose representative he was. Because God directly or through the patriarch led and instructed the people, their education, like their government, is called _theocratic_. The Jews lost their independence B.C. 63 in becoming subject to the Romans, and in A.D. 70 Jerusalem was destroyed and the Jews were dispersed. Since that time they have been wanderers on the face of the earth, and there is no part of the world where they are not to be found. They have maintained their racial characteristics with remarkable purity. They were an agricultural people until the Babylonian captivity, after which they became a commercial people. Persecutions, which have universally followed them, making the acquirement of fixed property unsafe, had much to do with this change. =The Home.=--The Jewish family was the purest of antiquity. In general, monogamy was practiced, and the wife was regarded as the companion and equal of the husband. Children being accepted as the gift of God, the father stood in the same relation to his children as Jehovah stood to man. Therefore the father's highest aim was to bring up his children in the knowledge and service of the Lord. We have here the highest and best type of family training to be found in history, a characteristic that still holds in Jewish families wherever they exist, and that has contributed largely to the maintenance of the strong racial peculiarities of the Jews. The father taught his boys reading and writing, and the mother taught the girls household duties; but the latter were not entirely excluded from intellectual training. Great attention was given to the rites and ceremonies of the tabernacle and the Jewish law. History was also taught as a means of stimulating patriotism. The Jewish child was early made acquainted with the Scriptures, and history, law, and prophecy became familiar to every Jew. As there were no schools, this was all done in the home by the parents. Religion was the central thought of all education, and preparation for the service of the tabernacle and the worship of God was early given to every child. Thus in an atmosphere of love and piety the Jew discharged his sacred duty with care and faithfulness. Obedience to the commands of parents, veneration for the aged, wholesome respect for their ancestors, and familiarity with the Jewish law were instilled into the minds of all children. Music and dancing were taught in every household, not for pleasure, but as a means of religious expression. By prayer and holy living, by precept and example, by word and deed, the father discharged the duty committed to him by God, leading his children by careful watchfulness toward the ideal manhood which was revealed to him by the teachings of Holy Writ. There were no castes among the Hebrews, and the same kind of training was given to the children of rich and poor, high and low, alike. No other race of people has given such careful home training to its children, from earliest times to the present. =The Jewish School.=--There were no elementary Jewish schools until after the destruction of the nation and the loss of their civil liberty. After the defeat at Jena the Prussians turned to education as the sole means of retrieving their national greatness; the same was true of the Austrians after the defeat of Sadowa, and of the French after the fall of the empire at Sedan. But the Jewish people had set this example eighteen centuries before. Dittes says, "If ever a people has demonstrated the power of education, it is the people of Israel." The rabbis required, A.D. 64, that every community should support a school, and that attendance should be compulsory. This is the first instance of compulsory education on record. If a town was divided by a stream without a connecting bridge, a school was supported in each part. Not more than twenty-five pupils could be assigned to one teacher, and where the number was greater an assistant was employed. If there were forty pupils, there were two teachers. It will thus be seen that the Jews put into practice eighteen centuries ago a condition of things which, owing to the complexity of our civilization, is with us to-day largely an unrealized ideal. Teachers were respected even more than parents, for it was held that parents prepared their children for the present, but teachers for the future. None but mature married men were employed as teachers. It was said that "he who learns of a young master is like a man who eats green grapes, and drinks wine fresh from the press; but he who has a master of mature years is like a man who eats ripe and delicious grapes, and drinks old wine." The child entered school at six. Previous to that age physical exercise and bodily growth were to be the ends sought. "When he enters school," says the Talmud, "load him like an ox." Other authorities, however, encouraged giving him tasks according to his strength. The subjects taught were reading, writing, natural history, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy. The Scriptures were taught to all the children, and all were versed in religious rites. The methods were good and attractive, great effort being made to lead the children to understand, even though it might be necessary to repeat four hundred times. The discipline was humane. According to the Talmud, "children should be punished with one hand and caressed with two." Corporal punishment was administered only to children over eleven years of age. =The Schools of the Rabbis.=--Karl Schmidt says: "Culture in a people begins with the creation of a literature and the use of writing." The oldest monument of writing among the Israelites is found in the tables of stone containing the Ten Commandments. Moses, David, Solomon, and Isaiah, and the other prophets were the founders of the Hebrew literature. Among the instrumentalities of higher education were the Schools of the Prophets, which taught philosophy, medicine, poetry, history, and law to the sons of prophets and priests, and of leading families. These schools were influential in stimulating the production of the historical, poetical, and prophetic books of the Old Testament. But more important as direct means of higher education were the Schools of the Rabbis. These sprang up in Alexandria, Babylon, and Jerusalem in the early centuries of the Christian era. They were private institutions founded by celebrated teachers. Doubtless it was in such a school as this that St. Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel. The principal subjects studied were theology and law,--politics, history, mathematics and science being excluded. The collection of the sayings and discussions was begun in the second century A.D. and afterward took form in the Talmud. =Criticism of Jewish Education.=--1. It exalted the home and insisted on the control of children by their parents. 2. It gave to woman an honored place in the home. 3. It gave an intelligent interpretation of the school and its functions. In regard to school attendance, the number of pupils under one teacher, the respect due to teachers, the course of study, and many other matters, it showed practical wisdom. 4. It taught obedience, patriotism, and religion. 5. It provided only for Jewish children. 6. It was mild and generally wise in discipline, though mistaken in forbidding corporal punishment before the eleventh year, while admitting its use after that. 7. It developed an honest, intelligent, progressive, God-fearing people. 8. It produced some of the greatest poets and historians of the world. THE TALMUD[12] This book, as we have seen, is the outgrowth of the discussions of the rabbis, whose sayings, collected from the second to the sixth century A.D., are herein contained. It proclaims with great minuteness rules of life which the faithful Jew still rigidly observes. It has aided in perpetuating Jewish laws, ceremonies, customs, and religion, and has been the most potent means of preserving the national and racial characteristics of the Jews for nearly two thousand years. Driven from one country to another, they have always carried the Talmud with them and have been guided and kept united by its teachings. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century the study of the Talmud has been revived, not only among the Jews, but also among Christians and students of all classes. EXTRACTS FROM THE TALMUD 1. Even if the gates of heaven are shut to prayer, they are open to tears. 2. Teach thy tongue to say, "I do not know." 3. If a word spoken in its time is worth one piece of money, silence is worth two. 4. Not the place honors the man, but the man the place. 5. The world is saved by the breath of school children. FOOTNOTES: [12] See Peters, "Justice to the Jew." CHAPTER VI EGYPT =Literature.=--_Maspero_, Egyptian Archaeology; _Wilkinson_, The Ancient Egyptians; _Stoddard's_ Lectures; Myers, Ancient History; _Routledge_, The Modern Wonders of the World; _Johonnot_, Geographical Reader; _Edwards_, A Thousand Miles up the Nile; _Knox_, Egypt and the Holy Land; _Ballou_, Due West; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Ebers_, Uarda; and Egyptian Princess; _Curtis_, Nile Notes of a Howadji. =Geography and History.=--Egypt consists of a narrow strip of land about six hundred miles long, lying in the northeastern part of Africa. Its geographical importance is due to the river Nile, which flows through it, and which, by its annual overflow, enriches the soil, and makes one of the most productive portions of the globe. For many centuries reservoirs for the storage of water in time of the overflow, and irrigation canals for its later distribution, have secured the country against drought, and thus abundant harvests were always assured "independent of the seasons and the skies." This, with the mild climate and exceedingly rich soil, made food attainable with slight labor, furnishing an abundance, not only for its own population, but making Egypt the granary of the Mediterranean countries. We learn from the Scriptures, of the visits of the sons of Jacob to Egypt to buy corn of Joseph when famine existed in their own land. These conditions, which made living so cheap, were doubtless the main causes of the early settlement of the valley of the Nile, and the rapid increase in its population. In confirmation of the foregoing we have the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, a Greek writer, who visited Egypt nearly two thousand years ago. He tells us that the entire cost to bring up a child to manhood was not more than twenty drachmas (less than four dollars of our money).[13] Of the antiquity of Egyptian history we have abundant evidence. Swinton says, "Egypt is the country in which we first find a government and political institutions established. Egypt itself may not have been the oldest _nation_, but Egyptian history is certainly the oldest _history_. Its monuments, records, and literature surpass in antiquity those of Chaldea and India, the two next oldest nations."[14] The records of the history of Egypt are found in abundance carved on her monuments, tombs, buildings, implements, etc. They were written in hieroglyphics, the meaning of which was unknown until the discovery of the "Rosetta stone," which furnished the key to their interpretation. The ancient Egyptians excelled in mechanics and arts. It is doubtful whether to-day we know as much of certain sciences as they did four thousand years ago. Their applications of mechanics, engineering, dyeing, and embalming still remain to us "lost arts." The wisdom of the Egyptians was proverbial, and the great scholars of other countries made pilgrimages to Egypt to study philosophy, literature, law, and science. =The Caste System.=--The caste system existed also in Egypt, but in no such strict sense as in India. The first and highest caste consisted of the priests, who represented the learning and wealth of the country. They owned one third of the land, upon which they paid no tax. They held all the offices, were the surveyors, engineers, teachers,--indeed, their caste alone furnished all the higher professions. They ruled the land with an iron hand. Concerning their influence, Swinton says, "The priests were the richest, most powerful, and most influential order. It must not be supposed, however, that the modern word 'priest' gives the true idea of this caste. Its members were not limited to religious offices; they formed an order _comprising many occupations and professions_. They were distributed all over the country, possessing exclusively the means of reading and writing, and the whole stock of medical and scientific knowledge. Their ascendency, both direct and indirect, over the minds of the people was immense, for they prescribed that minute religious ritual under which the life of every Egyptian, not excepting the king himself, was passed."[15] The second caste consisted of the military class, who also belonged to the nobles. There was freer intercourse between the two higher castes than was possible in the Hindu system. It was not uncommon to find brothers belonging to different castes. Ampère found an inscription on a monument mentioning one son as a priest, another as governor of a province, and a third as superintendent of buildings. To each member of this caste was assigned a parcel of land (six and one half acres), which also was free from taxation. These two higher castes were especially privileged, and the gulf between them and the lower castes was very wide. The third, or _unprivileged_ caste was subdivided into three orders: (1) the farmers and boatmen; (2) the mechanics and tradespeople; and (3) the common laborers. Between these, also, there were bonds of common interest, though a decided difference between the orders was recognized. The caste system may be outlined as follows:-- { I. _Priests_, who represented the learning and wealth and { ruled the land. { Egyptian { II. _Soldiers_, who, though lower in caste than the priests, Castes. { yet associated with them. { {1. _Farmers_ and _boatmen_, who ranked next. { III. {2. _Mechanics_ and _tradespeople_, who ranked next. { {3. The common laborers. The slaves were lower than the common laborers, and were not classified among the castes. They were generally captives taken in war. Respect and reverence for the higher castes were by no means so marked as in India, and outbreaks between the various classes were common. =The Home.=--Woman occupied a much higher plane in Egypt than in China or India, though polygamy was practiced by all classes except the priests. She was the recognized mistress of the home, possessed some education, and largely directed the education of the children. Children of wives of different castes had equal rights before the law to inheritance. Great attention was paid to religious ceremonies, and the children were taught piety and obedience in their early youth. They were highly regarded in the Egyptian home, and were brought up in an atmosphere of love and filial respect. The day of a child's birth was regarded as determining its destiny. The child was brought up on the simplest food, and furnished with scanty clothing, in order that its body might be strong and supple. =The Education.=--The education, like that of India, was suited to the different castes. Priests were the only teachers. While chief attention was given to the education of boys, girls also received some instruction. The principal subjects taught in the lowest caste were writing and mathematics. The papyrus plant, found along the Nile, furnished a material on which writing was practiced. In arithmetic we find an anticipation of modern principles in the concrete methods employed. Religious instruction was also given. Bodily exercise was severe, running being a favorite pastime. The expense of schooling was very small. The boy usually followed the trade of his father, though this was not an inflexible rule. The occupation he was to follow had some influence in shaping his education. The higher castes received an extensive education, including a knowledge of higher mathematics, astronomy, language, natural science, medicine, music, engineering, and religion. The annual overflow of the Nile necessitated the construction of reservoirs and irrigation canals, and caused frequent changes of boundary lines. For all this a knowledge of mathematics was necessary, and this study was therefore greatly encouraged. Institutions of higher learning for the training of priests and soldiers were found at Thebes, Memphis, and Heliopolis. The Museum of Alexandria, which reached its highest prosperity about the middle of the third century B.C., and which made Alexandria the center of the learning of the world at that period, attracted philosophers and investigators from Athens and Rome. In connection with the Museum was the celebrated Alexandrian library, which was fostered by the Ptolemies, and which contained a vast collection of books, variously estimated at from four hundred thousand to seven hundred thousand volumes.[16] =Criticism of Egyptian Education.=--1. It was dominated by the priests under the caste system, and did not recognize equality of man. 2. It encouraged greater respect for woman than other oriental systems, but took little account of her intellectual training. 3. It made use of concrete methods, at least in writing and arithmetic, for the first time in history. 4. It was non-progressive in its elementary education, the father generally expecting his son to follow his calling. 5. In higher education it was justly noted, as it attracted wise men from Greece and Rome to study its science and philosophy. GENERAL SUMMARY OF ORIENTAL EDUCATION With the discussion of Egyptian education, the consideration of oriental systems ceases. Concerning the education of the Phoenicians, Babylonians, and other oriental nations we know but little. To the Phoenicians the invention of the alphabet, glass making, and purple dyeing is generally credited, and the knowledge of these things was communicated to the Mediterranean nations with whom they engaged in trade. The classical countries were materially influenced by Egyptian culture, and the way was prepared for a broader and more enlightened interpretation of the purpose of education, and for a more successful evolution of civilization on soil better suited to that end. We may briefly summarize the lessons of oriental education, as follows:-- 1. The Oriental systems fostered class distinctions by furnishing but little enlightenment to the lower classes, and affording superior advantages to the privileged few. 2. They were non-progressive, for centuries witnessed no improvement in methods of instruction, reached no higher ideals, and marked no advance in civilization. 3. They did not feel the need of trained teachers. 4. The importance of the individual was not appreciated, and man was regarded as belonging to the State. 5. The end sought was good conduct, which was to be attained through memorizing moral precepts. This gave undue importance to the memory. 6. Little encouragement was given to free investigation; authority of teachers and ancestral traditions were the principal factors employed. The progress of civilization was therefore very slow. 7. In general, excepting with the Jews, woman had no part in education, being regarded as incapable of any considerable intellectual development. 8. In China the motive of education was to prepare for success in this life; in India, for the future life; in Persia, to support the State; in Israel, to rehabilitate the nation; and in Egypt, to maintain the supremacy of the priests. 9. In no case was the conception reached that the aim of education should be to emancipate all the powers of man,--physical, intellectual, moral, spiritual. 10. Finally, we may sum up the conditions that prepared the way for classical education in the words of Karl Schmidt: "In Greece at last the idea of human individuality as the principal end, and not as a means to that end, was grasped. Conformable to this truth, all human, social, and political conditions were shaped and education given its form. This idea of the emancipation of the individual became established in Greece with a brilliancy which attracts attention to that land until the present time." FOOTNOTES: [13] The student should bear in mind the fact that the purchasing power of a sum equivalent to four dollars was much greater in those days than now. [14] "Outlines of the World's History," p. 12. [15] "Outlines of History," p. 20. [16] It must be observed that the ancient volume, or roll, contained much less matter than the modern book. CHAPTER VII GREECE =Literature.=--_Davidson_, Education of the Greek People; _Felton_, Ancient and Modern Greece; _Grote_, History of Greece; _Curtius_, History of Greece; _Morris_, Historical Tales (Greek); _Mahaffy_, Old Greek Education; Social Life in Greece; The Greek World under Roman Sway; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Guhl_ and _Koner_, Life of Greeks and Romans; _Timayenis_, History of Greece; _Wilkins_, National Education in Greece; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Monroe_, Source Book of the History of Education. =Geography and History.=--Greece lies in the center of the ancient world. The numerous islands between it and the mainland of Asia made stepping-stones for the hardy mariners who, filled with the spirit of adventure, pushed out farther and farther from the Asiatic shores until they reached Greece--the first European country to be settled. Here we find another branch of the great Aryan race. The coast is broken up by many indentations which afford fine harbors and invite seafaring life. The surface is mountainous, the ranges cutting the country up into many sections or states. The climate is varying, depending upon proximity to the sea, and upon the elevation. The scenery is beautiful, and the soil in the valleys is fertile. The productions are fruit, grain, and silk. As might be expected from the nature of the country, the people show much commercial enterprise. The area is about twenty-five thousand square miles, and the population about 2,200,000. The Greeks were a brave and ambitious people, and their history is full of heroic deeds and stirring events. The many small states were often hostile to one another. Athens and Sparta were the two most important cities. Around them centered two diverse forms of civilization, and in them were developed two very different standards of education. It will be necessary, therefore, to discuss separately the education of these two cities. When the Grecian states were united in defense, no outside power was able to conquer them; but, unfortunately, jealousies often arose which brought them into conflict with one another, and which finally caused the overthrow of all. In art and literature Greece reached the summit of her glory in Athens in the age of Pericles, the fifth century B.C. The work accomplished by Athens has been the inspiration of the world for nearly twenty-four hundred years. In government, in manners, and in customs the Greeks were very different from the oriental nations. The spirit of political freedom prevailed here for the first time in the history of the world. Doubtless the small size of the states, which were separated from each other by natural boundaries, was an important factor in stimulating the people to secure and maintain this independence. "Man's character is formed by the surroundings of his home." The beautiful valleys and mountains, the varying climate, the sea with its many islands and harbors, the soil, in the main yielding its fruit only by hard labor, were elements well calculated to produce a hardy race,--a race with lofty ideals, loving beauty both of mind and body. =The Olympian Games.=--Because of their national popularity and their direct influence on the education of the people, a description of the Olympian games is not out of place in a history of education. At first they were religious in character. They were celebrated in honor of Zeus, at Olympia, in Elis, which became the Holy Land of Greece. They took place once in four years, and this period, called an Olympiad, furnished the basis of computing time. The first Olympiad begins with B.C. 776. All of the states took part in these contests, and when at war, hostilities were suspended during the games, that visitors might attend them unmolested. Thus once in four years the various states of Greece were united in friendly contest and joyous festivity. At first there was only the foot race, but afterward wrestling, jumping, and throwing the spear were added. Still later, chariot and horse races, and contests in painting, sculpture, and literature, were included. Only Greek citizens of good moral character could enter the contests. The prize, though but a simple wreath of laurel or olive, was most highly esteemed. At first spectators were attracted from the different parts of Greece only; but afterward the games became great fairs for the exchange of commodities, as well as contests which attracted people from all parts of Europe. The Olympian games tended to unite the people and cultivate the arts of peace. They encouraged the development of perfect bodies, the training being designed to produce superior athletes. They inculcated broader views, bringing together people from different parts of their own land and from other lands. They incited intellectual ambition by adding in later times literary productions. They created a manly spirit and stimulated a national patriotism. CHAPTER VIII ATHENS =Literature.=--(See general literature for Greece.) _Harrison_, Story of Greece; _Macaulay_, Essays; _Curtius_, History of Greece; _Davidson_, Education of the Greeks; _Wilkins_, National Education in Greece; _Freeman_, Historical Essays. =History.=--The ideals of Athens--educational, political, and moral--were in direct contrast to those of Sparta. At Athens, love of liberty, love of knowledge, and love of beauty went hand in hand. Though the body was not neglected, as is proved by the beautiful types of manhood preserved for us in Athenian art, the Athenians believed that the truest beauty was to be reached only by the development of the mind. Hence Athens brought forth great men like Pericles, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, she created a literature that has influenced the world, she developed art to its highest excellence, and gained for herself a permanent and high place in the world's history. Sparta did none of these things, therefore her ruin was sure and speedy; while the decline of Athens was slow and her influence still lives. The spirit of Athens was liberty, while that of Sparta was tyranny. It is true that Athens had slaves; indeed, only one fourth of the inhabitants were free; but even the slaves had a large share of freedom, and enjoyed some means of education. We learn that children of the wealthy were committed to trusted slaves, called _pedagogues_, who escorted them to school, instructed them in many things, and had a right to punish them for disobedience. This could not have been allowed by parents with such high ideals had the slaves been debased as were those of Sparta. In Athens we find for the first time the democratic idea of government; this was by no means so completely realized as it is in modern times, especially in the western world. The "Age of Pericles" (B.C. 480-430) forms the most brilliant period of Athens, a period hardly surpassed in some respects by any other in the world's history. Solon (B.C. 638) was the great lawgiver of Athens. His wise laws had much influence on the prosperity and intellectual development of the people. =The Home.=--In Athens the child was left with the mother until the sixth or seventh year. The toys were greater in variety than with any other people of antiquity. They were much the same in character as those of modern times, and their purpose was to amuse the children rather than to furnish a definite preparation for life, as in Persia and Sparta. Play, therefore, was recognized as an important factor in the child's life, and the toys in use stimulated and encouraged the joyous element in the child's nature. That toys are a potent influence toward healthful mental and physical growth is an educational truth that has been fully recognized by us only within recent years. And yet the Athenians appreciated it in the home, twenty-five centuries ago. The training was intellectual and humane, though strict obedience was enforced. Great attention was paid to the works of the poets, selections being taught to all the children. The father interested himself chiefly in the education of the boys, and when he was unable to discharge this duty an elderly male relative was selected as mentor, who devoted his leisure hours to such training. Little attention was paid to the mental training of the girls. Women were not held in so high esteem as in Sparta, nor were they as worthy of respect. The husband exercised over his wife the same authority as over his children. Neither by social position nor by intellectual attainment was she his equal. "Her own chamber was the world of the Athenian woman; her maids were her companions; household duties and the preparation of clothing for her family were her employment." =Education.=--The father was free to choose for his children their school and the character of their education. The State furnished gymnasia in which schools could be held, fixed the qualifications of teachers, the school hours, and the number of pupils to a teacher. Once a year public examinations were held, the expense of which the State defrayed. The schools were private institutions, supported by private means, though under State inspection. The teachers were philosophers or wise men, thoroughly competent to discharge the duties of their office. At six or seven years of age, the boy was sent to school in charge of a pedagogue, or leader of the young,--usually an old and trusted slave. While not intrusted with the actual teaching of his charge, he was responsible for his morals and manners, and was allowed, as we have seen, to administer punishment. The pedagogue was the constant attendant of the boy. The character of the school chosen depended upon the means of the parents. The first two years were devoted chiefly to gymnastics. The two subjects of the elementary course were _gymnastics_ and _music_, the latter term including reading and writing. But little arithmetic was taught, as the Athenians believed that the object of the study of arithmetic was simply utility, and but little arithmetic was needed for practical use. "Calculating boards" made the reckoning for all business needs a purely mechanical process. The idea of education was the development of the _beautiful_, and they held that arithmetic contributed but little to this end. The works of the poets were given prominence throughout the Athenian education, and pupils were required to commit to memory many selections. =The Sophists.=--The Sophists flourished during the fifth century B.C. Their greatest exponents were Protagoras and Gorgias. They introduced a movement of which Schwegler says, "It had struck its roots into the whole moral, political, and religious character of the Hellenic life of that time." They wandered about from place to place proclaiming themselves as philosophers and bidding for the patronage of the rich by charging large fees and considering public questions. They discussed error and wrong with the same eloquence and zeal that they discussed truth and justice, their purpose being to foster eloquence rather than discover truth. Hence, we have the word "sophistry," which means fallacious reasoning. And yet, in the words of Schwegler, "It cannot be denied that Protagoras also hit upon many correct principles of rhetoric, and satisfactorily established certain grammatical categories. It may in general be said of the Sophists that they gave the people a great profusion of general knowledge; ... that they called out investigations in the theory of knowledge, in logic, and in language; that they laid the basis for the methodical treatment of many branches of human knowledge, and that they partly originated and partly assisted the wonderful intellectual activity which characterized Athens at that time." Children of the poorer classes were kept in school until their fourteenth or fifteenth year, when they learned a trade. Those of the rich remained in school until their twentieth year. The course of study of the latter included music, rhetoric, grammar, and philosophy. At twenty the youth's education was regarded as completed, and the young man became a citizen. Teachers were paid fees and not fixed salaries. It was the atmosphere of Athens, more than the discipline of the school, that fostered culture and inspired learning. The aim of education was the _beautiful_, and the ideal was the aesthetic in mind and body. =Criticism of Athenian Education.=--1. It sought to educate the entire man, giving him beauty of form, keenness of intellect, and nobleness of heart. 2. It acknowledged the right of parents to direct and determine the education of their children. 3. It recognized the importance of the individual as no other people had before. 4. Strict obedience was required of the children. 5. It produced great men, with high moral and intellectual ideals, but these ideals were centered in Athenian culture. 6. It excluded women and slaves from its benefits, and was by no means universal. 7. It recognized the value of play as an educational force, thereby anticipating the kindergarten. 8. The State exercised a certain control over the school by furnishing places where it might be held, by defraying the expense of examinations, by determining the number of pupils to a teacher, by fixing the limit of school hours, and by deciding upon the qualifications of teachers. And yet the choice of education was free, and its aim was the good of the individual and not the glory of the State. CHAPTER IX ATHENIAN EDUCATORS =Literature.=--_Bulkley_, Plato's Best Thoughts; _Schwegler_, History of Philosophy; _Morris_, Historical Tales; _Curtius_, History of Greece; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Jowett_, The Republic of Plato; _Vogel_, Geschichte der Pädagogik; _Emerson_, Representative Men; _De Quincey_, Plato's Republic; _Hegel_, Philosophy of History. SOCRATES (B.C. 470-399) Socrates was the son of a sculptor of Athens. Though he learned his father's trade and followed it in early manhood, he relinquished it to devote himself to the study of philosophy, for which he had a natural bent. In person he was far from fulfilling the Athenian ideal of beauty, being short of stature, corpulent, with protruding eyes, upturned nose, large mouth, and thick lips. His domestic life was not happy, his wife, Xantippe, being a noted shrew. His failure to provide for the material welfare of his family, though quite natural in a man to whom all material things seemed unessential, must have sorely tried her patience. But Socrates bore her scolding with resignation. Indeed, he seemed to regard it as furnishing an opportunity to practice the philosophic patience that he preached. Socrates believed that he had a divine call to "convince men of ignorance mistaking itself for knowledge, and by so doing to promote their intellectual and moral development." Like many other philosophers, he spent his time in the streets, markets, and other public places, arguing with any one who would stop to listen or converse. This manner of teaching was common in Athens, and he never lacked hearers. The whole atmosphere of the classic city was charged with the spirit of intellectual activity and philosophic discussion. Socrates did not teach positive doctrines, but assumed ignorance himself in order to convince others of ignorance. By a series of suggestive questions he would lead his pupils or opponents into admissions which finally established the truth that Socrates saw at the outset. This is known as the "Socratic Method," or the dialectical method, and this form of inductive teaching was an important contribution to education. Although Socrates left no writings, his great pupils, Xenophon and Plato, have given the world a full account of his teachings. Plato speaks in highest terms of his moral character, declaring that "he was not of this world." Xenophon also adds his testimony in the following words: "No one ever knew of his doing or saying anything profane or unholy." Socrates believed in one Supreme Being, the intelligent Creator of the universe. He also believed in the immortality of the soul. These doctrines were altogether contrary to Greek polytheism, the prevailing religion of Athens, and they prove him to have been far in advance of the age in which he lived. While he established no school, Socrates nevertheless must ever rank as one of the world's greatest teachers and thinkers. In his death he fully exemplified the truth of his own philosophy. He was accused of corrupting the youth and denying the deities, and was condemned to die by drinking a cup of hemlock. He calmly submitted to his fate, refusing to avail himself of an opportunity to escape. According to the account given in Plato's "Phaedo," he spent his last hours discussing with the friends who attended him the question of the immortality of the soul. PLATO (B.C. 429-347) Plato was a disciple of Socrates, and to him we are chiefly indebted for an account of the teachings of his great master. For twenty years he sat at the feet of the philosopher, and drank from the fountain of knowledge possessed by that wonderful man. He also traveled in other lands, particularly Egypt and Italy, in pursuit of knowledge. He became one of the most remarkable scholars and philosophers, not only of antiquity, but of all time. When forty years of age he founded a school at Athens, though it is not as a teacher that he is chiefly known, but as a writer and sage. "Plato among the Greeks, like Bacon among the moderns, was the first who conceived a method of knowledge." His great work is his "Republic," in which he pictures the ideal State and outlines his scheme of education, which is built on ideals of both Spartan and Athenian citizenship. From Sparta comes the thought of an education which shall be controlled by the State from birth; while Athens adds the aesthetical aspects to those purely physical. In his scheme he divided the people into the following classes:-- 1. The _common people_. They should be allowed to rise, but no education is provided for them in his scheme. 2. The _guardians_ or _citizens_, who shall study music and gymnastics. Music includes literature, that is, human culture as distinguished from scientific knowledge. Writing and arithmetic are also included under music, the latter not being studied for practical purposes, but to develop the reason. 3. The _rulers_, who, in addition to the preceding subjects, shall study geometry, astronomy, rhetoric, and philosophy. The State is to have absolute control of every citizen; it shall arrange marriages, destroy weak and unpromising children, and remove the healthy babes at birth to public nurseries, where mothers may care for the children in common, but will not recognize or take special interest in their own children. Boys and girls are to be educated alike. Great care is to be taken that nothing mean or vile shall be shown to children; their environments shall be beautiful and ennobling, though simple. From birth to seven years of age the child is to have plenty of physical exercise. He shall hear fairy tales and selections from the poets, but careful censorship must be placed on everything presented to him. Suitable playthings are to be provided, precaution taken against fear of darkness, and by gentleness combined with firmness a manly spirit is to be produced. Beauty of mind and body are to be harmoniously united. From seven to thirteen intellectual as well as physical activity is required. The special education begins at twenty by the selection of the most promising youths. At thirty another selection of those able to continue their education five years more is made. Higher mathematics, astronomy, harmony, and science constitute the work of the first ten years, and philosophical study that of the last five. Fifteen years then are to be given to the service of the State, after which, at fifty, the student may return to the study of philosophy for the remainder of his life. Education is to be compulsory, as the child belongs to the State and not to the parent. Plato gave predominance to intellectual rather than to physical culture, as he said, "If the mind be educated it will take care of the body, for the good soul improves the body, and not the good body the soul." He taught that it is the aim of education to bring all of the powers of man into harmonious coöperation. It will thus be seen that Plato's scheme of education centers around the oriental idea that man belongs to the State, and the main purpose of education is to fit him to serve the State. And Plato clearly set forth how the education which he demanded should be attained, and therefore he is to be remembered as originating the _first systematic scheme of education in history_. ARISTOTLE (B.C. 384-322)[17] Aristotle was born in Stagira in Macedonia, and from this fact he is called the Stagirite. For twenty years he was a pupil of Plato, as Plato had been of Socrates. Aristotle was not only one of the greatest philosophers that ever lived, but he enjoyed the distinction of being the teacher and chosen counselor of Alexander the Great. Much of the greatness of the man who conquered the world and "wept because there were no more worlds to conquer" was due to his wise teacher. Alexander loved and revered Aristotle as much as his father, declaring "that he was indebted to the one for _living_, and to the other for living _well_." He assisted Aristotle in founding a school at his native place, Stagira. It is not simply as the teacher of Alexander the Great that Aristotle is to be remembered in the history of education, though that would entitle him to lasting fame. After the education of Alexander was finished, Aristotle went to Athens, where he founded the Lyceum. Here he lectured for many years, in the morning to his riper pupils on philosophical subjects, and in the evening to the masses on such topics as were within their comprehension and as would tend to elevate them. His _pedagogy_ may be briefly outlined as follows:-- 1. Education is a lifelong task, beginning at birth and continuing till death. The first seven years are to be spent in the home under the fostering care of the parents. During this period the child is to have no severe tasks, but chief attention is to be given to physical development. He must learn obedience, as the first step to an ethical life. His food and clothing are to be simple, and his toys and games of a character to stimulate wholesome activity. At the age of seven he is to enter upon the direct intellectual training, and nothing must interfere with this during the next seven years. From fourteen to twenty-one the education is to include such exercises as directly prepare for life. The diet is to be simple, the physical training severe, for the double purpose of counteracting the tendencies of the adolescent period, and of preparing for war. 2. Education includes the development of the body, the character, and the intellect. Courage, endurance, self-denial, temperance, truthfulness, and justice are essential characteristics to be sought. The purpose of instruction is to develop the imperfect, untrained child into the well-rounded, intelligent, and patriotic citizen. 3. The course of study, which begins seriously after the seventh year, includes music, gymnastics, drawing, grammar, rhetoric, and mathematics. Later, dialectics, philosophy, and political science are to be added. 4. Woman is to have part in education that she may properly train her children, and may, by an intelligent understanding of the laws, uphold the State. 5. Aristotle considered education as the most important and most difficult of all problems. He based his pedagogy upon a knowledge of the individual. 6. His method was the analytical. He began with things and advanced from the concrete to the abstract. The foregoing will show that Aristotle began the study of problems that still occupy the minds of educational thinkers, after more than twenty-two centuries of search for the truth. Some of the problems he discussed have found their solution, and the seed sown by the great thinker has come to fruitage. Karl Schmidt says, "Aristotle is the intellectual Alexander. Rich in experience and profound in speculation, he penetrates all parts of the universe and seeks to reduce all realities to concepts. He is the most profound and comprehensive thinker of the pre-Christian world,--the Hegel of classical antiquity,--because, like Hegel, he seeks to unify all knowledge, brings together the scattered materials of the present into one system, constructs in a wonderful intellectual temple the psychical and physical Cosmos, the universe and God, proclaims the destruction of an earlier culture epoch, and sets in motion waves in the ocean of history that are destined to influence the intellectual life of all centuries to come.... Aristotle stands for the highest intellectual summit of antiquity,--the bridge which binds the Grecian to the modern world,--the philosophical mouthpiece and the intellectual master of twenty centuries." FOOTNOTES: [17] Brother Azarias, "Essays Philosophical." CHAPTER X SPARTA =Literature.=--(See general literature for Greece.) _Sankey_, Spartan and Theban Supremacies; _Smith_, History of Greece; _Plutarch's_ Lives; _Mombert_, Great Lives; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters. =History.=--Sparta was the capital of Laconia, the southern province of Greece. Its inhabitants consisted of:-- 1. _Citizens_, composed of nine thousand families of nobles, who ruled the other classes. 2. _Perioeci_,[18] composed of thirty thousand families of freemen who lived in the territory surrounding Sparta, but who were subject to the nobles. 3. _Helots_,[19] about three hundred thousand in number, who were slaves. The Perioeci and the helots, with the love of freedom characteristic among the Greeks, chafed under their yoke of subjugation, and eagerly watched for opportunities for revolt. Only by an exercise of superior force could the nobles maintain their supremacy, and they were obliged to seek by martial training the strength they lacked in numbers. Hence the education of the Spartan youth was of necessity military, and every citizen was trained to become a warrior. The Spartans were dignified, austere, and of few words, "laconic" in speech. The young were expected to be silent in the presence of their elders except when addressed. They were taught to give way to their seniors, especially to old men, whenever they met upon the street or in a public place. =The Home.=--The child was left in charge of the mother until six or seven years of age. Toys inciting to warlike sports were provided, and childhood was made happy. The father usually superintended the child's training, but sometimes an aged relative assumed the responsibility. The treatment was humane and intelligent. From the first the child was taught implicit obedience and modesty. The _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_ have been called the Bible of the Greeks, and children early learned extracts from the works of the great poet, Homer. The Spartan mother was highly respected by her husband and her children, and she was noted for her chastity and nobility of character. She entered fully into the Spartan idea, and cheerfully gave her sons to her country, while she often inspired them to deeds of bravery and patriotism. The lofty and self-sacrificing patriotism of the Spartan mother is illustrated by her words upon sending her son to battle,--"Return either with your shield or on it!" It is said that weak and unpromising children were either killed as soon as they were born, or abandoned to the wild beasts upon the mountains. This was because the State would assume the training only of strong children, such as were likely to make good soldiers. It is probable that many of these abandoned children were rescued and reared by the lower classes, which would partially account for the fierce resistance so often offered by these classes to those who deprived them of liberty. If such an inhuman practice had been encouraged by other nations of the world, many of the greatest benefactors of the race would have been consigned to an untimely death, for some of the noblest men that have ever lived were weak in infancy. =Education.=--At six or seven the boy was taken from the home, and the State had entire jurisdiction over his education. The boys were placed in groups in charge of young men who were responsible for their education, which was almost wholly physical. They lived on very simple food, and were often obliged to appease hunger by theft. They were taught that crime did not lie in the commission of the offense, but in its detection. Their dress from seven to twelve consisted of a long coat of very coarse material, the same for summer and winter. They were taught to bear blows without a murmur, and instances are related of boys being whipped to death without crying out. Children sat at table with older men and listened to their conversation, but they were never allowed to speak except in answer to questions. Thus they absorbed wisdom and were incited to deeds of bravery by the stories of heroism related by their seniors. The State furnished barracks poorly provided with the comforts of life, in which the boys slept in severe weather; at other times they slept in the open air. They were wholly separated from their homes, and completely under control of the State. The purpose was to secure strong, beautiful, and supple bodies, inured to hardship, as a preparation for the life of the soldier. The only intellectual education was music, which consisted in playing the lyre as an accompaniment to the dance. Reading and writing were despised as being fit only for slaves. At the age of twelve the boy exchanged the long coat for the mantle, thereby entering upon manhood. From this time until the age of thirty, much the same form of training was continued, though it became more definitely military. At thirty the Spartan youth became a citizen and was expected to marry. Girls also received gymnastic training, in many cases with the boys. The purpose of this was to develop strong and beautiful wives and mothers. The effect of this coeducation of the sexes was in the highest degree salutary, impurity among women being unknown in Sparta. We have already noted the patriotism of the Spartan mother. Woman was highly esteemed in the home. Her praises and her reproofs were alike respected, and all her opinions bore much weight. =Criticism of Spartan Education.=--1. It produced men and women of beautiful physique. 2. It inculcated obedience, politeness, modesty, sobriety, respect for the aged, courage, and patriotism. 3. It checked luxury and extravagance. 4. On the other hand, it gave little attention to intellectual training, hence it produced few men of lasting fame. 5. Its aim was martial supremacy, and this attained, the State fell into a hasty decline because of the instability of such a foundation. 6. It excluded a large part of the inhabitants from its benefits, only the nobles being included. 7. It was selfish because it trained for Sparta and not for Greece, or for humanity. 8. It taught the duty of man to the State, and not the duty of man to man. 9. It took boys at an early age away from the influences of home, thus robbing the parents of the sacred prerogative of directing the education of their offspring. 10. It produced men cruel in battle and revengeful in victory, men incapable of cultivating the arts of peace. LYCURGUS There is so much that is mythical and uncertain concerning Lycurgus that many have doubted whether he ever lived. Curtius, however, says, "There really lived in the ninth century B.C. a legislator of the name of Lycurgus." Lycurgus formed the constitution which gave Sparta its peculiar institutions, and which established its place in history. His laws were intended to check luxury and to inculcate the simplest habits. Some of his important laws led to the introduction of the following customs:-- 1. All the men ate at common tables, fifteen at a table. 2. Children sat at these tables, but were required to maintain silence save when addressed. They were not allowed to ask for food. The object was to teach them good manners, to inculcate implicit obedience, and to impart to them the wisdom of the Spartan fathers. 3. The food was of the simplest kind. 4. Sparta was divided into nine thousand parts, a part for each of the nine thousand citizens, or noble families. The provinces under Spartan rule were divided into thirty thousand parts, a part for each Perioeci family. 5. Iron was made the only money, so that the people could not become rich; for its great weight rendered burdensome the possession of a considerable amount. 6. All children belonged to the State, to which only soldiers were valuable, therefore weak or deformed children were cast out. Marriage was also controlled by the State. Lycurgus exerted a great influence upon Sparta, and his laws were responsible for her peculiar political system and her resulting greatness. PYTHAGORAS Pythagoras, though not a Spartan, is associated with southern Greece. Little is known of his early life. He was born on the island of Samos, about B.C. 582. He was familiar with the Ionic philosophy, and probably visited Egypt for study, a custom common among scholars of that time. Such a visit would in part explain his knowledge of mathematics, as the Egyptians had long been masters in that science. One of his teachers was Thales, the father of philosophy. The fundamental thought of the Pythagorean philosophy was the idea of proportion and harmony. "Through number alone, the quantitative relations of things, extension, magnitude, figure (triangular, quadrangular, cubic), combination, distance, etc., obtain their peculiar character; the forms and proportions of things can all be reduced to number. Therefore, it was concluded, since without form and proportion nothing can exist, number must be the principle of things themselves, as well as the order in which they manifest themselves in the world." (Schwegler's "History of Philosophy.") While mathematics was the central idea of his system, medicine, physics, and philosophy were also taught in his school. He did the world great service in the discovery of the so-called Pythagorean theorem in geometry, that the square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle is equal to the sum of the squares of the other two sides. FOOTNOTES: [18] The Perioeci (dwellers around) were the older population of the land, who inhabited the mountains and hillsides about Sparta. They were farmers, and they also worked the mines and quarries, manufactured articles for the Spartan market, and carried on the commerce. Though freemen, they were allowed no part in the government, could not bear arms, and had to pay tribute to Sparta. [19] The Helots were probably peasants who occupied the land about Helos, and, defeated in war, became Spartan subjects. They could not be sold or given away, but belonged to the inventory of the farm. CHAPTER XI ROME =Literature.=--_Bryce_, The Holy Roman Empire; _Bury_, The Roman Empire; _Church_, Pictures from Roman Life and Story; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Gibbon_, Decline and Fall of Roman Empire; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Capes_, Roman Empire; _Merivale_, History of the Romans; _Shumway_, A Day in Ancient Rome; _Mommsen_, History of Rome; _Liddell_, History of Rome; _Ploetz_, Epitome of Universal History; _Gilman_, Story of Rome; _Collins_, Ancient Classics; _Monroe_, Source Book of the History of Education. =The Age of Augustus.=--The history of Rome covers a period of a thousand years. From the little village on the Palatine Hill Rome grew to be the mightiest empire of the world. The "Age of Augustus" represents not only the summit of military glory, but also the highest civilization, and the noblest ideals of the Roman people. It was the age of Vergil, Horace, Ovid, Livy, and Seneca. Rome was at peace with the world, and therefore had time to devote to art, literature, and other intellectual pursuits. It was during this period that Christ was born. Like Sparta, Rome for a long time maintained her supremacy by force of arms, and therefore encouraged physical education. But when she became mistress of the world, and came in contact with the culture of the Greeks, she began to feel the need of an intellectual and aesthetic development. Accordingly it became the fashion to study Greek, to bring teachers from Athens to Rome, and to send young men to Athens to study. The Roman Empire was therefore the medium through which Grecian culture was transmitted to the western world, and during the Augustan Age the center of learning was transferred from Athens to Rome. Gibbon says, "The first seven centuries were filled with a rapid succession of triumphs; but it was reserved for Augustus to relinquish the ambitious design of subduing the whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of moderation into the public councils."[20] The Augustan Age shows Rome at her best, and a study of the educational system at that time will be most fruitful for the student of pedagogy. =Geography and History.=--We have seen that Rome began with a small territory in the center of Italy, and that province after province was added, until in the time of Augustus she ruled the world. Italy, the center of the empire, has a diversified surface, a mild climate, and a fertile soil. In the time of Augustus, the Roman Empire embraced all of the border of the Mediterranean, extended as far north as the North Sea, as far east as the Euphrates, as far south as the Sahara, and west to the Atlantic. With the great Mediterranean entirely under its control, including the seas, bays, and rivers tributary to it; with its rich territories; and with its vast population, which represented most of the enterprise and civilization of the world,--this great empire possessed wonderful advantages for the spread of Christianity, for the dissemination of intelligence, and for the improvement of the human race. The government of the Romans was generally some form of republic, the people always being jealous of their rights. Their religion took on gross forms of idolatry, for they readily adopted and worshiped the gods of the Grecians, Egyptians, and other conquered peoples. Temples to Faith, Hope, Concord, and other virtues were erected and maintained. The Romans were very superstitious. These facts have a bearing upon Christian education, and will explain some of the chief difficulties which it had to encounter. =The Home.=--While in Athens the father had charge of the education of the boy in his early years, in Rome that duty devolved almost entirely upon the mother. In early Roman history the matron was celebrated for her virtues--fidelity to her husband, love for her children, and queenly guardianship of the sacred precincts of the home. The name of the Roman matron became a synonym of all that is noble, wifely, and motherly in the home. Without doubt the character had sadly deteriorated at the period of which we write, but there still remained with many the lofty ideals which had been fostered in earlier times. The husband was the head of the house, but to the wife was committed the care of the children and their instruction for the first six or seven years of their lives. She taught them strict obedience and politeness, and instructed them in the "Twelve Tables of Roman Law."[21] The mother also took great pains to teach her children correct pronunciation. She taught them their letters, first the name and then the form, a practice which is pedagogically false, as Quintilian pointed out. She also taught them poems from the great masters. In taking pains with pronunciation she prepared the way for later training in oratory, which was the most important study in Roman education. Only when Rome had begun to decay did mothers commit the training of their children to nurses and slaves. When Rome was at her best, the child grew up in an atmosphere of love under direct care of the mother, who shaped his morals and guided his religious life as well as his early mental development. Around the mother centered all that was ennobling and elevating in the first seven years of the child's life. The father had but little to do with this period, and did not interfere with the mother's work. His duty lay in public life; hers lay within the home, and well did she meet her responsibilities until the time of her debasement with all the other elements of Roman society. =Elementary Education.=--At six or seven years of age the child was sent to school in charge of a slave, who carried his books and protected him from harm. This was in imitation of the practice in Athens, where the pedagogue performed a like office. But the duties of the Roman slave do not seem to have been as responsible as those of the Athenian pedagogue. As we have seen, in Rome the mothers looked after the morals of their children with great care, and the attendant of the child to school was regarded as but little else than a servant. In some of the wealthier and more aristocratic families, however, in addition to the slave who performed the menial duties mentioned, there was also a pedagogue who attended the youth to school and to the theater, superintended his games, and, in short, accompanied him wherever he went. This pedagogue was intrusted with full power to discipline and to direct the morals of his charge. In some cases several boys were placed in the care of the same pedagogue. On the other hand, it often happened that a boy had a whole retinue of slaves, each having his special duty to perform. The schools were in charge of _literators_, usually men of little culture and no social standing. These institutions were public, though supported by private means. The discipline was severe, strict obedience being exacted by the teacher, who made use of the rod when he thought it necessary. The subjects taught were reading, writing, and arithmetic. Great care was taken with pronunciation, just as had been done in the early years under the mother's instruction. In writing, the characters were traced with the stylus on waxed tablets. Arithmetic was learned for its utility. Indeed, the whole purpose of the schools was to prepare the children for practical life. The easier poets were read, explained, and committed to memory, not so much for their content as to fit youth for public speaking. Obedience, politeness, modesty, cleanliness, and respect for teachers were virtues insisted upon. These schools, which covered the instruction of children from five to twelve years of age, did not, as already intimated, reach the very highest classes, who preferred to employ private tutors. =Secondary Education.=--At twelve the boy entered a school taught by an educated man, called _literatus_. Many of the teachers of this class were Greeks. Here, in addition to the studies of the elementary school, the pupils were taught the Greek and Latin languages; and the poets, history, oratory, philosophy, and criticism were also studied. The school of the _literatus_ was much better than that of the _literator_, but it reached only a limited number of the Roman youth. =Higher Education.=--Upon entering his sixteenth year, the boy was inducted with ceremony into the dignity of manhood, and was clothed with the _toga virilis_, the dress of men. He now chose his calling and began definite preparation for it. Five vocations were open to him,--namely, oratory, politics, arms, law, and agriculture. Those without talent or inclination for any of the others devoted themselves to agriculture. They were taken to the farms, where they received definite instruction in the principles and practices of this occupation. To those who chose oratory, politics, or law, were assigned persons experienced in their respective fields, and the boys were taken to the forum, the senate, and other places where they could hear renowned orators and become familiar with public life. They had also definite instruction in their chosen branch. Those who entered the army were placed in charge of military officers, who taught them military tactics and the practical duties of life in camp. These learners also gave attention to oratory and other intellectual studies. It will thus appear that in their schools, as in life, the Romans were thoroughly practical. Each boy was carefully prepared for the life which he had chosen, by being inducted into it during his school course. Cicero asked the question, "What have we to learn?" and answered it, "To honor and strengthen the State, in order that we may become the rulers of the world." Roman parents demanded that their children should be trained in the practical duties of life, in order that they might know how to become rich. Therefore all training for children was in this direction. While this in general was the purpose of education, the Romans had their ideal of what an educated man should be, and that ideal found its expression in the name of _orator_. He who was the best orator was the best educated man. The schools, however, were for boys, little account being taken of the education of girls except in household duties. Still, women were more respected, and had wider privileges than they had before enjoyed. Most of the wealthy citizens employed Greek tutors for their sons, and sought to ape Grecian manners and culture. Education was completed by study in Athens and by travel--advantages within reach only of the very wealthy. =Criticism of Roman Education.=--1. It took great care to instill respect for law and obedience to parental and civil authority. 2. It honored the home and taught respect for the mother. In this, Rome took a great step in advance over many nations of antiquity. 3. It was not a State institution, and therefore could not offer equal advantages to all. 4. Its end was to prepare the youth for practical life and to fit him for the acquirement of wealth, rather than for the development of all the human powers. 5. It was superficial, and sought to apply Greek culture to Roman conditions and character. 6. It did not take a strong hold upon the Roman people so as to shape the course of the nation. 7. It ignored the claims of the masses, including women, to equal education and equal rights. FOOTNOTES: [20] "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire," Vol. I, p. 2. [21] The "Twelve Tables" were formulated about B.C. 450. They constituted the code of written law, and were written or engraved on tables of wood. They settled usages long in practice, but never before written, defining the rights of _plebeians_ and _patricians_. They were agreed to only after ten years of dispute and mutual concession. They resembled Solon's laws, owing, doubtless, to the commission which was sent to Greece to study the laws of that country. These tables were destroyed when the Gauls sacked Rome (B.C. 390), but their contents had been widely committed to memory, and were handed down from generation to generation. The mothers saw to it that these laws were early taught to their children, who thus came to venerate them and to have respect for authority. CHAPTER XII ROMAN EDUCATORS =Literature.=--(See Literature, Chapter XI.) _Forsyth_, Life of Cicero; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Watson_, Quintilian's Institutes (Pedagogy, in Bks. I & II). CICERO[22] (B.C. 106-43) Cicero was born B.C. 106, of noble parents. As a boy he had the advantage of the best schools and teachers that Rome could furnish. Later he studied at Athens, under the greatest Greek masters, and became proficient in the Greek language. According to the common practice among the better classes in Rome, he spent some time in travel to complete his education, visiting Egypt, Asia Minor, and other parts of the known world. But Cicero's education can hardly be said to have been "completed" as long as he lived, for he remained a student even in the midst of his most exacting duties of State, and often employed teachers, especially in oratory. Forsyth says of him, "Philosophy and oratory seem to have been the two chief objects of his study; but if of any man before Bacon appeared that might be said which the great master of modern philosophy claimed for himself, that he 'had taken all knowledge for his province,' it might be truly declared of the youthful Cicero. His appetite for knowledge was insatiable, and his desire for distinction boundless."[23] Becoming an advocate in Rome, he devoted himself chiefly to the defense of men high in position, often those who were charged with bribery, extortion, or other abuse of political trust. Some of his finest orations were delivered on these occasions. In the meantime he lost no opportunity to advance his own political interests. He was elected to one office after another until he reached the height of his political ambition,--the consulship of Rome, the loftiest position attainable by the Roman citizen. As consul he devoted himself with such zeal, integrity, and success as to win the title "Father of his Country." While he held this office he exposed the conspiracy of Catiline and saved Rome from civil war. He conducted the office with honesty and efficiency. Indeed, at a time of great corruption, Cicero stands out during his entire life of nearly sixty-four years as the purest patriot, the broadest-minded statesman, the noblest man of the age. His honesty in public or private life is unquestioned. Of his intellectual greatness Forsyth says, "The greatness of his intellect dwarfed that of every other man alive."[24] That he was vain of his accomplishments admits of no doubt. That he also sometimes lacked moral courage and was vacillating seems also true. But he was incorruptible in a corrupt age; above reproach when impure life was the rule; and when treason was common, he remained a firm patriot. His celebrated "Philippics" were delivered against practices which indicated the approaching ruin of the republic. That ruin was complete when the Second Triumvirate was formed,--an event which also sealed the doom of Cicero. Upon learning that he was proscribed, Cicero attempted to escape from Italy, but was overtaken and assassinated. His head and hands were carried to Rome and presented to Antony, who gave the head to his wife, Fulvia, whose crimes Cicero had often rebuked. Forsyth says, "She took it, and placing it on her lap, addressed it as if it were alive, in words of bitter insult. She dragged out the tongue, whose sarcasms she had so often felt, and with feminine rage pierced it with her bodkin. It was then taken and nailed to the rostra, together with the hands, to molder there in mockery of the triumphs of his eloquence, of which that spot had so often been the scene. A sadder sight was never gazed upon in Rome."[25] =Cicero's Pedagogy.=--It is not as a teacher, but as a writer, that Cicero demands a place in educational history. His writings furnish the finest examples of Latin style, and his orations are studied for their classic beauty and rhetorical finish. He wrote many philosophical works, in which are set forth advanced ideas on education. Especially was he in advance of his age in regard to the punishment of children. He held that corporal punishment should be resorted to only when all else has failed; that the child should not be degraded in the mode of punishment; that punishment should never be administered in anger, should be deferred until ample time for reflection has been allowed to both teacher and pupil; and that reasons for it should be given, so that, if possible, the child may be led to see the justice of the punishment inflicted. The teachings of Cicero on this subject are of great pedagogical importance, and they have at last come to be recognized in the school practice of the present day. While these were Cicero's most important pedagogical teachings, he also taught many other truths valuable in education. Among them are these: that education begins in childhood, and is a steady growth throughout life; that memory should be cultivated by learning extracts from classic authors; that great care should be taken to make the amusements and environments of the child such as to elevate and refine, as well as properly to develop its powers; that at the suitable time some calling should be chosen for which the youth has evident fitness; that religion is the basis of morals, therefore careful attention should be given to religious instruction. SENECA (B.C. 3-A.D. 65) Seneca was one of the most distinguished men that Rome produced. Even as a boy he showed remarkable talent, and his father furnished him the best educational opportunities by placing him under the greatest masters in the city. He also had the benefit of travel in Greece and Egypt, after which he practiced law in Rome. The student of education is interested in Seneca chiefly as the tutor of Nero, who was committed to his charge at the age of eleven. Without doubt the lad had already formed vicious habits, as his teacher had great trouble in managing him; nor did Seneca eradicate those evil tendencies which bore such terrible fruit in Nero's later years. Nero retained his love for his teacher for a long time, keeping him as a trusted counselor for several years. Seneca drew up all of Nero's state papers, among others one defending the crime of matricide, Nero having put his own mother to death. This brought deserved odium upon Seneca's name. It indicates that he was a time-server, lacking moral independence and firmness. This may explain his failure in the training of his royal pupil. Nero himself wearied of his old teacher and friend, and condemned him to death. Seneca, however, committed suicide, a mode of death quite in accord with his Stoic philosophy. Seneca was the most eminent writer, rhetorician, and orator of his time. He anticipated many modern ethical teachings, and in some of his writings we find a strong religious sentiment, quite like that of Christianity, leading one to think that he may have been influenced by Christ and his disciples, with whom he was contemporary. On the other hand, some of his teachings are decidedly repulsive to Christianity. =Seneca's Pedagogy.=--1. Like Cicero, he believed that punishment should be mild and reasonable. "Who condemns quickly, condemns willingly; and who punishes too much, punishes improperly." 2. The office of education is to correct the evil tendencies in the child. 3. The character of each child must be studied, and each individual should be developed according to his peculiarities. 4. Do not flatter the child, but teach him truthfulness, modesty, and respect for his elders. 5. Take great care that the environment of the child is elevating, and allow only pure and ennobling examples to be reflected before him. 6. Give the child but few studies, in order that he may be thorough and acquire right habits of learning. 7. The office of teacher is one of the most important of all offices. "What the teacher, who instructs us in the sciences, imparts to us in noble effort and intellectual culture, is worth more than he receives; for, not the matter, but the trouble; not the desert, but only the labor, is paid for.... Such a man, who consecrates his whole being to our good, and who awakens our dormant faculties, is deserving all the esteem that we give a benevolent physician or our most loved and dearest kindred." QUINTILIAN[26] No other Roman contributed so much pedagogy to the world as Quintilian. He was born in Spain, but early moved to Rome, in order to be trained in the atmosphere of culture which that city alone afforded. His education was conducted by his father, a celebrated rhetorician, to whom he owed the particular direction of his powers which afterward made him so famous. He chose the law as a profession, because it offered the best opportunity for the exercise of oratory. Not finding the practice of law congenial, he soon abandoned it, and devoted his time to teaching. He founded a school at Rome, and conducted it with great success for twenty years, having for pupils children from the most distinguished patrician families. Among these were the grandnephews of Domitian, possible heirs to the throne. This was the best school in Rome at that time. Vespasian honored Quintilian by creating for him a chair of rhetoric and conferring upon him the title "Professor of Oratory." This is the first instance in history of State endowment of a chair for teaching a specific subject. Royal recognition was not without effect upon the fortunes of Quintilian, as it placed him in the front rank of the teachers of Rome. This, together with his subject, the teaching and mastery of which were considered by the Romans to be the climax of education, enabled him to wrest supremacy from the Greek teachers who so long had enjoyed a monopoly of teaching in the city. When fifty-three years of age, Quintilian retired from his school, and devoted himself to authorship. In the first two books of his great work, "Institutes of Oratory,"[27] he sets forth his ideas on education. This is the most remarkable treatise on education bequeathed to us by antiquity. He taught that as oratory was the climax of Roman education, especial attention should be given to it. He was not in sympathy with the prevailing use that was made of oratory. Oratorical contests were frequent, and they excited popular interest. Courts, lawyers, and public speakers resorted to all the tricks of speech to win popular favor, and audiences demanded something startling, dramatic, and unusual. Quintilian tried to stay this tide, and taught that oratory should conceal itself. He met, however, with poor success in reforming the evil. =Quintilian's Pedagogy.=--His pedagogical teachings, some of which we present, are of the greatest importance. 1. There should be no corporal punishment, as punishment administered to slaves is not suitable for children who are to be citizens. 2. Nurses must be irreproachable in life and language, so that children be not brought in contact with anything impure. 3. Amusements should be turned to account as a means of education. 4. Teachers should be men of ability and of spotless character. 5. Children should begin early with a foreign tongue, as their own language will come to them naturally in their intercourse with those about them. 6. Education should begin with the earliest childhood. 7. The forms and names of the letters should be learned simultaneously, playthings being utilized to assist in this. 8. Care should be taken that children do not acquire a distaste for learning. 9. In learning to read, advance very slowly. 10. Writing should begin with tracing, and the copies should consist of moral precepts. 11. The individuality of the child should be studied. 12. Public schools are preferable to other means of education, because they do not subject the child to greater moral danger, while they stimulate him by association, friendship, and example, to nobler endeavor. 13. Under the _literatus_, grammar, composition, music, geometry, astronomy, and literature are to be studied. 14. The climax of education should be _rhetoric_. =Other Roman Educators.=--Among the other Roman educators may be mentioned Plutarch (50-138 A.D.) and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Plutarch in his "Parallel Lives" gives particular attention to morals. He offers valuable suggestions as to the training of children, laying great stress upon family life, an admonition particularly needed in Rome at that period. He also urges that women should be educated in order properly to train their children, being one of the first to consider this question. Marcus Aurelius, called "the philosopher on the throne," in his "Meditations" gave expression to most lofty thoughts, showing keenest self-examination and obedience to conscience. His moral teachings are among the noblest of all the writers of antiquity. FOOTNOTES: [22] Forsyth, "Life of Cicero." This is a very complete, just, and discriminating treatment of Cicero and his relation to the times in which he lived. [23] "Life of Cicero," Vol. I, p. 30. [24] Vol. II, p. 213. [25] Vol. II, p. 317. [26] Authorities differ as to the dates of Quintilian's birth and death, placing his birth at from A.D. 35 to 42, and his death from A.D. 95 to 120. Drieser, who is perhaps the best authority, places his birth at A.D. 35, but does not fix the date of his death, which, however, was probably much later than A.D. 95 as he lived to a ripe old age. [27] _Institutio Oratoria._ CHAPTER XIII CHRISTIAN EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Bryce_, Holy Roman Empire; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Sheppard_, Fall of Rome; _Draper_, Conflict between Religion and Science; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Gibbon_, Decline and Fall of Roman Empire; _Laurie_, Rise of Universities; _Stillé_, Studies in Mediaeval History; _Arnold_, Essays in Criticism; _Lecky_, History of European Morals; _Hegel_, Philosophy of History; _Allies_, The Formation of Christendom; _Châteaubriand_, The Genius of Christianity; _Azarias_, Essays Philosophical. INTRODUCTION Oriental civilization was based on the theory that the individual belonged to the State, and could have no interest except that which was bound up in the interests of the State. Christianity, on the other hand, taught that while the individual has duties which he owes to the State, and while he must look to the State for his protection, and for the preservation of his material interests, he owes a higher allegiance elsewhere, and no fetters can be placed on the aspirations or wants of his own soul. In a word, Christianity taught the importance and worth of the individual. The great teachers, Confucius, Buddha, Socrates, Plato, had many glimpses of truth, but Christ is truth itself. He discovered to the world the final principle of the value of the human soul, and brought to fruition the truth that "all men are equal before God." This thought made human development possible; a new principle was introduced upon which civilization could build and advance, and improve to the end of time. Perhaps the highest test of civilization is found in the respect shown to women. Measured by this test, the oriental nations have made but little progress, as the position of woman with them is much the same to-day as it was centuries ago. While this is true of each individual nation, we have found among the nations themselves, as we have traced the growth of civilization, steady improvement in the condition of woman. Thus, in Athens and Rome, where we find the highest types of ancient civilization, there was also the greatest respect for woman. In no country of the East was it equaled. If the Jews are mentioned as an exception, it must be admitted that the Jewish women held the highest place among those of antiquity; but this eminence was given by the Jews only to the women of their own race, and was by no means universally accorded to womankind, as it is by the spirit of Christianity. If we discover a greater respect for woman in Rome or Athens than in China or India, it only shows the movement of civilization toward the west. The coming of Christ marked a new era both in religion and education. Let us look at some of the lessons which Christianity teaches. 1. _God is the common Father of all men._--This does not limit the blessings of the world to the Jew and exclude the Gentile. All men of whatever race or color may approach God as their Father, and all are equal in his sight. This gives hope to all, and makes possible an exercise of faith in the present and in the future life. It proclaims a higher citizenship than that of the State, and demands allegiance first of all to God. 2. _The universal brotherhood of man._--This principle sweeps away castes, abolishes slavery, destroys class distinctions, and gives equal rights to all men. It stimulates love for fellow-men, checks selfishness, promulgates peace and good will, and implants the spirit of the Golden Rule in the hearts of men. 3. _Marriage is a divine rite and husband and wife are equal._--Nothing like this teaching had been practiced in the pagan world. Woman was simply the servant, the creature, of man. She was to do his bidding, and might be divorced for trivial cause, or for none. Man was supreme and his will was law. The home in the Christian sense did not exist, because the husband and wife were not one. 4. _Children are the gift of God._--This was a Jewish as well as a Christian teaching. If children are the gift of God, the power of life and death over them cannot rest with the father, as in China, Persia, or Rome. It is the duty of the father to preserve them, teach them, train them for this life, and prepare them for the life to come. Since the children come from God, the pious parent must consider them as a sacred trust which he does not neglect. Hence he must see to it that they are properly educated. 5. _The central pedagogic truth of Christ's teaching is this: All education is for the individual._ Oriental education had for its end the interests of the State. Christian education has for its end the interests of the individual. The State is the creature of man, and not man the creature of the State. Man will create, and support, and preserve the State for his self-protection and for his own good. The highest ideal of the State is that in which the people rule, that which furnishes the greatest liberty. This is the logic of Christianity, and the logical conclusion of education. It is really for the individual. The world has been slow to learn this lesson taught by Christ; but now it is mastering it more thoroughly every day, as shown by the more liberal forms of government, the broader interpretation of courses of study, and the greater attention to the needs of the individual child. All these teachings of Christianity have a direct educational meaning, and suggest lessons for all humanity. For the school is not the only contributor to the education of a people. Every truth that affects mankind, every principle that touches the home or the State, has its influence upon the life and character of the individual, and is, therefore, an element in his education. The natural consequence of these principles is that education must be universal. Every child must be fitted for the duties of life, both for his own sake and for the sake of the State of which he is a part. As an individual, he must work out his destiny, and to make this possible in the broadest and best sense from the Christian standpoint both mind and heart must be developed. As a member of the State he must assume duties in public affairs which require the possession of superior intelligence. This is particularly true in free governments which are the logical product of the spirit of Christianity. While the idea of universal education had its beginning with the Christian era, we shall see that many centuries elapsed before it reached its fulfillment. There were many serious and almost insurmountable obstacles against which the early Christians had to contend, and these made progress necessarily slow. Let us look at some of these obstacles. =Their Poverty.=--The early Christians were almost without exception poor. Christ appealed to the poor and lowly, and chose his disciples from among them. The acknowledged followers of the Nazarene had to face confiscation of property, persecution, death. Homeless and without protection they wandered about, and had neither the opportunity nor the right to acquire property. They, therefore, had little means to apply to the education of their children. They could neither establish schools nor employ teachers; they could give only such instruction as the limitations of their poverty, their misery, and their fear permitted. Consequently, only the most meager training could be secured, and that almost wholly in religious matters. =Their Own Ignorance.=--Chosen as they were from the lowly ranks of life, many of the early Christians were ignorant. Most of them were servants and slaves, who had been converted from paganism, and who did not possess even the rudiments of education. They had to be instructed in the rites and ceremonies of the Church, and in the practices and requirements of their new belief. Unlettered as they were themselves, they could scarcely undertake to educate their children. It is marvelous that under these conditions any attempt was made to do it; yet we find that great pains were taken even in the early centuries of the Christian era to perform this duty toward those who were regarded as gifts of God and heirs of salvation. =Their Small Number.=--Even when free from persecution and under comparatively happy conditions, they were so scattered and so few in number, as well as so poor, that to maintain schools was almost an impossibility. They would not permit their children to attend the pagan schools, as they feared moral and intellectual contamination. The only safety, especially for the converts from paganism, was in being "separate from the world" about them. So where their numbers were sufficient they established schools of their own. But in many communities they could not do this; hence they could only teach their children at home. =Opposition of the Rulers.=--Rome ruled the world, and her highways, her commerce, her military expeditions, and her mighty enterprises furnished excellent means for the spread of Christianity. But while Rome had many religions, adopted from her conquered peoples, Christianity was so different from these that the rulers were readily brought to regard the Christians with suspicion. Humility, returning good for evil, refusal to avenge, were contrary to the Roman spirit. Therefore many persecutions followed, which disturbed the life of the Christians so as to make impossible the work of educating their children. =Lack of Christian Literature.=--The early Christian Fathers fully realized the dangers that surrounded their children. To come in contact with pagan schools, or even with pagan literature, they felt to be dangerous. How easy it would be for pagan converts to fall away, or even for others not pagan, attracted by popular influences. For Christianity was not yet popular. Hence the only safety of the converts lay in totally abstaining from the use of pagan literature. Here was introduced a discussion that affected the Church and educational progress for centuries, and caused learned men when converted to abjure their favorite authors who had furnished the material for their education in their early years. Having no literature of their own, and condemning the use of pagan literature, the Christians found it hard to overcome the obstacles which stood in the way of Christian education. As a result, almost the only things taught to children were certain parts of the Bible, and the rites and duties of the Church. =Other Difficulties.=--New ideas do not readily take hold of the world. Men naturally cling to the old and tried, and are not easily turned to new thoughts and practices. The teachings of Christ were so radically new that men were slow to adopt them. Their acceptance involved a change of habit, the abandonment of customs not before regarded as evil, the yielding up of social caste, the humbling of the individual. Herein existed a most serious obstacle to the establishment of Christian education. These are a few of the great difficulties that had to be met, many of which were not overcome for centuries. We shall see, as we trace the development of education, how the new ideas which had their birth with the Christian era struggled for recognition, how they have become established, how they have brought great blessings to mankind, how they have aroused ambition and awakened hope, and how they give promise of still greater advancement in times to come. The boundless field thus opened to mankind, and the knowledge of how to enter and possess it, constitute the world's great inheritance from Christ. But to know how to appreciate and use this inheritance, we must study the slow and painful growth of these new educational ideals from the Christian era till the present time. CHAPTER XIV THE GREAT TEACHER =Literature.=--The Bible; _Beecher_, Life of Christ; _Hanna_, Our Lord's Life on Earth; _Geikie_, Life of Christ; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Fouard_, Life of Christ. =Life and Character.=--Christ was born in Bethlehem, spent his early life at Nazareth, entered upon his ministry when thirty years of age, continued it for three years, and was then crucified by the Romans at the instigation of the Jews. These are simple facts of history corroborated by both sacred and profane writings. All agree that his was the most noble character that ever appeared on earth. The most careful study of his life for nineteen centuries, by friends and enemies, by scholars and critics, by philosophers and statesmen, by Christians and unbelievers, only adds to its luster, and sustains the conviction that, though he was a man, he was also more than man. The most critical research, the most careful examination of his life, his motives, his teachings, only compel the testimony that he was "without spot or blemish." The great have studied his sayings and his life, and have bowed in admiration before the sublime teachings of the Son of Man. The simple and unlettered have listened to his words of truth and been comforted. Faith has been awakened, hope inspired, love quickened, and man redeemed by the power of the Christ. Millions have been influenced by the sweetness and purity of his life. The spirit of Christianity has led to the founding of hospitals, asylums, and institutions of mercy everywhere; to the establishment of schools and colleges; to the universal spread of education; to the uplifting of the individual; to the furtherance of human brotherhood; and to the fostering of peace among men and nations. Christ produced a profound impression alike upon the great and the small. Rousseau says of him, "The life and death of Jesus Christ are those of a god." Napoleon says of Christ, "His birth and the story of his life; the profoundness of his doctrine, which overturns all difficulties, and is their most complete solution; his gospel; the singularity of his mysterious being; his appearance, his empire, his progress through all centuries and kingdoms,--all this is to me a prodigy, an unfathomable mystery. I defy you to cite another life like that of Christ." It has well been said that "Christ is the God who is man, and the man who is God." Nor was the impression upon the lowly less profound. He called ignorant fishermen to discipleship, and by three years' contact and instruction prepared them to "go into the world and teach all nations." The inspiration of his life and teachings made them able to stand before kings, and to "confound the wisdom of the wise." =His Work as a Teacher.=--But the question here is not concerning Christ as the founder of a religion, nor of his divine character or life, but of Christ as a _teacher_. He is justly entitled to be called "The Great Teacher." Karl Schmidt says, "By his doctrines and through his deeds,--in and with his entire life,--is Christ the teacher and educator of humanity." His method is the foundation of all true teaching. Let us note some of the important characteristics of this method. 1. _It was suited to his hearers._--When Christ taught the people he used material that they could comprehend. Thus, when he spoke his parable of the sower, while he sat by the seaside, the multitude before him had gathered from the villages and farms of the country round about. They therefore could thoroughly appreciate the lesson. His parable of the vineyard was doubtless suggested by the vine-clad hills of Judea, and the lessons taught were made more forcible by their suitableness. In his conversation with the learned Nicodemus he plunged at once into the most profound doctrines, but when he talked with the ignorant Samaritan woman, his approach to the truth he would teach was most simple and gradual. No one ever failed to understand him, and he is a most remarkable example of the teacher suiting himself to the capacity of his pupils. 2. _It was full of illustrations._--When he wished to teach the evil of covetousness he told of the rich man and his barns; he encouraged faithfulness by the parable of the talents; he stimulated to fruit bearing by the story of the fig tree; he taught mercy by the account of the Good Samaritan; joy over repentance was illustrated by the story of the ninety and nine. And so we find that by ample and suitable illustration the Savior enforced the sublime truths that he taught. 3. _It was simple and yet logical._--There was no effort to be philosophical, yet the teachings of Christ are full of philosophy. The language used and the manner of putting the truth were so simple that the ignorant man and the child were never left in doubt as to his meaning. Nevertheless his teaching was not haphazard; it was connected and logical. It contained so much of truth, so systematically put and so much to the point in view, that, while it appealed at once to the understanding of his hearers, it also furnished material for thought for the most learned of all ages. Whether it was a parable or a story, an admonition or a rebuke, a sermon or a prayer, a word of comfort to the sisters of Bethany or an argument with the chief priests, a familiar conversation with his disciples or a stern rebuke of the scribes and Pharisees,--Christ always expressed himself with simplicity and clearness. 4. _It drew from Nature._--Christ loved to walk in the fields with his disciples and draw lessons from the plants, the birds, the sowing of the farmer, the gathering of fruit from the vineyard, the ripening harvests, and the whispering breezes. "Consider the lilies of the field how they grow;" "behold the fowls of the air;" "a sower went forth to sow;" "a certain man had a fig tree planted in his vineyard; and he came and sought fruit thereon and found none;" "lift up your eyes and look on the fields; for they are white already to harvest;" "the wind bloweth where it listeth,"--these and many other texts show that Christ was familiar with Nature, and loved to call upon her for illustration and example. 5. _It elevated the truth and sought to enforce it._--Christ gave himself a sacrifice for the truth. He allowed no thought of personal safety or success to overshadow the truth. All his words, his acts, his teachings, aimed at establishing the truth. He overthrew old systems and introduced a new spirit into the world, even the spirit of truth. He was the very essence of truth, declaring to Thomas, "I am the way, the truth, and the life." He thus gave to teachers for all time a noble example and an immortal principle, vital to their success in true teaching. It is the _truth_ that must be taught and practiced by every one worthy of the name of teacher. 6. _It was earnest and full of sympathy._--The earnestness of Christ aroused the populace to shout "Hosanna!" and provoked the bitter hostility of his enemies. It drew multitudes into the wilderness and attracted crowds wherever he went. His sympathy went out to the people as "sheep having no shepherd." It led him to feed the multitude, heal the sick, raise the dead, take little children in his arms and bless them, and weep over Jerusalem. He came close to the lives and hearts of those whom he instructed. This is one of the grandest lessons that the Great Teacher left for teachers of all time. These are some of the chief characteristics of Christ's spirit and method. He loved little children, and taught his disciples, when he had set a little child in the midst of them, "Whosoever, therefore, shall humble himself as this little child, the same is greatest in the kingdom of heaven." Every one of the principles above stated is essential to the teacher, and these principles contain the sum and substance of all true pedagogy. Well has Karl Schmidt expressed the truth, when he says, "Christ, the perfect teacher, gave by his example and by his own teaching the eternal principles of pedagogy." CHAPTER XV GENERAL VIEW OF THE FIRST PERIOD OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Allies_, Peter's Rock in Mohammed's Flood; _Newman_, Historical Essays. This period covered the time from the birth of Christ till the Reformation. It included the early centuries of struggling Christianity, in which old customs had to be combated, and the new ideas, born with the coming of the Savior, and propagated by him and his followers, were slowly and surely to take possession of the world. These fifteen centuries embrace those generally known in history as the "Dark Ages," during which progress was indeed slow. But when we remember the obstacles which, as we have seen, were to be met, the prejudice to be set aside, the great changes inaugurated, and the limited means at command, we marvel at the great results attained. Let us now briefly examine some of the factors that are prominent in Christian education during its first period. 1. _The apostles and Church Fathers were foremost in all educational matters._--These men were not simply spiritual leaders; they caught the spirit of the Master, and sought to instruct the head as well as the heart. They established schools and themselves became teachers, directed educational movements, formed courses of study, and by fostering education furthered the success and perpetuity of Christianity. Men like Paul, Origen, Chrysostom, Basil the Great, and Augustine did much good, not only in building up the Church, but also in promoting education, the chief handmaid of the Church. Indeed, all educational progress during the early Christian centuries centers around the names of these men. 2. _The Church was the sponsor of the schools._--During this long period the State had not yet assumed the obligation of educating her youth, and we find only rare instances of the State taking any part in the training of the young. No attempt at universal education was made, and none could be made, for the Church could not furnish the means to do it; consequently nearly all educational effort was directed to training the priesthood and providing for the perpetuity of the Church. The Church was the mother of the schools, and to her fostering care alone do we owe their establishment and maintenance during this long period. Her authority was supreme, and acknowledged by all temporal powers; hence the subjects studied in the schools and the persons chosen to share the benefits of education were such as would subserve the interests of the Church. 3. _The monasteries rendered valuable service to education._--They were long the centers of learning, being the only places where schools existed. They were the repositories of valuable manuscripts, which were copied with marvelous diligence and preserved for future generations. The monasteries adopted courses of study which, however incomplete, were efficiently carried out, and formed the basis of future courses. The influence of the monasteries for many centuries was of great value to learning. 4. _The crusades brought new life into education._--While the crusades were primarily religious movements, they were also educational in their results. They infused new life into the stagnant conditions of Europe. They aroused the people to physical and mental, as well as religious, activity. They led to the establishment of schools and universities. 5. _The Teutonic peoples became an important instrument of progress._--Rome began to decline, and the Teutons of the north, whom Rome had never been able to subjugate, became her conquerors. The Latin race had served a noble purpose in the world's history, but now another, perhaps stronger race, joined in the work of civilization. The physical and intellectual vigor of the various branches of the Teutonic family,--the German, the Anglo-Saxon, the Scandinavian,--which has won for them leadership in evangelization, in commerce, in conquest, and in educational enterprise, showed itself unmistakably during the period under discussion. These peoples now joined with the Latin peoples in assuming the ever increasing responsibilities of Christian civilization, and the interests of education were greatly enhanced and furthered through these combined influences. These are the principal agencies to which were committed the most vital interests of humanity during the first fifteen centuries of the Christian era. We shall see that some grave errors were made, errors that blocked the path of improvement sometimes for centuries; we shall find that narrowness, bigotry, prejudice, and ignorance often hindered the introduction of truth because it did not coincide with tradition; we shall see how the Church assumed prerogatives that did not belong to her, especially in the field of scientific research, and thereby delayed human progress; nevertheless, we shall ever remain thankful to these agencies for the encouragement they gave to education, and for whatever good results they were instrumental in attaining. CHAPTER XVI THE FIRST CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS =Literature.=--_White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Durrell_, A New Life in Education; _Laurie_, Rise of Universities; _Lecky_, History of European Morals; _Allies_, The Formation of Christendom; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Azarias_, Essays Philosophical. We have already seen that the early Christians were obliged to endure great hardships and surmount great difficulties in securing education for their children. Indeed, during the first two centuries almost all that was done was to train the converts in the rites and ceremonies of the Christian Church. But as they grew stronger in numbers, and as persecution diminished, they could give greater attention to education. Unwilling to make use of pagan schools, which could not satisfy their chief need--to prepare for the new religion--they gradually established their own. =Catechumen Schools.=--The first Christian schools were _catechumen schools_. A _catechumen_ was a person who desired instruction in the new faith with a view to baptism and admission into the Church. As many of the converts had been pagans, and as all were ignorant of the requirements of the Church as well as of the new doctrines, such instruction was absolutely necessary. Therefore the converts were divided into classes, at first two, later, four; and instruction was given them in the rudiments of Christianity. In the beginning the catechumen schools were for adults only, but afterward children were admitted, and reading and writing were taught. Previous to this change, if children received any secular instruction at all, it was given at their homes by parents or tutors, or in the pagan schools. At the close of the second century Protogenes established a school at Odessa, in which reading, writing, texts of Scripture, and singing of psalms were taught. This was the first _Christian common school_. Other schools followed rapidly as the persecutions ceased, until Rome became Christianized, and pagan schools gave place to Christian schools throughout the empire. Two great names are closely connected with this movement. CHRYSOSTOM (347-407) One of the greatest representatives of the early Christian Church interested in education was Chrysostom.[28] He was born at Antioch in Syria, and educated in the pagan schools, but the influence of his devout Christian mother kept him true to her faith. He was noted for his eloquence, hence the name by which he is known in history, for Chrysostom means _golden-mouthed_. John Malone says of him, "First of the great Christian preachers after the Church came from the caves, he was not less able as a teacher."[29] He became bishop of the Church, and was the greatest pedagogue of his time. Some of his educational principles may be stated as follows:-- 1. As Christ lowered himself to man's estate in order to raise man to his estate, so the teacher must lower himself to the capacity of his pupils in order to elevate them. 2. Christ did not reveal everything to his disciples, suggesting sometimes truths for them to discover; so the teacher must not do for his pupils what they can do for themselves. 3. The foundation of all true education is the Christian life and example; therefore teachers and parents must walk circumspectly before children. 4. Women, especially mothers, are the natural educators of children. 5. Religious instruction is an essential factor of the school work. It is of the highest importance that children should be brought up "in the nurture and admonition of the Lord." BASIL THE GREAT (329-379) Basil the Great was born at Caesarea. He studied at Constantinople and Athens, and sat at the feet of the greatest pagan philosophers and teachers of his time. He was not perverted by their teachings, but told them frankly that, though they possessed all learning, he had found something greater than this, and that was the Christ. Basil was one of the foremost Fathers of the Church, a great writer, and a promoter of education. He was very fond of classic literature, and, in face of the bitter opposition of many of the Church Fathers, urged its proper use in the schools. He was instrumental in founding monasteries, hospitals, orphanages, and refuges for the poor. =Pedagogical Teachings.=--1. Every misdeed should be punished in such a way that the punishment shall be an exercise in self-command and shall tend to correct the fault. For example, if a child has lied, used profane language, or been quarrelsome, give him solitude and fasting. If he is greedy and gluttonous, let him stand by and see others eat while he remains hungry. 2. Orphan children and those that are dependent should be taught in the cloister. 3. The Bible, with its stories, promises, history, and doctrines, should be the chief text-book. 4. Not only monks and priests should be allowed to teach, but also the laity. 5. Children while still young and innocent must be taught good habits and right precepts. It is worthy of note that Chrysostom and Basil were the first to mark out definite lines of Christian instruction. During this period, also, the first songs of the Christian Church originated in the huts and caves of the poor. Thus in religious instruction and church song the foundations of the Christian common school were laid. =Catechetical Schools.=--The principal catechetical school was established at Alexandria A.D. 181, by Pantaenus. Others were located later at Antioch, Odessa, and Nisibis. The Alexandrian school, however, was by far the most important. Alexandria, at the close of the second century, was the seat of philosophy, as Athens had formerly been. It possessed the most important library in the world, and students and sages from all parts of the world flocked to this place of learning. Laurie says, "The great Alexander, in founding Alexandria, connected Europe, Asia, and Africa, not merely by mercantile bonds, but in their intellectual and literary life. Here arose, under the Ptolemies, a complete system of higher instruction, and libraries such as the world had not before seen. The books were lodged in the temple of Serapis, and accumulated to the number of seven hundred thousand. They formed the record of all human thought, until they fell a prey to internal civic and religious dissensions. The Serapeum dates from B.C. 298, and, after recovering from the fire of B.C. 48, it finally disappeared about A.D. 640." Under the stimulus of these surroundings, and with such an abundance of literary material at command, pagans and Christians vied with each other in their search for truth. But the pagans had better schools and better means of preparing themselves for intellectual combat. Christian teachers were called upon to defend their faith against subtle philosophers and trained thinkers, who had had the advantage of excellent schools. In order to meet this apparent defect and fortify themselves against their skillful opponents, the Christians established the catechetical school at Alexandria, the most celebrated school of its kind at that period. It took the name _catechetical_ from the fact that the method of instruction was largely that of catechising, though lectures were also given. Many pagans had been converted to Christianity, and it was necessary that they should be taught the reason of their faith, in order that they might maintain their ground when they came in contact with unbelievers. This was particularly necessary, if Christianity was to hold its own, in a city like Alexandria, where so many learned men had gathered. It was also necessary for the extension of the new faith among men of superior intelligence. Thus the object of the catechetical school was to instruct learned men in the doctrines and usages of the Church, to prepare believers to meet the arguments of the philosophers, and to train teachers. While it was a sort of theological school, it also taught philosophy, rhetoric, grammar, and geometry. From the nature of things it will be seen that the catechetical school was for adults only, and it may be called a kind of university, whose chief attention was given to the study of the Scriptures and the promulgation of religious doctrine. The catechetical school was much higher than the catechumen school in its course of study, and in the intelligence and learning of its students and professors. CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA (150-220) Among the most promising of the pupils of Pantaenus was Clement of Alexandria, who was his successor in the direction of the school. Clement was brought up a pagan, but was not satisfied with the heathen religion, and made a careful study of Christianity. He traveled everywhere, and sought out old men who had listened to the apostles, or whose parents had done so; and thus he hoped to learn the truth directly. As a result of his research, he became profoundly impressed with the purity of the morals of the Christians and the truth of their religion. He was a great teacher as well as Father of the Church. =His Pedagogy.=--1. Faith is the cornerstone of knowledge. 2. Mosaic law and heathen philosophy are not opposed to each other, but simply parts of the same truth. Both prepared the way for Christianity. Jewish law and Greek philosophy are steps in the development of the world which prepare the way for revelation. Christianity is the fulfillment of law and philosophy. 3. He brought all the speculations of the Christians and the culture of the Greeks to bear upon Christian truth, and sought to harmonize the two. The teachings of Clement gain in importance when we remember the bitter strife in the Church over the use of classic literature, which lasted for centuries, and the scholastic movement a thousand years later, which also sought to harmonize philosophy and religion. ORIGEN (186-253) Origen was a pupil of Clement in the catechetical school at Alexandria, and became his successor. Besides being brought up in an atmosphere of culture in his native city, and surrounded by influences that stimulated intellectual growth, he was fortunate in having a man of learning for his father. From him he learned Greek, mathematics, grammar, rhetoric, logic, and a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. He began to teach in the catechetical school when only eighteen years of age, a remarkable fact when one remembers that he had among his students learned pagan philosophers, and that it was very unusual for so young a man to be allowed to teach. He was abstemious in his habits, self-sacrificing, generous, and withal consistent in his life. =Origen's Pedagogy.=--1. Never teach pupils anything that you do not yourself practice. 2. The end of education is to grow into the likeness of God. 3. Pupils must be taught to investigate for themselves. 4. The teacher must seek to correct the bad habits of his pupils, as well as to give them intellectual instruction. Under Origen, the catechetical school at Alexandria reached its highest prosperity, and its decay began soon after his death. Already in the middle of the fourth century its power and influence were practically gone. None of the other catechetical schools ever reached the fame of that at Alexandria, and they, too, gradually disappeared. Indeed, as the Roman Empire became Christianized, and as Christians gained in education and intelligence, there was less and less occasion for the existence of schools of this character. FOOTNOTES: [28] Warner's "Library of the World's Best Literature," Vol. VI, 3665. Lord, "Beacon Lights," Vol. I, Lecture on Sacred Eloquence. [29] Warner's Library, Vol. VI, 3666. CHAPTER XVII CONFLICT BETWEEN PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Fisher_, Beginnings of Christianity; _Azarias_, Essays Educational; _Allies_, The Formation of Christendom; _Allies_, The Monastic Life; _Maitland_, The Dark Ages. GENERAL DISCUSSION As Christianity became more powerful; as the Roman nation privately and officially accepted the new religion; as the bishops of the Church came more and more to be recognized as the vicegerents of Christ and the apostles; as the Church authorities became convinced that tolerance of paganism was dangerous to believers, and irreconcilable with the principles of Christianity,--as these things became apparent, it was seen that nothing would suffice short of the utter destruction of pagan schools. Pagan philosophy and art were tolerated only as they served the Church. Pagan education had an earthly purpose; the new education, a spiritual aim, a preparation for eternal life. The pagan temples and schools preserved the spirit of paganism long after the Roman Empire had become Christian, and the leaders of Christianity finally became convinced that ultimate success would be reached only when these institutions were destroyed. The conflict between these two parties continued during the fifth century and until 529, when a complete victory was gained by the Christians. After 529 we have therefore only Christian schools to consider. For the next thousand years education was entirely in the hands of the Church, whose power was not always exercised for the good of humanity, but often for the furtherance of her own ends. Still, it must not be forgotten that all that was done for education was done by her, and therefore the world owes her a debt of gratitude, as later pages will show. She did not undertake the education of the masses, a task that was beyond her power, and perhaps beyond the scope of her vision. Yet great honor is due the Church for what was accomplished in education during the Middle Ages, and to her alone must be given credit for an advancement in civilization by no means small, considering the difficulties to be met and the obstacles to be overcome. During this long period there were many bright spots in the educational firmament, many brilliant leaders of the Church who also were conspicuous educators, and many important movements toward higher civilization. An examination of this period has led recent historians to abandon the term "Dark Ages." A more careful study of some of these leaders and the movements that they inaugurated will be reserved to later pages. We shall find the spirit of the period best illustrated by a study of two great men who are preëminent in the educational affairs of the time,--namely, Tertullian and St. Augustine. TERTULLIAN (150-230)[30] Tertullian was born at Carthage of pagan parents. He was converted to Christianity when forty years of age, and by his talent, his zeal for the new religion, and his faithfulness, he rose rapidly until he became Bishop of Carthage. He was an orator, a writer, and a teacher. His immoderate zeal led him into the vice of rigorism, quite foreign to the real spirit of the Christian religion. He joined the Montanists, a sect that believed in withdrawal from the world, the unlawfulness of second marriages, and the speedy second advent of the Savior. Having received a thorough training as a jurist at Rome, he became a great controversialist. He was the founder of Christian Latin literature, being bitterly opposed to everything pagan. He would use nothing manufactured by the pagans, would not dress like them, nor have anything to do with their schools or writings. This of course excluded classic literature, and was in direct opposition to the teachings of the catechetical schools, especially that of Alexandria. Tertullian's attempt to create a literature for the schools which should take the place of classic literature, while it produced discord for centuries, and influenced other great men to follow his example, had no permanent result. Perhaps the downfall of paganism may have removed all danger to the Christians from pagan philosophy and letters; at all events it is certain that in later centuries the Church was most efficient in preserving them. Tertullian held that philosophy of whatever kind is dangerous, claiming that it makes man arrogant, and less inclined to faith. In the fourth century the Fathers of the Church were opposed to pagan literature. The "Apostolic Constitutions" commanded, "Refrain from all writings of the heathen; for what hast thou to do with strange discourses, laws, or false prophets, which, in truth, turn aside from the faith those who are weak in understanding." It was urged that, "As the offspring of the pagan world, if not, indeed, inspired by demons, they were dangerous to the new faith." This introduced into education a narrow view, which evoked many bitter discussions, and which it took centuries to eradicate. ST. AUGUSTINE (354-430) Augustine was born in Numidia, Africa. His father was a pagan, and his mother a devout Christian. Augustine grew up in the faith of neither, and in his early years seems to have had no settled belief. As a student, he was wild and profligate, though attentive to his studies. He became thoroughly versed in Greek and Latin. He studied at Carthage and later at Milan. At the latter place he made the acquaintance of St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, who was instrumental in Augustine's conversion. His life was radically changed, and he who had been the wild, careless unbeliever became the greatest of the Church Fathers. Like Tertullian, he condemned the very classic literature to which he was indebted for his intellectual greatness. His greatest literary works are "City of God" and "Confessions." ="Confessions."=--In this work are found his chief pedagogical teachings. Karl Schmidt says, "In his 'Confessions' he develops a complete psychology of the human soul, from which the pedagogue can learn more than from many theories of education." This work shows step by step his own development from childhood to mature manhood,--how a word, a look, an act may awaken passions, and lead to evil desire, or stimulate to noble deed or self-sacrificing consecration. From his own life and experiences he portrays the whole nature of man. Augustine is called the "St. Paul of the fifth century," and he certainly was the greatest man, since Paul, that the Church has produced. In his writings is found the most luminous exposition of the Catholic doctrine, and probably Augustine is the most noted of all Catholic Fathers. In the domain of theology and morals he based all teaching on authority rather than on investigation, yet the excessive application of this principle to subjects of physical science was destined later on to hinder investigators in the fields of scientific research. Draper says, "Augustine antagonized science and Christianity for more than fifteen centuries." This was doubtless due to the application of the principle of authority in fields that Augustine did not contemplate. But we shall have occasion to recur to this subject in later pages. =Augustine's Pedagogy.=--1. All teaching is based on faith and authority. 2. All pagan literature must be excluded from the schools. 3. The chief subject in the school course is history pursued in the narrative form. 4. Make abundant use of observation in instruction. 5. The teacher must be earnest and enthusiastic. While the Roman Empire became officially Christian in the fourth century under Constantine, it was not until Justinian decreed the abolition of pagan schools and temples, A.D. 529, that paganism, as we have seen, was finally destroyed. Thus the long conflict was ended, and henceforth we have to do only with Christian education. We now enter upon the thousand years of the world's history known as the Middle Ages, the close of which brings us to the Reformation. FOOTNOTES: [30] See Draper, "Conflict between Religion and Science," p. 59. CHAPTER XVIII MONASTIC EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Lecky_, History of European Morals; _Myers_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Harper_, Book of Facts; _Mrs. Jameson_, Legends of Monastic Orders; _Gasquet_, Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries; _Châteaubriand_, The Genius of Christianity; _Allies_, The Monastic Life; _Taunton_, The English Black Monks of St. Benedict. =Monasteries.=--Monasteries were established as early as the third century A.D.; but it was not until the sixth century that they became powerful. The spirit of asceticism, urged by the Church as one of the most important virtues, took a strong hold upon the people, and led many to withdraw from the world. For such the founding of monasteries became a necessity. The monasteries were the result of the ascetic spirit, and their teaching was based upon authority and not upon free investigation or original research. Thus there was introduced into society and education a principle that, wrongly interpreted, impeded progress for a thousand years. Most of the time during this period the Church held supremacy over the State with authority unquestioned. This authority was carried not only into spiritual matters, but also into social, political, and educational affairs. Everything that conflicted with that authority, or with the decrees of the Church, was condemned. Even scientific discoveries that did not harmonize with preconceived and accepted theories were reluctantly received, if not absolutely rejected. Discoverers in the realm of science were silenced, and sometimes actually punished, for promulgating theories contrary to the teachings of the Church. A notable example is that of Galileo, who taught the Copernican theory of the universe, and for which teaching he was condemned to imprisonment and a ban put upon his work. This exaggerated interpretation of authority worked harm to the Church. It seemed to be forgotten that the Bible is a book of religion and morals and not a text-book of science. =The Benedictines.=--The most important monastic order from the standpoint of education was that of the Benedictines. St. Benedict founded the first monastery of the order that bears his name--Monte Cassino, near Naples,--in 529. It will be remembered that this is the date of the abolition of pagan schools by Justinian. On the site of Monte Cassino had stood a pagan school. The monastery which supplanted it remains to the present day. Benedict's two important principles--to which cloisters hitherto had been unaccustomed--were industry and strict discipline. These principles made the Benedictine the most successful and beneficent of all monastic orders. It grew rapidly, and within one hundred years from its foundation there were more than two hundred and fifty Benedictine monasteries. It is claimed that the order has produced 4600 bishops, 1600 archbishops, 200 cardinals, 40 popes, 50 patriarchs, 4 emperors, 12 empresses, 46 kings, 41 queens, 3600 canonized saints, and 15,700 authors, and that prior to the French Revolution it possessed 37,000 cloisters. There have been times when the wealth of this order in some states comprised more than half of all the property. The Benedictine monks tilled the soil of the country surrounding their monasteries, literally making the "desert blossom as the rose." They were untiring in zeal for the Church and in deeds of mercy. They established cloister schools in Italy, France, Spain, England, Ireland, Germany, and Switzerland. Monte Cassino (529), Italy; Canterbury (586) and Oxford (ninth century), England; St. Gall (613), Switzerland; Fulda (744), Constance, Hamburg, and Cologne (tenth century), Germany; Lyons, Tours, Paris, and Rouen (tenth century), France; Salzburg (696), Austria; and many other schools were founded chiefly by the Benedictines. Among the many great teachers that they produced were Alcuin of England, Boniface of Germany, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Abelard. It thus appears that the Benedictine order took a deep interest in education, and their work deserves a most honorable place among the educational agencies of the period under discussion. =The Seven Liberal Arts.=--We have seen that much attention was always given to religious instruction in the Christian schools. The Bible, the doctrines of the Church, and its rites and ceremonies were at first exclusively taught. But later secular branches were introduced. These secular branches were known as the seven liberal arts, which comprised the following subjects:-- {Reading and {1. Grammar. {Writing. {I. Trivium[1] {2. Rhetoric. The Seven { {3. Logic. Liberal Arts. { { {1. Arithmetic. { {2. Music. { II. Quadrivium[31] {3. Geometry. { {4. Astronomy. This course required seven years. Latin was the only language used, and consequently the native tongues suffered. The _trivium_ was the most popular course; such knowledge was considered an absolute necessity for any one making claim to culture. After completing the _trivium_, those who wished for higher culture studied the _quadrivium_. Under the term _grammar_ were included reading and writing, as well as the construction and use of language. In _rhetoric_ the works of Quintilian and Cicero were studied, and sermons delivered in the churches were made to serve for a practical application of the rules. In _logic_ the works of St. Augustine were used in the exercises of constructing syllogisms, of disputation, and of definition. In _arithmetic_, before the introduction of the Arabic notation, numbers were considered to have a mysterious meaning. The hands and fingers were used to indicate numbers. For example, the left hand upon the breast indicated ten thousand; both hands folded, one hundred thousand. For the practical purposes of life the reckoning board was used. This was a board with lines drawn upon it, between which pebbles were placed to indicate the number to be expressed. For example, the number 3146 would be indicated as follows:-- | 3 | 1 | 4 | 6 | | | | | | | ''' | ' | '''' | '''''' | _Music_ was designed for the church service. Knowledge of music was held to be positively essential to priest and teacher. Under the term _music_ were also sometimes included the fine arts, painting, drawing, architecture, sculpture, etc. In _geometry_ Euclid was used. Lines, angles, surfaces, and solids were studied. With geometry there seems to have been connected a meager study of _geography_. Early maps have been found, one dating from the seventh century, being in possession of St. Gall monastery. Astronomy was closely connected with _astrology_. Its practical application was limited to the formation of the Church calendar, fixing the date of Easter, etc. This celebrated course of study formed the basis of secular instruction in the monasteries, and, indeed, in all schools, for several centuries. Religious instruction always remained a prominent feature of the work. History had no place in the curriculum. =Summary of Benefits conferred upon Civilization by the Monasteries.=--1. They preserved classic literature. Though many of the Church Fathers, as we have seen, were bitterly opposed to pagan literature, the monasteries copied it with great industry and preserved it with care. The archives of these institutions have yielded up some most remarkable and valuable manuscripts that otherwise would have been lost to the world. 2. They kept alive the flickering flame of Christianity. The Middle Ages were indeed dark for Christianity, as unbelief, ignorance, and faithlessness prevailed. But the monasteries were centers of religious interest and zeal. 3. They maintained educational interest during this long, dark period. We have seen that the monasteries contained the only schools. Through them the Church kept up whatever educational interest survived during the Middle Ages, and her work then conserved the energies employed in later educational enterprise. 4. They originated a great course of study by giving to the world the seven liberal arts. 5. They furnished places of refuge for the oppressed. FOOTNOTES: [31] Laurie thinks that these names were first appropriately used about the end of the fourth century. CHAPTER XIX SCHOLASTICISM =Literature.=--_Fisher_, History of the Reformation; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Thalheimer_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Schwegler_, History of Philosophy; _Seebohm_, Era of the Protestant Revolution; _Hegel_, Philosophy of History; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Azarias_, Essays Philosophical; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education, its History and Principles. Compayré remarks, "It has been truly said that there were three Renascences: the first, which owed its beginning to Charlemagne, and whose brilliancy did not last; the second, that of the twelfth century, the issue of which was Scholasticism; and the third, the great Renaissance of the sixteenth century, which still lasts, and which the French Revolution has completed."[32] As scholasticism, in a sense, was the rival of monasticism, and as it covered a large part of the Middle Ages, we shall discuss it at this point. Scholasticism was a movement having for its object the harmonizing of ancient philosophy, especially that of Aristotle, with the doctrines of Christianity. It covered a period reaching from the ninth to the fifteenth century, and displayed its greatest activity between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. It is called the philosophy of the Middle Ages. The term _scholastic_ is also applied generally to forms of reasoning which abound in subtleties. Scholasticism was a dissent from the teachings of St. Augustine and the ascetics. It laid chief stress upon _reason_ instead of _authority_, thus asserting a vitally different principle, which would tend to change the whole spirit of education. The first prominent leader of this movement was Erigena, who lived during the ninth century, and was the most interesting writer of the Middle Ages. He was also a great teacher, and was called to give instruction at the court of Charles the Bald, and afterward at Oxford. He opposed the prevailing tendencies of the monasteries to base all teaching on authority, and made its foundation philosophy and reason. Schwegler[33] denominates Anselm (born about 1033) as "the beginner and founder of scholasticism." Thus it was not till the eleventh century "that there was developed anything that might be properly termed a Christian philosophy. This was the so-called scholasticism."[34] Greater than either of these was Abelard (born 1079), who by his eloquence attracted great numbers of students to Paris. It is said that "few teachers ever held such sway as did Abelard for a time." He made Paris the center of the scholastic movement, attracting students from all parts of the world. He did more than any of his predecessors to give accepted ecclesiastical doctrines a rational expression. Scholasticism influenced the establishment of institutions of learning in England, Germany, Italy, and Spain, some of which later developed into great universities. Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Occam may also be mentioned as great schoolmen. Of the first two Schwegler says,[35] "At the summit of scholasticism we must place the two incontestably greatest masters of the scholastic art and method, _Thomas Aquinas_ (Dominican, 1225-1274) and _Duns Scotus_ (Franciscan, 1265-1308), the founders of two schools, into which after them the whole scholastic theology divides itself,--the former exalting the understanding (_intellectus_), and the latter the will (_voluntas_), as the highest principle, both being driven into essentially differing directions by this opposition of the theoretical and practical. Even with this began the downfall of scholasticism; its highest point was also the turning point to its self-destruction. The rationality of the dogmas, the oneness of faith and knowledge, had been constantly their fundamental premise; but this premise fell away, and the whole basis of their metaphysics was given up in principle the moment Duns Scotus placed the problem of theology in the practical. When the practical and the theoretical became divided, and still more when thought and being were separated by nominalism, philosophy broke loose from theology and knowledge from faith. Knowledge assumed its position above faith and above authority, and the religious consciousness broke with the traditional dogma." Toward the end, another thing contributed to the downfall of scholasticism. The philosophical subtleties of discussion made the schoolmen lose sight of the main issue, and devote themselves to the most ridiculous questions.[36] Schwickerath remarks,[37] "It can not and need not be denied that the education imparted by the mediaeval scholastics was in many regards defective. It was at once too dogmatic and disputatious. Literary studies were comparatively neglected; frequently too much importance was attached to purely dialectical subtleties.... The defects of scholasticism became especially manifest in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when much time and energy were wasted in discussing useless refinements of thought." That it did a great deal of good will appear from the following summary:-- =Summary of the Benefits of Scholasticism.=--1. It attempted to harmonize philosophy with Christianity, and may be called the first Christian philosophy. 2. It sought to base learning on reason and investigation, rather than on authority. In this we find the first impulse of that movement which later led to the founding of science. 3. Many universities were established through the scholastic influence, notably, Paris, Heidelberg, Bologna, Prague, and Vienna. 4. While it failed to establish them, it at least recognized the desirableness of a universal language for schools, and a universal church for man. 5. Although, with the exception of the universities which it founded, its direct work in education cannot be said to have been permanent, yet it imparted fresh vigor to educational endeavors. 6. Schwegler says,[38] "It ... introduced to the world another principle than that of the old Church, the principle of the thinking spirit, the self-consciousness of the reason, or at least prepared the way for the victory of this principle. Even the deformities and unfavorable side of scholasticism, the many absurd questions upon which the scholastics divided, even their thousandfold unnecessary and accidental distinctions, their inquisitiveness and subtleties, all sprang from a rational principle, and grew out of a spirit of investigation, which could only utter itself in this way under the all-powerful ecclesiastical spirit of the time." FOOTNOTES: [32] "History of Pedagogy," p. 71. [33] "History of Philosophy," p. 186. [34] _Ibid._, p. 185. [35] _Ibid._, p. 186. [36] See K. Schmidt, "Geschichte der Pädagogik," Vol. II, p. 265, for subjects of these discussions. [37] "Jesuit Education," p. 46. [38] "History of Philosophy," p. 189. CHAPTER XX CHARLEMAGNE =Literature.=--_Ferris_, Great Leaders; _Emerton_, Introduction to the Middle Ages; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Wells_, The Age of Charlemagne; _Bryce_, The Holy Roman Empire; _Church_, The Beginning of the Middle Ages; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Laurie_, Rise of the Universities; _Bulfinch_, Legends of Charlemagne; Encyclopaedia Britannica, Article on Charlemagne. =History, Character, and Purpose.=--Charlemagne was not only the greatest ruler of the Middle Ages, but one of the greatest and wisest rulers the world has known. By birth and instinct he belonged to the Teutonic race, to which, as before stated, the world's enlightenment has been committed. Like Alexander the Great, Charlemagne united many peoples into one, until he ruled over the territory now included in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, and Italy,--in fact, his empire comprised the richest part of central Europe. He designed to rebuild the Roman Empire, and was crowned "Emperor of Rome" by the Pope, in the year 800. While he protected the Pope and was loyal to him, he did not admit the papal supremacy in matters of State. Two very important influences were wisely utilized by Charlemagne in his work of civilization, namely, the political ideas of the Teutons, and the adhering power of the Christian church. He cherished German customs, and left, in various parts of Germany, many monuments of his love for that people. He was of commanding presence, being seven feet in height, and of good proportions, blond in type, and of genial manners. His real capital was at Aix-la-Chapelle, but Rome was a nominal capital. Bulfinch says of Charlemagne: "Whether we regard him as a warrior or legislator, as a patron of learning or as the civilizer of a barbarous nation, he is entitled to our warmest admiration." If his successors had possessed the ability, enterprise, and breadth of view that characterized him, the world might never have known the period in history commonly called the "Dark Ages." =Personal Education.=--When Charlemagne arrived at the estate of manhood and ascended the throne, he was ignorant of letters and lacked any considerable intellectual training. His education had been that of the knight who believed that skill in the use of arms and physical prowess were of far more importance than a knowledge of letters.[39] After he had come to the throne, and especially after he had conquered his foes and had leisure to study the welfare of his people, he realized his deficiencies, and sought to overcome them by diligent study. He called to his court the most learned men of the world, received personal instruction from them, and had them read to him and converse with him while at his meals. In this way he overcame, in a measure, the defects of his early education. He thoroughly mastered Latin, became familiar with Greek, and learned also grammar, rhetoric, logic, music, astronomy, and natural history. He never learned to write well, owing to the late period of life at which he began, and to the clumsiness of the hand accustomed to wielding the sword rather than the pen. Among his instructors was _Alcuin of England_, the most celebrated teacher of his time. Charlemagne established the "School of the Palace," and placed Alcuin at its head. Here the children of the emperor as well as his courtiers were taught. He had his own daughters learn Latin and Greek. France is indebted to Alcuin for its polite learning. Alcuin was also the counselor of the emperor in the educational matters of the empire, and it was probably his influence that led Charlemagne to adopt such broad views concerning the culture of his people. =General Education.=--We have seen that the prevailing idea was that education should subserve the interests of the Church. Charlemagne turned the current of thought toward the national idea. He believed in religious training, but wanted to found a great State, and therefore insisted that those things which encouraged intelligent patriotism should be taught. He protected the Church, but insisted that the Church was subordinate to the State, and that his will was law over both. Consequently he required priests to preach in the native tongues rather than in Latin, and decreed that monasteries that would not open their doors to children for school purposes should be closed. The priests, he insisted, should be able to read and write, should have a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and of the chief doctrines of the Church, and should instruct the people in these things. The seven liberal arts formed the basis of school instruction. Monks were not to remain in idleness and ignorance, but were required to teach, not only in the monasteries, but also outside of them. He also encouraged education among his nobles, and plainly intimated that merit and not noble birth would entitle them to favor. Charlemagne visited the schools himself, and required the bishop to report to him their condition. He thus became a superintendent of schools, being as familiar with the educational interests of his kingdom as he was with every other interest. He sought to teach first the priests and nobles, and after that the masses of his people. He introduced the practice of _compulsory education_ for all children, and decreed that truant children be first deprived of food as punishment, and if that did not suffice, that they be brought before him. Reading, writing, arithmetic, and singing were taught, especial attention being given to music, which was of use in the church services. The Apostles' Creed and the Lord's Prayer were also taught. In 801 Charlemagne decreed that women and children should receive instruction in the doctrines of religion, because he believed religion to be the foundation of a civilized nation. Charlemagne's career shines out in brilliant contrast with the ignorance and superstition of his age. The world was not yet ripe for his advanced ideas, hence when the work lost the support of his strong personality, its effects soon became obliterated, and a retrogression of civilization resulted. The clergy, who had entertained but little sympathy for the enterprises of the emperor, soon closed the monasteries to outside students, and returned to the same practices from which the authority and energy of Charlemagne had aroused them. His work was not wholly in vain, however, for he laid the foundations of the Prussian school system.[40] =Summary of Charlemagne's Work.=--1. He elevated the clergy by demanding greater educational qualifications of them and by insisting that they do their duty. 2. He gave dignity to native tongues by requiring the priests to preach more frequently in the vernacular of the people, and thus helped to make the services of the Church of greater profit to the people. 3. He opened the cloisters to the purposes of education, and thereby greatly extended their usefulness. 4. He sought to perpetuate religion and insure the stability of his empire by making education compulsory and universal. 5. He believed in the education of women. 6. He laid the foundations of future school systems, and indicated certain principles that are still recognized as valid. FOOTNOTES: [39] See "Feudal Education," Chap. XXII. [40] Professor Masius, Lectures in the University of Leipsic. CHAPTER XXI ALFRED THE GREAT =Literature.=--_Ferris_, Great Leaders; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Mombert_, Great Lives; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Green_, History of the English People. =History and Character.=--Alfred became king of the West Saxons in 871 at the age of twenty-three. As a boy he had already shown remarkable energy and ability, and as a man he more than fulfilled the promise of his early years. England was divided into several kingdoms, the Danes having taken possession of the eastern part of the island. Alfred carried on war against them for many years with varying success, until he made peace by skillful diplomacy in giving them territory. He afterward showed remarkable statesmanship in winning them to peaceful acquiescence in his sovereignty, and thus he came to rule over united England. He laid the foundation of England's naval greatness by building ships to defend the country against Danish pirates. Many stories are told of his simplicity, his perseverance, his strategy in defeating his enemies, and the love with which he inspired his people. Karl Schmidt says, "Alfred, as victor in fifty-six battles, as lawgiver, as king and sage, as Christian and man, as husband and father, is rightly called--'The Great.'" He was very methodical in his habits, and divided his day into three equal parts of eight hours each: eight hours he gave to government, eight hours to religious devotion and study, and the other eight hours to sleep, recreation, and the recuperation of his body. =Education.=--Alfred did not learn to read until twelve years of age. His mother then stimulated him by the promise of a book to that one of her sons who should first commit to memory a Saxon poem. With indomitable energy he mastered reading, learned the poem, and secured the prize. Throughout his life he gave much attention to literary matters. He translated many portions of the Bible, as well as other books, into Anglo-Saxon, and encouraged literary efforts in others. Without doubt the intellectual activity of Charlemagne acted as a spur to Alfred's personal ambition and to his desire to elevate his people. Although he did not follow the example of Charlemagne in seeking universal education for his people, he did urge that the children of every freeman should be able to read and write, and should have instruction in Latin. The distinction thus made in the purposes of these two great rulers has been perpetuated till the present time, the Germans encouraging universal education, while the English have attended chiefly to the education of the higher classes. Alfred established many monasteries and made them centers of learning. It seems clear that he assisted in laying the foundations from which Oxford University grew. He left his impress upon the English people as no other ruler has done, implanting love for law, justice, freedom, national honor, and the domestic virtues which characterize that nation. His influence is felt upon English institutions to this day. CHAPTER XXII FEUDAL EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Stillé_, Studies in Mediaeval History; _Bulfinch_, Legends of Charlemagne; _Emerton_, Mediaeval Europe. Emerton defines feudalism as "an organization of society based upon the absence of a strong controlling power at the center of the State."[41] It marks a step in the reorganization of society which was slowly going forward during the Middle Ages. It was an element in the movement toward freedom, in which men of large landed possessions gained the allegiance of vassals by gifts of land, in return for which the latter bound themselves to defend the former in case of attack. "The tie by which the higher freeman bound the lower one to himself was ordinarily a gift of the use of a certain tract of land, together with more or less extensive rights of jurisdiction over the dwellers thereon. By means of this gift he secured the service of the lesser man in war, and as war was the normal condition of things, such service was the most valuable payment he could receive."[42] While it is true that the feudal lords were in many cases little else than robber chieftains, especially in the earlier history of the system, it would be false to history to picture them in general as being of that character. The knights were chivalrous in battle, ever ready to fight for their religion, as shown in the crusades, to defend the weak, to show greatest respect for woman, and to maintain freedom. Fortified in an impregnable castle on some eminence, with his loyal retainers about him, the feudal baron was able to defy kings. The system marks a stage in the development of civilization, and when feudalism fell into decline its purpose had been fulfilled. With such an independent manner of living, and such ideas of their own rights, it is not strange that the knights had a form of education peculiar to themselves, and this education is full of interest to the student. There was little in the schooling of the monasteries that could appeal to them, and their ideas of manhood were very different from those of the ecclesiastics. Prowess in the use of arms, skill in horsemanship, acquaintance with the chivalric forms of politeness and with knightly manners, were of far more importance to them than ability to read and write. Indeed, they despised book-learning as something beneath their own dignity, however suitable it might be for their vassals. In such a school as this Charlemagne grew up. It was a school of action rather than of thought; a school which looked to the present rather than the future. The education of the knights was in striking contrast with the prevailing modes. Instead of the seven liberal arts, the seven perfections of the knight were taught,--horsemanship, swimming, use of bow and arrow, swordsmanship, hunting, chess-playing, and verse-making. Their purpose was to prepare for the activities of the life in which their lot was cast; that of the monasteries was to preserve learning to fit men for the duties of the Church, and to prepare them for the life to come. It must not be inferred, however, that the knight was unmindful of religion, for he was inducted into knighthood by most solemn religious ceremonies and vows. The education of the knight was divided into three periods. =First Period.=--The first seven years of the boy's life were spent in the home under the mother's careful direction. Obedience, politeness, and respect for older persons were inculcated, and stress was also laid upon religious training. By the development of strong and healthy bodies the boys were well prepared for the later education upon which they entered after the seventh year. =Second Period.=--After the seventh year the boy was generally removed from home to the care of some friendly knight, in order that he might receive a stricter training. Here he remained till his fourteenth year, chiefly under the care of the lady whom he served as page. He was taught music, poetry, chess, and some simple intellectual studies, besides the duties of knighthood, especially in relation to the treatment of women, and to courtly manners. =Third Period.=--At fourteen the boy left the service of his lady and became an esquire to the knight. He now attended his master upon the chase, at tournaments, and in battle. He was taught all the arts of war, of riding, jousting, fencing. It was necessary that he should have a watchful eye to avert danger, protect his master, and quickly anticipate his every wish. The service of this period completed his education, and at twenty-one he was knighted with imposing ceremonies. After partaking of the sacrament, he took vows to _speak the truth, defend the weak, honor womanhood, and use his sword for the defense of Christianity_. This form of education was most potent in preserving knighthood for several centuries and was a powerful factor in shaping the destinies of Europe. It was faithfulness to the vow _to defend Christianity_ that led finally to the overthrow of chivalry, as will appear in the study of the crusades. =Education of Women.=--The girls remained at home and were taught the domestic arts, as well as the forms of etiquette which were practiced in this chivalric age, and which the peculiar homage paid to woman made necessary. They were also taught reading and writing, and were expected to be familiar with poetry. Daughters of the better families were sometimes collected in some castle, where a kind of school was organized, in which they were instructed in reading, writing, poetry, singing, and the use of stringed instruments, religion, and sometimes in French and Latin. Among no other class during the Middle Ages was such great attention paid to the education of women. It was the duty of mothers to see that their daughters were carefully prepared to sustain the peculiar dignity of feudal womanhood. =Criticism of Feudal Education.=--1. It honored woman and gave her the highest position afforded by any system during the Middle Ages. 2. It gave the world a splendid example of chivalry, teaching manliness, courage, devotion to the right as it was understood, and the espousal of the cause of the weak. 3. It contributed to literature through the compositions of the _Minnesingers_. 4. It counteracted the ascetic tendencies of the monastics by encouraging an active participation in life's affairs. 5. It restricted its advantages to the privileged class. 6. It despised intellectual training, while laying great stress upon physical prowess. 7. It lacked the elements of progress. FOOTNOTES: [41] "Mediaeval Europe," p. 478. [42] _Ibid._, p. 480. CHAPTER XXIII THE CRUSADES AS AN EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT =Literature.=--_Michaud_, The Crusades; _Stubbs_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Mombert_, Great Lives (see Godfrey); _Myers_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Archer and Kingsford_, The Crusaders; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Andrews_, Institutes of General History; _Ridpath_, Library of Universal History (article on the Crusades). Among the most remarkable movements that took place during the Middle Ages were the crusades. The Saracens had overrun and conquered the Holy Land, and the Christian nations of the west attempted to recover from the hands of the infidels the soil made sacred by the life and death of Christ. For a long time the pilgrims who made journeys to the tomb of the Savior were undisturbed, as their pilgrimages were a source of profit to the Saracens. But when the Turks gained possession of Jerusalem, they began to persecute both the native Christians and those who came from abroad. Peter the Hermit, who had suffered from these cruelties at Jerusalem, returned to Europe, and by his crude eloquence and earnestness stirred the people almost to a frenzy. Obtaining the sanction of the Pope, he gathered an immense crowd of men, women, and children, and started for the Holy Land. They encountered great hardships, many died of hunger, disease, and the hostility of the people through whose countries they passed, and the remnant who reached the Bosporus, were totally destroyed by Turkish soldiers. The first successful crusade was organized by the feudal lords, who gathered an army of six hundred thousand men under the leadership of Godfrey of Bouillon. They had connected with their army one hundred thousand splendidly mounted men. After untold losses and horrors, which reduced their forces to sixty thousand men, they succeeded in taking Jerusalem. They established a Latin kingdom with Godfrey at the head, and thus accomplished the purpose for which they had set out. This crusade lasted from 1096 to 1099. For about fifty years the Latin kingdom held its own; but it was constantly harassed by the Mohammedans, until it became necessary to organize a second crusade. The leaders in this were Conrad III. of Germany and Louis VII. of France. Jealousies soon arose between the rival leaders, who cared more for personal glory than for the purpose of the crusade. As a result, only a small portion of the three hundred thousand soldiers ever reached the Holy Land; and this crusade, which lasted from 1147 to 1149, resulted in failure. Forty years later Saladin, a Mohammedan ruler, having captured Jerusalem, a third crusade was organized. This was led by Richard the Lion-Hearted of England, Frederick Barbarossa of Germany, and Philip Augustus of France. Barbarossa went overland, but Richard and Philip, profiting by past experiences, made the journey by water, thus accomplishing it with greater ease and fewer losses. The rivalries between the different nationalities engaged prevented successful warfare; but a truce was made with the humane Saladin,[43] whereby he guaranteed protection to the Christians, and thus the crusade came to an end. This crusade lasted from 1189 to 1192. Other crusades followed from time to time for several centuries, with but little advantage gained over the conditions granted by Saladin. =Results of the Crusades.=--This, in brief, is a historical account of the crusades.[44] It remains for us to note their educational value. 1. They drew various nations together by one common purpose. 2. They increased the knowledge of the manners, customs, culture, products, and civilization of the East. 3. They stirred up commerce, especially that of the Mediterranean, making Venice and Genoa great commercial centers. 4. They broke up the power of feudalism. Lord and vassal together entered upon enterprises of danger and suffering, which were great levelers of class distinction. In the enthusiasm of the holy cause, many feudal lords disposed of all their worldly possessions, and became as poor as their vassals. This broke up the feudal estates. 5. They widened the horizon of thought, made Europeans more liberal, and prepared the way for an intellectual and religious revival. 6. They emancipated philosophy from theology. As a result of movements inaugurated by the crusades, the university of Paris established the faculty of philosophy separate from that of theology. 7. G. W. Cox says, "By rolling back the tide of Mohammedan conquest from Constantinople for upward of four centuries they probably saved Europe from horrors the recital of which might even now make one's ears tingle." FOOTNOTES: [43] See Lessing's "Nathan der Weise." [44] It would be impossible to give a full historical account of the crusades in a work of this kind. The reader is referred to any standard work on that subject. CHAPTER XXIV THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES =Literature.=--_Laurie_, Rise of the Universities; _Hallam_, Middle Ages; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Paulsen_, The German Universities; _Hurst_, Life and Literature in the Fatherland; _Brother Azarias_, Essays Educational. We have seen that the Church had almost entire control of education during the Middle Ages. Through her influence schools were established and maintained, learning was preserved, and the interests of civilization were promoted. She was also influential in the founding of universities, though not to her alone were these institutions due. Laurie says:-- "Now looking first to the germ out of which the universities grew, I think we must say that the universities may be regarded as a natural development of the cathedral[45] and monastery schools; but if we seek for an external motive force urging men to undertake the more profound and independent study of the liberal arts, we can find it only in the Saracenic schools of Bagdad, Babylon, Alexandria, and Cordova. The Saracens were necessarily brought into contact with Greek literature, just when the western Church was drifting away from it; and by their translations of Hippocrates, Galen, Aristotle, and other Greek classics, they restored what may be quite accurately called the 'university life' of the Greeks." The first universities, however, can hardly be said to have been inspired by the influence of the Church. Nor did the State assist in their establishment, though it afterward sanctioned them, and conferred upon them their peculiar privileges. The first universities grew out of organizations of scholars and students who joined themselves together for the purpose of study and investigation. The oldest institution of this kind was that of Salerno, Italy, which Laurie says was a "public school from A.D. 1060, and a privileged school from 1100." It taught medicine only, and was established by a converted Jew. It was entirely independent of both Church and State, and attracted students from many countries. The next university was that of Bologna, Italy. It also had only one faculty, that of law. In 1158 Frederick I. recognized the institution by giving it certain privileges. It awakened widespread interest throughout Europe, so that by the end of the twelfth century it is estimated that twelve thousand students had flocked to Bologna, most of them from foreign lands. This is an indication that the revival of learning was quite general throughout the world. But the greatest university of the Middle Ages was that of Paris, which attracted at least twenty thousand students. The university of Paris was evolved from a cathedral school, and it always retained a strong theological tendency. Philip Augustus gave it privileges as a corporation, and Pope Innocent III. recognized it as a high school of theology. The course of study was by no means narrow, as it was held that broad knowledge was essential as a preparation for theological study. Consequently it was not long before a philosophical faculty[46]--the first in history--was added as separate from the theological faculty. The greatest name connected with the university of Paris is that of Abelard. Early in the twelfth century he attracted great numbers of students, and it was his personality that made Paris the greatest university of the Middle Ages. The university of Oxford, England, was founded in 1140,[47] that of Cambridge in 1200. The oldest German university is Prague, founded in 1348. Then follow: Vienna, 1365; Heidelberg, 1386; Cologne,[3] 1388; Erfurt,[48] 1392; Würzburg, 1403; Leipsic, 1409; Rostock, 1419; Greifswald, 1456; Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1457; Trier, 1472; Tübingen, 1477; and Mainz, 1477. In France, after Paris, Toulouse, 1233; Orleans, Cahors, Caen, Poitiers, Nantes, and others during the fourteenth century. In the same century at Lund and Upsala in Sweden, Christiania in Norway, and Copenhagen in Denmark. Italy, Spain, England, Ireland, and Scotland also felt this wonderful impulse. These universities were usually modeled after that of Paris. The European universities were early granted certain privileges, many of which are accorded to this day. Indeed, some of these privileges were assumed and allowed before the institutions had official recognition by charter. These educational associations acquired so much influence and power that princes and popes vied with each other to gain favor with them by granting them special privileges. One of the most important of these is that the government of the student body rests with the university faculty, both as to their life in connection with the university, and also outside of it. Thus to this day if a student is arrested by the police, his case is turned over to the authorities of the university for trial and punishment. This was an important concession largely growing out of the fact that a great many of the students were citizens of other countries than that in which the university was located. It will readily appear that this privilege alone would have a tendency to create a world for university students and professors apart from that of the citizens. Doubtless the moral tone among the former was often very low. Students took advantage of the situation created by their peculiar privileges, and disregarded laws which the citizens were obliged to obey. Conflicts between these two classes, therefore, were frequent and bitter. The universities stimulated a desire for learning, created a respect for it, and began a movement toward free investigation, and for the promulgation of liberal ideas, which gains strength with each decade of the world's history. They have greatly contributed to the growth of knowledge, to the advancement of science, and to the elevation of mankind. FOOTNOTES: [45] The cathedral schools were institutions connected with each cathedral for the purpose of training priests for their sacred office, but they were not limited entirely to priests. Instructions in the seven liberal arts was imparted, and also in religion. Parochial schools were established in many places for the purpose of training children in the doctrines of the Church. Thus, as early as the ninth century, the Church sought to extend the benefits of education to the people as well as to the priesthood. While the parochial schools were limited in their instruction, somewhat after the manner of the early catechumen schools, the changed conditions of Christianity permitted a much broader training than formerly. [46] The complete university has four faculties, which embrace all human knowledge. The historical order of precedence is as follows: _Theology_ (1259-60), _Law_ (1271), _Medicine_ (1274), and _Arts_ or _Philosophy_ (1281). The last includes all subjects not embraced in the first three. Thus all branches of science, history, language, mathematics, etc., belong to the "philosophical" faculty. [47] Laurie, "Rise of the Universities." [48] No longer in existence CHAPTER XXV MOHAMMEDAN EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Warner_, Library of the World's Best Literature (see article on the Koran); _Johonnot_, Geographical Reader; _Lane-Poole_, Story of the Moors in Spain; _Lord_, Beacon Lights of History; _Thalheimer_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Stillé_, Studies in Mediaeval History; _Irving_, Mahomet and his Successors; _Church_, The Beginnings of the Middle Ages; _Andrews_, Institutes of General History; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Myers_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Mombert_, Great Lives; _Clarke_, Ten Great Religions; _Ferris_, Great Leaders; _Laurie_, Rise of the Universities; _Walker, John Brisben_, The Building of an Empire ("Cosmopolitan," Feb.-Sept., 1899); "North American Review," Vol. 171, p. 754. We have thus far described the work of Christian education. Parallel with this and almost entirely independent of it grew the educational work of the Moslems. This was a very important movement most valuable to civilization. =History of Mohammedanism.=--Mohammedanism dates from the time of the Hegira, or flight of Mohammed from Mecca, A.D. 622. From this date Moslems reckon their time, as the Christian world reckons from the birth of Christ. Mohammed first appeared as prophet when forty years of age. The religion of the Arabs was a most degraded one, and there was great need of the reformation which Mohammed undertook. The prophet was not well received at first, and, being obliged to flee from Mecca, he retired to a cave at Medina, where he meditated and studied. It was during this retirement that he wrote the Koran, the Bible of the Mohammedans. He claimed that the angel Gabriel appeared to him, giving him a new revelation, which was more significant than that of the Christians. Indeed, these so-called revelations were strangely suited to the varying ambition of the founder of this religion. The Koran teaches that as Jesus was greater than Moses, so Mohammed was greater than Jesus. There is no doubt that the new religion was an improvement upon the degraded form of worship that Mohammed found among the Arabs, or that in the beginning of his activity he did much to purify and elevate his people. But as he gained great numbers of adherents, and as he acquired power, Mohammed became a warrior, and attempted by the sword to compel belief in his doctrines. Moslemism met with such wonderful success that already, during the life of Mohammed, all Arabia was conquered to this belief, while his successors spread his teachings into northern Africa, western Asia, Spain, and Turkey. They carried their triumphant arms into France, until they were checked by Charles Martel; they overran Austria and threatened the complete subjugation of southeastern Europe, until John Sobieski dealt them a crushing blow before the gates of Vienna, and forever destroyed their ambition for northern conquest; they occupied Spain for seven hundred years, and still retain Turkey as their sole European possession; they have extended their power over many parts of Asia and Africa, until now they number about two hundred million souls. The five chief Moslem precepts are:-- 1. Confession of the unity of God. "There is one God, and Mohammed is his prophet." 2. Stated prayer. 3. Almsgiving. 4. The fast of Ramadan, the ninth month of the Mohammedan year. 5. Observance of the festival of Mecca. Every Moslem is expected to make a pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in his lifetime. =Education.=--When Mohammedanism became secure in its power, it turned its attention to education. The successors of Mohammed were called caliphs, and the caliphs of Bagdad and Cordova rivaled each other in fostering learning. Schools were established in all large Moslem cities and in many smaller towns. Their scholars translated the works of Aristotle and other Greek authors. They taught mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, and grammar. They originated the science of chemistry, and made great advances in the study of algebra and trigonometry. They also measured the earth, and made catalogues of the stars. Every branch of knowledge was studied, and students were attracted from all parts of Europe to their schools, especially to Cordova. Students lived in colleges with the professors, and there was an atmosphere of culture and investigation not equaled in any of the Christian universities of the Middle Ages. Spain reached the summit of Moslem education during the reign of King Hakem III. (961-976). This king fostered education, being himself a man of learning. He had a private library of six hundred thousand volumes. Education was not confined simply to the higher schools and universities. There were also a great many elementary schools. The first work of these was to teach the Koran, which was used as a reading book. The Koran gives us the most perfect picture of the oriental mind that we possess. Children of the poor attended school from their fifth till their eighth year, when they were allowed to go to service. Children of the rich entered school at their fifth year and remained till their fourteenth or fifteenth year. After that, if parents could afford it, boys traveled until their twentieth year, under care of a tutor. This completed their education. Any person could teach who chose to do so, no authority fixing the qualifications of teachers. The Mohammedan schools began to decline in the eleventh century. At the present time, but little attention is paid to education in any of the countries under the sway of Islam. GENERAL SUMMARY OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 1. Paganism gave way to Christianity, and the benign influence of the latter began to be felt in the recognition of the importance of the individual. 2. The Church undertook the direction of education, which, though necessarily limited chiefly to the ecclesiastics, had also a great influence upon the masses at large. 3. The Church Fathers were the leaders in intellectual as well as in spiritual matters, while monks and priests were the principal teachers. 4. The monasteries were the centers of educational activity, both in fostering scholarship and in preserving classic literature. 5. Secular courses of study were established, the most important being the "seven liberal arts." 6. Education was based on authority, and free investigation found but little encouragement, except among the scholastics. 7. The State assumed no part in the training of the young. Charlemagne's educational work is an exception to this rule. He asserted the prerogative of the State to control education, recognized the necessity of universal education, and the principle of compulsory attendance. 8. The crusades checked the growth of feudalism, aroused the intellectual as well as the spiritual energies of the people, led to a broader conception of man's duty to his fellow-man, and prepared the way for greater religious and political freedom. 9. As an important result of the stimulated educational activity, both among Christians and Mohammedans, many universities were founded. 10. "The Middle Ages," says Emerson, "gave us decimal numbers, gunpowder, glass, chemistry, and gothic architecture, and their paintings are the delight and tuition of our age."[49] FOOTNOTES: [49] Emerson, Progress of Culture in "Letters and Social Aims," p. 204. Boston, 1895. CHAPTER XXVI THE RENAISSANCE =Literature.=--_Williams_, History of Modern Education; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Bryce_, The Holy Roman Empire; _Andrews_, Institutes of General History; _Fisher_, History of the Reformation; _Reeve_, Petrarch; _Symonds_, Renaissance in Italy; _Seebohm_, Era of Protestant Revolution; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Hegel_, Philosophy of History; _Draper_, Intellectual Development of Europe; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education; _Dr. Ludwig Pastor_, History of the Popes, Vol. I, p. 54, etc. As the fifteenth century drew to a close there were unmistakable evidences of the dawn of a better day, and the long period known as the "Dark Ages" was to be succeeded by a brighter and more glorious era. The sway of the Church over the consciences, lives, and material interests of men was disputed; the feudal system had begun to disintegrate; the world had been aroused to new enterprise by the discovery and exploration of distant continents, by the invention of paper, the printing press, gunpowder, and the mariner's compass; the Ptolemaic system of astronomy had been superseded by that of Copernicus; the great empires of the Middle Ages had disappeared, and upon their ruins had been constructed smaller nationalities which spoke a language of their own. The period in which these remarkable changes were taking place is known as that of the Renaissance. It cannot be confined to definite chronological limits, but is the period of transition from one historical stage to another, in which there was a "gradual metamorphosis of the intellectual and moral state of Europe." The Renaissance must be viewed as "an internal process whereby spiritual energies latent in the Middle Ages were developed into actuality and formed a mental habit for the modern world." It prepared the way for the Reformation, and introduced the era of wonderful progress upon which modern civilization has entered. It was the new birth, the regeneration (renascence) of the world. A most important instrumentality for carrying forward the great work thus inaugurated was the Teutonic race. The despised northern barbarians, who had conquered Rome, had become civilized and Christianized, and were found to possess the sterling qualities which made them capable of bearing the great responsibilities of progressive civilization. The proud Roman Empire had at last succumbed to its internal weaknesses and vices, and had disappeared forever from the face of the earth. With the greater enlightenment of men had come once more an appreciation of the value of the classic languages, and Greek, the language of the Eastern Empire, was no longer regarded with antipathy. The revival of learning, which had its inception in Italy and spread northward, found its most important expression in the new interest awakened in the classic languages. It is in this, the so-called humanistic phase of the Renaissance, that the student of education is chiefly interested. To this we turn our attention. We have already alluded to the social conditions, the inventions, and discoveries, which prepared the way for the revival of learning. New and powerful impulses were shaping the progress of the world, and the leaders of the humanistic movement were not slow to utilize the instruments thus opportunely furnished them. Chief among these was the art of printing, which enabled them to multiply and distribute copies of the classics, that had been consigned to comparative oblivion. Another important element must be considered if we are to understand this revival. We have seen that during the Middle Ages the ecclesiastics largely shaped the intellectual activity of Europe, that mystery was made of science, and that the authority of the Church was supreme on all questions of education as well as of religion. A new and vital doctrine was taught which had much to do with the intellectual and spiritual emancipation of man. This new doctrine may be stated as follows:-- _Man is a rational, volitional, self-conscious being, born with capabilities and rights to enjoy whatever good the world offers._ This doctrine, it will readily appear, is capable of being perverted to an excuse for unbridled license, as was done by the Italians; or, rightly interpreted, of being productive of great good, as in the case of the Germans. Another new doctrine taught was that there was goodness in man and his works even previous to the Christian era, and that a study of the writings of all who have contributed to human progress is essential to culture, and of value to mankind. This was an argument for the revival of the study of Greek, which had for centuries been neglected. Indeed, Gibbon tells us that in the time of Petrarch, "No more than ten votaries of Homer could be enumerated in all Italy." Again, it was held that the gates of learning must be opened to all and not limited to the clergy, the recluse, and the sage. Intellectual culture must be offered to all men, to make them better and happier, and is not to be confined to the few for the purpose of increasing their power and widening the breach between the classes. The Renaissance made learning popular, it created a passion for culture, it aroused and stimulated widespread desire for greater enlightenment. Some of the leaders in the movement, however, merited opposition because of their efforts to introduce not only the beauties of pagan art and literature, but likewise some of their licentiousness. We may now turn our attention to a more detailed history of this revival and its effect upon different peoples, and to a brief study of some of its great leaders. =Humanism in Italy.=--Italy was the first to catch the impulse of humanism. Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio in the fourteenth century inspired men with their new ideas, and set in motion influences which were attended with results often far from good. They revived the study of Latin and Greek classics, extracted manuscripts from their hidden archives, incited in society a passion for learning, and created a popular literature in their own vernacular. They implanted a love of freedom of thought in the Italian masses. Their enthusiasm for the new learning attracted scholars from Germany, France, and other countries, who spread the influence in their own lands. The effect of humanism upon the Italian mind and life was pernicious in the extreme. It led to infidelity, to immorality, and to a return to many pagan practices. This was owing to two chief causes. First, the evil influence of many leaders of the Church, and second, the passionate nature of the Italian people. Karl Schmidt says, "Humanism, but not morality, ruled in the Vatican." Brother Azarias, in speaking of this period, says:[50] "The clergy loved their own ease too well; they were too great pleasure-seekers and gold-coveters to attend to their flocks with that pastoral spirit of simplicity and good faith that is to be witnessed in the Church to-day. The bishops were no better. They looked for emoluments and court favor. Even the better class of ecclesiastics gave themselves up to the intellectual luxury of admiring Plato and imitating Cicero. While a general laxity of morals in all orders of religious life--among priest and monk, pope and cardinal--was bringing odium on the Church, and weakening her hold upon the people--especially upon the Teutonic races--the seeds of regeneration were germinating in her own body. She was even then the mother of sanctity.... The Catholic hierarchy at last realized that with themselves should begin the reformation they would see established; they therefore pronounced the most withering denunciations upon the clerical and religious abuses of the day." The people interpreted the teaching of Petrarch that the world was made for man's enjoyment, as a plea for license and absence of restraint. Even monks and priests, who had been held to the rigid life of the cloister, imbued with this teaching, indulged in excesses that were subversive of both morals and religion.[51] But without doubt there was a great intellectual movement in Italy. Draper says, "Between 1470 and 1500 more than ten thousand editions of books and pamphlets were printed, and a majority of them in Italy, demonstrating that Italy was in the van of the intellectual movement." =Humanism in Germany.=--A far different result was attained among the Teutonic peoples. The best students of Germany went to Italy, and, becoming acquainted with the new education, returned to introduce it into their own universities. Being less directly under the influences that obtained in Italy, and possessing the moral stability which had brought the Teutonic race to the front, the Germans obtained good where the Italians had absorbed evil. The same principle, with different interpretation, under different conditions, and in different soil, brought forth far different fruit. Thus Petrarch's teaching was interpreted to mean that the good things of earth are not to be abused, and that man's acquirements are to be consecrated to his self-development and to the glory of God. The German humanists revived the study of the classics, Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, until, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, these languages were taught in every German university. The Bible was studied in the original, and classic writings were redeemed from obscurity, printed, and given to the world. Heidelberg and Tübingen became centers of the humanistic movement, and Agricola, Reuchlin, and Erasmus were the great leaders. =Artisan Schools.=--During the 13th and 14th centuries another type of schools flourished, namely, the Bürger or Artisan Schools, whose purpose, contrary to that of the humanistic influences, was to prepare men for practical and useful work, and to fit for citizenship. The need of these schools grew out of the changed conditions of life, especially the growing tendency to live in cities and to divide labor into crafts. They were supported by the secular authorities, and ultimately they came to exert a great influence upon city governments, particularly those of the Hanseatic league. Many of the teachers were priests, and the instruction was usually given in the mother tongue. These schools flourished in Germany, France, Italy, Denmark, and other countries, and they doubtless furthered the idea of the maintenance of education at public expense, an idea that has come to have universal acceptance. =Summary of the Influence of Humanism.=--1. It laid the foundation for future liberty of thought and conscience. 2. It revived the study of the classic languages, and gave them a place in education which they still hold. 3. It utilized the art of printing by placing the works of ancient authors in form to be used by the world. 4. It increased the number of students in the universities, and stimulated intelligence among the masses. 5. It changed courses of study, making them more practical. 6. It exerted an influence on schools of all kinds by giving better preparation to teachers. 7. It stimulated all forms of elevating activity,--in art, in science, in exploration, in invention. 8. It prepared the way for the Reformation, which broadened and perfected the work thus inaugurated. FOOTNOTES: [50] "Philosophy of Literature," p. 123. [51] _Ibid._ CHAPTER XXVII HUMANISTIC EDUCATORS =Literature.=--_Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Symonds_, Renaissance in Italy; _Reeve_, Petrarch; _Macaulay_, Essays; _Warner_, Library of the World's Best Literature (see articles on Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio); _D'Aubigné_, History of the Reformation; _Morris_, Era of the Protestant Revolution; _Leclerc_, Life of Erasmus; _Fisher_, History of the Reformation; _Mrs. Oliphant_, Dante; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education. The mission of the humanistic leaders was to "awake the dead," for Greek had become in the fullest sense a dead language, and while classic Latin was still read, its spirit was not comprehended and therefore it also was practically dead. We have seen that the Italians were the first to catch the inspiration of this revival, and Germany, France, Spain, and England "were invited to her feast." The great leaders of Italy were Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. It is not the purpose here to discuss these men in all of their intellectual activities, but simply to consider the part of their work that had a bearing on education. THE ITALIAN HUMANISTS DANTE (1265-1321) Dante was born and educated in Florence. He was favored with a devoted teacher, Brunetto Latini, who was said to be "a great philosopher and a consummate master of rhetoric, not only knowing how to speak well, but to write well." Under him Dante became familiar with all of the great Latin poets, with philosophy, history, and theology. Dante always spoke of his teacher with great affection. Those were times of revolution and political disturbance, and Dante was readily drawn into politics. This caused his banishment and even endangered his life. Dante's greatest work is the "Divine Comedy," which has made his name immortal. His was the first great name in literature after the long dark period of the Middle Ages. It is said of him that "he was not the restorer of classic antiquity, but one of the great prophets of that restoration." He brought the Italian language into use in literature and gave to it a dignity that it has never lost. Dante prepared the way for the humanistic movement and was therefore an important factor in this great revival. PETRARCH (1304-1374) The father of Petrarch was an eminent jurist, and he desired his son to adopt his profession, but Petrarch had neither taste nor capacity for Roman law. He was determined to be a man of letters. Like Dante, he too mixed in politics, and several important diplomatic positions were given to him. Though he succeeded in learning a little Greek late in life, Petrarch was not a Greek scholar. This did not hinder him from being a warm advocate of the claims of the Greek language as an important element of a liberal education. Although he possessed a manuscript of Homer, "Homer was dumb to him, or rather he was deaf to Homer." Petrarch was the real founder of humanism. Being enthusiastic for the works of antiquity himself, he inspired the Italians with a remarkable zeal in the pursuit of classic lore; nor was his influence confined to the limits of his native country. He was the first to make a collection of classic works, and to bring to light the literary treasures which the monasteries had so carefully preserved for centuries. He inaugurated that great movement which "restored freedom, self-consciousness, and the faculty of progress to human intellect." He recognized that the most wonderful thing in the world is the human mind, the emancipation of which can be brought about only through its own activity. He was the first to appreciate the importance of Greek in human culture. Unlike Tertullian, Jerome, and Augustine, he believed that classic authors, together with the Holy Scriptures and the writings of the Church Fathers, produce the broadest intelligence. All of these have the same purpose, and all are necessary to human enlightenment. Petrarch broke down the unfruitful methods of the scholastics, and laid the foundations upon which modern education is based; namely, intellectual freedom, self-consciousness, and self-activity. BOCCACCIO (1313-1375) The third of the great Italian leaders in the humanistic movement was Boccaccio. At the age of twenty-five, while standing at the grave of Vergil, he decided to devote himself to a literary career. He admired the great work of Petrarch, and was proud that, "at his own expense, he was the first to have the works of Homer and other Greek authors brought to his native land; that he was the first to call and support a teacher of Greek; and that he was the first among all Italians who could read Homer in the original." THE GERMAN HUMANISTS The German mind is more earnest, disputative, and practical than the Italian, therefore the trend of German humanism was at first chiefly theological, and the study of the classic languages, especially Hebrew and Greek, was undertaken for the purpose of better understanding the Holy Scriptures. Only a few scholars, however, were interested, and not until a violent attack was made upon Reuchlin, was general attention attracted. AGRICOLA (1443-1485) Rudolphus Agricola was the first to prepare the northern countries for the reception of the classic revival. After studying for some time under the great Italian masters, he returned to Germany and accepted a professorship at Heidelberg, where he delivered courses of lectures on the literature of Greece and Rome. He lectured also at Worms at the request of the bishop, and drew around him a large number of students in both places. Hallam says of him, "No German wrote so pure a style, or possessed so large a portion of classic learning." He prepared the way for the introduction of humanistic teachings and some of his pupils became the great leaders of that movement among the Teutonic peoples. The testimony of Erasmus concerning Agricola is as follows: "There was no branch of knowledge in which he could not measure himself with the greatest masters. Among the Greeks, he was a pure Greek, among the Latins a pure Roman.... Even when he spoke _ex tempore_, his speech was so perfect and so pure that one could easily believe that one heard a Roman rather than a German. United with his powerful eloquence was the broadest erudition. He had investigated all the mysteries of philosophy, and thoroughly mastered every branch of music. In his later years he devoted his whole soul to the mastery of Hebrew and to the study of the Holy Scriptures. He cared but little for glory." REUCHLIN (1455-1522) Reuchlin may properly be called the first great German humanist. He was educated at Freiburg, Paris, and Basel, and gave especial attention to the classic studies, which had almost disappeared from the university courses in Germany. He took his master's degree at Basel, and then began to lecture on classical Latin and Greek. Being a born teacher, he drew about him a great number of students, who became interested in classic studies. He made several visits to Italy, where he imbibed the humanistic theories of the Italians, though he was already far advanced in those theories before he went to Italy. In 1481 he was appointed professor at Tübingen, which thus became the first German university to teach humanistic doctrines. At Linz, where he had been sent on an embassy, he made the acquaintance of the emperor's Jewish physician, with whom he began the study of Hebrew. This marks an important epoch in his history, as he is best known for his Hebrew Grammar and Lexicon, published in 1506, and for his championship of the Hebrew literature. Owing to the scarcity of classic text-books, Reuchlin was obliged to mark out courses for his students, and, in a measure, to supply text-books for them. Much of his work in the university had to be dictated, and students were obliged to copy their work from manuscripts. He published a Latin lexicon and prepared the manuscript of a Greek grammar which he never published, but from which doubtless he drew in his work with students. In 1496 his friend Count Eberhard died, and Reuchlin's enemies succeeded in alienating the new prince, so he was glad to avail himself of the opportunity to go to the university of Heidelberg. Here he gave chief attention to Hebrew. While in Heidelberg he became involved in an unfortunate controversy regarding Hebrew literature, a controversy which was forced upon him. John Pfefferkorn, a converted Jew, zealous for the conversion of his race, obtained an order from the emperor to confiscate and destroy all Hebrew works which opposed the Christian faith. Reuchlin was appealed to as the highest authority on Hebrew, and he urged that, instead of destroying the literature, two professors should be appointed in each university to teach Hebrew and thereby refute the Jewish doctors by making the students acquainted with the Bible. The struggle continued for years, and although the Church and even the universities were against him, Reuchlin was finally victorious, thereby saving a noble literature to the world. This was a great victory for humanism. A short time before his death Reuchlin returned to Tübingen, where he closed his illustrious career in 1522. Reuchlin was the first to introduce Greek into Germany, and the first to recognize the necessity of a knowledge of Hebrew in interpreting the Holy Scriptures. He began a reform in the schools which prepared the way for a like movement in the Church, and in Luther he saw the man who was destined to carry both of these reforms to fulfillment. "God be praised," said he, "in Luther they have found a man who will give them work enough to do, so that they can let me, an old man, go to my rest in peace." ERASMUS (1467-1536) Erasmus was born at Rotterdam. Though not a German, he belonged to the Teutonic race. He has well been called a "citizen of the world," as he lived in so many countries, and came to be the most learned man of his time. He was left an orphan at an early age, and his guardians placed him in a convent. They wished to make a monk of him so that they could inherit his patrimony, but this plan was resisted by the boy for a long time. The life of the convent was very distasteful to him, and though he afterward took vows, he never was in sympathy with asceticism. Possibly the condition of the monasteries at that time may have had something to do with the repugnance of Erasmus to the monastic life. He was certainly greatly relieved when the Pope absolved him from his vows. Erasmus was precocious as a child, and it was early predicted of him that he would be a great man, a prediction which he fully verified. Through the influence and help of the Bishop of Cambray, he was enabled to go to Paris for study, though the means furnished were not sufficient for his support. He took pupils and gave lectures, thereby supplying the deficiency in his funds. It is recorded that, in his eagerness for books, he said, "When I get money, I will first buy Greek books, and then clothing." He also studied at Oxford, and afterward at Turin, where he took the degree of Doctor of Divinity. Though many high offices in the Church, and many positions in universities, were offered to him, he refused them all, preferring to be an independent man of letters. Erasmus was recognized as the supreme literary authority of the world, and this lofty position was the summit of his ambition. Nothing could turn him aside from the path that led to that eminence, and, once attained, nothing could attract him away from it. Basel had become the center of the new printing industry. This led Erasmus to choose that city as his home for the latter part of his life, and here he furthered the cause of humanism as no other man had done, by editing and giving to the world many of the classic treasures of the monasteries. He translated Greek works into Latin, thereby making them available to the world, as Latin was better understood than Greek. His edition of the Greek Testament was his most eminent service, though his "Colloquies" are better known. His "Praise of Folly" is a satirical work, in which he holds up to ridicule the ignorance and vice of the monks. Though he never broke away from the Church, without doubt his sympathies were with the reformers. But neither the persuasions nor the denunciations of Luther could bring him to take a decided stand on either side. He thought that the reform could be wrought within the Church. He accepted the dogmas of the Church, and remained within it as long as he lived. Erasmus was the exact counterpart of Luther. He appealed to the limited few, Luther to the masses; he to the educated and higher classes, Luther to the ignorant and lowly; he was a man of reflection, Luther a man of action. The apparent vacillation of Erasmus may have been due to ill health, to the influence of the Pope, to the ties of the Church in which he had been reared, to the satisfaction he found in his eminent literary position, and to his dislike for controversy. Erasmus gives us some very valuable pedagogical teachings, which may be summed up as follows:-- =Pedagogy of Erasmus.=--1. The mother is the natural educator of the child in its early years. The mother who does not care for the education of her children is only half a mother. 2. Until the seventh year the child should have little to do but play, in order to develop the body. It must have no earnest work, but must be taught politeness. 3. After the seventh year earnest work must begin. Latin and Greek (which should be studied together) must be taught early so that right pronunciation and a good vocabulary may be attained. 4. The first subject to be learned is grammar. Language is necessary before a knowledge of other things can be gained. 5. Teachers should be better trained and better paid, and suitable places must be furnished for the schools. 6. The religious side of education must not be neglected. 7. Great attention must be paid to the cultivation of the memory: (_a_) by a proper understanding of the subject; (_b_) by logical order in thinking; (_c_) by comparison. 8. As the bee collects honey from many flowers, so knowledge is gathered from many sources. 9. The foundation of all training of children must be laid in the home. Parents should know what their children ought to be taught. Above all things children must be taught to _obey_. 10. The first care with girls is to inculcate in them religious feelings; the second to protect them from contamination; the third, to guard them from idleness. CHAPTER XXVIII THE REFORMATION AS AN EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCE =Literature.=--_White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Taylor_, History of Germany; _Draper_, Intellectual Development of Europe; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Seebohm_, The Protestant Revolution; _Gasquet_, Eve of the Reformation; _Spaulding_, History of the Reformation; _Bryce_, The Holy Roman Empire; _Morris_, Era of the Protestant Revolution; _Hurst_, History of the Reformation; Lewis, History of Germany; _Myers_, Mediaeval and Modern History; _Schiller_, The Thirty Years' War; _Hallam_, Literary History; _Kiddle and Schem_, Cyclopaedia of Education; _Dyer_, Modern Europe; _D'Aubigné_, History of the Reformation; _Yonge_, Three Centuries of Modern History; _Mombert_, Great Lives; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education. =Historical Conditions.=--At the beginning of the sixteenth century we find the stage of political, religious, and educational activity transferred from the shores of the Mediterranean to the north of the Alps. We have seen the great work of civilization taken from the Greek and Latin races and committed to the Teutonic race. We have traced the humanistic movement from its birthplace in Italy to Germany, where it found a more congenial atmosphere and a more suitable soil. The world was ripe for a great revolution, which was destined to advance the interests of mankind with gigantic strides. The invention of printing by Gutenberg, in the middle of the fifteenth century, must be mentioned as the primary material agency in forwarding this advance. It was said of this art that it would "give the deathblow to the superstition of the Middle Ages." It multiplied readers a hundredfold; it stimulated authorship; it revolutionized literature, because it made the preservation and dissemination of thought easy; it was a mighty influence in bringing about universal education, a principle for which the Reformation stood. Another event of great importance was the discovery of America, which stimulated various European enterprises. Thus, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the world awakened from its long sleep, and educational enterprise was born anew. The German Reformation had been preceded by similar movements in other lands. Huss and Jerome of Prague, in Bohemia, Wyclif in England, Zwingli in Switzerland, the Waldenses in Italy, and the Albigenses in France, had raised their voices in solemn protest against clerical abuses,[52] and many of the reformers had paid for their temerity by martyrdom. But the German Reformation, under the leadership of Martin Luther, was destined to exert a mighty influence throughout northern Europe, and to set in motion impulses which were to shape all later history. The chief rulers of Europe were Frederick the Wise of Saxony, known as Luther's friend, Henry the Eighth of England, Francis the First of France, and Charles the Fifth, king of Spain, Naples, Sicily, and Austria, and afterward emperor of Germany. Leo the Tenth was Pope, and he had great influence in temporal affairs. Emperor Charles the Fifth was the most powerful ruler of this period. Though a foreigner in manners, customs, and sympathy, and unacquainted with the German tongue, he became emperor of Germany by bribing the electors who had a voice in selecting the ruler of that nation. It is said that he paid $1,500,000 to these corrupt electors, besides making many promises of future favors. He was treacherous, and never hesitated to break the most solemn pledges when his interests so demanded. Bayard Taylor says of him, "His election was a crime, from the effects of which Germany did not recover for three hundred years." =Intellectual Conditions=.--These, then, were the external conditions which existed at the beginning of the sixteenth century. We have seen that the need of reformation was acknowledged on all sides. There were but few good teachers to be found, even in the Church which had so long been the mother of schools. Education was at such a low ebb, and the advantages offered by the schools were so poor, and of such a doubtful character, that but few persons cared to avail themselves of their privileges. Even the universities failed to educate. Luther says, "Is it not pitiable that a boy has been obliged to study twenty years or longer to learn enough bad Latin to become a priest, and read mass?" Again he says, "Such teachers and masters we have been obliged to have everywhere, who have known nothing themselves, and have been able to teach nothing good or useful." There was need, then, of reform in education as well as in religion, and Luther took the burden of both upon his shoulders. As an educational reformer, he has earned for himself the world's gratitude. It must be admitted that Luther's main purpose was the reformation of the Church, and that his educational work merely grew out of the need of general intelligence as a necessary adjunct to that work. Of the existing conditions, Compayré well says, "With La Salle and the foundation of the Institute of the Brethren of the Christian Schools, the historian of education recognizes the Catholic origin of primary instruction; in the decrees and laws of the French Revolution, its lay and philosophical origin; but it is to the Protestant Reformation,--to Luther in the sixteenth century, and to Comenius in the seventeenth,--that must be ascribed the honor of having first organized schools for the people. In its origin, the primary school is the child of Protestantism, and its cradle was the Reformation."[53] LUTHER (1483-1546) Martin Luther was born at Eisleben, Germany, of poor and humble parents. He was brought up under the rigid discipline of the typical German home, in which the rod was not spared. Upon this point he writes, "My parents' severity made me timid; their sternness and the strict life they led me made me afterward go into a monastery and become a monk. They meant well, but they did not understand the art of adjusting their punishments." When he was fourteen years of age, his parents, then in better circumstances, sent him to Magdeburg to prepare for the university. But the expense being too great, he was withdrawn from this school and sent to Eisenach, where he could live with relatives. Here he sang in the street for alms, and his sweet voice attracted the attention of Ursula Cotta, a wealthy lady, who took him to her own home and gave him an excellent teacher. When eighteen years of age he entered the university of Erfurt, then a center of humanistic learning. He made marvelous progress in his studies until he took his degree. His father had intended him for the law, but Luther determined to devote himself to the Church, much to his father's disappointment. Accordingly he became an Augustinian monk when twenty-two years of age. Unlike many of his brethren, he kept up his studies while in the monastery, and was called to a professorship in the new university at Wittenberg in 1508, where he found an ample field for his remarkable powers. Two years later, he went as a delegate to the papal court at Rome, where his eyes were opened to the condition of the Church in her holiest sanctuaries. Returning to Wittenberg, he continued his studies and his lectures, and drew about him a great number of students. His lectures and his writings against the practices of the Church became so pronounced that he was summoned before the Diet of Worms and commanded to retract. This he refused to do in the memorable words: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise. God help me! Amen." On his return from Worms, fearing for his safety, his friends took him prisoner and confined him in the Wartburg castle at Eisenach. During the nine months of his confinement he translated the Bible into German.[54] Luther took great pains to make the language so pure and plain that it could be understood by the common people, to whom he appealed. He was never ashamed of his humble origin. When he came to be the honored friend and trusted adviser of princes and kings, he was wont to say, "I am a peasant's son; my father, grandfather, and remote ancestors were nothing but veritable peasants." The language of Luther's translation of the Bible became the standard German, which was to supplant the many dialects. His great watchword was, "Make the people acquainted with the Word of God." But the Bible was of little use to the masses so long as they could not read. Luther therefore set himself sturdily to the improvement of the schools, which were in a deplorable condition. He urged the principle of parental responsibility for the education of children. "Believe me," said he, "it is far more important that you exercise care in training your children than that you seek indulgences, say many prayers, go much to church, or make many vows." His pedagogy constitutes the foundation of the German common school system of to-day. Luther, then, must be remembered as the greatest educator of his time for two reasons. 1. _He gave the German people a language by his translation of the Holy Scriptures._ 2. _He laid the foundation of the German common school system._ =Luther's Pedagogy.=--1. Parents are responsible for the education of their children. 2. It is the duty of the State to require regular attendance at school of every child, and the parents must be held accountable for non-attendance. 3. Religion is the foundation of all school instruction. 4. Every child must learn not only the ordinary subjects taught at school, but also the practical duties of life,--boys, a trade; girls, housework. 5. Every clergyman must have pedagogical training and experience in teaching before entering upon a pastorate.[55] 6. The teacher must be trained, and in that training singing is included. 7. Children must be taught according to nature's laws,--the knowledge of the thing must precede its name. 8. Due respect should be shown to the office of teacher, and by example and precept every teacher should be worthy of respect. 9. His course of study included Latin and Greek, history, mathematics, singing, and physical training, besides religion. 10. Every school should have a library. 11. It is the inherent right of every child to be educated, and the State must provide the means to that end. The principles above stated are fundamental in the German school systems of the present time. Religious instruction, trained teachers, compulsory and universal education, are the central principles of the schools of Germany and of many other nations. Luther could not give his chief attention to education, but with deep insight he saw the necessity of it, and laid the foundations upon which later generations have built a marvelous structure, true to the design of its architect. MELANCHTHON (1497-1560) Philipp Melanchthon was the friend, colaborer, and adviser of Luther. Luther was a resolute, energetic, impulsive man; Melanchthon was quiet, reserved, and conciliating. There is no doubt that these two men of such opposite dispositions exerted a salutary influence upon each other,--Luther stimulated and encouraged Melanchthon; Melanchthon checked and restrained Luther. It is certain that each was helpful to the other, and that the great cause of the Reformation, to which they mutually consecrated themselves, was furthered by their friendship and union. Melanchthon had excellent training as a boy, and early showed signs of unusual ability. At fifteen he took his bachelor's degree at Heidelberg University, and when only eighteen years of age Erasmus said of him, "What hopes may we not conceive of Philipp Melanchthon, though as yet very young, almost a boy, but equally to be admired for his proficiency in both languages! What quickness of invention! What purity of diction! What vastness of memory! What variety of reading! What modesty and gracefulness of behavior! And what a princely mind!" After completing his course at Heidelberg, he went to Tübingen, where his studies were directed by Reuchlin, who was his kinsman. He gave public lectures at Tübingen on rhetoric and on various classic authors, attracting worldwide attention. In 1518 he was called to the Greek professorship at Wittenberg, where he made the acquaintance of Luther. Bishop Hurst says, "The life of Melanchthon was now so thoroughly identified with that of Luther that it is difficult to separate the two. They lived in the same town of Wittenberg. They were in constant consultation, each doing what he was most able to do, and both working with unwearied zeal for the triumph of the cause to which they gave their life." His success at Wittenberg was assured from the first. Though youthful in appearance, being but twenty-one years of age, his pure logic, his profound knowledge of philosophy, his familiarity with the Scriptures, his perfect mastery of the classic languages, his fine diction, and his broad knowledge awoke enthusiasm at once. Wittenberg, possessing two such great men as Luther and Melanchthon, became the center of humanistic studies, not less than two thousand students being attracted to its university. Melanchthon was an inspiring teacher; among his pupils were men who afterward became leaders of thought in Germany, and who did much to shape the destiny of Europe. Perhaps Melanchthon's greatest service to the schools was his publication of text-books, which were very much needed. He wrote a Greek grammar for boys when himself but a boy of sixteen. Grammar he defined as "the science of speaking and writing correctly," a definition that has been scarcely improved upon. Ten years later his Latin grammar was published, after being tested for some years in his classes. For more than one hundred years this was the principal Latin grammar in use, and there were not less than fifty-one editions of it. He wrote also text-books on logic, rhetoric, and ethics. It will be seen that the trivium--grammar, rhetoric, logic--furnished the foundation of his literary activity, so far as the schools are concerned. He was active also in authorship of theological works, producing the first theological work of the Protestant Church, the "Loci Communes," which Luther placed next to the Bible for theological study. The interest of Melanchthon for education made him the chief adviser and leader among the school men. His advice was constantly sought in the educational movements of Germany. After visiting the schools of Saxony, he drew up the "Saxony School Plan," which furnished the basis of various similar organizations throughout Germany. There were three fundamental principles in this system. 1. There must not be too many studies in the schools, and Latin should be the only language taught. 2. There must not be too many books used. 3. The children should be divided into at least three classes, or grades. In the first grade, reading, writing, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, prayers and hymns, and some Latin should be taught. In the second, the Latin grammar, Latin authors, and religion. In the third, completion of the grammar, difficult Latin authors, rhetoric, and logic. Williams calls this "Melanchthon's somewhat artless ideas of a proper school system," which he excuses as being "marked possibly by the crudity of a first effort at organization, but more probably controlled in form by the fewness of teachers in the schools of his time." Melanchthon is also known as the first Protestant psychologist. To sum up the educational work of Melanchthon, we find that he was a "born teacher," attracting and inspiring thousands of young men whom he instructed; that he was the author of many text-books for the schools, and of theological works; that he was an educational authority; that he outlined a complete school system; and that he was the adviser and friend of Luther in the work of the Reformation. FOOTNOTES: [52] See Brother Azarias, "Philosophy of Literature," pp. 122-124. [53] "History of Pedagogy," p. 112. Karl Schmidt, in speaking of the spirit of the Reformation, says, "These ideas form the basis of the common school, which up to this time had been sporadically established only in isolated places." "Geschichte der Pädagogik," Vol. III, p. 16. [54] In 1877, Mr. H. Stevens published at South Kensington, a "List of Bibles in the Caxton Exhibition." He says: "Not only are there many editions of the Latin Vulgate long anterior to that time (1507 A.D.), but there were actually nine _German_ editions of the Bible in the Caxton exhibition earlier than 1483, the year of Luther's birth, and at least three more before the end of the century." The general use of the printing press about this time made popular translations opportune, as it placed the Bible within the reach of all. It thus became a powerful instrument for universal education. [55] This was because the pastor had an oversight of the school, a practice still very common in Germany. CHAPTER XXIX OTHER PROTESTANT EDUCATORS The educational work of Luther and Melanchthon bore remarkable fruit. Luther had urged parents to see to it that their children should be educated, and had appealed to magistrates to assist the Church in maintaining schools. He insisted upon compulsory education in the memorable words, "The authorities are bound to compel their subjects to send their children to school." As a result schools were organized in Nuremberg, Frankfort, Ilfeld, Strasburg, Hamburg, Bremen, Dantzic, and many other places. Eton, Rugby, Harrow, and other educational institutions were founded about this time in England. Melanchthon's course of study (Schulplan) for Saxony had appeared in 1528, and in 1558 the school law of Würtemberg, by far the best yet enacted, went into force. Other German provinces adopted more or less efficient school systems, and for the first time in the history of Christian education, the duty of the State to assume the responsibility of the education of its subjects was recognized. Out of these primitive systems have grown the completer systems of the present, after more than three centuries of experiment, study, and struggle. The Reformation taught the right of every person to an education, primarily, it is true, for religious ends, and it gradually came to be understood that the State must assume that duty. For the Church had neither the means nor the power to accomplish universal education. But it was not till the nineteenth century that this end was reached, whereby the advantages of education were offered to the child of every parent of whatever rank or station, and the State assumed full control of the schools. This was the great work marked out by Luther and Melanchthon, and their pupils and disciples carried that work to its fulfillment. Among these immediate followers we may mention Sturm,[56] Trotzendorf, and Neander, who contributed to educational reform. STURM[57] (1507-1589) Johann Sturm is counted among the greatest schoolmen that the Reformation produced, though he belonged to the French rather than the German reformers. He received an excellent training in the schools of Germany, and completed his education at Paris, where he afterward became professor of Greek. He soon gained such a wide reputation that when only thirty years of age he was called to the rectorship of the _Gymnasium_ at Strasburg, a position which he held for forty-seven years, and where he gained lasting fame. This fame rests not on his work as a teacher, but as an organizer and an executive. Paulsen doubts his having been a great teacher. He says, "He was a man who gave his attention to great things. He had his hands in universal politics; he was in the service of nearly all the European potentates, drawing his yearly salary from all.... It is not probable that such a wonderful man was also a good schoolmaster."[58] But his great work was the organization of the Strasburg _Gymnasium_, especially its course of study, which became the model for the Latin schools for many years. Sturm's counsel was sought by schoolmen all over Europe, and he came to be the recognized leader of educational forces. His school course took the boy at six years of age and provided at first a nine years', afterward a ten years' course, ending at the sixteenth year of age. He added a five years' course to this later, and evidently planned to found a university.[59] Sturm believed that the mother should have charge of the child for the first six years of its life. In his ten years' course he required ten years of Latin, six of Greek, besides rhetoric, logic, religion, and music. He introduced the practice of translating Latin into German and then translating it back into Latin.[60] His course took no account of German, history, mathematics, or science. He thus sought to reinstate Greece and Rome, but entirely neglected those things which prepare for life. Williams says, "With regard to Sturm's plan of organization, it should be borne in mind that it is the very earliest scheme that we have, looking to an _extended_, _systematic_, _well-articulated_ course of studies for a school of several teachers, in which is assigned to each class such portion of the subject-matter of the course of instruction as is suited to the age and stage of advancement of its pupils."[61] This course of study attracted the attention of all Europe. Karl Schmidt says that in 1578 "his school numbered several thousand students, among whom were two hundred of noble birth, twenty-four counts and barons, and three princes--from Portugal, Poland, Denmark, England, etc." Paulsen, while not belittling the work of Sturm, thinks that the celebrated course has but little in it different from the courses of the Wittenberg reformers. He says, "If Melanchthon had had the planning of a school course for a large city, it would have been much the same (as Sturm's). The Saxon school plan of 1528 was effective only in small cities and country places. The basis of both (Melanchthon's and Sturm's) is the same,--grammar, rhetoric, dialectics, with music and religion. In the large schools, like those of Nuremberg and Hamburg, a beginning of Greek and mathematics was added."[62] Sturm's course has the merit of definiteness, thoroughness, and unity. There seems to be some doubt as to his success in carrying it out. It is certain that but few students completed his course compared with the number who began it. Instead of sixty to seventy pupils in the last class, there were only nine or ten. The influence of Sturm, however, spread not only over Germany, but also reached to many other countries, and his Strasburg course of study shaped the work in the classical schools for many years. TROTZENDORF (1490-1556) Valentine Trotzendorf was born in poverty and beset by many difficulties in boyhood. His mother was a constant inspiration to him, and when he was disposed to give up the struggle, her words, "My son, stick to your school," led him to continue until he overcame the obstacles. When ready for the university he went to Leipsic, where he studied Greek and Latin for two years. In 1515 he became a teacher in a village near Leipsic, a position that he retained for three years. He then went to Wittenberg, where he studied under Melanchthon for five years, and became very intimate with that great teacher. His fame as a teacher was made at Goldberg, where he was thirty-five years rector of a school. Like Melanchthon, he believed that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and that the school is an adjunct of the Church. With Sturm, he laid great stress upon the classic languages, and insisted that his pupils should speak in the Latin tongue. As a teacher he possessed remarkable power. He loved to mingle with his pupils, converse with and question them, and he had great skill in drawing them out. In his instruction he employed many illustrations, and proceeded from the concrete to the abstract. His discipline was unique and original. He introduced a practice before unknown, namely, that of self-government on the part of the students, an experiment that has been tried in recent years with excellent results in many American institutions for higher learning. Trotzendorf established a senate of twelve students, a consul, and other officers, who were made responsible for the government of the school. These constituted a court of which he was president. Offenders were brought before the tribunal and tried with great formality and dignity. This body sentenced the culprit to such punishment as his guilt merited, the master reserving to himself the right of being a court of final appeal. Besides the officers above named, there were others who were in charge of the boys in their domestic relations,--such as keeping guard over their punctuality, table manners, diligence in study, etc. It was considered a high honor to hold one of these offices. The scheme worked well under Trotzendorf; it taught self-government, and inculcated the spirit of freedom as well as an intelligent submission to law. Trotzendorf thus gives an example of school government which is quite in accord with the spirit of modern times. He also had his best pupils instruct the lower classes under his supervision, and thus prepared them to go forth as teachers. Teachers from his school were sought for by intelligent patrons of education in all parts of Europe. NEANDER (1525-1595) Michael Neander was another of Melanchthon's pupils who became great as a teacher. Neander was for forty-five years the sole teacher of a Latin school at Ilfeld. Though he never had many pupils, his school was pronounced by Melanchthon as "the best seminary in the country." He was a most successful teacher, and the students whom he sent to the university were found to possess the very best preparation, and always stood among the first. He was well versed in medicine and chemistry, and was one of the best Greek and Latin scholars of his time. Contrary to the practice of his contemporaries, he favored the teaching of geography, history, and the natural sciences. His position in regard to the sciences places him in advance of other educators, and in this he was a follower of Melanchthon, who also believed that science should be taught. Neander is celebrated also for the Greek and Latin text-books which he wrote. Speaking of these books, Paulsen says, "What he especially emphasized is: as few and as short rules as possible, and these rules are to be progressive; at the proper time they are to be committed to memory. The pupil must also commit words, phrases, and sentences to memory, which is equally important." Lastly, he gave a careful outline of the work of a boy for every year from the sixth to the eighteenth. This was especially valuable for that period when parents and teachers alike had nothing to guide them except the monastic course of study, and when the world was giving birth to new theories in education as well as in religion. Neander's whole life was concentrated on the work of teaching, and in the schoolroom he found his greatest joy. Here, also, he made a lasting impression upon his pupils and upon mankind. His father was mistaken when he addressed the boy, "Into a cloister with you; you will amount to nothing in the world." * * * * * Other great teachers in the schools and in the universities carried forward the educational work begun by the great reformers. Many cities had founded schools, and several of the German states had established school systems. The educational ideas of the Protestant Reformation had taken deep root, and were destined to spread over the whole world, gaining in force with each succeeding century. The practical outcome of this great movement was the establishment of schools in every village in Germany under the direction of the pastor, and where he was unable to teach, under his clerk or assistant. As the chief purpose was to prepare the children for entrance to the church by confirmation, religion was the center of the school course. But reading, writing, arithmetic, and singing were also taught. The clerk of the church gradually became the schoolmaster, and while the relations of these two offices have materially changed, there is still a close official connection between the two, particularly in the country. In many cases the pastor is the local superintendent of the school, and the teacher is the clerk and chorister of the church. As fast as Lutheran churches were organized, schools were also established in connection with them. Nor were boys alone included in the work of education. Girls' schools were organized and an effort was made at universal education. Many provinces adopted advanced school laws, and the principle of compulsory education was recognized, though by no means successfully carried out. Thus was born in the middle of the sixteenth century the common school, and thus was recognized the right of all men to an education, and a practical illustration of the means of securing it was given to the world. FOOTNOTES: [56] Though Sturm was not a Lutheran, he was a Protestant, being a follower of Calvin. [57] See Quick, "Educational Reformers," and Williams, "History of Modern Education," p. 88. [58] "Geschichte des Gelehrten Unterrichts." [59] Sturm's school course appeared in 1538. It was not the oldest school course of the Protestants. The oldest school course for a German school was prepared by Johannes Agricola and Hermann Talich in 1525 for the school at Eisleben, Luther's birthplace. Indeed, Paulsen thinks that Melanchthon had a hand in its preparation. He says ("Geschichte des Gelehrten Unterrichts," p. 182), "This is the oldest published school course of the Reformed Church, which, if not composed by Melanchthon, was without doubt outlined, or at least approved, by him." This was discovered in 1865 by F. L. Hoffmann in the Hamburg city library. [60] See Ascham, p. 191, and Ratke, p. 210. [61] "History of Modern Education," p. 91. [62] "Geschichte des Gelehrten Unterrichts," p. 197. CHAPTER XXX THE JESUITS AND THEIR EDUCATION =Literature.=--_Draper_, Intellectual Development of Europe; _Durrell_, A New Life in Education; _Dyer_, Modern Europe; _Fisher_, History of the Reformation; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Ferris_, Great Leaders; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Parkman_, The Jesuits in North America; _White_, Eighteen Christian Centuries; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Symonds_, Renaissance in Italy; _Hughes_, Loyola; _Larned_, History for Ready Reference; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education; _Châteaubriand_, The Genius of Christianity. =The Order.=--The remarkable spread of Protestantism, however, was not to go on unchallenged. Already before the rupture of the Church, the need of a better-educated clergy had been acknowledged. We have seen that Luther and the Reformers laid great stress upon the education of the young as a means of propagating the new faith, and they had employed this means with great success. It is not to be gathered from this that the Roman Church had been unmindful of her duty in the training of the young. It has already been shown that the Church maintained education from the beginning of the Christian era down through the Middle Ages, that she never slackened in her zeal for this work, and that she held it to be her right and duty, as she does to this day, to train the young. At this very time she was maintaining many schools. But the "Order of Jesus" was destined to systematize education in such a degree as the Church had never witnessed. It has been claimed that the founding of the "Society of Jesus" was a "Counter-Reformation," the purpose of which was to check the growth of Protestantism. Whatever may have been the effect of its work in this direction, it seems clear that such was not the purpose for which it was organized. Schwickerath shows that it is doubtful if the founder of the Jesuit order had ever heard the name of the German Reformer. He says,[63] "The Papal Letters and the Constitutions assign as the special object of the Society: 'The progress of souls in a good life and knowledge of religion; the propagation of faith by public preaching, the Spiritual Exercises and works of charity, and particularly the instruction of youth and ignorant persons in the Christian religion.'" It cannot be denied, whatever the original purpose of the Society, that it not only checked the onward march of Protestantism, but it even restored many provinces and communities to their fealty to the Mother Church. How well the last clause of the admonition above quoted was carried out will be seen when we remember that the Jesuits originated the most successful educational system of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, a system having a definite end in view, and whose adherents by indomitable energy, by self-sacrifice, by oneness of purpose, secured remarkable success. Let us turn our attention to the founding of the "Order." =Loyola= (1491-1556), the originator of the order, was a Spanish nobleman. While recovering from a severe wound received in battle, he read some religious books which made such a profound impression upon him that he resolved to consecrate himself to religious work. Not being an educated man, he devoted some years to study, and while at the university of Paris he gathered around him other young men who also were ready to consecrate themselves to the service of God. They formed themselves into the "Order of Jesus," with the avowed purpose at first of rescuing Jerusalem from the hands of the infidels. This was not to be done by force of arms, as in case of the crusaders, but by peaceful means. This purpose was abandoned, but the zealous missionary spirit of the Jesuits endured. In 1540 Pope Paul III. recognized the new order and gave it the sanction of the Church. The organization was military in character, Loyola becoming its first general. =The Growth of the Society= was remarkable from the outset. In 1600 it had 200 schools; in 1710, 612 colleges, 157 boarding or normal schools, 59 houses for novitiates, 340 residences, 200 missions, and 24 universities. The college at Clermont had, in 1651, 2000 students, and in 1675, 3000 students. These institutions controlled the education of the Catholic Church in all Europe, and many Protestant young men also were attracted to the Jesuit schools by their superior teachers and their thorough training. The society became so strong that various attempts were made to check its power. It spread, however, to China and Hindustan, to the Indian tribes of North America, and to South America. Its spirit and its practices aroused the suspicion of princes and people, of many Catholics as well as Protestants. In 1773 the Jesuits were in possession of 41 provinces, and had 22,589 members, of whom 11,295 were priests. Since that time popes have suppressed them, rulers have expelled them from their countries, their property and power have been taken from them, until their influence has been greatly lessened and their progress checked. =Jesuit Education.=--Unlike the monastics, the Jesuits mingled with the world; they assumed no peculiarities of dress, and held themselves ready to act as missionaries to the most remote parts of the world, as agents of the Church to which they so fully consecrated themselves, and as teachers of youth. They established schools everywhere, and placed them in charge of teachers of remarkable skill and pedagogical training.[64] We have seen that their efforts were chiefly directed to higher education, their schools being designed for boys not less than fourteen years of age. In general, primary education did not enter into their scheme. Schwickerath thinks that the "Jesuits could not undertake elementary education" because "they had never men enough to supply the demands for higher education."[65] This shows that they held higher education as of the greater importance, and the same author further adds: "Besides, the whole intellectual training of the Jesuits fitted them better for the higher branches." They reached sons of princes, noblemen, and others who constituted the influential classes,[66] but "the Constitutions expressly laid down that poverty and mean extraction were never to be any hindrance to a pupil's admission."[67] Instruction was free. Their schools became the most efficient and the most popular means of education furnished throughout Europe,--and justly so, for their work was thorough, their teachers were competent and well trained, and their course of study comprehensive. It is worthy of especial note that all teachers of the Jesuit schools were carefully trained before they were allowed to give instruction. This is the first time in history that the necessity of special preparation for the work of teaching was recognized as an essential element in the work of education. Every Jesuit school was divided into two departments, the lower, _studia inferiora_, consisting of five classes, and the higher, _studia superiora_, requiring two or three years. Boys were admitted to the lower course at the age of fourteen, and the work consisted chiefly of the study of the humanities, while that of the advanced course embraced philosophy and theology.[68] With reference to these courses of study, Quick says, "The Jesuit system stands out in the history of education as a remarkable instance of a school system elaborately thought out and worked as a whole." Again, he says of the _Ratio Studiorum_:[69] "It points out a perfectly attainable goal, and carefully defines the road by which that goal is to be approached. For each class was prescribed not only the work to be done, but also the end to be kept in view." Surely these are most commendable features of any course of study. The work was remarkably thorough in every detail. After the society had been in existence some forty years, Claudius Aquaviva became its General Superior. He at once began the study of the educational problem, using all the resources of his office in obtaining information, and employing his executive ability in producing an improved method of study. A committee of twelve most eminent churchmen was appointed in 1581 to study the question, and three years later a commission of six, representing different countries, began the labor of preparing a course of study. Their work, called the _Ratio Studiorum_,[70] completed in 1599, has remained, with some modifications, the guide of Jesuit institutions of learning. =Emulation=.--Emulation was employed to stimulate pupils to work and to secure good conduct. Prizes, decorations, rewards, titles, were offered as a means of attaining desired ends. Emulation is a natural instinct in mankind, and it may be utilized to stimulate endeavor and "foster ambition." The principle ever to be kept in mind should be _excellency without degrading others_. Schwickerath thinks that such was the spirit in which the Jesuits employed this incentive.[71] He admits, however, that there are dangers connected with prizes, and, on the whole, that certain methods of fostering emulation recommended by the _Ratio Studiorum_ are less suitable to northern countries and less in accordance with modern taste. While corporal punishment was allowed, it was generally administered by an official disciplinarian. It was seldom used, however, the discipline being mild and humane. =Criticism of Jesuit Education.=--As to the efficiency of the instruction in the Jesuit schools, opinions widely differ. Bacon and Descartes indorse it in highest terms, while Leibnitz, Voltaire, and others are equally strong in its condemnation. Bacon remarks, "As to whatever relates to the instruction of the young, we must consult the schools of the Jesuits, for there can be nothing that is better done." Leibnitz, on the other hand, says, "In the matter of education, the Jesuits have remained below mediocrity." Ranke, in speaking of the success of the Jesuit schools, says, "It was found that young persons learned more under them in half a year than with others in two years." Mr. Quick says: "I have said that the object which the Jesuits proposed in their teaching was not the highest object. They did not aim at developing _all_ the faculties of their pupils, but merely the receptive and reproductive faculties. When the young man had acquired a thorough mastery of the Latin language for all purposes, when he was well versed in the theological and philosophical opinions of his preceptors, when he was skillful in dispute, and could make a brilliant display from the resources of a well-stored memory, he had reached the highest point to which the Jesuits sought to lead him."[72] Some critics of the Jesuits claim that they lack in originality of thinking, and that they neglect training in the power of forming correct judgments. They have produced, however, many great men. =Summary.=--Summarizing the educational work of the Jesuits, the following would appear to us to be just:-- 1. Their educational system was by far the most efficient and successful of any during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. 2. This, however, applies only to higher education, as primary education was not undertaken by them. 3. They made their schools interesting, and learning pleasant. Their work was thorough, their consecration complete, their success as teachers marvelous, they being the greatest schoolmasters of their time. 4. They produced a course of study, the _Ratio Studiorum_, which lays principal stress upon the humanities and religious instruction. 5. They taught the necessity of trained teachers, and developed a remarkable power and tact in the work of instruction and school management. 6. They made use of emulation as a means of stimulating ambition,--a principle that tends to arouse the baser motives, and which is therefore to be used guardedly. 7. They were indefatigable in missionary enterprise, and zealous in the propagation of their principles, both religious and educational. 8. They stimulated authorship, advanced learning, and produced many great men. 9. They exerted a powerful influence upon the intellectual, social, and political movements of their time. THE PORT ROYALISTS Opposed to the Jesuits was another body of Catholics, sometimes called Jansenists from the organizer of the movement, and sometimes Port Royalists, because their chief school was at Port Royal near Paris. Their purpose was to check the progress of the Jesuits, to promote greater spirituality in the Church, and to revive the pure Catholicism of St. Augustine. Among their great leaders may be mentioned Pascal, Nicole, and Launcelot. The purpose of the Jansenists was very different from that of the Jesuits, and their methods were more modern. They gave preference to modern languages, while the Jesuits gave chief attention to the classic tongues. Their discipline, like that of the Jesuits, was humane, but firm. Their greatest contribution to education is the _phonic method_ of spelling. They also laid stress upon the use of objects, the development of the sense perceptions, especially in early childhood. One of their axioms was, "The intelligence of childhood always being very dependent on the senses, we must, as far as possible, address our instruction to the senses, and cause it to reach the mind, not only through hearing, but also through seeing." This appears to be the first instance in which _object teaching_ was taught as a principle, a principle which Bacon, Comenius, Pestalozzi, and Froebel worked out, and which has been one of the most important factors of modern educational progress. FOOTNOTES: [63] "Jesuit Education," p. 77. [64] See Hughes, "Loyola," pp. 46, 113, 156, 282. Also Schwickerath, "Jesuit Education," p. 415. [65] "Jesuit Education," p. 105. See also Hughes, "Loyola," pp. 4, 14, 43, 46, 68, 72, 82, and 86 (lines 12-23). [66] See Hughes, "Loyola," pp. 72, 151. [67] "Educational Reformers" p. 26. [68] K. Schmidt, Vol. III, p. 230. [69] "Educational Reformers," p. 34. [70] See Hughes, "Loyola," p. 141, for full description of this work and outline of the course. Also Schwickerath, "Jesuit Education," p. 191. [71] See Hughes, "Loyola," p. 511. [72] "Educational Reformers," p. 35. CHAPTER XXXI OTHER EDUCATORS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY =Literature.=--_H. M. Skinner_, The Schoolmaster in Literature, The Schoolmaster in Comedy and Satire; _Gill_, Systems of Education; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Williams_, History of Modern Education; _Besant_, Rabelais; _Monroe_, Educational Ideal; _Collins_, Montaigne; _Emerson_, Representative Men; _Vogel_, Geschichte der Pädagogik; _Carlisle_, Two Great Teachers (Ascham and Arnold); _Azarias_, Essays Educational; _Davidson_, History of Education. We have thus far discussed educators who were directly connected with the great Protestant and Catholic movements. There were others who were more or less independent of these movements. Among these we may mention Roger Ascham, Rabelais, and Montaigne. ASCHAM (1515-1568) Roger Ascham was the most celebrated English educator of the sixteenth century. He was educated at Cambridge, and studied three years in Germany. He had a thorough knowledge of the classic languages. For these reasons he was chosen tutor to Elizabeth, a position which he held for two years. Upon her accession to the throne, Ascham came to read with her several hours a day, and she retained her affection for her old teacher throughout his life. His chief literary work is his "Scholemaster," which is the first educational classic in English. Dr. Johnson says of this book, "It contains, perhaps, the best advice that ever was given for the study of languages." This method was as follows, given in Ascham's words: "First, let him teach the child, cheerfully and plainly, the cause and matter of the letter (Cicero's Epistles); then, let him construe it into English so oft as the child may easily carry away the understanding of it; lastly, parse it over perfectly. This done, then let the child by and by both construe and parse it over again; so that it may appear that the child doubteth in nothing that his master has taught him before. "After this, the child must take a paper book, and sitting in some place where no man shall prompt him, by himself let him translate into English his former lesson. Then showing it to his master, let the master take from him his Latin book, and pausing an hour at the least, then let the child translate his own English into Latin again in another paper book. When the child bringeth it turned into Latin, the master must compare it with Tully's book, and lay them both together, and where the child doth well, praise him, where amiss, point out why Tully's use is better. "Thus the child will easily acquire a knowledge of grammar, and also the ground of almost all the rules that are so busily taught by the master, and so hardly learned by the scholar in all common schools. The translation is the most common and most commendable of all other exercises for youth; most common, for all your constructions in grammar schools be nothing else but translations; but because they be not _double_ translations (as I do require), they bring forth but simple and single commodity; and because also they lack the daily use of writing, which is the only thing that breedeth deep root, both in the wit for good understanding, and in the memory for sure keeping of all that is learned; most commendable also, and that by the judgment of all authors which entreat of these exercises."[73] Ascham often refers to his illustrious pupil in claiming merit for his system. He says, "And a better and nearer example herein may be our most noble Queen Elizabeth, who never took yet Greek nor Latin grammar in her hand after the first declining of a noun and a verb; but only by this double translating of Demosthenes and Isocrates daily, without missing, every forenoon, and likewise some part of Tully every afternoon, for the space of a year or two, hath attained to such a perfect understanding in both tongues, and to such a ready utterance of the Latin, and that with such a judgment as there be few now in both universities, or elsewhere in England, that be in both tongues comparable with her Majesty." Mr. Quick thinks that while Ascham may have thus flattered his royal pupil, there is no doubt that she was an accomplished scholar. We have seen that Sturm made some use of double translation, but Ascham is entitled to full credit for the method, which he adopted from Pliny and perfected. Many teachers of language since that time have employed this method with excellent results. RABELAIS[74] (1483-1553) Though there is some obscurity as to the exact date of the birth of Rabelais, it is generally believed that he was born the same year as Luther, 1483. He was the son of a French innkeeper, and, after completing a classical course, was consecrated to the priesthood. His great ability and independent thinking, and his humanistic tendency brought reproof from his superiors, and he was ordered to perform works of penance in his cell; but through the influence of powerful friends he was freed and allowed to go over to the Benedictines, with whom, however, he did not remain long. He became an independent preacher, and as such had many friends among the reformers, chief among whom was Calvin. His intimacy with Calvin led the more radical reformers to be suspicious of him, and not without reason. Walter Besant tells us that, "One hears he is a buffoon--he is always mocking and always laughing. That is perfectly true. He laughs at the pretensions of pope, cardinal, bishop, and priest; he laughs at monkery and monks; he mocks at the perpetual iteration of litanies; he laughs at the ignorance and superstition which he thinks are about to vanish before the new day of modern learning."[75] Nor was his sympathy with the reformers any more marked. Besant further adds, "It was at that time all important that, as in England, the scholars should range themselves on the Protestant side. Rabelais refused to do this. More, he set an example which deterred other scholars, and kept them, in sheer impatience, in the enemy's camp."[76] The great literary work of Rabelais is embodied in a series of chronicles, the first of which is called "Gargantua" and the second, "Pantagruel." It is believed that these were popular names of giants in the Middle Ages. In these books we find Rabelais's pedagogy.[77] The giant Gargantua attends a school in which scholastic methods are employed. The author skillfully ridicules the methods, and shows the utter inefficiency of the instruction by contrasting the result in Gargantua and Eudemon, a page of the king. Gargantua, a man of fifty-five, is introduced to Eudemon, a boy of twelve. The former is awkward, bashful, and does not know what to say, while the latter meets Gargantua cap in hand, with open countenance, ruddy lips, steady eyes, and with modesty becoming a youth. In reply to the polite and intelligent conversation of the lad, Gargantua "falls to crying like a cow, casting down his face, and hiding it with his cap." Compayré says, "In these two pupils, so different in manner, Rabelais has personified two contrasted methods of education: that which, by mechanical exercises of memory, enfeebles and dulls the intelligence; and that which, with large grants of liberty, develops intelligences and frank and open characters." The deficiencies of the old education (the scholastic) being thus shown, Rabelais places his pupil under Ponocrates, Eudemon's teacher, who has produced such practical results. He then opens up his system of pedagogy in the plan pursued for the redemption of Gargantua. =Realism in Education.=--Compayré's estimate of this pedagogy is as follows: "The pedagogy of Rabelais is the first appearance of what may be called _realism_ in instruction, in distinction from the scholastic _formalism_. The author of 'Gargantua' turns the mind of the young man toward objects truly worthy of occupying his attention. He catches a glimpse of the future reserved to scientific education, and to the study of nature. He invites the mind, not to the labored subtleties and complicated tricks which scholasticism had brought into fashion, but to manly efforts, and to a wide unfolding of human nature."[78] In comparing Rabelais with Lucretius, Walter Besant says, "Both, at an interval of fifteen hundred years, anticipated the nineteenth century in its restless discontent of old beliefs, its fearless questioning, its advocacy of scientific research."[79] Compayré thinks that Rabelais is "certainly the first, in point of time, of that grand school of educators who place the sciences in the first rank among the studies of human thought."[80] It would seem, then, that the author of "Gargantua" is worthy of a most honorable place among educational writers. Rabelais began a movement, which was destined to revolutionize educational methods. The educational scheme of Rabelais embraced the study of letters, of nature, of science, of morals and religion, of the physical well-being,--in short, of everything necessary, as Herbert Spencer would say, to complete living. MONTAIGNE[81] (1533-1592) Of a very different character from Rabelais was Montaigne. Rabelais was radical and extravagant, Montaigne conservative and discreet; Rabelais sought development of all the faculties alike, Montaigne gave preference to the training of the judgment; Rabelais would thoroughly master every branch of human knowledge, Montaigne was content to skim over the sciences. And yet, Montaigne must be recognized as an important factor in education, not only for his own teachings, but because undoubtedly Bacon, Locke, Rousseau, and other apostles of reform were greatly influenced by him. Bacon furthered Montaigne's theories concerning the importance of science, and by his inductive method rendered the world a far greater service than his great French contemporary. Locke enlarged upon Montaigne's ideas of physical training. Rousseau accepted a vital doctrine of Montaigne in the following words: "He (Émile) possesses a universal capacity, not in point of actual knowledge, but in the faculty of acquiring it; an open, intelligent genius adapted to everything, and, as Montaigne says, if not instructed, capable of receiving instruction." Montaigne's father was a French nobleman, who fully appreciated the responsibility laid upon him in the education of his son. Doubtless his training had much to do in shaping the pedagogy of the illustrious son. It was wise, mild but firm, natural, and thorough. The tutors and servants who surrounded him were allowed to speak only in Latin. That tongue thus became as familiar as his native tongue. Indeed, it is said, that at the age of six he was so proficient in the language of Cicero, that the best Latinists of the time feared to address him. Nor was his knowledge confined to Latin alone. He was instructed in modern lore as well. At the age of six he was placed in the college of Guienne, where he remained seven years. His experience there, so contrary to that under which he had been brought up, led him to be utterly opposed to corporal punishment. Of the methods of discipline employed in the school, he says, "The discipline of most of our colleges has always displeased me. They are veritable jails in which youth is held prisoner. The pupils are made vicious by being punished before they become so. Pay a visit there when they are at their work; you will hear nothing but cries,--children under execution, and masters drunk with fury. What a mode of creating in these tender and timid souls an appetite for their lessons, to conduct them to their tasks with a furious countenance, rod in hand!--it is an iniquitous and pernicious fashion. How much more becoming it would be to see the classroom strewed with leaves and flowers than with blood-stained stumps of birch rods! I would have painted up there scenes of joy and merriment, Flora and the Graces, as Speusippus had his school of philosophy: where they are to gain profit, there let them find happiness too. One ought to sweeten all food that is wholesome, and put bitter into what is dangerous."[82] Here we find a strong plea for humane forms of punishment and a severe criticism of the prevailing practice of flogging, a practice which did not cease until long after Montaigne's time. It is an equally forcible plea for beautiful and pleasant schoolrooms, decorated with works of art intended to awaken and cultivate the aesthetic sense of the children, while contributing to their happiness. It has been left to the educators of the end of the nineteenth century to take up and seriously act upon this suggestion made over three hundred years ago. "The purpose of education," said Montaigne, "is the training, not of a grammarian, or a logician, but of a complete gentleman." Education should be of a practical nature. The child must become familiar with the things about him. He must learn his own language first and then that of his neighbors, and languages should all be learned by conversation. A decided weakness in his system is found in his ideas concerning women. He made no provision for their education, and, indeed, expressed great contempt for their abilities of either mind or heart. Montaigne's chief literary work is his "Essays." Compayré pronounces Montaigne's pedagogy, "a pedagogy of good sense," and further adds that he has "remained, after three centuries, a sure guide in the matter of intellectual education." Observation and experience were to be abundantly employed, and visits to other lands, together with intercourse with intelligent men everywhere, were to "sharpen our wits by rubbing them upon those of others." To sum up, we may say that the pedagogy of Montaigne teaches the training and use of the senses; the study of science; the learning of the mother tongue first by conversation, and then the language of our neighbors with whom we come in contact; the abolition of corporal punishment, and the beautifying of schoolrooms. This surely is no small contribution to education. His definition of education is worthy of note. He says, "It is not the mind only, nor the body, but the whole man that is to be educated."[83] =Summary of Educational Progress during the Sixteenth Century.=--1. Humanism had reached its climax and begun to decline. It stimulated invention and discovery; it revived classic literature and put it in such form that it could be used; it emancipated the mind; it prepared the way for later reforms; it produced great educators such as Petrarch, Erasmus, and Reuchlin. 2. The Reformation took up the educational work of humanism, and carried it forward. It instituted primary education, the education of the masses, compulsory education and parental responsibility therefor; it asserted the right and duty of the State to demand and secure universal education; it elevated and gave dignity to the office of teacher; it formulated several school systems, and laid the foundation of the present German school system. Among its great educators were Luther, Melanchthon, Sturm, and Neander. 3. The Jesuits established a remarkable system of schools, noted for their thoroughness, for their singleness of purpose, for their rapid growth, and for their trained teachers. They gave little attention to primary education, but sought to reach the higher classes. Emulation was the principal incentive employed. 4. Opposed to the Jesuit education was that of the Port Royalists. They appealed to the intelligence of the children and cultivated the sense-perceptions. They invented the phonic method of spelling. 5. Sturm's celebrated course of study was introduced during this century at Strasburg. 6. The method of double translations in learning a language was taught by Ascham and Sturm. 7. In Rabelais we find the first appearance of _realism_, which bore rich fruit in later scientific education. 8. Montaigne opposed the use of the rod, and taught that the schoolroom should be made attractive. He also advocated the study of modern languages by conversation, and gave science an honorable place in the curriculum. It thus appears that the sixteenth century surpassed many previous eras in its contributions to educational progress. FOOTNOTES: [73] H. M. Skinner, "The Schoolmaster in Literature," p. 20. [74] For special reference see Besant's "Rabelais." [75] "Rabelais," 192. [76] Ibid., 193. [77] "Schoolmaster in Comedy and Satire," 9-33. [78] "History of Pedagogy," p. 91. [79] "Rabelais," p. 187. [80] "History of Pedagogy," p. 96. [81] See Collins, "Montaigne." [82] Collins, "Montaigne," p. 14. [83] A good summary of Montaigne's educational ideas may be found in Collins's "Montaigne," p. 102. CHAPTER XXXII EDUCATION DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY =Literature.=--_Taylor_, History of Germany; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Schiller_, The Thirty Years' War; _Dyer_, Modern Europe; _Lewis_, History of Germany; _Macaulay_, History of England. =Political and Historical Conditions.=--The seventeenth century was remarkable for the wars for religious supremacy. The Reformation had challenged the authority of the Church, aroused a questioning spirit, and instilled into men's minds a love for religious liberty. During the latter half of the sixteenth century, Europe had swayed back and forth between Protestantism and Catholicism, according as success in arms had favored one side or the other. The spirit of Protestantism had taken possession more especially of the common people, who formed the bone and sinew of the armies. Bitter animosities existed between the adherents of the papal church and the reformers, which found expression in bloodshed, rapine, and destruction of property. England was torn asunder by civil war, which resulted in the death of Charles I. and the establishment of the Commonwealth under Cromwell,--the struggle between _Cavalier_ and _Roundhead_, between established church and Puritan, ending finally in the revolution of 1688. The country was in a religious ferment during the greater part of this century, caused by a growing jealousy for the maintenance of the principle of the right to worship God according to the dictates of one's own conscience. Nor was the struggle less virulent or disastrous in continental Europe. The religious upheaval of the previous century culminated in the terrible conflict known as the Thirty Years' War; this lasted from 1618 till 1648, when the Peace of Westphalia secured religious liberty to all men. Northern Germany, Austria, France, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, as well as minor countries, were involved in this great war. Let Bayard Taylor paint the result of this fearful struggle. "Thirty years of war! The slaughters of Rome's worst emperors, the persecution of the Christians under Nero and Diocletian, the invasions of the Huns and Magyars, the long struggle of the Guelfs and Ghibellines, left no such desolation behind them. At the beginning of the century, the population of the German Empire was about 30,000,000; when the Peace of Westphalia was declared, it was scarcely more than 12,000,000! Electoral Saxony, alone, lost 900,000 lives in two years.... The city of Berlin contained but 300 citizens, the whole of the Palatinate of the Rhine but 200 farmers. In Hesse-Cassel, 17 cities, 47 castles, and 300 villages were entirely destroyed by fire; thousands of villages, in all parts of the country, had but four or five families left out of hundreds, and landed property sank to about one twentieth of its former value.... The horses, cattle, and sheep were exterminated in many districts, the supplies of grain were at an end, even for sowing, and large cultivated tracts had relapsed into a wilderness. Even orchards and vineyards had been wantonly destroyed wherever armies had passed. So terrible was the ravage that, in a great many localities, the same amount of population, cattle, acres of cultivated land, and general prosperity was not restored until the year 1848, two centuries afterward! "This statement of the losses of Germany, however, was but a small part of the suffering endured.... During the last ten or twelve years of the war, both Protestants and Catholics vied with each other in deeds of barbarity; the soldiers were nothing but highway robbers, who maimed and tortured the country people to make them give up their last remaining property.... In the year 1637, when Ferdinand II. died, the want was so great that men devoured each other, and even hunted down human beings like deer or hares, in order to feed upon them. "In character, in intelligence, and in morality, the German people were set back two hundred years. All branches of industry had declined, commerce had almost entirely ceased, literature and the arts were suppressed, and except the astronomical discoveries of Copernicus and Kepler, there was no contribution to human knowledge. Even the modern High German language, which Luther had made the classic tongue of the land, seemed to be on the point of perishing. Spaniards and Italians on the Catholic, Swedes and French on the Protestant side, flooded the country with foreign words and expressions, the use of which soon became an affectation with the nobility, who did their best to destroy their native tongue. "Politically, the change was no less disastrous. The ambition of the house of Hapsburg, it is true, had brought its own punishment; the imperial dignity was secured to it, but henceforth the head of the 'Holy Roman Empire' was not much more than a shadow.... As for the mass of the people, their spirit was broken; for a time they gave up even the longing for the rights which they had lost, and taught their children abject obedience in order that they might simply live."[84] =The Educational Situation.=--These political conditions had a marked influence upon education. Schools were abandoned, colleges gave up their charters, and people were content to allow their children to grow up in ignorance. Indeed, it was not to be expected that, in the midst of their poverty and sorrow, parents should care for education. And yet, some most important and wise school laws were enacted and put into force, which form the basis of the present German school system, as well as the school systems of many other countries. In 1619 the Duke of Weimar decreed that all children, girls as well as boys, should be kept in school for at least six years,--from six to twelve. This is the first efficient compulsory education law on record intended for all classes of children. Besides Weimar, Würtemberg, Hesse-Darmstadt, Mecklenburg, Holstein, Hesse-Cassel, and other provinces were active in school work. They organized schools, appointed teachers, and formulated school regulations. In 1642, Duke Ernst of Gotha adopted a new school regulation which was a century in advance of the time, and this action was taken when the Thirty Years' War was at its height and in a territory sadly devastated by contending armies. This law required every child to enter school at the beginning of his sixth year, and to remain in school until he could read his mother tongue, had mastered Luther's catechism, and was well grounded in arithmetic, writing, and church songs. A course of study was marked out, the schools were graded, and methods of instruction were outlined. The greatest defect in the system was the lack of competent teachers. Discharged soldiers, worthless students, and degraded craftsmen who could read and write, and who possessed a little knowledge of music, continued for many years to be employed as schoolmasters. But little progress could be made under these adverse circumstances; and the only reason for encouragement was the fact that the duty of parents to keep their children at school was everywhere recognized. =The Innovators.=--We must here mention also the Innovators or Reformers, whose period of educational activity falls chiefly within the seventeenth century. Among these appear the names of Francis Bacon, Ratke, Milton, Comenius, Rollin, Fénelon, and Locke. These men started movements which revolutionized education and laid the foundation of modern methods. The demands of the Reformers are summed up by Quick as follows: "First, that the study of _things_ should precede, or be united with, the study of _words_; second, that knowledge should be communicated, where possible, by appeal to the senses; third, that all linguistic study should begin with that of the mother tongue; fourth, that Latin and Greek should be taught to such boys only as would be likely to complete a learned education; fifth, that physical education should be attended to in all classes of society for the sake of health, not simply with a view to gentlemanly accomplishments; sixth, that a new method of teaching should be adopted, framed 'According to nature.'"[85] In another chapter we shall study the life and work of some of these men. FOOTNOTES: [84] "History of Germany," p. 409. [85] Quick, "Educational Reformers," p. 50. CHAPTER XXXIII EDUCATORS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY =Literature.=--_Church_, Bacon; _Macaulay_, Essays; _Spofford_, Library of Historical Characters; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Montagu_, Life of Bacon; _Barnard_, English Pedagogy; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Williams_, History of Modern Education; _Laurie_, Life and Works of Comenius; _Comenius_, Orbis Pictus; _Barnard_, Journal of Education; _Milton_, Tractate on Education; _Pattison_, Milton; _Fowler_, Locke; _Leitch_, Practical Educationists; _Gill_, Systems of Education; _Schwegler_, History of Philosophy; _Courtney_, John Locke; _Vogel_, Geschichte der Pädagogik; _Compayré_, History of Pedagogy; _Fénelon_, Education of Girls; _Azarias_, Philosophy of Literature; _Monroe_, Comenius. BACON[86] (1561-1626) But little is known of the early years of Francis Bacon, but it is probable that he was well trained, as his father was a man of good education, and the boy was able to enter Cambridge when only a little over twelve years of age. His father was for many years Lord Keeper of the Seals, and this brought Francis in contact with court life, where his precocity made him a favorite with the queen. He thus early acquired that taste for the court, by which he climbed to the height of his ambition only to fall therefrom in ignominious defeat. He remained at Cambridge only about three years. Lord Macaulay sums up the result of Bacon's university experience in the following words: "Bacon departed, carrying with him a profound contempt for the course of study pursued there, a fixed conviction that the system of academic education in England was radically vicious, a just scorn for the trifles on which the followers of Aristotle had wasted their powers, and no great reverence for Aristotle himself."[87] Some think that thus early, while not yet fifteen years of age, Bacon began to formulate that inductive system which made him a great benefactor of the human race. There seems to be but little proof of this; and, if it be so, he laid it aside until near the close of his life, and devoted himself to politics. After leaving Cambridge, he went abroad with the English ambassador at Paris, with whom he served until the death of his father compelled his return to England. Unexpectedly finding that his patrimony was gone, he began a career at the bar, and rose step by step, amid many discouragements, until he reached the height of his ambition, the Lord High Chancellorship of the realm. In reaching this position he resorted to many of the tricks of the politician, and sacrificed his best friends to further his selfish interests. Concerning his actions toward his benefactor, Essex, Macaulay says, "This friend, so loved, so trusted, bore a principal part in ruining the earl's fortunes, in shedding his blood, and in blackening his memory. But let us be just to Bacon. We believe that, to the last, he had no wish to injure Essex. Nay, we believe that he sincerely wished to serve Essex, as long as he could serve Essex without injuring himself."[88] Such seeming mitigation of Bacon's ingratitude serves only to bring the Lord Chancellor's cowardice more completely to light. This lack of principle and greed for office, together with the luxurious tastes which kept Bacon constantly in debt, made him susceptible to corruption. Accordingly he accepted bribes; and, when exposed, his degradation from the highest office under the crown was most complete and humiliating. He was summoned before the bar of Parliament; and, finding the evidence against him complete, he admitted his guilt and pleaded for clemency. These are the words of his confession, "Upon advised consideration of the charges, descending into my own conscience and calling upon my memory to account so far as I am able, I do plainly and ingenuously confess that I am guilty of corruption, and do renounce all defense." He was found guilty and condemned to imprisonment in the Tower during the pleasure of the king, and to a fine of £40,000; he was forbidden ever to sit in Parliament or come within the verge of the court, and was forever debarred from holding office. He never paid the fine, was released from the Tower after two days, was permitted to visit the court, and was summoned to the meetings of Parliament.[89] He never, however, took any part in public affairs. The king granted him a pension upon which he lived the remainder of his days. Thus disappeared from public life one of England's greatest statesmen, whose political career ended in disgrace. But during the remaining six years of his life, he wrote his principal works, which made him famous for all time, and which mark a new era in education as well as in the world's progress. In 1620 his greatest work, the "Novum Organum," was published. In this appears his _Inductive Method_, a great educational discovery, which has been of inestimable value to mankind. It revolutionized science, and suggested the application of the forces of nature to the wants of man, thus opening to man's enterprise an illimitable field for research. In the three centuries since Bacon's discovery, science has made vast strides, and yet is only at the threshold of its possible development. The watchwords of the inductive method--experiment, investigate, verify--have led to the establishment of laboratories, to the founding of experimenting stations, and to the study of Nature herself. As Macaulay puts it, "Two words form the key of the Baconian doctrine, Utility and Progress." Again he says, "The philosophy of Plato began in words and ended in words.... The philosophy of Bacon began in observation and ended in arts."[90] Macaulay depreciates the work of Bacon, and shows that he was not the original inventor of the inductive method, "which," he says with truth, "has been practiced ever since the beginning of the world by every human being."[91] Nor was he the "first person who correctly analyzed that method and explained its uses," as Aristotle had done so long before. But these facts do not detract from the glory of Bacon any more than the discovery of America by the Norsemen five hundred years before the time of Columbus detracts from his glory. The same process of reasoning would take all credit from every philosopher that has ever lived, for with equal truth it may be said that every mental process "has been practiced ever since the beginning of the world by every human being." Bacon's teachings resemble those of Montaigne, though Bacon's work was far more important and complete than that of his French contemporary. His pedagogy may be summed up in these pregnant words from his own pen: "A judicious blending and interchange between the easier and more difficult branches of learning, adapted to the individual capabilities and to the future occupation of pupils, will profit both the mental and bodily powers, and make instruction acceptable." We find in Bacon, then, the beginning of a new era in education. It remained for Comenius, Locke, Rousseau, Pestalozzi, and their compeers to apply to specific educational systems the great truth contained in the inductive method; and to scientists and investigators of all kinds has been intrusted the mission of furthering, through this method, the marvelous scientific development which has almost re-created the world. RATKE[92] (1571-1635) Perhaps the first to urge the reforms which constitute the basis of educational theory was Ratke, a German, born in the province of Holstein. He originated a scheme by which he promised to teach any language, ancient or modern, in six months. He traveled throughout Europe, endeavoring to sell his discovery to princes and men of learning. Purchasers had to agree strictly to maintain the secret. Professor Williams speaks of this conduct as follows: "These were the acts of a charlatan peddling some secret quack nostrum."[93] Mr. Quick says, "He would also found a school in which all arts and sciences should be rapidly learned and advanced; he would introduce, and peacefully maintain throughout the continent, a uniform speech, a uniform government, and, more wonderful still, a uniform religion. From these modest proposals we should naturally infer that the promiser was nothing but a quack of more than usual impudence; but the position which the name of Ratich holds in the history of education is sufficient proof that this is by no means a complete statement of the matter."[94] Many thinkers fully believed that the schools were in bondage to the classic studies, that they did not prepare for life, and that science, which had begun to show signs of awakening, should have a place in education. The extravagant theories of Ratke, therefore, attracted attention. Opportunity was given him to put his theories into practice, first at Augsburg, then at Köthen, and finally at Magdeburg. In each instance he utterly failed, more from want of tact in dealing with men,--with those in authority, as well as with his teachers and pupils,--than from lack of soundness in theory. Of course much of his theory was worthless, especially that referring to the mastery of a language in six months, and that proposing uniformity in speech, government, and religion. Ratke's method of teaching a language was not original with him, being similar to, though not so effective as, that advocated by Roger Ascham, more than a hundred years before (see p. 191), and suggested first by Pliny, fifteen centuries earlier. Ratke required the pupil to go over the same matter many times, to learn the grammar in connection with translation, and finally to translate back into the original. He proposed to follow the same course with all languages, and have all grammars constructed on the same plan. The work which Ratke began was more successfully carried out by others who followed him, and thus fruit has been borne to these new and radical ideas. Quick sums up Ratke's pedagogy in a few words, as follows:[95]-- 1. Everything after the order and course of nature. 2. One thing at a time. 3. One thing again and again repeated. 4. Nothing shall be learned by heart. 5. Uniformity in all things. 6. Knowledge of the thing itself must be given before that which refers to the thing. 7. Everything by experiment and analysis. 8. Everything without coercion;[2] that is, by gentle means, and not by the use of the rod. Others have worked out these principles until they have become thoroughly incorporated into every system of modern pedagogy. COMENIUS[96] (1592-1670) By far the greatest educator of the seventeenth century, and one of the greatest in educational history, was Johann Amos Comenius. He was born in Moravia, and belonged to the Protestant body known as the Moravian Brethren. His early education was neglected, a fact that was not without its compensation, for, not beginning the study of Latin until sixteen years of age, he was mature enough to appreciate the defects in the prevalent method of instruction. One of his most valuable services to education grew out of his attempt to remedy the defects thus discovered. Of the schools he attended, he says, "They are the terror of boys, and the slaughterhouses of minds,--places where a hatred of books and literature is contracted, where ten or more years are spent in learning what might be acquired in one, where what ought to be poured in gently is violently forced in, and beaten in, where what ought to be put clearly and perspicuously is presented in a confused and intricate way, as if it were a collection of puzzles,--places where minds are fed on words."[97] In speaking of his own experience at school, he says, "I was continually full of thoughts for the finding out of some means whereby more might be inflamed with the love of learning, and whereby learning itself might be made more compendious, both in the matter of charge and cost, and of labor belonging thereto, that so the youth might be brought by a more easy method unto some notable proficiency in learning."[98] The life of Comenius, which extended over nearly eighty years, was full of vicissitudes and trials. Briefly told, it is as follows: He was left an orphan at an early age, had poor educational advantages in childhood, began the study of Latin at sixteen, and completed his studies at Heidelberg at twenty-two, having previously studied at Herborn. After leaving the university, he was teacher of the Moravian School at Prerau for two years, and then having been ordained to the ministry, became pastor of Fulnek. Here he remained for a number of years, living a happy and useful life. In the meantime, the Thirty Years' War had broken out, the battle of Prague had been lost by the Protestants, and the town of Fulnek sacked. Comenius lost everything he possessed, and this misfortune was soon followed by the death of his wife and child. After hiding in the mountains for some time, he was banished from his native land, together with all the other Protestants. This took place in 1627, when Comenius was thirty-five years old. Though he often longed to return to his fatherland, he was never permitted to do so. He settled in Poland, and began by the study of the works of Ratke, Bacon, and other writers to prepare himself for the great task of educational reform. Of this experience he writes, "After many workings and tossings of my thoughts, by reducing everything to the immovable laws of nature, I lighted upon my 'Didactica Magna,' which shows the art of readily and solidly teaching all men all things." He visited England, Sweden, and Hungary in the interests of education, and was invited to France, but did not accept the invitation. While living at Leszno, Poland, for a second time his house was sacked and all his property destroyed. Among other things, his work on Pansophia, and his Latin-Bohemian dictionary, on which he had labored for forty years, were burned. He closed his days at Amsterdam, Holland. In addition to the great honors bestowed upon him by the various countries that sought his advice on educational matters, he was made the chief bishop and head of the Moravian Brethren. Raumer forcibly sums up the life of Comenius as follows: "Comenius is a grand and venerable figure of sorrow. Though wandering, persecuted, and homeless, during the terrible and desolating Thirty Years' War, yet he never despaired, but with enduring courage, and strong faith, labored unweariedly to prepare youth by a better education for a happier future. Suspended from the ministry, as he himself tells us, and an exile, he became an apostle to the Christian youth; and he labored for them with a zeal and love worthy of the chief of the apostles."[99] =Pedagogical Work.=--The great educational works of Comenius are his "Gate of Tongues Unlocked," the "Great Didactic," and his "Orbis Pictus." Mr. Quick thinks that the "Great Didactic" contains, in the best form, the principles he afterward endeavored to work out"[100] in his other educational writings. "The services of Comenius to pedagogy," says Professor Williams, "were of a threefold character, in each of which his merit was very great. First, he was the true originator of the principles and methods of the Innovators. Second, he was a great educational systematist. Third, he was the author of improved text-books, which were long and widely famous."[101] This is a fair summing up of the remarkable activity of this man with the exception of the first point. Montaigne, Ratke, and Bacon had previously taught many of the fundamental truths which Comenius merely amplified and brought to practical fruition, and he himself acknowledged the influence of the last two men upon him. That the whole purpose of the life of Comenius was far nobler than that of Ratke or Bacon, there remains no room for doubt. Compayré says, "The character of Comenius equals his intelligence. Through a thousand obstacles he devoted his long life to the work of popular instruction. With a generous ardor he consecrated himself to infancy. He wrote twenty works and taught in twenty cities. Moreover, he was the first to form a definite conception of what the elementary studies should be."[102] Bacon gave the inspiration and Comenius worked the truth into practical form; Bacon invented a new theory of scientific investigation, Comenius employed that theory in education; Bacon originated and Comenius applied. This does not detract from the merit of Comenius any more than his work detracts from the merit of Rousseau, Pestalozzi, or Horace Mann, all of whom gathered inspiration from him. =Summary of the Work of Comenius.=--(1) He was the author of the first illustrated text-book, the "Orbis Pictus."[103] The cost of illustrations was for a long time a serious barrier to their general adoption in schoolbooks; but modern inventions and improvements have removed this obstacle, and many of the text-books of to-day are as valuable for their illustrations as for their text. The "Orbis Pictus" appeared in 1658. (2) In his "Great Didactic," he presents a scheme for general organization of the school system which covers the first twenty-four years of life. It divides this time into four equal periods of six years, each as follows:-- 1. _Infancy_, or the mother school, from birth up to six years of age. 2. _Boyhood_, the vernacular or national school, from six to twelve. 3. _Adolescence_, the _Gymnasium_ or Latin school, from twelve to eighteen. 4. _Youth_, the university (including travel), from eighteen to twenty-four. "The infant school should be found in every house, the vernacular school in every village and community, the gymnasium in every province, and the university in every kingdom or large province." This scheme, with variation of details, forms the basis of present school systems: first, the period in the home with the mother till six; second, the period of general education in the common school, from six to twelve or fourteen; third, the period of preparation for the professional schools, from twelve or fourteen to eighteen; and fourth, the professional or university course, from eighteen to twenty-four. The last is usually divided into a college and a university course. (3) The educational principles of Comenius were revolutionary as to the school practices of the time. They have come to be almost universally accepted at present. We can here state only a few of the most essential.[104] 1. If we would teach and learn surely, we must follow the order of Nature. 2. Let everything be presented through the senses. 3. Proceed from the easy to the difficult, from the near to the remote, from the general to the special, from the known to the unknown. 4. Make learning pleasant by the choice of suitable material, by not attempting too much, by the use of concrete examples, and by the selection of that which is of utility. 5. Fix firmly by frequent repetitions and drills. 6. Let all things advance by indissoluble steps, so that everything taught to-day may give firmness and stability to what was taught yesterday, and point the way to the work of to-morrow.[105] 7. Let everything that is useless be eliminated from teaching. 8. Learn to do by doing. 9. Each language should be learned separately, have a definite time assigned to it, be learned by use rather than precept,--that is, the practice in learning should be with familiar things,--and all tongues should be learned by one and the same method. 10. The example of well-ordered life of parents, nurses, teachers, and schoolfellows is very important for children; but precepts and rules of life must be added to example. 11. As knowledge of God is the highest of all knowledge, the Holy Scriptures must be the alpha and omega of the Christian schools. Comenius gives explicit directions as to methods of instruction, class management, discipline, courses of study, including a discussion of each branch, and moral and religious teaching. He presents these directions in the most remarkable and complete series of precepts and principles to be found in educational literature.[106] MILTON (1608-1674) John Milton was "the most notable man who ever kept school or published a schoolbook." While his fame rests on "Paradise Lost" and other great literary works, he deserves a place among educators for his "Tractate on Education," and for his sympathy with educational reform. He anticipated Herbert Spencer's celebrated definition,--"To prepare us for complete living is the function which education has to discharge,"--in the following words: "I call, therefore, a complete and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly, skillfully, and magnanimously all the offices, both private and public, of peace and war." He criticised the schools of his time and sought to make them more practical. Like the earlier Innovators, and in harmony with the spirit that was rapidly growing, he thought that too much time was given to the study of Latin, and urged that science, music, physical culture, and language as a means of acquiring a knowledge of useful things, should receive more attention in the schools. Quick says, "A protest against a purely literary education comes with tremendous force from the student who sacrificed his sight to his reading, the accomplished scholar whose Latin works were known throughout Europe, and the author of 'Paradise Lost.'"[107] Milton's experience in teaching was confined to a small boarding school, such as those usually resorted to for educating the sons of the better classes in England at that time. For pupils he began with two nephews, to whom were soon added a few other boys. These were sons of Milton's friends, and some of them came as boarders, others as day students. Milton seemed to like the work of teaching, and it was during this period that his "Tractate" was written. He probably taught school in this way for eight or nine years, and then was appointed to a small office under the government, which secured his living. The rest of his life was devoted chiefly to literary work. =Milton's "Tractate."=--The principal lessons from this educational work are embodied in the following quotation: "The end then of Learning is to repair the ruines of our first Parents by regaining to know God aright, and out of that knowledge to love him, and to imitate him, to be like him, as we may the nearest by possessing our souls of true virtue, which being united to the heavenly grace of faith makes up the highest perfection."[108] This rather cumbersome definition shows how fully Milton was possessed of the Puritan spirit, which then controlled England, and which magnified religious zeal. Milton's scheme of education may be briefly summed up as follows:-- 1. The school premises should consist of a spacious house with large school grounds, intended for about one hundred and thirty students from twelve to twenty-one years of age, who should receive their complete secondary and university education in the same school. This scheme, so unique in Milton's time, is practically carried out in France and the United States, where the connection between the lower and higher schools is direct. In England, the land of its inception, and in Germany, there is no such direct articulation between the lower and the higher schools. 2. The course of study embraces, first, the Latin grammar, arithmetic, geometry, religion, and Greek authors to be read in translation; second, Latin authors, geography, natural philosophy; third, Greek, trigonometry,--intended to prepare for fortification,--architecture, engineering, and navigation, anatomy, and medicine. This course is supposed to be completed at about the age of sixteen. The harder topics now follow, together with the study of those subjects intended to teach ethical judgment. Milton says, "As they begin to acquire character, and to reason on the difference between good and evil, there will be required a constant and sound indoctrinating to set them right and firm, instructing them more amply in the knowledge of virtue and the hatred of vice." Then come Greek authors, Holy Writ, poetry, and "at any odd hour, the Italian tongue," ethics, and politics. He is consistent with his definition of education,--"that which fits a man to perform justly, skillfully, and magnanimously all the offices, both public and private, of peace and war," when he would train men to be "steadfast pillars of the State." He adds in his course also the study of law, including Roman edicts and English common law, a knowledge of Hebrew, and possibly Syrian and Chaldaic. Nor were physical exercises omitted. Sword exercises, wrestling, military tactics, riding, etc., were to be daily practiced, each in its proper time. Finally, the young man, when about twenty-three years of age, should travel abroad, and thus, when mature enough to comprehend them, become acquainted with the geography, history, and politics of other countries. This was to be the final preparation for citizenship and service of country. Mr. Browning pronounces this a "magnificent and comprehensive scheme." The most serious criticism of it is, that it marks out much more than the average young man can accomplish. LOCKE[109] (1632-1704) John Locke was the son of a Puritan gentleman who took active part in the wars for religious freedom fought during the latter part of the seventeenth century. Without doubt the stirring scenes enacted and the great moral movements which occupied England had a great influence upon Locke's life. He was carefully trained at home until he was about fourteen years old, when he entered Westminster School, a Puritan institution, where he remained for six years. He then entered Oxford, and in due time took his bachelor's and master's degrees. In 1660, when twenty-eight years old, he was made tutor of Christ Church, Oxford, where he lectured on Greek, rhetoric, and philosophy. He interested himself in theology, but never took orders; and he also studied medicine and for a time practiced it. His own health was precarious, he having suffered, from chronic consumption nearly all his life. Nevertheless, he accomplished a tremendous amount of work. The friendship of the Earl of Shaftesbury gave Locke some political prestige. He lived in the family of that nobleman for many years, and was the tutor of his son and grandson. Locke's great work, on which his fame securely rests, is the "Essay concerning Human Understanding," which stamps him as the greatest of English philosophers. This appeared in 1690. His most important educational work is entitled "Some Thoughts concerning Education." Compayré says, "From psychology to pedagogy the transition is easy, and Locke had to make no great effort to become an authority on education after having been an accomplished philosopher." Further, the same author says concerning the essential principles discussed in "Thoughts concerning Education," "These are: 1, in physical education, the hardening process; 2, in intellectual education, practical utility; 3, in moral education, the principle of honor, set up as a rule for the free self-government of man." In Locke, for the first time, we find a careful set of rules as to the food, sleep, physical exercise, and clothing of children. While modern science rejects some of these, most of them are regarded as sound in practice. Plenty of outdoor exercise, clothing loose and not too warm, plain food with but little meat or sugar, proper hours of sleep, and beds not too soft, early retiring and rising, and cold baths, are means prescribed to harden the body and prepare it to resist the attacks of disease. "_A sound mind in a sound body_" is the celebrated aphorism which sums up Locke's educational theory. As to moral education, Locke declares, "That which a gentleman ought to desire for his son, besides the fortune which he leaves him, is, 1, virtue; 2, prudence; 3, good manners; 4, instruction." In his course of study the idea of utility prevails. After reading, writing, drawing, geography, and the mother tongue are mastered, Locke, like Montaigne, would teach the language of nearest neighbors, and then Latin. Even the Latin tongue should be learned through use, rather than by rules of grammar and by memorizing the works of classic authors. While his system of education was planned for sons of gentlemen, Locke urged the establishment of "working schools" for children of the laboring classes. This was in line with his utilitarian ideas, as the intent was not so much intellectual training, as the formation of steady habits and the preparation for success in industrial pursuits. Locke's plan was for a sort of manual training school, the first appearance of such a project in history. Locke did not believe in universal education, nor in the public school. Only gentlemen were provided for in his formal scheme, and herein he followed the path marked out by Alfred the Great eight hundred years before, which England has not completely forsaken to this day. Since he had done all his teaching as a private tutor in the family of a gentleman, one can easily understand his advocacy of that form of instruction for the favored few. Locke's teachings in this respect are gradually losing their hold even in England, the most conservative of all countries in educational matters, and the latest great nation to accept the principle of universal education. During the last quarter of a century England has been earnestly seeking to give every child, whether of gentle or of humble birth, rich or poor, what his birthright demands,--a good common school education. The influence of Locke upon education, then, has been very great. Williams remarks that "he inspired Rousseau with nearly every valuable thought which appears in the brilliant pages of his 'Émile.' He seems himself to have derived some of his most characteristic ideas from Montaigne, and possibly also from Rabelais."[110] Although Locke differed from other educational reformers in many respects, though he was somewhat narrow in his conception of education, owing to his environment, he opposed the dry formalism that characterized the educational practice of his time, and sought to emancipate man both intellectually and physically. FÉNELON (1651-1715) Fénelon was born of noble parents in the province of Périgord, France. During his early years his father attended very carefully to his education, and later his uncle, the Marquis de Fénelon, became his guardian. Though delicate in health, the boy showed remarkable aptness in learning. At the age of twelve he entered the college of Cahors, and thence went to the university of Paris. He was destined by his parents for the Church, for which, by natural temperament and pious zeal, he was well fitted. He preached at fifteen with marked success, and took up a theological course at St. Sulpice. At the age of twenty-four he was ordained priest. He desired to enter the missionary field, first in Canada, and later in Greece, but had to abandon this purpose on account of ill health. Saint-Simon, in his "Mémoires," describes Fénelon as a man of striking appearance, and says, "His manner altogether corresponded to his appearance; his perfect ease was infectious to others, and his conversation was stamped with the grace and good taste which are acquired by habitual intercourse with the best society and the great world." For ten years Fénelon was at the head of the convent of the _New Catholics_, an institution which sought to reclaim Protestant young women to Catholicism. In this position, as well as in all his lifework, though himself an ardent Catholic, Fénelon's course was so temperate and just that he won the warmest admiration even of Protestants, who did not accept his faith. Among his friends were the Duke and Duchess of Beauvilliers, who had eight daughters and several sons. At their suggestion, and for the purpose of helping them in educating their daughters, he wrote his first and most important educational work, "The Education of Girls." Compayré pronounces this "the first classical work of French pedagogy." He further speaks of this book as "a work of gentleness and goodness, of a complaisant and amiable grace, which is pervaded by a spirit of progress."[111] It appeared in 1687. In 1689, when thirty-eight years of age, Fénelon was chosen preceptor of the grandson of Louis XIV., the young Duke of Burgundy. In this position his remarkable powers as a teacher were brought to light, and he applied the theories which he had promulgated. The young duke, who was eight years of age, was of a passionate nature, hard to control, and yet, withal, of warm-hearted impulses. It is said that "he would break the clocks which summoned him to unwelcome duty, and fly into the wildest rage with the rain which hindered some pleasure." The "Telemachus"[112] of Fénelon, perhaps his greatest literary work, was composed at this time, as were also his "Dialogues of the Dead" and his "Fables." The inspiration of all these works was found in the charge committed to him--that of properly instructing his royal pupil. Fénelon thus created the material through which he interested the boy and taught him the intended lessons. The "Telemachus" was designed for the moral and political instruction of the prince; through his "Dialogues of the Dead" he taught history; and his "Fables" were composed for the purpose of teaching the moral and intellectual lessons which he wished to impart to his illustrious, but headstrong, pupil. Fénelon's success with the prince was phenomenal, as the passionate boy became affectionate, docile, and obedient. The success of the experiment, however, was never put to the final test, as the duke died before coming to the throne. There seems to be no doubt that the cure was permanent, and it is not believed that, like Nero, he would have relapsed into his former viciousness and cruelty. One naturally compares Fénelon with Seneca. To both were committed children, heirs apparent to thrones,--willful, cruel, disobedient, and hard to control. In Seneca's pupil the seeds of cruelty remained, to germinate into the awful tyrant; in Fénelon's the evil seemed to be permanently eradicated, and the result was a prince with generous impulses and noble intentions. And this result was largely owing to the difference in the teachers,--Fénelon, the gentle, but firm, patient, painstaking conscientious man; Seneca, the more brilliant, but vacillating and timeserving sycophant. =Fénelon's Pedagogy.=--1. There must be systematic care of the body. Therefore regular meals and plain food, plenty of sleep, exercise, etc., are essential. 2. All instruction must be made pleasant and interesting. Play is to be utilized in teaching. In this he anticipated Froebel. 3. Let punishments be as light as possible. Encourage children to be open and truthful, and do not prevent confession by making punishments too frequent or too severe. Punishment should be administered privately, as a rule, and publicly only when all other means have failed. 4. Present the thing before its name,--the idea before the word. Study things, investigate. Employ curiosity. In this he was a disciple of Bacon and Comenius, and a prophet to Pestalozzi. 5. Allow nothing to be committed to memory that is not understood. 6. Girls, also, must share the benefits of education. Especial attention should be given to teaching them modesty, gentleness, piety, household economy, the duties of their station in life, and those of motherhood. 7. Morality should be taught early and by means of fables, stories, and concrete examples. 8. Proceed from the near at hand to the remote, from the known to the unknown. Thus in language, after the mother tongue, teach other living languages, and then the classics. The latter are to be learned by conversation about common objects, and by application of the rules of grammar in connection therewith. In geography and history one's own environment and country should be learned first, then other countries. 9. Example is of great importance to all periods of life, but especially to childhood. This Fénelon practically illustrated by his own life and by the concrete cases which he used. Voltaire says of Fénelon, "His wit was overflowing with beauty, his heart with goodness." LA SALLE AND THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS[113] In 1681, La Salle, a devoted priest of the Catholic Church, organized the _Brothers of the Christian Schools_. The idea primarily was to awaken interest in elementary education. He perfected the work already done by Peter Faurier, Charles Demia, and others. The method of instruction, up to this time, had been largely individual. The pupils were called up to the teacher, one by one, or at most two by two, and, after the lesson had been heard, they were sent back to their seats to study. La Salle conceived the idea of grading together pupils of the same advancement, and teaching them simultaneously,--a practice now employed in primary schools everywhere. It is known as the _Simultaneous Method_. Brother Azarias says of this method, "Because we all of us have been trained according to this method, and see it practiced in nearly all of our public and many of our private schools throughout the land, and have ceased to find it a subject of wonder, we may be inclined to undervalue its importance. Not so was it regarded in the days of La Salle. Then a Brothers' School was looked upon with admiration. Strangers were shown it as a curiosity worth visiting." La Salle laid down many explicit rules concerning punishment, methods of teaching, and school organization in a book called "The Conduct of Schools." While modern criticism would condemn many of these rules, we think, with Compayré, that "whatever the distance which separates these gloomy schools from our modern ideal,--from the pleasant, active, animated school, such as we conceive it to-day,--there is none the less obligation to do justice to La Salle, to pardon him for practices which were those of his time, and to admire him for the good qualities that were peculiarly his own."[114] He established the first normal school in history at Rheims in 1684, thirteen years before Francke organized his teachers' class at Halle, and fifty years before Hecker founded the first Prussian normal school at Stettin. La Salle magnified the teacher's office, and urgently demanded professional training for instructors of the young. Brother Azarias forcibly sums up La Salle's great work in this respect as follows: "He is the benefactor of the modern schoolmaster. He it was who raised primary teaching out of the ruts of never ending routine, carried on in the midst of time-honored noise and confusion, and, in giving it principles and a method, made of it a science. He hedged in the dignity of the schoolmaster. He was the first to assert the exclusive right of the master to devote his whole time to his school work."[115] Education, therefore, owes to La Salle three important contributions,--(1) the Simultaneous Method of Instruction, whereby a number of children of the same advancement are taught together; (2) the first Normal School, established at Rheims, France, in 1684; and (3) a dignifying of the teacher's profession by setting apart trained persons who should give all their time to the work of teaching. =Rollin (1661-1741).=--This great teacher, connected for many years with the University of Paris, and deposed therefrom in connection with the Jansenists to whom he adhered, was not merely a university lecturer, but also an author of educational works and a student of general education. His most important educational work is his "Treatise on Studies." Rollin anticipated modern practice by seeking to make learning pleasant and discipline humane. He would use the rod only as a last resort--a theory quite contrary to the practice of that time. Too much freedom, he thought, would have a tendency to make children impudent; too frequent appeal to fear breaks the spirit; praise arouses and encourages the child, but too much of it makes him vain. Therefore the teacher must avoid both extremes. While he would have girls know the four ground rules of arithmetic, that is about all they should have except domestic training. Rollin had no connection with elementary schools and but little contact with children; therefore his precepts do not always have the sound basis that experience furnishes. Nevertheless, he exerted a salutary influence upon the education of his time. =Summary of the Educational Progress of the Seventeenth Century.=--1. School systems were established and compulsory attendance made efficient in Weimar in 1619, in Gotha in 1642, and in many other cities, showing a growing recognition of the principle of universal education and the duty of the State to assume the responsibility for its attainment. 2. A school of educators, known as the "Innovators," laid emphasis on _sense-realism_,--the study of things, the contact with nature, the education that is of practical use. 3. Bacon laid the foundation of all future scientific research by his _inductive method_. This increased the riches of the world beyond calculation, taught how investigation is to be made, laid the foundation of modern science, and gave direction to all later education. 4. Ratke, though erratic and vulgar, instituted wholesome reforms in the teaching of languages, and promulgated theories which, under later reformers, bore rich fruitage. 5. Comenius, one of the greatest educators of all time, produced the first illustrated text-book, planned a general organization for schools in several countries, which is the basis of present systems, and proclaimed theories which are now universally accepted as the guide of modern pedagogical practice. 6. Milton, though primarily a literary man, lent the weight of his genius and his great name to school reform. He marked out a course of study which contemplates a unity of purpose from the elementary school to the university. 7. The great English philosopher, Locke, also found time to devote to education. His principle, "_A sound mind in a sound body_," directed attention to physical education. 8. In the noble French priest, Fénelon, we find an example of theory practically applied. He gives, also, for the first time, a place in pedagogy to the education of girls. 9. In general, we find that the seventeenth century laid stress upon the principle of utility, gave great impulse to science, called attention to the care of the body, decreased the influence of classic studies, brushed away the fabric which superstition and conservatism had woven, produced some of the greatest educators that have ever lived, and laid the foundations on which modern education is built. FOOTNOTES: [86] For special reference see Macaulay's "Essays," Vols. II and III. [87] "Essays," Vol. III, p. 354. [88] _Ibid._, Vol. III, p. 368. [89] For a full description of his trial consult Macaulay's "Essays." Also his biographer, Montagu, whose judgment of Bacon is much milder than Macaulay's. [90] "Essays," Vol. III, p. 459. [91] _Ibid._, Vol. III, p. 470. [92] Also Rateke, Radtke, and Ratich. Paulsen pronounces the last "an abominable mutilation of Latinization." [93] "History of Modern Education," p. 141. [94] Quick, "Educational Reformers," p. 51. [95] "Educational Reformers," p. 53. [96] Especial attention is called to Laurie's "Life of Comenius," and Monroe's "Comenius." For other works, see Appendix of Bardeen's edition of Laurie's "Comenius." [97] Laurie, "Life of Comenius," p. 14. [98] Preface to the "Prodromus." [99] Raumer, "Geschichte der Pädagogik." [100] "Educational Reformers," p. 73. [101] "History of Modern Education," p. 151. [102] "History of Pedagogy," p. 122. [103] See "Orbis Pictus," edited and published by C. W. Bardeen, Syracuse, N.Y. [104] Laurie's "Life and Works of Comenius," p. 77. [105] _Ibid._, p. 105. [106] For full discussion of the pedagogical principles of Comenius, see Professor Laurie's great work. [107] "Educational Reformers," p. 59. [108] "Tractate," p. 3. [109] See Fowler's "Locke." Also Quick, Compayré, and Williams. [110] "History of Modern Education," p. 181. [111] "History of Pedagogy," p. 165. [112] "Schoolmaster in Comedy and Satire," pp. 73-100. [113] Especial reference is made to Brother Azarias, "Essays Educational." [114] "History of Pedagogy," p. 276. [115] "Essays Educational," p. 238. CHAPTER XXXIV AUGUST HERMANN FRANCKE AND THE PIETISTS (1663-1727) =Literature.=--_Rein_, Encyklopädisches Handbuch; _Strack_, Geschichte des Volkschulwesens; _Dyer_, Modern Europe; _Rein_, Am Ende der Schulreform? _Russell_, German Higher Schools. PIETISM Pietism is the name of a movement in Germany which sought to revive spiritual life in the Lutheran Church. In that church, religion had become purely a matter of intellect, instead of heart. Cold formality and adherence to the letter, rather than the spirit, had taken possession of the Protestant Church. Like the Jansenists in France, who had a similar purpose with reference to the Catholic Church, and later the Methodists in England, who sought to awaken religious zeal in the Church of England, the Pietists of Germany endeavored to vitalize religious life, and to lead men away from creeds promulgated by human agency, to the pure word of God. The Pietists differed from the orthodox Lutherans not in doctrine, but in insisting on the necessity of a change of heart and a pious life, instead of mere adherence to formal doctrine. The Pietists founded the university of Halle, and this remained the center of the movement until it had run its course. Pietism had its inception during the latter part of the seventeenth century, and it extended through the first half of the eighteenth century. Its originator was Philipp Jakob Spener, a man of remarkable zeal and godly life. Though it met with bitter opposition on the part of the orthodox Lutherans, it certainly did great good, not only to its adherents, but to the Church at large, by awakening deeper spiritual life. Its influence was also great in reviving Biblical study in Germany, in improving the character of teachers, and in giving a spiritual direction to the studies of the schools. It has left an enduring monument in the great _Institutions_ that it founded at Halle. The greatest of the Pietists was August Hermann Francke, who is celebrated, not only as a theologian, but as a philanthropist and teacher. FRANCKE[116] (1663-1727) Francke's early education was conducted by private teachers, though his parents, who were intelligent and God-fearing people, exerted a strong influence upon him. At thirteen he entered the highest class of the _Gymnasium_ at Gotha, where he remained for one year. Here he was introduced to the reform teachings of Ratke and Comenius. Two years later he entered the university of Erfurt as a student of theology. He studied also at Kiel and Leipsic. While he gave particular attention to Hebrew and Greek, he also learned French, English, and Italian. He seemed to be gifted with a talent for learning languages, for during a short residence in Holland in later life he learned the Dutch language so well that he was able to preach in it. Under the instruction of a Jewish rabbi, he read the Hebrew Bible through seven times in one year. After spending some time as teacher in a private school, he returned to Leipsic as _Privat Docent_[117] in the university. Having become acquainted with Spener and his teachings, Francke became an earnest Pietist. His success in lecturing and his zeal in religious work drew around him a large number of students. This awakened the envy of the old professors of the university, and they began a persecution which caused his dismissal. He then went to Erfurt and preached with remarkable success, drawing great crowds by his earnestness and eloquence. Persecution again followed him, and he was banished from the city. About this time the new university of Halle called Francke to the chair of Greek and oriental languages and afterward to that of theology. He began his work in 1692, and remained in that position for nearly thirty-six years, until his death. As this position did not furnish enough to live upon, he became pastor of the church in the neighboring village of Glaucha. In his pastoral work he came in contact with poverty, drunkenness, and every form of immorality. Moved with pity, he collected small sums of money, which he distributed among the poor after catechising the children. At Easter, 1695, he found seven guldens ($2.80) in the collection boxes, which he declared to be "A splendid capital with which something of importance can be founded; I will begin a school for the poor with it." This was the beginning of the great orphan asylum at Halle,--an enterprise the magnitude of which we shall describe later. Without visible income, with no means at command, but with a sublime faith in God and humanity, and an overwhelming sense of the ignorance and misery of the children about him, Francke began at once the great work; nor was his faith misplaced, as the result shows. He gathered together a few children and placed a student over them as a teacher. Soon the better class of citizens took an interest, and desired him to provide a school for their children. Two rooms were rented, one for those who could not pay and the other for those who could. This was the foundation of the _free school_ and the _citizens' school_ still connected with the _Institutions_. In the fall of 1695, Francke founded the orphan asylum. Money flowed in from all parts of the country as people began to understand the great work. Francke was thus able to branch out in many directions. He established a _Pedagogium_ to prepare teachers for his and other schools; free meals were furnished to students who devoted a part of their time to teaching in the institutions; separate schools for boys and girls, a _Gymnasium_, a _Real-school_, a bookbindery and printing establishment, and many other institutions were founded. =The Institutions at Halle.=--In a few years Francke had in successful operation a marvelous system, a work founded upon love of humanity and dependent upon philanthropy for its support. The results attracted attention from all Europe, and students came from many lands. "At the death of Francke in the year 1727, the following report of the _Institutions_ was sent to King Frederick William I.: (1) In the _Pedagogium_, 82 scholars, 70 teachers and other persons; (2) in the Latin school, 3 inspectors, 32 teachers, 400 pupils, and 10 servants; (3) in the common school, 4 inspectors, 98 male teachers, 8 female teachers, 1725 boys and girls; (4) orphans, 100 boys, 34 girls, 10 overseers; (5) at the free table, 225 students, 360 poor children; (6) employed in the drug store, bookstore, etc., and other persons in the establishment, 82."[118] This makes a total of over 3200 persons instructed, sheltered, employed, or otherwise connected with these great _Institutions_. The foundations were so firmly laid that the progress has been steady from that time to this. At present there are no less than twenty-five different enterprises connected with the _Institutions_, among which may be mentioned a free school for boys, and one for girls; a common school for boys, and one for girls; a royal _Pedagogium_; a Latin school; a higher girls' school; a _Realgymnasium_; a preparatory school for the high school; a _Real-school_; an orphan asylum for boys, and one for girls; a boarding house for students; a Bible house, which has distributed about 6,500,000 Bibles and religious works; a teachers' seminary (normal school) for each sex; a bookstore, a printing house, and a drug store.[119] About 3000 children receive instruction in the various schools, and about 118,000 have been recipients of the benefits since the _Institutions_ were founded two hundred years ago. The cost is about one million marks a year, which is covered by endowments, by tuition fees, by profits from the productive departments (bookstores, printing establishment, etc.), and by moneys received from the State. Francke's idea of depending upon voluntary gifts has been abandoned. All this work is the result of the energy of a man who began with a capital of less than three dollars, and a vast amount of faith to found "something of importance." =The Training of Teachers.=--While Francke's greatest work for mankind was the _Institutions_ mentioned above, we must notice one field of his activity that is of especial importance to us,--that of the training of teachers. We have seen that, on account of the scarcity of funds, he was obliged to rely upon students to do the work of instructing the children committed to his care. The young theologians made use of this opportunity as a stepping-stone to their future calling, the ministry, and Francke, perceiving this, sought to secure the most pious and gifted among his theological students for this work. He also established a pedagogical class (_Pedagogium_). After two years' membership therein, the student was allowed to teach provided he pledged himself to devote three years to teaching in the schools. This class met once a week for criticism and discussion under the leadership of the inspector of the school, and the various inspectors met Francke every evening for further instruction. The results soon attracted widespread notice, and created a great demand for Francke's teachers. Although this was very crude pedagogical training, it may be regarded as the inception of the normal school, which has now come to be an essential part of every educational system. =The Real-school.=--A third service is credited by many to Francke, namely, the founding of the _Real-school_[120] of Germany. The best authorities give that credit to Professor Erhard Weigel of Jena. Whether or not the idea originated with Francke, he was ready to accept the necessity of such a change, and founded schools for higher learning in which Greek and Latin were not required, and in which more attention was given to modern languages and science. FOOTNOTES: [116] Rein's "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. II, p. 336. [117] The _Privat Docent_ is the first step in the professor's career in the German university. He is allowed to lecture in the university, but receives no pay except fees from the students who hear him. [118] K. Schmidt, "Geschichte der Pädagogik," Vol. III, p. 462. [119] See Rein, "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. II, p. 348. [120] The _Real-school_ is the great rival of the _Gymnasium_ in Germany. The latter is the old established school which bases culture on the _Humanities_,--the classic languages, and literature. The _Real-school_ is more modern and gives greater attention to the _Realities_,--to things of practical utility. Precedence is given to the modern languages, sciences, and arts. While the chief purpose of the _Gymnasium_ is to prepare for the learned professions, that of the _Real-school_ is to prepare for practical life. The relation of these two institutions to each other and to the university led to the _Berlin Conference_ in 1890, at which it clearly appeared that the younger is outstripping the older and more conservative institution. See Russell, "German Higher Schools." CHAPTER XXXV GENERAL VIEW OF THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES =Literature.=--_Dyer_, Modern Europe; _Duruy_, The French Revolution; _Yonge_, Three Centuries of Modern History; _Andrews_, Institutes of General History; _Lord_, Beacon Lights; _Taylor_, History of Germany; _Guizot_, History of Civilization; _Draper_, Conflict between Religion and Science; _Schwickerath_, Jesuit Education. The history of the world since the seventeenth century has been crowded with events, and characterized by movements of greatest moment to mankind. It is not the purpose of this work to discuss political movements, to chronicle wars, or to study the great upheavals of society except in so far as they have a direct bearing upon educational questions.[121] The political chains that fettered the nations of the world have gradually been broken until greater liberty has been secured, a more perfect acknowledgment of the rights of the individual brought about, and a more tolerant religious spirit fostered in every civilized land. These things have exerted a tremendous force in the intellectual emancipation of man. At last the long struggle of the centuries begins to bear legitimate fruit, and the supreme educational purpose of Christianity, that of asserting and maintaining the importance of the individual, seems destined to complete realization. The noble truths of brotherly love, equality before God, and human rights were obscured during the long centuries,--obscured sometimes by the very institution whose chief aim is to scatter light and give gladness to men. It has remained for modern education to rediscover the educational principles which the Great Teacher promulgated, and which through the struggle of centuries failed of recognition, and bore indifferent fruit. Among the many social and political changes that have taken place during the last two centuries, we may mention a few that have a direct influence upon education. Preceding centuries had prepared the way,--had broken the ground and sown the seed, and now the world was ready to reap an abundant harvest. The great political events of this period may be briefly summarized as follows:-- 1. _The abolition of human slavery._--Great Britain, Spain, France, Russia, and finally our own country have forever removed the shackles of the slave within their borders. Perhaps the greatest of all emancipation acts was that of Russia, which, in 1861, without bloodshed and without serious disturbance, by royal decree, set free forty million serfs. The abolition of slavery in nearly all civilized countries is the greatest political triumph of Christian civilization. Without this there could never have come that higher intellectual emancipation which is the aim sought in all education. 2. _The extension of political rights._--This is another victory that must be credited to the period under discussion. At the beginning of the eighteenth century there was scarcely a nation that acknowledged the right of the individual to a part in government, or to personal freedom. Men were in vassalage to their immediate lord, who, in turn, was obliged to acknowledge the "divine right" of the king over him. With the exception of Switzerland, who for centuries had maintained her freedom, and of England, who had secured the rights of man only by much bloodshed, there was scarcely a people in the world that possessed the right of self-government. Even England had secured that right only in the latter half of the seventeenth century under the leadership of Cromwell. This right she did not concede to her colonies, however, until the American Revolution wrested her richest dependency from her, and forever established the principle of self-government for a sovereign people. Immediately following the American Revolution came the French Revolution, which taught the Old World the ideas so heroically conceived, so bravely supported, and so successfully realized in the New World. Nor is this all. The same principle has compelled the rulers of most of the European nations to divide the responsibility of government with their subjects, and to grant their people enlarged powers but little short of absolute sovereignty. 3. _Science has been recognized as a powerful instrument of civilization._--Through scientific discoveries there has been a wonderful accession to material wealth, invention has been stimulated, and progress has been made in all directions. The spirit of investigation has been fostered, old theories and superstitions have been abandoned, and truth has been established upon their ruins. In this direction more has been done by science during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries than during the whole previous history of the world. Man has now become master of heretofore unknown forces which he may utilize as a blessing for the human race. We shall see in later pages that scientific investigation has become the greatest educational principle of modern times. 4. _Religious freedom has been attained._--The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries witnessed many struggles for religious liberty, which resulted in no decided victory. It was not until the last two centuries that complete religious freedom was gained. Men are no longer bound to accept ecclesiastical decrees without question, but every one may weigh and consider, and freely decide for himself. Civil law protects, civil society sustains, and public opinion justifies men in the exercise of personal liberty in religious matters. By the realization of these great principles educational progress has been encouraged. The greatest obstacles have been removed, and the future opens with possibilities of universal brotherhood, universal peace, and universal education. It remains for us to study some of the men who have contributed to the educational progress of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to trace the chief movements in the intellectual development of the race, and to examine the school systems of the representative nations of the world at the present time. FOOTNOTES: [121] It must be freely admitted that such influences are powerful in shaping the destiny of man, and that they have had much to do with education, as we have often shown in the foregoing pages. We must, however, leave the tracing of the movements to each individual student. CHAPTER XXXVI MODERN EDUCATORS =Literature.=--_Davidson_, Rousseau; _Graham_, Rousseau; _Morley_, Life of Rousseau; _Rousseau_, Émile; _Munroe_, Educational Ideal; _Vogel_, Geschichte der Pädagogik; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Weir_, The Key to Rousseau's Émile (article in _Educational Review_, Vol. XVI, p. 61); _Compayré_, History of Pedagogy. ROUSSEAU (1712-1778) Jean Jacques Rousseau was born in Geneva, Switzerland. His father was a watchmaker, and upon him devolved the education of the boy, as the mother died in childbirth. Rousseau's father was a man of dissipated habits, careless of responsibility, and of very violent temper. He interested himself in his son far enough to teach him to read, and supplied him with the worthless novels which he himself was fond of reading. This unwise course doubtless had much to do in shaping the character of the boy. Probably it was the evil effects of this early literature that led Rousseau later in life to oppose teaching young children to read. Quick says, "Rousseau professed a hatred of books, which he said kept the student so long engaged upon the thoughts of other people as to have no time to make a store of his own." Abandoned by his father at the age of ten, he was taken into the family of his uncle, who apprenticed him, first to a notary, and afterward to an engraver. At the age of sixteen he ran away, and began a life of vagabondage. While yet a young man, he became involved in intrigues, which, according to his own account in his "Confessions," were no credit to him. Madame de Warens, a young widow with whom he lived for some years, sent him to school at St. Lazare, where he studied the classics and music; but he soon lapsed again into vagabondage. He picked up a little music, and attempted to give lessons in it, but with small success. He also took a position as private tutor, but he had no talent for teaching. Later in life he married Thérèse le Vasseur, a woman from the common ranks of life. She bore him five children, all of whom he committed to foundling hospitals without means of identification. He did this because he was not willing that his own comfort or plans should be disturbed by the presence of children. Rousseau had reason to regret this heartless and unnatural course when, in later years, he sought in vain to find some trace of his children. Compayré says, "If he loved to observe children, he observed, alas, only the children of others. There is nothing sadder than that page of the 'Confessions,' in which he relates how he often placed himself at the window to observe the dismission of a school, in order to listen to the conversations of children as a furtive and unseen observer!"[122] In 1749 Rousseau successfully competed for a prize offered by the Academy of Dijon on the subject, "Has the restoration of the sciences contributed to purify or to corrupt manners?" Rousseau entered this contest quite accidentally. He saw the notice of the contest in a newspaper, and decided at once to compete. Of this event he says, "If ever anything resembled a sudden inspiration, it was the movement which began in me as I read this. All at once I felt myself dazzled by a thousand sparkling lights; crowds of vivid ideas thronged into my mind with a force and confusion which threw me into unspeakable agitation; I felt my head whirling in a giddiness like that of intoxication. A violent palpitation oppressed me; unable to walk for difficulty of breathing, I sank under one of the trees of the avenue, and passed half an hour there in such a condition of excitement that when I rose I saw that the front of my waistcoat was all wet with tears, though I was wholly unconscious of shedding them. Ah, if I could have written the quarter of what I saw and felt under that tree, with what clearness should I have brought out all the contradictions of our social system; with what simplicity should I have demonstrated that man is good naturally, and that by institution only is he made bad." This essay made him famous, and its publication was the beginning of a remarkable literary career. His principal literary works are his "Confessions," in which he declares that he conceals nothing concerning himself; the "Social Contract," an anti-monarchic work, which many believe incited the French Revolution; "Héloïse," a novel over-strained in sentiment and immoral in its teachings, but "full of pathos and knowledge of the human heart"; and "Émile," his greatest work, which contains his educational theories. The "Émile"[123] was an epoch-making book, which excited great interest throughout Europe. It is said that the philosopher Emanuel Kant became so absorbed in reading it that he forgot to take his daily walk. =Pedagogy.=--(_a_) Rousseau's first principle is, "Everything is good as it comes from the hands of the Author of nature; everything degenerates in the hands of man." It follows, then, that education has only to prevent the entrance of evil, and let nature continue the work begun. It is to be a negative, as well as a natural, process. The fallacy of this principle is very forcibly shown by Vogel[124] as follows: "The very first sentence of 'Émile,' that man by nature is good, is a fundamental error; for by nature, that is, from birth, man is neither good nor bad, but morally indifferent. Only when the individual possesses mature self-consciousness does he have a correct idea of good and evil. If man by nature is good, it is inexplicable how evil can originate within him. External things may, indeed, furnish motives to evil, but are never in themselves evil; the evil arises rather from the conduct of the individual toward outside objects. If, then, evil does not come from without, and is not by nature already within the heart, it is impossible that there shall be such a thing as evil." (_b_) The first education is physical and it begins at birth. As the physical wants of the child are natural they should be satisfied, but the clothing should be of such character as not to interfere with the perfect freedom of the body. Great care must be taken to distinguish between the real wants of the child and its passing whims. To gratify the latter because of the crying of the child will tend to form bad habits. In this connection may be taught the first moral lessons. It thus becomes important that the speech, gestures, and expressions of the young child shall be carefully studied. This is the first suggestion of the necessity for child study. The idea was later developed by Pestalozzi and Froebel, and is one of the most important features of recent pedagogical activity. (_c_) The child's second period begins with his ability to speak and continues till the twelfth year. No attempt must be made to educate the child for his future, but he must be allowed to get the full enjoyment of childhood by freedom to play as he will. Let him run, jump, and test his strength, thereby acquiring judgment of the material forces about him, and learning how to take care of himself. Leave him free to do what he will, let him have what he wishes, but, as far as possible, he should be led to depend upon himself to satisfy his wants. Give him perfect freedom, for freedom is the fundamental law of education. If he disobeys, do not punish him,--disobedience works its own punishment; therefore, do not command him. The training of the senses is the important work of this period; therefore, there should be as little moral training as possible, and absolutely no religious training. The only moral idea for the child to learn is that of ownership. He is to be prevented from vice in a negative manner, that is, by never being allowed to meet it. "The only habit that a child should be allowed to form is to contract no habit." He is to have a preceptor devoted entirely to him, not to instruct or control him, but to lead him to discover and experience for himself. In regard to his intellectual instruction, Rousseau says of _Émile_ at twelve years of age, "that he has not learned to distinguish his right hand from his left." Books are entirely proscribed, and, indeed, they are useless to him as he cannot read; the only intellectual knowledge the child receives is that which comes from things through his own experience. This is a brief outline of the erratic, impossible, and inconsistent training that Rousseau provides for _Émile_ during this period when the foundation of character in the child must be laid. Gréard says, "Rousseau goes beyond progressive education to recommend an education in fragments, so to speak, which isolates the faculties in order to develop them one after another, which establishes an absolute line of demarkation between the different ages, and which ends in distinguishing three stages of progress in the soul. Rousseau's error on this point is in forgetting that the education of the child ought to prepare for the education of the young man." (_d_) The third period extends from the twelfth to the fifteenth year. It is the period of intellectual development. With no habits of thought or study, being little else than a robust animal, in three years _Émile_ is to obtain all needed intellectual training. True, Rousseau excludes everything that is not useful, and places limitations even on that. For example, he naturally lays great stress upon the physical sciences which are to be taught in connection with things themselves,--out of doors, by travel, and in actual life; but he allows no history, or grammar, or ancient languages. No books are permitted save "Robinson Crusoe," which Rousseau finds entirely suitable for _Émile_. A trade is to be learned during this period. While in general we condemn Rousseau's scheme of education, there is much in his methods that is most excellent. On this point Compayré comments as follows: "At least in the general method which he commends, Rousseau makes amends for the errors in his plan of study: 'Do not treat the child to discourses which he cannot understand. No descriptions, no eloquence, no figures of speech. Be content to present to him appropriate objects. Let us transform our sensations into ideas. But let us not jump at once from sensible to intellectual objects. Let us always proceed slowly from one sensible notion to another. In general, let us never substitute the sign for the thing, except when it is impossible for us to show the thing.'"[125] (_e_) The fourth period of education begins at fifteen, the period of adolescence. At this time, "_Émile_ will know nothing of history, nothing of humanity, nothing of art and literature, nothing of God; but he will know a manual trade." Rousseau himself says, "_Émile_ has but little knowledge, but that which he has is really his own; he knows nothing by halves." He has a mind which, "if not instructed, is at least capable of being instructed." The remaining work to be done in the education of _Émile_ consists in training the sentiments of affection, the moral and the religious sentiments. The feeling of love for his fellow-beings is now to be cultivated. The error of this is shown by Compayré, who says, "For fifteen years Rousseau leaves the heart of _Émile_ unoccupied.... Rousseau made the mistake of thinking that a child can be taught to love as he is taught to read and write, and that lessons could be given to _Émile_ in feeling just as lessons are given to him in geometry." In morals Rousseau taught that the first duty of every one is to take care of himself; we must love ourselves first of all, and find our greatest interest in those things that best serve us. We must seek that which is useful to us and avoid what harms us, instead of loving our enemies and doing good to those that hate us, as taught by Christ. We must love those who love us, while we must avoid and hate those who hate us. As to religion, _Émile_ does not yet know at fifteen that he has a soul, and Rousseau thinks that perhaps the eighteenth year is still too early for him to learn that fact; for, if he tries to learn it before the proper time, he runs the risk of never really knowing that he possesses an immortal soul. But as religion furnishes a check upon the passions, it should be taught to the boy when eighteen years of age. He is not to be instructed in the doctrines of any particular sect, but should be allowed to select that religious belief which most strongly appeals to his reason. Modern investigation has proven the utter fallacy of Rousseau's teachings in this respect. Indeed, it seems to be established that the most orthodox period of the child's life occurs before the fifteenth year, the time when Rousseau would begin his religious training. Conformable to this truth, many sects confirm children and receive them into the church at or before the fifteenth year.[126] (_f_) Having brought _Émile_ to the period of life at which he is to marry, Rousseau proceeds to create in Sophie the ideal wife. It is not the education of women as such that Rousseau discusses, but their education with reference to man. He says, "The whole education of women should be relative to men; to please them, to be useful to them, to make themselves honored and loved by them, to educate the young, to care for the older, to advise them, to console them, to make life agreeable and sweet to them,--these are the duties of women in every age." Consequently the sole instruction woman needs is in household duties, in care of children, in ways to add to the happiness of her husband. Her own happiness or development does not enter into Rousseau's scheme. This is the weakest part of his educational theory. The world is gradually awakening to the fact that woman's intellectual capacity is not inferior to that of man, and the prejudices of ages are slowly disappearing. Rousseau's pedagogical theories made a profound impression throughout Europe, and though often inconsistent, extravagant, and visionary, they set the world to thinking of the child and his psychological development. A new direction was thus given to educational theory and practice, and upon this basis Pestalozzi, Froebel, and other modern educators have built. Rousseau must, therefore, be reckoned among the greatest pedagogical writers of modern times. Karl Schmidt pronounces the "Émile" "a Platonic republic of education,--nevertheless, Rousseau's work is a great universal achievement, the importance of which Goethe recognizes when he calls the book the _nature-gospel_ of education."[127] FOOTNOTES: [122] "History of Pedagogy," p. 286. [123] "Schoolmaster in Literature," pp. 40-63. [124] "Geschichte der Pädagogik," p. 127. See also Compayré, "History of Pedagogy," p. 286. [125] "History of Pedagogy," p. 298. [126] See address of Professor Earl Barnes, Proceedings of the National Educational Association for 1893, p. 765. Also article by Dr. G. Stanley Hall in _Pedagogical Seminary_, Vol. I, p. 196. Note also the religious development of Laura Bridgman. [127] "Geschichte der Pädagogik," Vol. III, p. 559. CHAPTER XXXVII MODERN EDUCATORS (_Continued_) BASEDOW[128] (1723-1790) The name of Basedow is connected with what is known as the _Philanthropinic_ experiment. He was born at Hamburg, his father being a wigmaker. Not being appreciated in his home, the son ran away and bound himself out as servant in the household of a gentleman. Through the influence of this man, who discovered his extraordinary abilities, he was reconciled with his father, and returned home. He was sent to the _Gymnasium_ at Hamburg, and afterward, through the assistance of friends, went to the university of Leipsic, where he studied theology. Here he lived a rather wild life, and upon the completion of his studies was found too unorthodox to take orders. Accordingly, he became tutor (Hauslehrer) to the children of Herr von Quaalen. In this position he showed great aptitude and originality in the instruction of children. His method of teaching included conversation, adaptation of play, and use of the woods, fields, plants, birds, and other works of nature. "Owing to his original manner of teaching, Basedow obtained the best results. In teaching Latin, for instance, he began by pointing to objects and giving their Latin names. His pupils, in a very short time, learned to speak Latin almost as well as their native language. Basedow himself learned French, after the same manner, of the governess of the house."[129] He next became Professor of Morals and Polite Literature at Soröe, Denmark, where his unorthodox writings again led him into trouble. He was removed to the _Gymnasium_ at Altona. Rousseau's "Émile" produced a profound impression upon him, as it had done upon many other thinkers in Europe, and many of his theories are probably traceable to that book. Basedow was convinced of the need of a radical reform in the schools of Germany, and set himself the task of effecting it. Bernsdorf, the Danish minister of education, became interested in his writings, and, together with several of the crowned heads of Europe, assisted him in bringing out his "Elementary Book" (Elementarbuch), which foreshadowed his plans. It was modeled after the "Orbis Pictus" of Comenius. The interest of these distinguished patrons shows how urgent was the need of an educational reform. Basedow also made the acquaintance of the great literary men of the time, chief among whom was Goethe. In temperament he was misanthropic and peevish, owing in part, doubtless, to ill health brought on by overwork and worry. =The Philanthropin.=--Indirectly through Goethe, Prince Leopold of Dessau was attracted to Basedow. The prince determined to found an institute in which the plans of the great educator could be carried out. The institute, called the Philanthropin, was established, and became celebrated throughout Europe. Quick says: "Then, for the first and probably for the last time, a school was started in which use and wont were entirely set aside, and everything done on 'improved principles.' Such a bold enterprise attracted the attention of all interested in education, far and near; but it would seem that few parents considered their own children _vilia corpora_ (vile bodies), on whom experiments might be made for the public good. When, in May, 1776, a number of schoolmasters and others collected from different parts of Germany, and even from beyond Germany, to be present by Basedow's invitation at an examination of the children, they found only thirteen pupils in the Philanthropin, including Basedow's own son and daughter."[130] The main purpose of the Philanthropin was to give Basedow an opportunity to carry out his new educational ideas. A prominent feature of the undertaking was that it should be a model institute "for the preparation of teachers in the theory and practice of the new education." The institution, was to be a "school of true humanity. Its name was to give evidence of its object--the education of youth in accordance with the laws of nature and humanity." In it Basedow was to exemplify his ideas of education. The best of teachers were to be employed, the best appliances furnished, and the instruction was to be founded entirely on sense-perception. The Philanthropin was opened in 1774, and at once awoke universal interest. But this school, conceived in love for humanity, founded with the noblest of purposes, and exemplifying much of sound educational philosophy, was destined to be shortlived. It was abandoned in less than twenty years. This downfall was owing to several causes, some of which may be mentioned. 1. The institution was purely secular in character, and the world was not yet ready for this. Parents were suspicious of a non-sectarian school, the idea of which was so contrary to that of the traditional church-school. Hence the small number of pupils in the Philanthropin, even at the height of its prosperity under Basedow. 2. Altogether too many subjects were included in the course. Quick outlines the work undertaken as follows: "(1) Man. Here he would use the pictures of foreigners and wild men, also a skeleton, a hand in spirits, and other objects still more appropriate to a surgical museum. (2) Animals. Only such animals are to be depicted as it is useful to know about, because there is much that ought to be known, and a good method of instruction must shorten rather than increase the hours of study. Articles of commerce made from the animals may also be exhibited. (3) Trees and plants. Only the most important are to be selected. Of these the seeds also must be shown, and cubes formed of the different woods. Gardeners' and farmers' implements are to be explained. (4) Mineral and chemical substances. (5) Mathematical instruments for weighing and measuring; also the air pump, siphon, and the like. The form and motion of the earth are to be explained with globes and maps. (6) Trades. The use of various tools is to be taught. (7) History. This is to be illustrated by engravings of historical events. (8) Commerce. Samples of commodities may be produced. (9) The younger children should be shown pictures of familiar objects about the house and its surroundings."[131] There are very many suggestive ideas in Basedow's course, which have been adopted in modern schools; but the trouble was that he demanded too much, and he himself acknowledged later in life that "he had exaggerated notions of the amount boys were capable of learning," and accordingly his curriculum was very much shortened. 3. Another reason for the failure of the Philanthropin was Basedow's indiscriminate condemnation of everything that had been done before, and of all who failed to agree with him. This awoke the antagonism of teachers everywhere. All reformers are apt to be radical in their own views and denunciatory of the opinions of others. Had there been less to criticise in Basedow himself, he would doubtless have triumphed over all opposition. But his educational theories and practices did not produce the results which he predicted for them, and his opponents were quick to mark every weakness that his system betrayed. 4. More fatal still, perhaps, was the unfitness of Basedow for the directorship of the institution. He was capricious, lacking in self-command and proper balance, visionary, and often suspicious of the teachers under his direction. Such causes prevented the experiment at Dessau from fulfilling the bright hopes of Basedow and the friends who assisted him in starting the enterprise. Basedow retired after four years' leadership, and the institution continued for a few years with varying success, under such men as Campe, Salzmann, and Matthison. Yet, when the Philanthropin was closed in 1793, the teachers, dispersed throughout Germany, carried the new gospel wherever they went, arousing fresh interest in education and doing much for its advancement. Quick thinks that Basedow's system possessed great merits "for children, say, between the ages of six and ten." Kant was greatly disappointed at the result. Rousseau's "Émile" had awakened his interest in education, and he looked to the experiment at Dessau for an exemplification of the new ideals. His estimate of the work accomplished is as follows: "Experience shows that often in our experiments we get quite opposite results from what we had anticipated. We see, too, that since experiments are necessary, it is not in the power of one generation to form a complete plan of education. The only experimental school which, to some extent, made a beginning in clearing the road, was the Institute at Dessau. This praise at least must be allowed, notwithstanding the many faults which could be brought up against it--faults which are sure to show themselves when we come to the results of our experiments, and which merely prove that fresh experiments are necessary. It was the only school in which teachers had liberty to work according to their own methods and schemes, and where they were in free communication both among themselves and with all learned men throughout Germany."[132] =Writings.=--Basedow's chief educational writing is the book called the "Elementary." The "Book of Method" was the first to appear, and was really the first part of the "Elementary." Concerning the "Book of Method," Lang says, "This famous manual was undoubtedly the greatest of Basedow's educational writings.... It was full of valuable suggestions. It set educators to thinking, and has been a powerful motor in bringing about a change in school instruction." The "Elementary," containing Basedow's complete scheme of education, has been called the "Orbis Pictus of the eighteenth century." The general opinion is that Basedow obtained the root ideas of this work from Comenius, Locke, and Rousseau. There is but little that is original in his pedagogical principles, but he made an effort to carry out the progressive teachings which had entered into the theories of advanced thinkers but had not been worked into practice. Still, the problem of education became through Basedow better understood, and he is deserving of a place among the great educators of the world for his experiment at Dessau toward the solution of that problem. The experiment was crude, but it has borne fruit in modern schools and their methods, in better school buildings and apparatus, in trained teachers, in milder forms of discipline, in the improved study of nature, and in a broader and more philanthropic view of man's duty to his fellow-man. =Jacotot (1770-1840).=--Perhaps the most famous of the French educators and writers of this period was Jacotot, for a time professor of languages and mathematics at Paris, and later professor of the French language and literature at Löwen. His principal educational work is entitled "Universal Instruction." Jacotot is best known for his paradoxes, two of the most famous of which are, "Everything is in Everything," and "All men have equal intelligence." But his method rather than his paradoxical statements has proved his greatest contribution to educational progress. His method consisted in the selection of fundamental examples or types, having the pupils commit them to memory, repeating this work daily, amplifying it, deriving the rules or principles in relation to it, until the mastery in all directions is complete. Thus in studying Latin a page of Caesar might be taken and drilled upon until the style, rules of grammar, and meaning of the passage are mastered; in mathematics the fundamental rules,--the Pythagorean theorem must be repeated daily; in geography begin with a map and master all its details. Gain a complete understanding of one subject before taking up another. His method attracted much attention. FOOTNOTES: [128] Special References, Williams, "History of Modern Education"; Quick, "Educational Reformers," pp. 144, 288; Lang, "Basedow" (Teachers' Manuals, No. 16). [129] Lang, "Basedow," p. 6. [130] "Educational Reformers," p. 150. [131] "Educational Reformers," p. 151. [132] Kant, "Ueber Pädagogik." CHAPTER XXXVIII MODERN EDUCATORS (_Continued_) PESTALOZZI (1746-1827) =Literature.=--_De Guimps_, Pestalozzi, his Life and Works; _Krüsi_, Life, Work, and Influence of Pestalozzi; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Von Raumer_, Life and System of Pestalozzi; _Durrell_, New Life in Education; _Gill_, Systems of Education; _Skinner_, The Schoolmaster in Literature; _Barnard_, Pestalozzi and Pestalozzianism; _Vogel_, Geschichte des deutschen Volksschulwesens; _Rein_, Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik. Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi was born in Zurich, Switzerland, January 12, 1746. His father was a physician of great intelligence, and his death before the boy reached his sixth year deprived the latter of a wise counselor. The character of the mother is shown by the dying appeal of Pestalozzi's father to his servant Bäbeli: "For God's sake and in the name of mercy do not forsake my wife. When I am dead she will be helpless, and my children will fall into the hands of strangers." Bäbeli replied, "I will never leave your wife, if it should please God to take you hence. I will remain with her till death, if she wishes me to do so," a promise which she faithfully kept. Krüsi thinks that, "The sacrifices of a mother for her children do not show more nobility of soul than was displayed by this poor, uneducated girl, who gave up all her worldly interest for a family not her own." Who can say that Pestalozzi himself was not inspired to his long life of devotion to the interests of the lowly by the unselfish consecration of this lowly woman to his family? Pestalozzi did not care for companions of his own age. He was peculiarly a mother's boy, content to grow up dreamy and impractical at her quiet hearthstone. Consequently he was awkward and reserved, easily imposed upon, and lacking in self-reliance. These qualities remained with him as long as he lived, and caused him many painful failures. On the other hand, the pious example of his mother and the tranquil life he led with her made the boy reflective and imaginative, while his soul became filled with great thoughts for the well-being of mankind. His grandfather, a country pastor, whom he often visited, by his simple, godly life exerted a great influence in shaping Pestalozzi's religious character. =Schooling.=--At school he was the butt of ridicule among the scholars because of his awkwardness, his simplicity, and his ingenuousness. His comrades dubbed him "Harry Oddity of Follyville," a nickname that carried no reproach with it, but was intended to express good-natured appreciation of his characteristics. Mr. Quick tells us that "his good nature and obliging disposition gained him many friends. No doubt his friends profited from his willingness to do anything for them. We find that when, on the shock of an earthquake, teachers and scholars alike rushed out of the schoolhouse, Harry Oddity was the boy sent back to fetch out caps and books." While not brilliant as a scholar, he was by no means dull. He was more ready in grasping the _content_ than the _form_ of the subject. Consequently all through life he never overcame his weakness in some of the commonest requirements of education.[133] =Life Purpose.=--After completing the work of the elementary schools, he entered the university of Zurich, where he sustained himself with credit. Even while yet a boy he joined a league of students which was intended to resist injustice. Of himself and his fellow-students, he says, "We decided to live for nothing but independence, well-doing, and sacrifice for love of country." Speaking of society as he saw it, he says, "I saw the unfortunate condition of all mankind, especially of my own countrymen, in all its hollowness. I saw indulgence despoiling the highest moral, spiritual, and civil interests, and sapping the lifeblood of our race as never before in the history of Europe. I saw finally the people of our nation steeped in poverty, misery, and universal want. From youth up the purpose of my life has been to secure to the poor of my country a happier fate by improving and simplifying their educational privileges. But the only sure foundation upon which we may hope to secure national culture and elevate the poor is that of the home where the love of father and mother is the ruling principle. Through the unselfishness, truth, strength, and purity of their love, parents kindle faith in their children. This leads to that implicit obedience which is based on confidence and love." Love for humanity, desire to ameliorate suffering, and thorough unselfishness furnished the key to Pestalozzi's purpose and lifework. =The Christian Ministry.=--It was this lofty purpose that led him first to attempt the work of the Christian ministry, a work which his aged grandfather encouraged. But he failed in his first sermon, and at once decided that he had mistaken his calling. Krüsi[134] says that "he stopped short in his sermon and made mistakes in the Lord's Prayer. This may have been due to embarrassment, which made the young minister forget the sermon which he had been obliged to commit to memory. More likely, however, it was an exalted idea of the proper qualifications of a clergyman, compared with his own humble merits, which induced him to exchange the study of theology for that of law." =The Law.=--His motive in devoting himself to law was the same that had led him to the ministry,--his desire to be a blessing to his fellow-beings. He saw the peasantry cheated and imposed upon because of their ignorance, and determined to become their champion. Krüsi thinks that his study of the law must "have produced negative results by showing him the insufficiency of human legislation to do away with abuses, unless supported by principles of charity and justice." He therefore gave up this enterprise also. =Farming.=--The advice of a dying friend, Bluntschli, "Never embark in any operation which might become dangerous to your peace of mind, because of the simplicity and tenderness of your disposition," may have had its effect upon Pestalozzi. He now entered upon his third venture. Having induced a wealthy firm in Zurich to advance him money, he bought about one hundred acres of unimproved land in the canton of Aargau, where he proposed to raise madder as a means of profit. Once more his real purpose was philanthropic, as he intended to show the poor peasants improved methods of farming whereby they could obtain better results for their labor and thereby be enabled to live more comfortably. He named the place Neuhof. =Marriage.=--At this time he had just passed his twenty-first year. We pause to mention an event that had much to do with his happiness and with his later life. He had made the acquaintance of Anna Schulthess, a young lady of considerable means, and sought her hand in marriage. His letter to her, proposing marriage, is remarkable for its frankness, for the ingenuous confession of his own weaknesses, and for its correct estimate of himself. A few quotations from this letter must suffice.[135] "My failings, which appear to me the most important in relation to the future, are improvidence, want of caution, and want of that presence of mind which is necessary to meet unexpected changes in my future prospects. I hope, by continued exertions, to overcome them; but know that I still possess them to a degree that does not allow me to conceal them from the maiden I love.... I am further bound to confess that I shall place the duties toward my fatherland in advance of those to my wife, and that, although I mean to be a tender husband, I shall be inexorable even to the tears of my wife, if they should ever try to detain me from performing my duties as a citizen, to their fullest extent. My wife shall be the confidant of my heart, the partner of all my most secret counsel. A great and holy simplicity shall reign in my house.... My dear friend, I love you so tenderly and fervently that this confession has cost me much, since it may even take from me the hope of winning you." Anna was not discouraged by the picture which the man she loved drew of himself, and she consented to become his wife. They were married in his twenty-fourth year, and thus began a long period of happy wedded life that extended over fifty years. Quick tells us that "the forebodings of the letter were amply realized, ... and yet we may well believe that Madame Pestalozzi never repented of her choice." =Neuhof.=--But to return to Pestalozzi's experiment in farming, matters had not progressed well. The Zurich capitalists became suspicious, and after an investigation decided to withdraw their support, thus precipitating failure. Of this Pestalozzi himself says, "The cause of the failure of my undertaking lay essentially and exclusively in myself, and in my pronounced incapacity for every kind of undertaking which requires practical ability." One cannot fail to admire the energy and courage of the man, who, conscious of his own weakness, still persevered in great enterprises until he achieved success. It was not for himself, but for humanity, that Pestalozzi labored, and no discouragement could daunt, no failure defeat, no lack of appreciation or misunderstanding check, the ardor of his zeal for the great work that absorbed his life. Around him were men and women in poverty and misery, whose children were growing up in vice and ignorance, to perpetuate the evils under which their parents suffered. With the spirit of his divine Master, Pestalozzi sought to elevate and bless those around him. Accordingly, after the failure caused by the withdrawal of the financial support heretofore mentioned, he started again at Neuhof, using his wife's money. He opened an "industrial school for the poor," which Krüsi calls "the first school of its kind ever conceived, and the mother of hundreds now existing on both sides of the Atlantic." This was in 1775. He gathered fifty children together, and fed, clothed, housed, and taught them without compensation; in return for this they were to work in the fields in summer and at spinning in the winter. But this experiment also was doomed to bring disappointment. The children were lazy, shiftless, and dishonest; their work was of little use to Pestalozzi, because of their lack of skill and their bad habits. They would often run away as soon as they were well fed and had a new suit of clothes. Parents were unappreciative and dissatisfied, demanding pay for the labor of their children. Was there ever a more discouraging situation than this which Pestalozzi had to confront, when people demanded pay for accepting the philanthropic and unselfish measures taken for the good of their children and for their own elevation? This could not continue long, and in 1780 Pestalozzi was obliged to close his school. He found himself badly in debt, with his wife's property gone. But even under these overwhelming misfortunes he says, "My failure showed me the truth of my plans," and this has long since been verified, both in his ideas of farming and in the industrial school. =Authorship.=--The next eighteen years, though passed by Pestalozzi in extreme poverty, were not unfruitful. He began to write pamphlets and books, the first book being, "The Evening Hours of a Hermit," which appeared in 1780. His second book, "Leonard and Gertrude,"[136] was published the year following. It created great interest and brought Pestalozzi immediate fame. The government of Berne presented him a gold medal, which, however, he was obliged to sell to procure the necessities of life for his family. In "Leonard and Gertrude" Pestalozzi gives a homely and touching picture of life among the lowly, and shows how a good woman uses her opportunities for uplifting and educating, first her own family, and then her neighbors. In this work she is aided by the village schoolmaster and the magistrate, who are inspired by her example and leadership. Pestalozzi wrote several other books during this period, but none to equal "Leonard and Gertrude." =Stanz.=--In the meantime, the French Revolution broke out, and Pestalozzi, influenced by the writings of Rousseau, became an ardent champion of the new order of things. He seems to have acquired considerable political influence, as the Directors of the Government of Switzerland thought it necessary to win him to their cause by giving him a political office. They therefore asked him what office he wanted, and he replied, "I want to be a schoolmaster." Accordingly, when the French had pillaged the inhabitants and burned their homes, Pestalozzi was sent to Stanz,--the only village left in the canton of Nidwalden,--to establish a school.[137] Now for the first time he found himself in the calling for which his whole nature had yearned, for which he was peculiarly suited, and in which he was destined to become famous. At the age of fifty-three Pestalozzi began his work at Stanz. The government gave him an empty convent in which to hold his school, and, before it was ready for occupancy, children flocked to it for admission. The devastation of the land by the French and the consequent lack of the necessities of life among the people increased the difficulties of Pestalozzi's task. His own description of the beginning of his work is full of eloquence. Speaking of the school, he says, "I was among them from morning till evening. Everything tending to benefit body and soul I administered with my own hand. Every assistance, every lesson they received, came from me. My hand was joined to theirs, and my smile accompanied theirs. They seemed out of the world and away from Stanz; they were with me and I with them. We shared food and drink. I had no household, no friends, no servants around me; I had only them. Was their health good, I enjoyed it with them; were they sick, I stood at their side. I slept in their midst. I was the last to go to bed and the first to rise. I prayed with them, and taught them in bed till they fell asleep." How true is the saying that, "He lived with beggars in order that beggars might learn to live like men." Thus living with them, teaching them, inspiring them to be good, devoting his whole thought to their welfare, Pestalozzi, who was described as "either a good-natured fool, or a poor devil, who was compelled, by indigence, to perform the menial office of schoolmaster," began a work that has revolutionized educational method. But the same discouragements that had met him at Neuhof attended him at Stanz. Parents brought their children to the asylum only to be clothed, and then removed them upon the slightest pretexts. Nevertheless, the work of Pestalozzi at Stanz was not a failure, though the school was rendered houseless by the French soldiers in 1799, and had to be abandoned after less than five months' existence. Krüsi comments upon this period of Pestalozzi's life as follows: "Let those who now witness the mighty changes that have taken place in education pay grateful tribute to the man who first took up arms against the hollow systems of the old school routine, and who showed the path to those delightful regions of thought, in whose well-tilled soil rich harvests will ever be reaped by the patient laborer. "To the philanthropist and friend of education, Stanz will always be a hallowed spot, exhibiting, as it does, the picture of this venerable teacher sitting among the outcast children, animated by the very spirit of Christ, and by a great idea which not only filled his own soul, but also inspired those who witnessed his labors."[138] =Burgdorf.=--But Stanz proved the turning point in Pestalozzi's career. He was soon chosen assistant teacher at Burgdorf. His experience at Stanz, without books and without appliances, had compelled him to invent methods of interesting the children. He was thus brought to the use of objects, and here we have the beginning of practical object teaching. It was not long, however, before the head master of the school became jealous of him because he secured the attention and affection of the pupils, and Pestalozzi's dismissal was obtained on the ground that he did not know how to read and spell correctly, a charge which, as we have seen, was without doubt true. As to his method of teaching, Ramsauer, one of his pupils, tells us that "there was no regular plan, not any time-table.... As Pestalozzi, in his zeal, did not tie himself to any particular time, we generally went on until eleven o'clock with whatever we commenced at eight, and by ten o'clock he was always tired and hoarse. We knew when it was eleven by the noise of the other school children in the street, and then we usually all ran out without bidding good-by." Certainly no one will commend such schoolroom practice, and at first glance Pestalozzi would seem to merit only censure; but his enthusiasm, his zeal for the good of his fellow-beings, and his consciousness of possessing the truth triumphed over his lack of system as well as over other obstacles. The school committee of Burgdorf appreciated this, as is shown by their report. "He (Pestalozzi) has shown what powers are hidden in the feeble child, and in what manner they can be developed. The pupils have made astonishing progress in some branches, thereby proving that every child is capable of doing something if the teacher is able to draw out his talent, and awaken the powers of his mind in the order of their natural development." Upon his dismissal from this position he united with Hermann Krüsi in founding a private school. Pupils increased in numbers, and at last Pestalozzi was on the road to success as well as fame. He gathered a strong corps of teachers about him, who not only contributed to the success of the institution, but sat at the feet of their recognized master, and loyally supported his measures. During his life at Burgdorf, he issued his work entitled "How Gertrude teaches her Children" (1801), in which he attempts to give his system of education. "A work," says Professor Hunziker,[139] "whose contents in no way meet the demands of the subtitle." (The full title is, "How Gertrude teaches her Children; an Attempt to direct Mothers how to teach their own Children.") =Yverdon.=--In 1804 Pestalozzi was obliged to vacate his quarters at Burgdorf, and after some hesitation he moved his school to Yverdon, into an old fortress, "which," says Krüsi, "having stood many a siege of invading armies, was now captured by a schoolmaster; and it was henceforth to become more formidable in its attack upon ignorance, than it had before been in its defense of liberty." At Yverdon Pestalozzi was enabled to carry out the principles of education which he had so long held, and this place must be recognized as the Mecca of Pestalozzianism. His success at Burgdorf had drawn to him the attention of the world, and now educators, philosophers, and princes began to study his theories, while many visited the institution to witness its peculiar workings. Without doubt the many visitors seriously disturbed the work, as Pestalozzi took great pains to show what his pupils could do, especially when men of influence came. During the first five years there was great prosperity, the number of students reaching one hundred and fifty. Pestalozzi usually arose at two in the morning, and commenced literary work; and his example was followed by his teachers, one of whom testifies, "There were years in which not one of us was found in bed after three o'clock, and summer and winter we worked from three to six in the morning."[140] At first the teachers were thoroughly united, cordially carrying out the teachings of "Father Pestalozzi." But after a time private ambitions and personal jealousies crept in and destroyed harmony. Many of the best teachers left and the school was closed.[141] In 1825, after an existence of twenty years, the institute at Yverdon was abandoned, and once more Pestalozzi saw the apparent failure of his hopes. He died two years later, at the age of eighty-one. Mr. Quick comments upon this event as follows: "Thus the sun went down in clouds, and the old man, when he died at the age of eighty,[142] in 1829,[143] had seen the apparent failure of all his toils. He had not, however, failed in reality. It has been said of him that his true function was to educate ideas, not children, and when twenty years later the centenary of his birth was celebrated by schoolmasters, not only in his native country, but throughout Germany, it was found that Pestalozzian ideas had been sown, and were bearing fruit, over the greater part of central Europe."[144] Professor Hunziker says of Pestalozzi's influence, "Eighty years have passed since Pestalozzi was laid in the grave. The social thinker, who pointed out the way of reform for humanity in his 'Leonard and Gertrude,' who attempted to solve the enigmas and inequalities of social life in his 'Inquiries concerning the Course of Nature in the Development of Mankind,' is almost forgotten. But the name of Pestalozzi shines brighter than ever in the field of pedagogics. In every branch of education we hear the warning cry, return to Pestalozzi! Let the watchword for the future be: _Pestalozzi forever_!"[145] =Summary of Pestalozzi's Work.=--No one can study the history of Pestalozzi without discovering the secret of his educational purpose. It is revealed in every enterprise he undertook, in every book he wrote, in his whole lifework.[146] Let us briefly sum up the work he accomplished:-- 1. He showed how the theories of Comenius and Rousseau could be applied. By this a decided impulse was given to educational reform, and the way was prepared for the wonderful educational revival of the present century. 2. His greatest pedagogical principle is that education consists in the harmonious development of all the human powers. 3. Development should follow the order of nature. While he doubtless borrowed this thought from Rousseau, unlike Rousseau he held that the order of nature requires the child to be taught with other children. 4. All knowledge is obtained through the senses by the self-activity of the child. 5. Instruction should be based on observation, especially with young children. Hence objects must be freely used. There are three classes of object lessons,--those applying to _form_, to _number_, and to _speech_. Mr. Quick says, "By his object lessons Pestalozzi aimed at,--(1) enlarging gradually the sphere of the child's intuition, that is, increasing the number of objects falling under his immediate perception; (2) impressing upon him those perceptions of which he had become conscious, with certainty, clearness, and precision; (3) imparting to him a comprehensive knowledge of language for the expression of whatever had become or was becoming an object of his consciousness, in consequence either of the spontaneous impulse of his own nature, or of the assistance of tuition." 6. The mother is the natural educator of the child in its early years. "Maternal love is the first agent in education; ... through it the child is led to love and trust his Creator and his Redeemer." It follows, therefore, that mothers should be educated. 7. He illustrated his principles in his methods of instruction. He employed the phonic method in spelling;[147] made use of objects in teaching number; graded the work according to the capacity of the children; taught drawing, language, composition, etc., by use, thus illustrating one of the aphorisms of Comenius,--"_We learn to do by doing_." 8. But the greatest lesson that Pestalozzi taught is embodied in the word _love_. He loved little children, he loved the distressed and lowly, he loved all his fellow-men. By the spirit which actuated him, by the methods of instruction employed, by a life of disappointment and apparent failure, by the appreciation of his service after he had gone to his rest, by the accelerated growth of his teachings throughout the world, he more closely resembles the Great Teacher than any other man that has ever lived. Dr. Harris says, "He is the first teacher to announce convincingly the doctrine that all people should be educated,--that, in fact, education is the one good gift to give to all, whether rich or poor."[148] Hence there is no character in educational history more worthy of study and more inspiring to the teacher than Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi. FOOTNOTES: [133] In regard to the criticisms made against him at Burgdorf, Pestalozzi says: "It was whispered that I myself could not write, nor work accounts, nor even read properly. Popular reports are not always entirely wrong. It is true I could not write, nor read, nor work accounts well." [134] "Life, Work, and Influence of Pestalozzi," p. 17. [135] Both Quick and Krüsi give this letter in full. [136] "Schoolmaster in Literature," pp. 83-110. [137] See Krüsi, p. 28, for an account of his appointment. [138] "Pestalozzi," p. 36. [139] "Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik," Vol. V, p. 315. [140] "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. V, p. 319. [141] Krüsi, whose father was associated with Pestalozzi, gives a full account of these dissensions. He also tells many interesting incidents connected with Pestalozzi and his school at Yverdon, p. 45. [142] Should be eighty-one. [143] 1827. [144] "Educational Reformers," p. 183. [145] "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. V, p. 320. [146] "In him the most interesting thing is _his life_."--QUICK. [147] Not original with Pestalozzi,--see Port Royalists. [148] For statement of his principles, see Compayré, p. 438; Williams, p. 312; Krüsi, p. 169. CHAPTER XXXIX MODERN EDUCATORS (_Continued_) FROEBEL (1782-1852) =Literature.=--_Lange_, Collected Writings of F. Froebel; _Kriege_, Friedrich Froebel; _Bowen_, Froebel and Education by Self-activity; _Herford_, The Student's Froebel; _Froebel_, Education of Man; _Quick_, Educational Reformers; _Munroe_, Educational Ideal; _Williams_, History of Modern Education; _Marenholtz-Bülow_, Reminiscences of F. Froebel; _Rein_, Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik. Friedrich Wilhelm August Froebel was born at Oberweisbach, a village in the beautiful Thüringian Forest of Germany. The first ten years of his life were spent at home under the instruction of his father, who was a Lutheran clergyman and had six villages under his pastorate. The many cares of his office prevented the pastor from giving his son much attention, and as the stepmother neither understood the boy, nor took much interest in him, he spent most of his time in the woods, with birds and flowers as his companions, and received far less rudimentary training than most boys of his age. But at the age of ten an important change took place in his life. He went to live with his mother's brother, who sent him to school for four years. Here he was taught the elementary branches and a little Latin. He tells us of the profound impression made upon him the first day of school by the text of Scripture that the children repeated. It was, "Seek ye first the kingdom of God." He says, "The verse made an impression on me like nothing before or since. Indeed, this impression was so lively and deep, that to-day every word lives fresh in my memory with the peculiar accent with which it was spoken; and yet since that time nearly forty years have elapsed." His progress in the school does not seem to have been very great. At fourteen he returned to his father's home, and soon thereafter was apprenticed to a forester. Here he was entirely in his element, and he tells of four aspects of this life: "The homelier and more practical life; the life spent with nature, especially forest nature; the life of study, devoted to mathematics and languages, for which he found a good supply of books ready to hand; and the time spent in gaining a knowledge of plants, in which he was much helped by books on botany lent him by a neighboring doctor."[149] But he obtained little help from the forester, so at the end of three years Froebel withdrew, and soon thereafter entered the university of Jena. He seems to have studied hard during the year and a half he spent at Jena, but to have accomplished little. He became involved in debt, and was imprisoned for nine weeks in the university "Carcer."[150] After his liberation, he left the university. =As Teacher.=--Meeting with little success in various enterprises in which he engaged, he at last drifted to Frankfurt-am-Main, where he made the acquaintance of Dr. Gruner, head master of the Model School. Dr. Gruner quickly discovered Froebel's talent, and urged him to accept a position under him as teacher. Froebel reluctantly consented, but in speaking later of his first experience in the schoolroom, he says, "It seemed as if I had found something I had never known, but always longed for, always missed; as if my life had at last discovered its native element. I felt as happy as the fish in the water, the bird in the air." Although Froebel succeeded at once in his new profession, thereby justifying Dr. Gruner's opinion of him, he felt that he needed special preparation for the work of teaching. Accordingly, in 1808, after two years' experience in teaching, having in the meantime visited Pestalozzi at Yverdon, and having read his works, he gave up his position and joined the institute at Yverdon. He took with him three of his pupils to tutor, and "it thus happened," he tells us, "that I was there both as teacher and scholar, educator and pupil." Froebel spent two years at Yverdon, and his testimony concerning Pestalozzi is interesting. He says, "He set one's soul on fire for a higher and nobler life, though he had not made clear or sure the exact road toward it, nor indicated the means whereby to attain it." This sums up in a word the secret and extent of Pestalozzi's power. Dittes thinks that "the origin of the kindergarten is due to the pedagogical revival of Pestalozzi." Froebel himself, speaking of his experience at Yverdon, says, "I studied the boys' play, the whole series of games in the open air, and learned to recognize their mighty power to awaken and to strengthen the intelligence and the soul as well as the body." Here we find the first suggestion of the kindergarten, which has made Froebel famous. After leaving Yverdon, Froebel spent about two years at the universities of Göttingen and Berlin in furthering his preparation for educational reform, to which he had devoted himself. In 1813 war for German liberty broke out, and Froebel, with many other students, enlisted. It is not the purpose here to follow his fortunes as a soldier, but while in the army he made the acquaintance of two young men who afterward became associated with him in educational enterprise,--Wilhelm Middendorff and Heinrich Langethal. =His First School.=--In 1816 Froebel opened his first school at Griesheim, under the high-sounding title of "Universal German Educational Institute." At first he had his five nephews as his only pupils. Soon after, the school was removed to Keilhau, near Rudolstadt, in the Thüringian Forest. Here he was joined by his old friends Middendorff and Langethal. This institution continued for a number of years with some success, until 1833, when Froebel removed to Burgdorf, Switzerland. The Prussian government, far from giving encouragement to the institution at Keilhau, had regarded it with suspicion. A commission was sent by the government to examine the institution, and although the report was highly complimentary to Froebel's work,[151] the persecution did not cease. In 1851 the government prohibited kindergartens, as forming "a part of the Froebelian socialistic system, the aim of which is to teach children atheism"; and this decree was in force till 1860! Indeed, to this day, Prussia does not regard the kindergarten as an educational institution, nor does she give aid to it as such. The kindergarten is officially recognized as a sort of _day nursery_, its teachers are not licensed,--hence have no official standing,--and "everything that pertains to the work of the elementary schools, every specific preparation for the work of the latter, must be strictly excluded, and these schools can in no way be allowed to take the character of institutions of learning. Especially can neither reading nor arithmetic be allowed a place in them."[152] But Froebel received more encouragement in Switzerland. He admitted children from four to six years of age, and organized a teachers' class to study his theories. Although Froebel did not remain long in Switzerland, that land proved congenial to his ideas, and the kindergarten has flourished there from his time to the present. Great credit is due to this country, which extended its hospitality to the two great educational modern reformers, Pestalozzi and Froebel! =The Kindergarten.=--Mr. Herford says of Froebel's institution at Burgdorf, that, "Here we recognize the rise of the kindergarten, not yet so named."[153] The name came to Froebel a few years later as an inspiration. He had returned to Keilhau and opened a school in the neighboring town of Blankenburg. For a long time he had been pondering over a suitable name for the new institution. "While taking a walk one day with Middendorff and Barof to Blankenburg over the Steiger Pass, Froebel kept repeating, 'Oh, if I could only think of a good name for my youngest born!' Blankenburg lay at our feet, and he walked moodily toward it. Suddenly he stood still as if riveted to the spot, and his eyes grew wonderfully bright. Then he shouted to the mountain so that it echoed to the four winds, 'Eureka! _Kindergarten_ shall the institute be called!'" But, like Pestalozzi, Froebel was wholly incapable of financial management, and the institution at Blankendorf had to be closed. He devoted the remainder of his life to lecturing upon his theories in different parts of Germany. He appealed to mothers, and endeavored to instruct them in the duty of training young children. He taught that the mother is the natural teacher of the child, and that it is her duty to fit herself for the sacred responsibility that God has placed upon her. Froebel's greatest discovery was that education comes only through self-activity, though he never clearly formulated his discovery. The Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz-Bülow has published one of the best accounts of his life and work.[154] =The "Education of Man."=--Froebel gives his philosophy of education in his "Education of Man," but his most popular work is "Songs for Mother and Nursery." His chief contribution to the work of educational reform is the kindergarten, an institution that has been ingrafted upon the school systems of many lands, and that is destined to become ever increasingly potent for good. In no country in the world has the kindergarten taken so strong a hold and made so great progress as in America. The purpose of the kindergarten, according to Froebel himself, is, "to take the oversight of children before they are ready for school life; to exert an influence over their whole being in correspondence with its nature; to strengthen their bodily powers; to exercise their senses; to employ the awakening mind; to make them thoughtfully acquainted with the world of nature and of man; to guide their heart and soul in the right direction, and to lead them to the Origin of all life, and to unison with Him." FOOTNOTES: [149] Bowen, "Froebel," p. 11. [150] For a part of this debt Froebel's brother, also a student, was responsible. The amount of the debt was less than twenty-five dollars. [151] The sole recommendation of the commission that might be interpreted as a criticism was that the boys should have their hair cut! See Bowen's "Froebel," p. 26, for the full report of the visiting commission. [152] Rescript from the Prussian Minister of Education, April 7, 1884. [153] "The Student's Froebel," XV. [154] "Handbuch der Froebelischen Erziehungslehre," "Reminiscences of Friedrich Froebel, Child and Child-nature." CHAPTER XL MODERN EDUCATORS (_Continued_) HERBART (1776-1841) =Literature.=--_De Garmo_, Herbart and the Herbartians; _Felkin_, Introduction to Herbart; _Van Liew_, Life of Herbart and Development of his Pedagogical Doctrines; Yearbooks of the Herbart Society; _Lange_, Apperception; _Rein_, Outlines of Pedagogics; also, Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik; _Willmann_, Herbart's pädagogische Schriften. It is probable that no system of pedagogy is attracting so much attention and awakening so much interest at the present time as that of Herbart. Professor Rein says, "He who nowadays will aspire to the highest pedagogical knowledge, cannot neglect to make a thorough study of Herbart's pedagogy." Johann Friedrich Herbart was born at Oldenburg, May 4, 1776. His grandfather was rector of the _Gymnasium_ at Oldenburg for thirty-four years; his father was a high official under the government; but his mother seems to have wielded the most influence over him. She watched over his studies with greatest care, and, indeed, studied Greek herself to spur him on. Though gentle and mild, she was firm in discipline. The father was satisfied to leave the direction of the education of his son to her. There was, however, little sympathy between the father and mother, and there were frequent family dissensions, that must have had a bad influence on the lad. These disagreements finally led to a separation. A tutor employed for Herbart at this period developed in him a speculative tendency and taught him the power of forcible expression. Herbart learned to play on several musical instruments, and at the age of eleven displayed considerable talent as a pianist. When twelve years of age he entered the _Gymnasium_ at Oldenburg, and six years later completed the course. He entered the university of Jena in 1794 and became a student of Fichte, who was sure to inspire a young man of Herbart's philosophical bent. His attention seems to have been directed to educational questions, though he had not yet decided to be a teacher.[155] =As Teacher.=--After three years at Jena, Herbart became tutor (Hauslehrer) in the family of Herr von Steiger, governor of Interlaken. This was his only experience in teaching children. "Herbart's experience as a teacher," says De Garmo, "would seem too small a thing to mention--some two or three years in a private family in Switzerland with three children aged respectively eight, twelve, and fourteen. Yet to a man who can see an oak tree in an acorn, who can understand all minds from the study of a few, such an experience may be most fruitful." It is certain that Herbart often drew upon this experience in his later writings. While in Switzerland he visited Pestalozzi, with whom he was deeply impressed. Opinions differ as to the harmony of theory between Pestalozzi and Herbart. Professor Rein thinks that, "In the ideas of Pestalozzi are found the outlines of Herbart's pedagogical structure." Having decided to devote himself to academic teaching, he gave up his position in Switzerland and went to Bremen for further study. During the two years spent there, he wrote several essays on educational subjects, but gave his chief attention to the study of Greek and mathematics. =As Professor.=--In 1802 he took the first step in his academic career as _Privat Docent_ at the university of Göttingen. This with him was a period of great literary activity.[156] In 1809, he was called to the chair of philosophy at Königsberg once occupied by Kant. He calls this "the most renowned chair of philosophy, the place which when a boy I longed for in reverential dreams, as I studied the works of the sage of Königsberg."[157] =His Practice School.=--Here he established a pedagogical seminary, having a practice school in which the students instructed children under the criticism of Herbart himself. Concerning his pedagogical activity at Königsberg, Herbart says, "Among my many duties, the consideration of educational questions is of especial interest to me. But it is not enough to theorize merely; there must be experiment and practice. Furthermore, I desire to extend the range of my own experience (already covering ten years) in this field. Therefore, I have long had in mind to teach daily for one hour a few selected boys in the presence of such of my students as are familiar with my pedagogical theory. After a little, these students are to take up the work I have begun, and give instruction under my observation. In time, in this way, teachers would be trained, whose method by means of reciprocal observation and discussion must be perfected. As a plan of teaching is valueless without a teacher, and indeed a teacher that is in sympathy with that plan, and is master of the method,--so perhaps a small experimental school, such as I have in mind, would prepare the way for future greater undertakings. There is a word from Kant, 'first experimental schools and then normal schools!'"[158] This was the first practice school in connection with the chair of pedagogy in a university; the idea, however, does not seem to have taken very deep root, as, with the exception of the celebrated practice school at Jena, under Professor Rein, there is not one now in Germany. Most professors of pedagogy conduct a _Seminar_, in which some practice work with children is done, but none of them maintain a practice school. =Literary Activity.=--Herbart's literary activity at Königsberg was great. He worked out his psychological system, and wrote also on philosophy, history, and pedagogy. But his greatest works in the latter field are his "A B C der Anschauung,"[159] and his "Allgemeine Pädagogik,"[160] both of which appeared while he was still at Göttingen.[161] In 1833, after twenty-four years in Königsberg, he returned to Göttingen, where his lifework was completed in 1841. Upon his retirement from Königsberg, the practice school was closed. Ten years later, a pupil of Herbart, Karl Volkmar Stoy, established the practice school at Jena, of which mention has already been made. Two schools of Herbartians exist in Germany, the Stoy school, which attempts to follow Herbart very closely, and the Ziller school, which is freer in its interpretation of him. The chief exponent of the latter is Professor Wilhelm Rein of Jena, the place which is at present the center of Herbartian activity. In America this movement is under the direction of the National Herbart Society. =His Pedagogical Work.=--Aside from the educational movements organized by Herbart and his followers, the credit is due to him of being the _first to elevate pedagogy to the dignity of a science_. Professor Rein says, "Herbart has rendered an undisputed service in that he has elevated pedagogics to the rank of a science. No one has ever repented of having become familiar with Herbart's teachings, for, in any case, he has thereby added richly to his own attainments. The development of our people will be fortunate if the education of the youth shall be intrusted more and more to those who stand and work upon the lines laid down by Comenius, Pestalozzi, Herbart. "The pedagogic thinking of Herbart has indeed borne rich fruit in Germany. Other peoples, also, have been blessed by his teachings. Thus Herbart, whose span of life did not reach to the middle of this century, lives in the present. He created the basis of a science of education, which furnishes a safe starting point for all pedagogical theories, and which bears in itself the most fruitful germs for future development."[162] =Modern Herbartians= have carried forward that development far beyond its original outline. The terms "many-sided interest," "apperception," "concentration," "culture-epochs," "the formal steps of instruction," "correlation," and "harmonious development," are phrases that have become common in educational literature. The limits of this volume do not permit a discussion of these subjects. Indeed, many of them belong more properly to the disciples of Herbart, rather than to Herbart himself.[163] Herbart's ideal was that education should aim to produce well-rounded men, fit for all the duties of life; men well developed physically, intellectually, morally, and spiritually. He himself was not one-sided, being an enthusiastic teacher as well as psychologist and philosopher. FOOTNOTES: [155] Professor Rein indicates that Herbart discussed educational questions at this period. See "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. III, p. 468. [156] For list of works produced, see De Garmo's "Herbart and the Herbartians," p. 17. [157] Felkin's translation of "Science of Education," p. 16. [158] Willmann's "Herbart," Vol. II, p. 3. [159] "The A B C of Observation." [160] "General Pedagogy." [161] The best collection of his works is that by Willmann, "Herbart's Pädagogische Schriften," which has not been translated into English. [162] "Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik," Vol. III, p. 485. [163] For discussion of these subjects see the Yearbooks of the Herbartian Society, and other works referred to on page 278. For the completest list of references to Herbartian literature, see "Encyklopädisches Handbuch," Vol. III, p. 485. CHAPTER XLI MODERN EDUCATORS (_Continued_) HORACE MANN (1796-1859) =Literature.=--_Mrs. Mary T. Mann_, Life of Horace Mann; _Hinsdale_, Horace Mann; _Winship_, Horace Mann, the Educator; _Lang_, Horace Mann; _F. W. Parker_, Article in Educational Review, Vol. XII, p. 65; _Wm. T. Harris_, Educational Review, Vol. XII, p. 105; _Martin_, Education in Massachusetts. Colonel Parker says, "It would be difficult to find a child ten years of age in our sixty-five millions who does not know of Abraham Lincoln or George Washington; but the third, at least, in the list of the builders of the American republic is not known to millions of intelligent people. Washington and Lincoln represent the highest types of heroism, patriotism, and wisdom in great crises of republic-building; Horace Mann, the quiet inner building, the soul-development of the nation."[164] Horace Mann was born at Franklin, Massachusetts, May 4, 1796. Inured to the hard work of the farm, with but a few weeks' schooling in the winter, never blessed with very rugged health, left at the age of thirteen by the death of his father with the responsibilities of a man, it is no wonder that he "retained only painful recollections of the whole period which ought to be, with every child, a golden age to look back upon."[165] When nearly twenty years of age, through the influence of Mr. Barrett, an eccentric teacher who came to the village, he decided to go to college, and in six months he prepared for the sophomore class of Brown University. This preparation was a tremendous undertaking which broke down his health for life. He now had an opportunity to satisfy the cravings for knowledge, which the hardships of his early life had not been able to stifle. He was graduated with the highest honors of his class and decided to study law. He spent two years at Brown University as tutor, meanwhile privately studying law, and then resigned that position to enter the law school at Litchfield, Connecticut. Two years later, at the age of twenty-seven, he was admitted to the bar. =As Statesman.=--He was called upon to serve his state in the legislature, and later as representative in Congress.[166] The year 1837 marks a new epoch in the educational history of Massachusetts. "Although Massachusetts had had schools for nearly two centuries, the free school had been, to a great degree, a charity school the country over.... Horace Mann, like Thomas Jefferson, saw clearly that there could be no evolution of a free people without intelligence and morality, and looked upon the common school as the fundamental means of development of men and women who could govern themselves. He saw clearly that the whole problem of the republic which was presenting itself to intelligent educated men rested upon the idea of public education."[167] =As Educator.=--Accordingly, having secured the passage of a law establishing a State Board of Education, Mr. Mann was made its secretary at a salary of one thousand dollars a year. To accept this work, he gave up a lucrative law practice, fine prospects of political preferment, and probable fortune, as well as professional fame. He entered upon an educational campaign full of discouragement, colossal in its undertaking, and sure to arouse bitterest animosities. Of this period Colonel Parker says, "The story of his early struggles in this direction has not yet been written. When it is, it will reveal a profound depth of heroism rarely equaled in the history of the world." Mr. Mann visited all parts of the state, lecturing to parents and stimulating the teachers. He was often received with coldness, sometimes with active hostility. =His Annual Reports.=--But he persevered until the whole state was awakened. He continued in this work for twelve years, and presented its results in his Annual Reports, the most remarkable documents of American educational literature.[168] In the meantime, he visited Europe, studied the schools, and gave the results of his investigations in his celebrated Seventh Annual Report. Mr. Martin summarizes the work of Horace Mann during these twelve years as follows: "In the evolution of the Massachusetts public schools during these twelve years of Mr. Mann's labors, statistics tell us that the appropriations for public schools had doubled; that more than two million dollars had been spent in providing better schoolhouses; that the wages of men as teachers had increased sixty-two per cent, of women fifty-one per cent, while the whole number of women employed as teachers had increased fifty-four per cent; one month had been added to the average length of the schools; the ratio of private school expenditures to those of the public schools had diminished from seventy-five per cent to thirty-six per cent; the compensation of school committees had been made compulsory, and their supervision was more general and more constant; three normal schools had been established, and had sent out several hundred teachers, who were making themselves felt in all parts of the state."[169] =Love for the Common Schools.=--He believed most fully in the common school, declaring that, "This institution is the greatest discovery ever made by man.... In two grand characteristic attributes, it is supereminent over all others: first in its universality, for it is capacious enough to receive and cherish in its parental bosom every child that comes into the world; and second, in the timeliness of the aid it proffers,--its early, seasonable supplies of counsel and guidance making security antedate danger." In his first Annual Report Mr. Mann asserts that, "The object of the common school system is to give to every child a free, straight, solid pathway, by which he can walk directly up from the ignorance of an infant to a knowledge of the primary duties of man." Horace Mann could hardly have anticipated the kindergarten for the infant years, and the high school at the end of the course, as they now stand in the common school systems of our country. And yet, what has already been accomplished in our educational scheme fulfills the prophecy implied in his words. The best known and most important of Mr. Mann's written documents is his Seventh Annual Report, in which he gives an account of European schools. Concerning this Mr. Winship says, "He had made a crisis, and his Seventh Report was an immortal document; opposition to the normal schools was never more to be heard in the land, and oral instruction, the word method, and less corporal punishment were certain to come to the Boston schools."[170] After severing his connection with the State Board of Education, Mr. Mann served in Congress from 1848 to 1853, and was defeated in his candidacy for governor of Massachusetts. At the age of fifty-six he accepted the presidency of Antioch College at Yellow Springs, Ohio, a position which he held until his death in 1859. He closed his last address to the graduating class at Antioch with these noble words: "_Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity_." He himself had won many great victories for humanity,--in the improvement of the common school systems of his native country; in the establishment of free schools; in the founding of normal schools where teachers might be trained; in the adoption of milder means of discipline; in the improvement of schoolhouses; in the better support of schools; in better methods of instruction; and in the inspiration he gave to teachers for all time. Therefore he at least had no need to be "ashamed to die." FOOTNOTES: [164] _Educational Review_, Vol. XII, p. 65. [165] Mrs. Mann, "Life of Horace Mann," p. 10. [166] Mr. Mann completed the term made vacant by the death of John Quincy Adams, and was reëlected for the two succeeding terms. [167] Colonel Parker in article cited. [168] For an analysis of these Reports, see Dr. Harris's article in _Educational Review_, Vol. XII, p. 112. [169] "Education in Massachusetts," p. 174. [170] "Horace Mann," p. 76. CHAPTER XLII THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF GERMANY =Literature.=--_Parsons_, Prussian Schools through American Eyes; _Klemm_, European Schools; _Prince_, Methods in the German Schools; _Seeley_, The German Common School System; _Russell_, German Higher Schools; _Bolton_, Secondary Education in Germany. We have traced the historical development of education to the present time. It now remains for us to examine briefly the educational systems of a few leading countries, in order that comparisons may be made, lessons drawn, and the present condition of education clearly set forth.[171] The plan of discussion to be followed in each of the four systems considered will embrace, 1, _Administration_; 2, _School Attendance_; 3, _the Schools_; 4, _Support of Schools_; 5, _the Teachers_. =Administration.=--Each German state is independent in its school system, though there are many features in common, and there is a mutual understanding on most educational questions between the various states, which makes their systems practically uniform. The system here described is that of Prussia, which, being the largest, most populous, and most influential of the states comprised within the German Empire, as well as the foremost in educational development, may well be taken as a type. There is a minister of education whose jurisdiction extends over the whole kingdom. He represents the school interests in the Prussian diet or _Landtag_, listens to appeals, distributes school moneys, and is the general educational executive officer. Each of the thirteen royal provinces has a school board whose presiding officer is _ex officio_ the royal president of the province. With him are associated other royal counselors, and pedagogically trained men,--school superintendents and principals. This board consists of men of highest integrity and intelligence. Their duties extend to the higher institutions of learning, and to institutions for the unfortunate; they have charge of the school finances of their provinces, adopt the school books that are used in the higher schools, and appoint teachers in the normal schools. They report annually to the minister, and as much more frequently as he may require. The thirteen royal provinces are subdivided into the so-called _governments_ (_Regierungen_), of which Prussia contains thirty-six. These _governments_ have an administrative school board similar to that of the province, with duties within their territory corresponding to those of the provincial board. They come into close touch with the schools, have a voice in the appointment of teachers and in the selection of text-books for the elementary schools. Their work is especially with the common schools, while that of the provincial boards is with the higher schools. The _governments_ are subdivided into districts. There is a district school board similar to that of the larger territories mentioned, but the chief and most important school officer of the district is the school inspector. The district inspector is always a man of pedagogical training and experience. He is appointed for life and devotes his whole time to the schools in his district. His efficient and wise inspection of the schools insures their success. The district school board erects school buildings, determines the amount of the teachers' salaries, oversees their pensions, enforces compulsory attendance laws, decides upon taxable property, fixes boundary lines, and provides for the finances. Finally, there is the local school board for each separate school. These men have charge of the external matters of the school such as the direct enforcement of attendance, the repairs, supplies, etc.; but they may not interfere with the teacher in his work. In the country villages they have a voice in the choice of the teacher. The teacher may appeal to them in matters that need immediate attention. In the administration of the schools men of the highest character are chosen without reference to their political leanings. There are usually teachers among the number, on the principle that those who have made the most careful study of education are the most competent to administer it. =School Attendance.=--Every child in normal health is required to attend school between the ages of six and fourteen for every day that the school is in session. Parents are held responsible for the attendance of their children, and may be fined or imprisoned for non-fulfillment of the requirements of the law. In case parents are unable to secure the attendance of their children, the latter are placed in reform schools. The law is carried out with great strictness and wonderful efficiency. For example, in 1893, out of 5,299,310 children of school age in Prussia, there were only 945 unexcused absentees,--that is, 2 in 10,000. All parents expect their children to be in school every day, and the children grow up fully impressed with the idea that they are to attend school regularly. The chief reason for the efficiency of compulsory attendance in Germany lies in the fact that it covers every school day, and therefore does not allow the formation of habits of truancy. =The Schools.=--The common school (Volksschule) of Germany reaches every child, as we have seen. In villages the sexes are taught together; but in cities they are generally separated. The school hours are from eight to eleven in the forenoon, for six days in the week, and from two to four for four days in the week, Wednesday and Saturday afternoons being holidays. These hours may be varied to suit local conditions. The school is in session for about forty-two weeks each year. Each teacher is required to give about twenty-eight hours of service per week, while the pupils must attend from sixteen hours (for beginners) to twenty-eight. The common schools of Prussia are now practically free. The common school is intended for the common people, and it is not followed by a high or secondary school. This is the greatest weakness of the German school system. It perpetuates the class system, and effectually prevents the child from rising above his station. The sole opportunity for the child of the lower classes to receive a higher education is through the normal school, and even this privilege is limited to a small number of the pupils who show special ability. We may mention also the _Continuation_ schools, which are held evenings and Sundays. These schools are rapidly multiplying and becoming more efficient, as many of them are held in the daytime. They furnish an opportunity for the child who has completed the common school to review his work, and also to add some subjects that will be of utility in his lifework. In general, there are three classes of secondary schools,--the _Gymnasium_, the _Realgymnasium_, and _Oberrealschule_. Each prepares for the university, and each has nine classes; namely, _Sexta_, _Quinta_, _Quarta_, _Untertertia_, _Obertertia_, _Untersecunda_, _Obersecunda_, _Unterprima_, and _Oberprima_. These schools differ chiefly in the amount of classics they offer, the _Gymnasium_ laying stress upon the classics and the _Realschule_ upon the realities.[172] Neither of these schools succeeds the common school, and the boy who is to pursue one of these courses of study must begin at not later than nine or ten years of age.[173] Thus, if a professional life is chosen for a boy, he cannot attend the common school,--at least not for more than the first three or four years,--but must be sent to one of the schools above mentioned, for they alone prepare for the university, and without a university course he cannot enter a profession. The university is the crowning institution of the German school system. =Support of Schools.=--About one half of the expense of the schools is paid from the general state fund, one third from local taxation, and the balance comes from income from endowments, church funds, tuition, etc. The general tendency is to make the schools free, according to the recommendation of the minister of education, but some communities still continue to charge tuition. In these cases, there are poor schools for those who cannot pay tuition, thus affording school privileges to all. =The Teachers.=--All teachers of the Prussian common schools are normal graduates, or have had an equal pedagogic preparation.[174] Graduates of the university seldom enter the common school work; they teach in the secondary schools, in private schools, and as tutors. The common school teachers generally come from the common schools. If a child shows special aptness for teaching, the attention of the school inspector is called to him, and, with consent of his parents, he is sent to a preparatory school for three years. His work there is entirely academic in character. At seventeen he enters the normal school and has another year of academic work, after which he begins his technical work. His normal course is three years, the last year being given almost entirely to professional work. Each class in the normal school contains from thirty to thirty-six students, thus making the total number of students in a German normal school about one hundred. As only about thirty can enter from the whole district, it will appear that the opportunities for children to extend the common school course are very limited. After completing the normal course, the graduate is provisionally appointed to a position for three years. He is now under the oversight of his former principal, as well as of the district inspector. If he proves successful in teaching, he is required to pass a final examination, chiefly on pedagogical questions, and then has a life tenure, and can be removed only on the ground of inefficiency or immorality. The average tenure of office with teachers is twenty-five years. The salary is often very low, but with free rent, fuel, and light, the schoolmaster's income is by no means inadequate. His salary increases with the years of service, and his prospective pension also increases year by year.[175] The German schoolmaster is a state officer. He commands, by virtue of his position, the respect which his character, his self-sacrifice, his efficiency, and the great work that he is doing deserve. "It is the schoolmaster that has won our battles," said Von Moltke; and it is he that is preparing Germany for the arts of peace as well as those of war. The Prussian school system is the most efficient in the world, at least so far as the education of the masses is concerned. It has practically obliterated illiteracy in the kingdom, more than 99½ per cent of the recruits received into the army in 1893 being able to read and write. Many countries have materially improved their school systems by adopting some of the lessons taught by Prussia. The three most important features of the German school system are:-- 1. _Only professionally trained teachers can be employed._ 2. _Such teachers are appointed to permanent positions._ 3. _The attendance of every child during the entire school year is compulsory._ FOOTNOTES: [171] It will, of course, be impossible within the limitations of this work to give more than a mere outline of these systems. The reader will find full discussions in the works referred to in the Literature. Particular attention is called to the Reports of the United States Commissioner of Education from the year 1895 to the present time. [172] In addition to these schools, there are also the Progymnasium, the Realprogymnasium, and the Realschule, which, as their names indicate, are modified forms of the principal types. These schools do not offer the full nine years' course. See footnote on p. 236 for explanation of the work of these schools. [173] Russell's "German Higher Schools" fully describes these institutions. [174] In 1893 there were only 241 teachers out of 71,731 in Prussia, who were outside of the above requirement. These 241 were old teachers who began before the law was so strict, and who, because of their efficiency, are retained. In a few years this band will entirely disappear, and all will be normal graduates. [175] For full statement of salaries and pensions, see "German Common School System," pp. 172, 195. Though the German teacher's salary is much smaller than that of the average American teacher, taking into account the greater purchasing power of money in Germany, the simple habits, and fewer demands upon the purse, the German teacher is fully as well off as the American. CHAPTER XLIII THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF FRANCE =Literature.=--_Parsons_, French Schools through American Eyes; _Richard_, The School System of France; _Weigert_, Die Volksschule in Frankreich; _Schroeder_, Das Volksschulwesen Frankreichs; United States Commissioner's Reports. =Administration.=--France, like Germany, has a minister of education who sits in the cabinet of the president. The work of his office is divided into three departments, _higher_, _secondary_, and _primary_, and at the head of each there is a director. There are two advisory bodies in charge of education. One has general oversight of all the school interests of France. The other is divided into three boards, appointed by the minister himself, for supervision of the three departments above mentioned. The general board consists of sixty members, fifteen appointed by the president of the republic, and the others appointed by the board itself whenever vacancies occur. This body meets once a year to hear reports, to pass upon the general school policy, and to legislate for the schools. Out of its membership is chosen an executive committee that meets once a week, and upon which devolves the chief management of educational affairs. This committee is answerable to the general board, to which it renders an annual report. Men of the highest character and intelligence constitute this board. The whole of France is divided into seventeen parts called _académies_. These divisions do not coincide with the political divisions, but are made merely for convenience in school administration. Each _académie_ has a school board to which is committed the general oversight of all educational interests within its territory, and particularly the care of the higher schools. A narrower division is into _départements_. There are ninety of these in France and Algiers. Each is governed by an educational council which has charge of the elementary schools. The principal officer of a _département_ is a school inspector, a trained educator who devotes all his time to the schools. In each _département_ there is a normal school for each sex, though in a few instances two _départements_ combine to maintain one normal school. The _département_ is subdivided into _arrondissements_. Each has an executive officer and a council in close touch with the schools. Lastly there are the _cantons_, whose school board has direct control of each individual school. In this manner from the highest to the lowest division there are executive officers with well-defined duties--all working together in perfect harmony and with great efficiency. Trained teachers often sit in these councils as members and advisers. Thus the highest pedagogical training of the republic is utilized to obtain the best administration of the school interests. =School Attendance.=--School attendance is compulsory upon children from six to thirteen years of age for every school day. As in Germany, the child is not compelled to attend the public school, but must receive instruction for the required time and in a manner approved by the State. It is the right of the child to be educated, and the State asserts its prerogative to secure that right to the child, whatever be the attitude of the parent. But the manner of securing it is left to the parent if he chooses to exercise that privilege. Although France has had compulsory education only since 1882, the law is effective, and grows more so each year. In 1895, 91 per cent of all the children of school age attended school regularly. =The Schools.=--In the arrangement of her schools, and the perfect articulation between them from the mother school to the university, France has the most perfect system in the world. The _mother_ schools (_écoles maternelles_) take children from two to six years of age and care for them from early morning till evening, thereby permitting parents to go out to service. They combine the idea of the day nursery and the kindergarten. These schools, in communes of 2000 or more, are supported by the State, as are other schools. Instead of the _mother_ school, sometimes the _infant_ school (_école infantine_) takes the child from four to seven and prepares him for the primary school. This school is more nearly like the kindergarten than the _mother_ school. It is supported wholly by the State and is a part of the school system, its work being entirely in sympathy with that which follows. In this respect, France has taken a more advanced step than any other nation. With the lower _primary_ school (_école primaire élémentaire_), which covers the period of from six to thirteen years of age, begins compulsory education. The sexes are always taught separately except in villages of less than five hundred inhabitants. The pupils all dress in the same garb. The school is in session five days in the week, Thursdays being free. There is no religious instruction in the schools. A peculiar and very important factor is a book of registration for each child, in which specimens of work in each subject are entered once a month for the whole school course. This book is kept at the school, and furnishes an accurate indication of progress to parents or inspectors.[176] Following the _lower primary_ school is the _higher primary_ (_école primaire supérieure_), which has two courses, one for pupils who wish to review their elementary work and add some subjects, with the view of better preparing for the ordinary walks of life; and the high school course for those who wish to prepare for academic life. The former is indefinite in length; the latter requires five years, thus being completed at the eighteenth year. Here appears another superiority over the German system, in which, it will be remembered, there is no connection between the common and the high school. These high schools prepare for the normal school and for the university. There are also many other kinds of schools under State support,--such as technical schools, apprentice schools, schools of mines, etc. In the advantages offered to young men for perfecting themselves in a trade or calling, France surpasses all other countries. Finally there are the State universities, fifteen in number, the professors of which are appointed by the State. While the State pays all salaries, the maintenance of the buildings depends upon fees, endowments, and such local support as is obtainable. These institutions are open to students from the higher primary schools, thus making a complete system from the lowest school to the highest, and offering remarkable advantages to all. All degrees are given by the State, thereby securing perfect uniformity. =Support of Schools.=--All of the schools above mentioned, from the _mother_ school to the university, are free. The expenses are distributed as follows: (1) The State pays the salaries of all teachers, administrators, and inspectors, and all the expenses of the normal schools. Thus it will be seen that the bulk of the expense of education is borne by the State in general. (2) The _départements_ erect the normal school and furnish the apparatus and supplies for the same. (3) The _communes_ pay for the needed supplies, for the janitor, and for other local necessities of the elementary schools. They may also tax themselves to increase the salaries of teachers beyond the State allowance. Each community thus has the power to decide whether it will be content with an average school, merely fulfilling the State requirements, or whether it will have a superior school taught by the best teachers obtainable. =The Teachers.=--There are two classes of normal schools in France, the elementary, of which there are eighty-seven for men and eighty-five for women,--practically one for each sex in each of the departments,--and the higher, of which there is one for men, one for women, and one for kindergartners. Nearly all teachers are graduates of normal schools, and as no candidates for positions are considered unless they hold a normal certificate, in the near future all the teachers of France will be professionally trained. Candidates for admission to the normal school must be at least sixteen years of age, of good moral character, and of fair abilities. They must pledge themselves to teach for not less than ten years.[177] The elementary course covers three years. After graduation, the young teacher is appointed provisionally until he has taken a final examination, which must be within ten years. If he has been successful in the schoolroom, as well as in this second examination, he becomes a permanent teacher, and can be removed only for immorality. The course in the advanced normal school takes three or more years, depending upon the preparation with which the candidate enters. Only those between eighteen and twenty-five can be admitted. These schools train principals, superintendents, inspectors, and teachers for the elementary normal schools. They are the model schools of France, and shape the educational practice of the republic. Graduates from the elementary normal schools are not debarred from entering the higher normal schools; thus ambitious teachers are encouraged to prepare themselves for higher work. No other country in the world does so much as France to assist young teachers in their preparation. In all of the normal schools mentioned, tuition, board, room, and books are free. And when the young teacher has been graduated, the State recognizes its own work by giving him the preference in appointments. There are five classes of teachers in the elementary schools, the lowest being the fifth. The young graduate teacher begins in the lowest class and works his way up. The annual salaries for the different classes are indicated by the following table:-- --------------------+-------------+----------- CLASSES OF TEACHERS | MEN | WOMEN --------------------+-------------+----------- Fifth Class | $200.00 | $200.00 Fourth Class | 240.00 | 240.00 Third Class | 300.00 | 280.00 Second Class | 360.00 | 300.00 First Class | 400.00 | 320.00 --------------------+-------------+----------- Additional allowances are made in large schools, and the _communes_ often supplement the above amounts. The annual salaries of principals are as follows:-- -------------+------------+------------------- | HIGHER | | PRIMARY | NORMAL SCHOOLS PRINCIPALS |------------+---------+--------- | Both Sexes | Men | Women -------------+------------+---------+--------- Fifth Class | $360.00 | $700.00 | $600.00 Fourth Class | 400.00 | 800.00 | 700.00 Third Class | 450.00 | 900.00 | 800.00 Second Class | 500.00 | 1000.00 | 900.00 First Class | 560.00 | 1100.00 | 1000.00 -------------+------------+---------+--------- The assistants in these schools receive:-- -------------+------------+------------------- | HIGHER | | PRIMARY | NORMAL SCHOOLS ASSISTANTS |------------+---------+--------- | Both Sexes | Men | Women -------------+------------+---------+--------- Fifth Class | $240.00 | $500.00 | $440.00 Fourth Class | 280.00 | 540.00 | 480.00 Third Class | 320.00 | 580.00 | 520.00 Second Class | 380.00 | 620.00 | 560.00 First Class | 440.00 | 680.00 | 600.00 -------------+------------+---------+--------- In addition to these amounts there is also a small allowance for rent. After thirty-five years of service, the teacher may retire upon three fourths of his salary as a pension. Without doubt France has outstripped all other nations in educational progress during the last twenty-five years,--the period in which her school system has been constructed. The three great signs of advance in French education are _the establishment of free schools_ (1881); _compulsory education and the secularization of the schools_ (1882); and _the restriction of teachers to lay persons_ (1886).[178] The strong features of the French school system may be stated as follows:-- 1. _Completeness and harmony of the system_, covering the period from early childhood till the prescribed education is finished. 2. _Thoroughly trained teachers._ 3. _Two kinds of normal schools_ to meet the various educational requirements of teachers. 4. _Liberal support_ of schools of all kinds. 5. _Admirable administration_ of the schools. FOOTNOTES: [176] See Parsons, "French Schools through American Eyes," p. 82. [177] This is no hardship, as they fully expect to devote their lives to teaching. [178] Previous to this the members of religious orders could teach in the public schools. NOTE.--In 1902 the government still further restricted the teaching by religious orders. It is now proposed not only to forbid all teaching by these orders, but also to sequestrate the property of such congregations as exist solely for teaching purposes. This will close about 3500 schools of the Christian Brothers which have existed for a long time, and necessitate the organization by the government of corresponding school facilities to supply their place. Five years are allowed to effect the change.. CHAPTER XLIV THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF ENGLAND =Literature=.--_Sharpless_, English Education; _Craik_, Education and the State; _Barnard_, English Pedagogy; _Clark_, The State and Education; _Gill_, Systems of Education; _Balfour_, Educational Systems of Great Britain and Ireland; United States Commissioner's Reports for 1889 to 1902. Nearly a thousand years ago Alfred the Great encouraged education of the higher classes to the exclusion of the masses--a principle that has governed education in England until within recent times. Statistics taken in 1845 showed that only one in six of the inhabitants could read, one in four write, and one in fifty cipher as far as the Rule of Three. Since 1870 important changes have been made, and the number of children in the elementary schools of England has increased from 1,500,000 in 1870 to nearly 6,000,000 in 1902.[179] "The principal features of the law of 1870 were (1) the obligation assumed by the government to secure school provision for all children of ages 5 to 14; (2) the recognition or creation of local agencies (private or church managers or elected boards) for the execution of this purpose; (3) provision for securing efficient instruction by means of an annual grant from the treasury to be distributed to the local managers upon the results of examination and inspection by government inspectors; (4) the creation of a central agency to carry out the provisions on the part of the government and of new local agencies or school boards which every school district must elect except upon satisfactory evidence that schools efficient and adequate to the needs of the district were otherwise provided; (5) the admission of private and public elementary schools to a share in the government grant upon the same conditions; (6) the requirements that board schools should be strictly non-sectarian and the children of private schools protected from enforced sectarian instruction by a conscience clause."[180] The most important modifications of this law are the laws of 1899 and 1903. The law of 1899 has reference to the general administration of education in England and Wales, while that of 1903 entirely changes the local management of schools and extends the sphere of public education to secondary as well as elementary schools. =Administration.= 1. _General._--Under the provisions of the law of 1899 the general administration of educational affairs is committed to a board of education consisting of a president, appointed by the crown, lord president of the council, the principal secretaries of state, the first commissioner of the treasury, and the chancellor of the exchequer--not less than five nor more than fifteen members. By means of a sufficient number of royal inspectors who are trained educators, whose duty it is to visit the schools and report thereon, the board of education is able to reach every school in the kingdom. There is also a consultation committee, two-thirds of whom are "persons representing universities and bodies interested in education," whose office is to advise the board of education. 2. _Counties and County Boroughs._--By the terms of the law of 1903 the council of every county and of every county borough are constituted a "local education authority," which controls secular instruction in all elementary schools within its district, and performs the duties of former school boards and school attendance committees. They may also establish high schools. In boroughs of over 10,000 and cities of over 20,000 inhabitants a special board or "local education authority" is allowed. 3. _Local Managers._--All public undenominational (board) schools have a body of six managers, four of whom are appointed by the "local education authority" and two by the minor local authority. All public denominational (voluntary) schools shall also have six managers, four of whom are foundation managers and two are appointed by state authority. A greater number of local managers may be chosen, but the above proportion of members must hold. =School Attendance.=--The school age is from five to fourteen, and the local authorities are required to compel attendance for that period excepting in case where the pupil has obtained the educational certificate of exemption, which cannot be given before the child is twelve years of age. The average attendance in 1902 reached nearly 83 per cent of the enrollment. England has stringent laws in regard to the employment of children in factories, mines, etc., which are well enforced. =The Schools.=--We have already mentioned the _board_ and the _voluntary_ schools which supply the principal means of elementary education. The voluntary schools are under the fostering care of the Church, and their enrollment includes more than half of the children. Secondary education is carried on chiefly in private schools, though the law of 1903 permits the establishment of high schools to follow elementary education. The private secondary schools are of two general classes, "grammar" and "public" schools. The former are intended for the middle classes, their main purpose being to prepare for civil service, while the latter are the great endowed schools like Rugby, Eton, etc. =Support of Schools.=--The expense of the elementary schools is met by parliamentary grants, by local taxes, and by endowments. Parliamentary grants cover about 62 per cent of the total, and the balance is made up from the other sources. Formerly both denominational and undenominational schools participated alike in the government grants, but the former were compelled to make up the balance needed by private subscriptions, school pence, etc., while the latter were allowed to levy a local tax for this purpose. Under the law of 1903 both may share alike in the local tax, thereby removing the necessity for private subscriptions. =The Teachers.=--The training of teachers is as peculiar as the other features of the English system. Lancaster and Bell introduced the monitorial system, by which one teacher could take charge of a large school, the older pupils teaching the younger ones. This idea has been perpetuated in the "pupil teacher" scheme. Children fifteen years old are apprenticed to a school to assist in the work, and in return receive instruction and a small stipend. At eighteen or nineteen they enter the teachers' college for a two years' course. They may instead at this time take an examination for the teachers' certificate, and if successful, they are known as "assistant teachers." That the "pupil teacher" idea has lost its force is shown by the following facts: From 1876 to 1893 the increase of graduate teachers was 114 per cent, the increase of "assistant teachers" 691 per cent, while there was a decrease of 15 per cent in the number of "pupil teachers." This would seem to indicate that England is demanding better prepared teachers. The 131 teachers' colleges graduate about 1900 students each year, which is about two thirds of the number of teachers needed. Teachers' positions are practically permanent, and the salaries are good, being in 1901 an average for certificate teachers of $644 a year for men and $432 for women. Each teacher is entitled to a pension at the age of 65. This amounts to at least $330 for men who have been in the service from their twenty-first year, and $225 for women. If obliged to retire earlier on account of breakdown, the amount of pension will be proportionate to the length of service. Men teachers contribute three pounds annually and women two pounds to this fund, while the State appropriates the balance needed. When one considers the traditions that have controlled English education for centuries, and recalls the conservatism that rules English life, one can only marvel at the tremendous strides taken by England during the last third of a century. Victor Hugo says: "The English patrician order is patrician in the absolute sense of the word. No feudal system was ever more illustrious, more terrible, and more tenacious of life." England has had to overcome her patrician ideas in regard to education, and her growth in the last thirty years has been more rapid and more effectual than for a thousand years before. Although she still has many problems to solve, her recent educational enterprise places her in the front rank among the nations of the world in school matters. The law of 1903 consisted of many compromises which satisfy neither party. It will doubtless be followed by still further changes in the near future. FOOTNOTES: [179] The total enrollment in 1902 was 5,881,278, or 18.08 per cent of the population. [180] Report of the United States Commissioner of Education for 1896-1897, Vol. I, p. 12. CHAPTER XLV THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES =Literature.=--_Boone_, Education in the United States; _Williams_, History of Modern Education; _Barnard_, _American Journal of Education_; _Horace Mann_, Annual Reports; United States Commissioners Reports, especially the more recent ones. Each state in the United States has its own independent system of education; there is no national system. In 1867 Congress established a National Bureau of Education, the function of which is "to collect statistics and facts showing the condition and progress of education in the several states and territories, and diffuse such information respecting the organization and management of schools and school systems and methods of teaching as shall aid the people of the United States in the establishment and maintenance of efficient school systems, and otherwise promote the cause of education throughout the country." The bureau issues an annual report, which is replete with information concerning the educational interests of our own and other lands. The United States government has given vast tracts of the public domain, as well as large sums of money, to the various states, out of which have been created, in some cases, large school funds which yield a permanent income.[181] Up to 1876 the United States had granted nearly eighty million acres of land for educational purposes. The Bureau of Education is obliged to rely on such statistics as its correspondents are willing to give, yet its work has been so valuable, its information so extensive and accurate, and its educational purpose so high, that cordial coöperation is generally given. This annual report is the finest issued by any nation in the world.[182] THE STATE SYSTEMS =Administration.=--At the head of each state school system, there is an executive officer usually called the State Superintendent of Public Instruction. He is chosen for from two to five years, sometimes by popular vote, sometimes by the joint houses of the Legislature, sometimes by the State Board of Education, and in some cases is appointed by the governor. His duties are to make reports, to examine teachers, to inspect schools, to distribute school moneys, to hear appeals in school matters, and to have general oversight of the educational interests of the state. In some states there is a State Board of Education that coöperates with the State Superintendent. The interests of education seem to be best conserved when there is a non-partisan State Board of Education, which appoints the executive officers and has general charge of the schools. The second administrative unit is the county, over which is placed a Superintendent of Schools. He is chosen by popular vote or is appointed by the State Board of Education, and holds office generally about three years. He must visit the schools, examine teachers, hold institutes, distribute school moneys, and oversee the educational work. The number of schools under the inspection of the county superintendent is often so great, and the territory so large, that his work cannot be well done. In many cases the compensation is so small that he is obliged to devote a part of his time to some other occupation. The work is of sufficient importance to demand the full time of a competent man; and the salary ought to be proportionate to such needs. The next division is that of the township, though in most states the school district is the next unit. The so-called "township system" has been adopted in several states, and recommended in others. This system has a board of education which appoints teachers, purchases supplies, and manages the schools of the whole township. The district system has outlived its usefulness. It maintains more schools than are warranted by the small number of pupils. Many of these could be abandoned in favor of better schools in neighboring districts, to which the children could be sent. It often secures for its trustee a man of limited education and narrow views, who conducts the school on the cheapest plan possible, while the larger territory of the township furnishes better material from which to choose; it limits its educational plan to the most elementary course, whereas the "township system" contemplates a central high school open to all children of the township. The "township system" also admits of the employment of a special school inspector or superintendent if desired. In some instances, two or more townships unite in the employment of such a superintendent. =School Attendance.=--The school age commences at from four to six and extends to from eighteen to twenty-one, varying greatly in the different states. The United States Commissioner's Report now covers the period of from five to eighteen. On this basis he reports that 71.54 per cent of the children who are of school age are enrolled in the schools, while the average attendance is about 69 per cent of the enrollment. This is a very low percentage as compared with that in Germany, France, and England. The longer period covered by us (five to eighteen) thus acts unfavorably. The natural period of the child's life to be devoted to education is from six to fourteen. School attendance in the United States is by no means so regular as it should be, even during the period (six to fourteen). To remedy this, compulsory education laws have been passed in most states. They cover periods varying from eight consecutive weeks and a total of twenty weeks during the year, to the full school year. These laws are generally a dead letter, partly because of their own weakness, and partly because of the indifference of the people. Compulsory attendance to be effective must cover the whole school year, and must carry a sufficient penalty for non-enforcement. =The Schools.=--The schools of the United States may be classified as follows: 1, the _elementary school_ having an eight years' course which should be completed at fourteen; 2, the _secondary school_ with a four years' course that fits for college or its equivalent training; 3, the _undergraduate school_ or college with its four years' course; and the _graduate school_ or university. The elementary school is generally separated into primary and grammar grades, and is sometimes preceded by the kindergarten. The secondary school usually offers commercial or other practical courses to those who do not wish to prepare for college. Colleges differ greatly in the scope of their work and in their courses of instruction. Most universities open their doors to those who are not graduates of colleges. In all states the elementary and the high schools are free, while in some, particularly the western states, the entire expense of the child's education from kindergarten to university is defrayed at public expense. =Support of the Schools.=--The annual cost of the schools of the country is about two hundred and fifty million dollars. About two thirds of this is raised by local tax, about one fifth by state tax, and the balance is derived chiefly from permanent funds, etc. The preponderance of the local tax shows that to each community is intrusted the important matter of deciding as to the quality of school it will maintain. The American people have always been liberal toward education, and no money is voted so freely by legislative bodies as that necessary for the education of the young. =The Teachers.=--There are over 440,000 teachers in the United States, of whom about 28 per cent are men and 72 per cent women. Only about 10 per cent of these have had a professional training. The average term of service is five years, and about 100,000 new teachers are needed every year. To supply this number the normal schools and other institutions for training teachers are utterly inadequate, and will remain so until the average term of service is lengthened. The principal institutions for training teachers are the normal school, the city training school, the pedagogical departments of universities, and teachers' training classes. To these may be added the teachers' institute and the summer school, which while they stimulate and instruct the teachers, cannot be said to give them a professional training. The course of the normal school usually covers three years, and embraces both the theory of education and practice in teaching children. Within the last few years, many colleges have established chairs of pedagogy, but the work remains inadequate for a professional training so long as practice in teaching is not added to the requirements. Teachers are appointed by local boards generally for one year, though they often remain undisturbed year after year. The average monthly salary of men in 1902 was $49.05, and of women $39.77. So long as professional training of the teacher guarantees neither permanence of position nor adequate remuneration, many men and women with ability to teach will be tempted to devote their energies to other work, leaving the nation's most sacred trust, the education of its children, to those who will not or cannot properly prepare themselves for that great responsibility. But there is in present tendencies no need for discouragement. Everywhere brave men and women are preparing themselves in earnest for the high calling of teacher, hopeful that the future will bring them the recognition they deserve. With free schools, abler teachers, consecrated to their calling, and better courses of instruction; with a people generous in expenditures for educational purposes, a coöperation of parents and teachers, and a willingness to learn from other nations; with the many educational periodicals, the pedagogical books, and teachers' institutes to broaden and stimulate the teacher,--the friends of education in America may labor on, assured that the present century will give abundant fruitage to the work which has so marvelously prospered in the past. FOOTNOTES: [181] In 1836 there was a large surplus in the national treasury, which, by act of Congress, was ordered "to be deposited with the several states, in proportion to their representation in Congress." The amount so distributed equaled about $30,000,000. Most of the states receiving this deposit set it aside as a permanent school fund. See Boone, "History of Education in the United States," p. 91. [182] See an article by M. Stevens on "The National Bureau of Education," in the _New York School Journal_, Vol. LVI, p. 743, for a full description of this bureau and its work. APPENDIX RECENT EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENTS =Literature.=--Proceedings of the National Educational Society; Reports of the Commissioner of Education; Yearbooks of the National Society for the Scientific Study of Education; Parker Memorial Number of the New York School Journal, April 5, 1902. In order to bring the history of education down to the present and awaken an interest in questions that are now occupying the attention of educational thinkers, a brief study of recent educational movements, theories, and organizations is here presented. Such study should serve as an introduction of the young teacher to the actual world of thought, in which he is to live, and present to him the questions which he must aid in solving. =The National Educational Association.=--One of the most potent factors of education in the United States is the National Educational Association, founded in Philadelphia in 1857. The purpose of this organization, in the language of the preamble to its constitution, is, "To elevate the character and advance the interests of the profession of teaching, and to promote the cause of popular education in the United States." It holds its meetings annually in different parts of the country, attracting large numbers of teachers of all ranks and from every section.[183] There are eighteen departments, each of which holds special sessions during the time of the general meeting, which occurs early in the summer vacation. The department of superintendence, however, holds a midwinter meeting which attracts the leading educators of the country. Very valuable service has been rendered by the Association through its committees that have been appointed from time to time to investigate and report upon special problems. Among the notable reports may be mentioned the following: Report of the Committee of Ten on Secondary Schools; Report of the Committee of Fifteen on Elementary Schools; Report of the Committee on Normal Schools; Report of the Committee on Rural Schools. The discussions of the Association are preserved in an annual volume of proceedings. Its committee reports often appear also in special bulletins. It must be admitted in general that the National Educational Association fulfils its mission, as outlined in the preamble quoted, in an admirable way. THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF EDUCATION While the United States has no national system of education, each state having entire charge of its own educational affairs, there is a national bureau whose office is twofold; namely: (1) to collect statistics, and (2) to diffuse information concerning educational affairs. This bureau was established by Congress in 1867, and since 1869 it has been a bureau of the Department of the Interior. Henry Barnard was appointed the first commissioner, and he has been succeeded in that office by John Eaton, N. H. R. Dawson, William T. Harris, and Elmer E. Brown, the present incumbent. This bureau fosters the interests of education in three important directions: (1) by its publications; (2) by its maintenance of a pedagogical library, the most extensive in the country; and (3) by its pedagogical museum, in which every feature of educational enterprise is exhibited. The most valuable service rendered, however, is through its publications. It issues an annual report which has grown to two large volumes of more than twenty-four hundred pages, in which are found statistics concerning all kinds of schools and educational enterprises throughout the United States. Nor are its investigations limited to our own country and its territories. Educational movements in other countries are described from time to time by experts with a view to furnish complete information concerning current educational history throughout the world. These reports are recognized as by far the best furnished by any country. In addition to the annual report the bureau issues many pamphlets bearing upon special topics and furnishing valuable information. In view of the fact that such vast interests are involved,--the instruction of over twenty million pupils, requiring the service of more than half a million teachers, involving the expenditure of nearly three hundred million dollars per annum, and of vital interest to the whole population,--many educators believe that the bureau should be elevated to the dignity of a department of the government with a cabinet officer at its head. THE QUINCY MOVEMENT In 1873 the School Board of Quincy, Massachusetts, took a new and very important departure, namely, that of calling an educational expert to take charge of their schools. They realized that the office of a school board is to administer the external matters, but trained experts should have entire direction of the internal affairs of the schools, such as discipline, methods of instruction, course of study, etc. They called Colonel Francis W. Parker (1837-1902) to the superintendency and said to him practically: "We will furnish the equipment and the teachers, and it is your business to run the schools. We will not interfere with your methods or your plans, but will hold you responsible for results." Colonel Parker, who had just returned from a careful study of European schools, accepted this responsibility and at once began reforms in primary education not second in importance to those of Horace Mann a generation earlier. The "New Education" and "Quincy Methods" began to be discussed everywhere, and Quincy became the educational Mecca for teachers from every part of the land. Some of the reforms inaugurated were the following: Text-books were abolished, the learning of the alphabet discontinued, mere memorizing of facts discountenanced, nature work was emphasized, concrete methods employed, and all school work made natural and interesting. The results in comparison with those of other schools were phenomenal, and it was recognized that a great reform movement had been started. Doubtless, like reformers generally, Colonel Parker was too extreme. Some of his innovations were later modified, even by the originator himself. Nevertheless, the Quincy Movement did incalculable good by breaking up the formalism that prevailed, by making the work practical and interesting, by offering suitable material, by improving the methods of instruction, and by awakening great interest in educational problems among both the teachers and the public at large. For this great work at Quincy, for his many years' service as the head of the Chicago Normal School, and for his stimulating influence upon elementary education throughout the country, Colonel Parker deserves a place among the foremost educators of recent times. The example of the Quincy School Board in placing an educational expert over their schools has been followed by many cities. The office of city superintendent has been created, and to him is now committed duties that formerly were undertaken by members of the School Board who were without professional training. This change marks a decided step forward in the educational progress of our country. THE HERBARTIAN MOVEMENT One of the most important educational movements of recent years, is that inaugurated by the disciples of Herbart[184] in this country. At the meeting of the New England Association in Denver in 1895 a number of men, most of whom had studied under Stoy and Rein in Germany, formed the National Herbart Society, whose purpose was declared to be "the aggressive discussion and spread of educational doctrines." This society was the outgrowth of the Herbart Club, formed three years before at Saratoga. It is now known as the National Society for the Scientific Study of Education. It holds semiannual meetings in connection with the National Association, but is not a department of said Association. It issues "Yearbooks" which contain the results of the investigations of its members and which are valuable contributions to current educational literature. Among the most important educational theories brought forward by this school may be mentioned that of Apperception, the Doctrine of Interest, the Correlation of Studies, Concentration, the Culture Epoch Theory, and Character Building as an end of education. The practical application of these theories to school problems has not been neglected. There is no doubt that the Herbartian teachings have served to bring education in this country to a scientific basis. The members of this society have been among the foremost contributors to the pedagogical literature of the last decade. VARIOUS TENDENCIES =Child Study.=--The old psychologists based their theories and deductions upon a study of the activities of the adult mind. Modern educators have turned their attention to the being whom they are to educate--the child. Questionnaires have been issued and syllabi formulated concerning many characteristics of children, such as their fears, their imaginations, their lies, their views of God, etc., for the purpose of discovering laws governing the same. While as yet the movement cannot claim to have added much to educational theory, it has stimulated careful study and observation of children, brought teachers into more genuine sympathy with them, suggested suitable material for instruction, and fostered rational discipline. It offers an unlimited and fruitful field for further investigation. =Parents' Meetings.=--In the early history of the race parents assumed the entire education of their offspring. When schools became numerous and teachers efficient, parents largely absolved themselves from direct responsibility in the matter of education. To arouse proper interest and to unite all the agencies of the community in this work, parents' meetings have been organized in many places. Thus the patrons of the school have not only been led to coöperate with their teachers, but also to study educational problems. Such organizations have strengthened the hands of the teachers, stimulated educational interest, and aroused a genuine and intelligent pride in the work of the school. =Manual and Industrial Training.=--The marvelous industrial development of recent years, together with the attitude of labor unions towards apprenticeships, creates a demand for a reconstruction of courses of study. Much of education that was secured in the shop and field must now be furnished in the school. "Educate the whole child" is the watchword. The motor activities must be trained as well as the mental activities. Indeed, the latter cannot attain their proper development without the former. Hence, manual training has been adopted as a part of the curriculum. =Material Improvements.=--A careful study of the ventilation, lighting, seating, and other hygienic conditions, as well as construction of school buildings, has characterized recent times. In many places not only school materials, but also text-books, are furnished free of cost to the pupil. Physicians are also employed periodically to visit the schools and examine the children as to the condition of eyes and ears, as to the prevalence of disease, and as to their general health. Safeguards are inaugurated to prevent the spread of contagious diseases. All of these material measures are founded upon the theory that only under best conditions can the best results be obtained in education, and therefore it is true economy for the community to furnish these conditions. FOOTNOTES: [183] The membership at the Boston meeting in 1903 was 34,984. This, however, is far in excess of the average attendance. [184] See p. 278. 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Die Volksschule in Frankreich. WEIR, SAMUEL. Key To Rousseau's Émile. WELLS, C. L. The Age of Charlemagne. WEST, ANDREW F. Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools. WHITE, REV. JAMES. The Eighteen Christian Centuries. WILKINS, A. S. National Education in Greece in the Fourth Century B.C. WILKINSON, SIR J. G. Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (3 Vols.). WILLIAMS, SAMUEL G. the History of Modern Education. WILLMANN, OTTO. Herbart's Pädagogische Schriften (2 Vols.). WINSHIP, ALBERT E. Horace Mann, Educator. Y YONGE, C. D. Three Centuries of Modern History. Z ZOUBEK, FR. E. A. COMENIUS. Grosse Unterrichtslehre. INDEX _A. B. C. der Anschauung_, Herbart's, 281. Abelard at University of Paris, 141. Benedictine teacher, 118. leader of scholasticism, 122. Académies, in French school administration, 296, 297. Agricola, Johannes, school course of, 176 _n_. Agricola, Rudolphus, father of German humanism, 153, 158. lectures of, 158. Ahriman, principle of darkness in Persian religion, 39. Albigenses, reformers in France, 165. Alcohol, Arabians discover, 145. Alcuin of England, Benedictine teacher, 118. teacher of Charlemagne, 127. Alexander the Great, pupil of Aristotle, 65. Alexandria, catechetical school at, 107, 108. Museum of, 50. Saracenic school at, 140. school of rabbis at, 44. seat of philosophy, 107. Alexandrian library fostered by the Ptolemies, 50. Alfred the Great, becomes king, 130. character and history of, 130. education of, 131. encourages education of higher classes, 302. establishes monasteries, 131. founds Oxford University, 131. influence on English education, 131. literary work of, 131. statesmanship of, 130. Algebra, modern form of, 145. _Allgemeine Pädagogik_, Herbart's, 281. Ambrose, St., bishop of Milan, 114. America, discovery of, 165. American Revolution, establishes principle of self-government, 239. Analects of Confucius, 28. Analytical method of Aristotle, 67. Anatomy, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. Annual Reports, Horace Mann's, 286. of Bureau of Education, 310. Anselm, founder of scholasticism, 122. Antioch, catechetical school at, 107. Antioch College, Horace Mann president of, 288. Apostles, active in education, 101. Apostles' Creed, taught during Charlemagne's reign, 128. _Apostolic Constitution_ quoted, 113. Apprentice schools, in France, 299. Aquinas, Thomas, Benedictine teacher, 118. leader of scholasticism, 122. Arabians, services to education, 145. Architecture, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. Aristotle, analytical method of, 67. Athenian philosopher, 56. called the Stagirite, 65. pedagogy of, outlined, 66, 67. pupil of Plato, 65. teacher of Alexander the Great, 65. Arithmetic, in Charlemagne's reign, 128. in Chinese schools, 24. in India, 32, 33. in Jewish education, 43. in Milton's scheme of education, 219. in monastic education, 119. in Roman schools, 78. Arrondissements, in French school system, 297. Art, in Athens, 56. in Egypt, 47. Arts, seven liberal, 118, 127. Aryans, in Greece, 53. in India, 30. in Persia, 36. Asceticism, influence on civilization, 116. Ascham, Roger, English educator, 190. method of, 191. _Scholemaster_, 190. tutor to Elizabeth, 190. Assistant teachers, 307. Astrology, applications of, 120. Astronomy, applications of, 120. Arabians' services to, 145. Copernican system, 148. Astronomy taught in Egypt, 50. taught in Mohammedan schools, 145. taught to Jews, 43. Athenian education, criticism of, 59. Athenian educators, 61-67. Aristotle, 65-67. Plato, 63-65. Socrates, 61, 62. Athens, 56-60. aesthetic education in, 58, 59. Aristotle founds Lyceum at, 66. art and literature in, 54. center of learning, 75. contrasted with Sparta, 56. criticism of education in, 59. democratic government in, 57. history of, 56. home in, 57. laws of Solon, 57. Pericles, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, 56. philosophers from, at Museum of Alexandria, 50, 51. play important factor in child life, 57. Romans study at, 74. study of poets, 57, 59. training of children, 57. woman's status in, 58, 90. Attendance, compulsory, in English schools, 306. in French schools, 297, 298. in German schools, 291, 292. in United States schools, 312. Augustine, St., _City of God_, _Confessions_, 114. conversion of, 114. influence of, 18, 115. life of, 114. pedagogy, 115. services to education, 101. works of, used in monasteries, 119. Augustus, age of, 74, 75. Azarias, Brother, on La Salle, 228. on the Simultaneous Method, 227. Babylon, Saracenic school at, 140. school of rabbis at, 44. Bacon, Francis, character of, 206. Comenius applies principles of, 214. degradation of, 207. Inductive Method introduced, 207, 208. influence of, 18. life of, 205. Montaigne's influence on, 195. new era in education, 209. _Novum Organum_, 207. object teaching of, 189. on Jesuit schools, 186, 187. pedagogy of, 208, 209. political advancement of, 206. reforms of, 204. Bagdad, caliphs foster education, 145. Saracenic school at, 140. Barrett, influences Horace Mann, 285. Basedow, _Elementary Book_ (_Elementarbuch_), 251. failure of, 254. life of, 250. methods of teaching, 250. pedagogy of, 253, 255, 256. Philanthropin established, 251, 252. professor at Soröe, 251. writings of, 255. Basel, center of printing industry, 162. Basil the Great, life of, 106. pedagogy of, 106. services to education, 101. Beautifying of schoolrooms, 197, 198. Bell, Andrew, founds National Schools, 305. Monitorial system of, 307. Belles-Lettres, in Chinese education, 25. Benedict, St., principles of, 117. Benedictines, growth of, 117. principles of, 117. schools founded by, 118. teachers, 118. Berlin Conference, 236 _n_. Bernsdorf, Danish minister of education, 251. Besant, Walter, on Rabelais, 193, 194, 195. Bible, only literature of early Christians, 95. study of, 153. translated by Alfred the Great, 131. translated into German, 168. Biographies of educators, 18. Blankenburg, Froebel's school at, 276. Bluntschli, advice to Pestalozzi, 260. Board of Education in United States school system, 310, 311. Board schools, established in England, 305. Boatman, third caste in Egypt, 48. Boccaccio, humanistic leader of Italy, 155, 157. influences of, 151. Body, care of, 221, 230. Bologna, university established at, 124. Boniface, of Germany, Benedictine teacher, 118. _Book of Method_, Basedow's, 255. Books, school, adoption of, 290. Bouillon, Godfrey of, leads first crusade, 137. Brahma, Hindu worship of, 33. Brahmanism, Buddha seeks to overthrow, 35. Brahmans, highest caste in India, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34. marriage of, 32. Brotherhood of man, value of principle, 91. _Brothers of the Christian Schools_, La Salle organizes, 227. Brown University, Horace Mann at, 285. Browning, on Milton's scheme of education, 220. Buddha, religion and spirit of, 35. Buddhism, in China, 21, 22, 27. in India, 31. religion based on moral acts, 35. Budding Intellect, Chinese degree, 26. Bulfinch, on Charlemagne, 126. Bureau of Education, U. S., 309. Burgdorf, Froebel at, 275. Pestalozzi teaches at, 266. Burgundy, Duke of, taught by Fénelon, 224, 225. Caen, university at, 141. Cahors, university at, 141. Calculating boards, in Athens, 59. Caliphs, foster education, 145. Cambray, Bishop of, aids Erasmus, 161. Cambridge, University of, 141. Campe, leader of Philanthropin, 254. Canterbury, cloister school at, 118. Cantons, in French school system, 297. Caste system, in Egypt, 47-49. in India, 30, 32. Catechetical schools, 107, 108. decay of, 110. Catechumen schools, 104. Cathedral schools, 139 _n_. Catholic Church. See Church. Cavaliers, struggle with Roundheads, 200. Celestial Empire, civilization of, 20. Ceylon, Buddhism in, 35. Charity schools, in China, 23. Charlemagne, education of, 133. encourages education, 127, 128. history, character, purpose of, 125, 126. influence of, 18. School of Palace established, 127. summary of work of, 128, 129. Charles V., of Spain, Emperor of Germany, 165, 166. Chemistry, taught in Mohammedan schools, 145. Child study, 319. Children, a sacred trust, 91. home training of early Christians, 94. among Jews, 41, 42. in Athens, 57. in Egypt, 49. Children, in India, 32. in Persia, 37. in Rome, 76, 77. in Sparta, 69. weak, cast out in Sparta, 69, 73. China, 20-28. belief in transmigration of souls, 22. civilization of 20. classics of, 25. Confucius, 18, 24, 27, 28. conservative character of, 21. criticism of education, 27. degrees in, 25, 26. elementary schools in, 23, 25. examinations in, 26. geography and history of, 20, 21. government and language in, 21. higher education in, 25. home in, 22. lack of toys, 23. motive for education, 52. relation of parents and children, 22, 23. religion in, 21. science and inventions in, 26. treatment of women in, 22. Christ, disciples of, 92, 93. influence of, 96, 97. life and character of, 96, 97. methods of, 97, 98. nature study of, 99. principles of, 90, 91. teacher, 97-100. truth preached by, 99. type of perfect manhood, 16. value of teachings of, 89, 95. Christian education, 89-314. aim of, 91. Alfred the Great's influence, 130, 131. Basil the Great, 106, 107. Benedictines, 117, 118. catechetical schools, 107. catechumen schools, 104. Charlemagne, 125-129. Chrysostom, 105, 106. church connection with, 101. Clement of Alexandria, 109. conflict with pagan education, 111-115. crusades, 102, 136-138. difficulties in establishment of, 95. feudal education, 132-135. first Christian schools, 104, 105. general view of, 89, 101, 103. importance of individual, 91. lessons and principles of, 90, 91. monastic education, 102, 116-120. Origen, 110. St. Augustine, 114, 115. scholasticism, 121-124. seven liberal arts, 119, 120. Christian education, slow growth of, 92, 93. See also Renaissance, Humanistic educators, Reformation, Protestant educators, Jesuits, Modern educators, School systems, and sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth century education. Tertullian, 112, 113. Teutonic peoples, instrument of civilization, 103. universities, 139-141. Christiania, university at, 141. Christianity, influence of, 96, 97. lessons of, 90-92. See also Christian education. Chrysostom, educational principles of, 105, 106. life of, 105. services to education, 101. Church, animosities between Catholics and Protestants, 200. authority in Renaissance, 150. controls education, 112, 139. corruption of, 151, 152, 166, 168. degradation of, 151, 152. influence of St. Augustine's writings on, 115. supremacy of, 116. the mother of schools, 102. Church Fathers, direct educational movements, 101. opposed to pagan literature, 113, 120. Cicero, called Father of his Country, 82. character of, 82. death of, 82. education of, 81. life of, 81. pedagogy of, 83. _Philippics_ of, 82. Roman consul, 82. services to education, 83. works of, studied in monastic education, 119. Citizens in Sparta, 68. _City of God_, St. Augustine's, 114. Classic languages, Humanists revive study, 149. in Trotzendorf's pedagogy, 178. new interest in, 149, 150. Classic literature, revival of study of, 155-157. Tertullian excludes, 113. Clement of Alexandria, pedagogy, 109. pupil of Pantaenus, 109. teacher, 109. Clermont, Jesuit college of, 183. Climate a factor in education, 16. Cloister schools established, 118. Clothing of children, Locke's rules regarding, 221. Coeducation, in France, 298. in German villages, 292. in Sparta, 71. Colleges, in United States school system, 312, 313. _Colloquies_, Erasmus's, 162. Cologne, cloister school at, 118. university of, 141. Comenius, Johann Amos, banished, 212. _Didactica Magna_, 213. education of, 211, 212. educational works of, 214. honors bestowed on, 213. influence of, 18. influence of Bacon on, 214. Latin Bohemian dictionary of, 213. member of Moravian Brethren, 211. object teaching of, 189. Pestalozzi applies principles of, 269. reforms of, 204. settles in Poland, 213. summary of his work, 215. trials of, 212. Commandments, Ten, oldest writing among Israelites, 44. _Committee of Council on Education_, in England, 305. Common schools, importance of, 287. in Germany, 292. in United States, 310. Commonwealth, established, 200. Communes, in French education, 300. Compass, invention of, 148. Compayré, on Comenius, 214. on Jesuit schools, 185, 187. on Jesuits and Jansenists, 189. on La Salle, 228. on Locke, 221. on Montaigne's pedagogy, 198. on Rabelais's Gargantua, 194, 195. on Rousseau, 242, 246. on the Reformation, 166, 167. on the Renaissance, 121. Composition, in Chinese education, 25. Compulsory education, among Jews, 42. Charlemagne introduces, 128. in England, 306. in France, 297, 298. in Germany, 170, 181, 203, 291. in United States, 312. Luther insists on, 174. Plato's scheme of, 65. _Conduct of Schools_, La Salle's, 228. _Confessions_, Rousseau's, 242, 243. _Confessions_, St. Augustine's, 114. Confucius, altar to, in Chinese schoolrooms, 24. Confucius, analects of, 28. influence of, 18, 27. Conrad III., of Germany, leads second crusade, 137. Constance, cloister school at, 118. Continuation schools, in Germany, 292. Copenhagen, university at, 141. Copernicus, astronomical discoveries of, 148, 202. Cordova, caliphs of, foster education, 145. Saracenic school at, 140. Corporal punishment, among Jews, 43. Basil the Great on, 106. Cicero's views regarding, 83. in Jesuit schools, 186. Quintilian's views regarding, 87. Council, Educational, governs French départements, 297. Counter-Reformation, 182. County, school administration of, 310. Cramer, on the crusades, 138. Criticism, of Athenian education, 59. of Chinese education, 27. of Egyptian education, 51. of Feudal education, 135. of Hindu education, 34, 35. of Jesuit education, 188. of Jewish education, 44, 186. of Persian education, 38. of Roman education, 80. of Spartan education, 71. Cromwell, Commonwealth under, 200. Crusades, influence on education, 102, 103, 136-138. results of, 138. Curtius, quoted, 72. Dancing, taught among Jews, 42. Dante, banishment of, 156. birth of, 155. _Divine Comedy_, 156. education of, 155, 156. humanistic leader of Italy, 155. influence of, 151. Dark Ages, slow progress during, 101. end of, 148. David, founder of Hebrew literature, 44. Dean, M. Ida, on schools in India, 33. Decimal system originated by Hindus, 34. De Garmo, on Herbart as a teacher, 279. Degrees in China, 25, 26. in French Universities, 299. Demia, Charles, 227. Democratic government in Athens, 57. Départements, erect normal schools, 300. in French school system, 297. Dervishes, in Persia, 38. Descartes on Jesuit schools, 186. Deserving of Promotion, Chinese degree, 26. Dessau, institute at. See Philanthropin. Dialectical method, of Socrates, 62. _Dialogues of the Dead_, Fénelon's, 225. _Didactica Magna_, Comenius's, 213. See Great Didactic. Discipline, in Chinese schools, 24. in Indian schools, 32. in Jewish schools, 43. in Roman schools, severe, 78. Discoveries, during Renaissance, 148. District inspector, in German schools, 291. District school board, in Germany, 290, 291. District system of education, in United States, 311. Dittes, quoted, 42, 274. Draper, on St. Augustine, 115. Drieser, on Quintilian, 86 _n_. Dualistic philosophy, of Zoroaster, 39. Duns Scotus, Benedictine leader, 118. leader of scholasticism, 122. Dyeing, in ancient Egypt, 47. Earth, size of, ascertained, 145. Eberhard, Count, Reuchlin's friend, 159. _Education of Girls_, Fénelon's, 224. _Education of Man_, Froebel's, 277. Egypt, 46-52. antiquity of its history, 47. caste system in, 47-49. criticism of education in, 51. dyeing, embalming, etc., in, 47. geography and history of, 46, 47. higher education in, 50. home in, 49. influence of priests in, 47, 48. mechanic arts in, 47. military class in, 48. motive for education in, 52. pilgrimages to, for study, 47. polygamy in, 49. status of woman in, 49. Egyptian education, criticism of, 51. Eighteenth century education, general view of, 237-240. See also Modern educators. _Elementary Book_ (_Elementarbuch_), Basedow's, 251, 255. Elementary education, among Arabians, 145. in Athens, 58. in China, 23. in England, 306. in France, 298, 299. in Germany, 192. in India, 32-34. Elementary education in Rome, 77. in United States, 312. neglected by Jesuits, 184, 187. Elizabeth, Queen, taught by Roger Ascham, 190, 192. Emerson, on the Middle Ages, 147. _Émile_, Rousseau's, 243-249. Emulation, as incentive in Jesuit schools, 186, 188. Engineering, in Ancient Egypt, 47-50. in Milton's scheme of education, 219. England, administration of schools, 305. attendance in schools, 306. educational enterprise in, 308. school system of, 303-308. support of schools in, 307. teachers in, 307, 308. English rule in India, 31. Environment, a factor in education, 16, 17. Erasmus, _Colloquies_, 162. compared with Luther, 162. humanistic leader, 153. life of, 161. literary authority of world, 162. on Agricola, 158. on Melanchthon, 171. pedagogy of, 162, 163. _Praise of Folly_, 162. studies of, 161. translation of Greek testament, 162. Erfurt, Francke preacher at, 233. university of, 141. Erigena, leader of scholasticism, 122. principles of, 122. Ernst of Gotha, Duke, school law of, 203. _Essay Concerning Human Understanding_, Locke's, 221. Essays, Montaigne's, 198. Essex, benefactor of Bacon, 206. Eton, college at, 174, 306. Euclid, used in monastic education, 119. _Eudemon_, page in Rabelais's _Gargantua_, 194. _Evening Hours of a Hermit_, Pestalozzi's, 263. Examinations in Athens, 58. in China, 25, 26. Exercise, Locke's rules regarding, 221. _Fables_, Fénelon's, 225. Factory laws, in England, 306. Family, the foundation of education, 17. See Home. Farmers, caste in India, 30. education of, 34. third caste in Egypt, 48. Fathers of church, opposed to pagan literature, 113. Faurier, Peter, 227. Fear, motive for study in China, 24, 27. Fénelon, compared with Seneca, 225, 226. education of, 223, 224. _Education of Girls_, 224. head of convent of new Catholics, 224. pedagogy of, 226, 227. preceptor of grandson of Louis XIV, 224. priest, 224. reforms of, 204. works of, 225. Feudal barons, influence of, 133. Feudal education, 132-135. criticism of, 135. Feudalism, crusades break power of, 138. defined, 132. Fichte, Herbart student of, 279. Finances, school, 290. Fit for Office, Chinese degree, 26. Food of children, Locke's rules regarding, 221. Forest of Pencils, Chinese degree, 26. Formalism in instruction, 194. Forsyth, on Cicero, 81, 82, 83. France, administration of schools, 296, 297. attendance in schools, 297. mother schools in, 298. normal schools in, 297. school system, 296. support of schools, 299, 300. teachers, 300, 302. Francis I., of France, 165. Francke, August Hermann, called to University of Halle, 233. education of, 232. founds orphan asylum at Halle, 234. Institutions at Halle, 234, 235. organizes teachers' class at Halle, 228. Privat Docent at Leipsic, 232. _Real-school_, 236. training of teachers, 235. work among poor, 233, 234. Frankfurt-am-Main, Froebel teaches in, 273. Frederick Barbarossa of Germany, leads third crusade, 137. Frederick I., recognizes university at Bologna, 140. Free schools, established in France, 298-300. in Germany, 293. in United States, 313. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, university at, 141. French Revolution, lessons of, 239, 264. Froebel, Friedrich Wilhelm August, as teacher, 273. at Burgdorf, 275. Froebel, F. W. A., at Universities of Göttingen and Berlin, 274. at Yverdon, 274. _Education of Man_, _Songs for Mother and Nursery_, 277, Fénelon anticipates, 226. first school of, 275. influence of, 18. kindergarten of, 276. lectures of, 277. life of, 272, 273. object teaching of, 189. on Pestalozzi, 274. school at Griesheim and Keilhau, 275. soldier, 275. Fulda, cloister school at, 118. Galileo, punishment of, 117. _Gargantua_, Rabelais's, 193. _Gate of Tongues Unlocked_, Comenius's, 214. Geography, a factor in education, 16. in Milton's scheme of education, 219 in monastic education, 119. Neander favors study of, 179. Geometry, discovery of Pythagorean theorem, 73. in catechetical schools, 108. in Jewish schools, 43. in Milton's scheme of education, 219. in monastic education, 119. Germany, administration of schools, 289. attendance in schools, 291. effects of 30 Years' War on, 201, 202. humanism in, 157. school system of, 169, 199, 289-295. State assumes responsibility of education, 174. support of schools, 293. teachers in, 294. Gibbon, Edward, quoted, 75, 150. Girls, education of, among Jews, 41. Fénelon advocates education of, 226. in Athens, 58. in China, 22. in Egypt, 50. in Rome, 80. in Sparta, 71. sale of, in India, 31. schools for, in Germany, 181. Glaucha, Francke pastor at, 233. Goethe, on the _Émile_, 249. Goldberg, Trotzendorf rector at, 178. Göttingen, University of, 280. Government, administrative school board of, in Germany, 290. democratic, in Athens, 57. no control of schools in China, 23. of Romans, 75. Government, self, in schools, 178, 179. Graduate school in United States school system, 312. Grammar, study of, begun, 59. in Athenian schools, 59. in catechetical schools, 108. in Mohammedan schools, 145. in monastic schools, 119. Gréard on Rousseau, 246. _Great Didactic_, Comenius's, 213, 214. organization of school system in, 215-217. Great Teacher, The. See Christ. Greece, 53-55. art and literature in, 54. Athens and Sparta, 54. geography and history in, 53, 54. manners and customs in, 54. Olympian games in, 54, 55. political freedom in, 54. Greek culture, influence on Rome, 74, 75, 80. Greek language, importance of, in human culture, 157. in Milton's scheme of education, 219. in pedagogy of Innovators, 204. introduced into Germany, 160. Reuchlin introduces study of, 160. revival of study of, 150, 151, 153. study of, in Rome, 74. taught in Sturm's school course, 176. Greek text-books, Neander's, 180. Greifswald, University of, 141. Griesheim, Froebel's first school at, 275. Gruner, Dr., head master of Model School at Frankfurt-am-Main, 273. Guienne, Montaigne studies at, 196. Gunpowder, invention of, 148. Gutenberg, invents printing, 164. Gymnasia, furnished by State in Athens, 58. _Gymnasium_, course in, 293. established by Francke, 234. purpose of, 236 _n_. Gymnastics, taught in Athens, 58. in Sparta, 71. Hakem III., fosters education, 145. Hallam, on Agricola, 158. Halle, Institutions at, 234. Pietists found university at, 231, 232. teacher's class at, 228. Hamburg, cloister school at, 118. _Hanlin_, Royal Academy, in China, 26. Harris, Dr., on Pestalozzi, 271. Harrow, college at, 174, 306. Hebrew, revival of study, 153. used in interpreting Scripture, 158, 160. Hebrew Grammar and Lexicon, Reuchlin's, 159. Hecker, founds first Prussian Normal School, 228. Hegel, Aristotle compared to, 67. Hegira, Mohammedanism dates from, 143. Heidelberg, center of humanistic movement, 153. Reuchlin at, 160. University of, 124, 141. Heliopolis, institution for higher learning at, 50. _Héloïse_, Rousseau's, 243. Helots, in Sparta, 68. Herbart, Johann Friedrich, enters Gymnasium at Oldenburg, 279. in Bremen and Switzerland, 279. life of, 278. literary activity of, 281. on importance of common schools, 287. pedagogy of, 282, 283. practice school at Königsberg, 280. professor of philosophy at Königsberg, 280. student of Fichte, 279. teacher in Switzerland, 279. Herbartians, work of modern, 282, 318. Herford, on Froebel, 276. Hesse-Cassel, active in school work, 203. Hesse-Darmstadt, active in school work, 203. Hieroglyphics, Rosetta stone furnishes key to interpretation of, 47. High Schools, connected with common in France, 299. in United States, 313. Higher education, among Jews, 44. in China, 25, 27. in Egypt, 50. in India, 34. in Rome, 79. Hindu education, criticism of, 34, 35. Hindus. See India. History, a factor in education, 16. natural, taught in Jewish schools, 43. Neander favors study of, 179. taught in Roman schools, 78. taught in schools of prophets, 44. Holstein, active in school work, 203. Holy Land, of Greece, at Olympia, 55. pilgrimages to, 136. Home, foundation of education, 17. in Athens, 57. in China, 22. in Egypt, 49. in India, 32. in Persia, 37. in Rome, 76. Home, in Sparta, 69. of Jews, 41. Home training, among early Christians, 94. Horace, Roman poet, 74. _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, Pestalozzi's, 267. Humanism, art of printing aids, 150. decline of, 198. in Germany, 157. in Italy, 149-151. Petrarch founder of, 156. Humanistic educators, 155-163. Agricola, 158. Boccaccio, 157. Dante, 155. Erasmus, 161. German, 157-163. Italian, 156, 157. mission of, 155. Petrarch, 156. Reuchlin, 159. Humanities, studied in Jesuit schools, 185. Hunziker, Professor, on Pestalozzi, 267, 269. Hurst, Bishop, on Melanchthon, 171. Huss, reformer, 165. Ilfeld, Neander's school at, 179. Iliad and Odyssey, called Bible of Greeks, 69. Illustrated text-books, first, 215, 229. Illustration, teaching by, 98. India, 29-35. Brahminism and Mohammedanism in, 31. Buddha, 35. caste system in, 30. criticism of education in, 34. elementary schools in, 32-34. English reforms in, 31. geography and history of, 29. higher education in, 34. home in, 32. motive for education in, 52. polygamy in, 31. religious ceremonies in schools, 33. schoolhouses described, 33. skill of craftsmen in, 30, 31. status of woman in, 31. Individual, education for, 91. Individuality, of children, 88. Inductive method, Bacon's, 207, 208, 229. Industrial School, Pestalozzi establishes, 262. Infant school (_école infantine_) in France, 298. Innocent III., Pope, recognizes University of Paris, 141. _Inquiries concerning Course of Nature in Development of Mankind_, Pestalozzi's, 269. Inspector, in German schools, 290, 291. Royal, in English school system, 305. _Institutes of Oratory_, Quintilian's, 87. Institutions at Halle, 234. Instruction, method of, in India, 33. Introduction, 15-19. Inventions, Chinese, 26. during Renaissance, 148. Isaiah, founder of Hebrew literature, 44. Israel. See Jews. Italy, humanism in, 149-151. intellectual movement in, 152. Jansenists, introduce phonic spelling, 189. purpose of, 188. services to education, 189. Jena, center of Herbartian activity, 279, 282. Jerome of Prague, reformer, 165. Jerusalem, Latin Kingdom established at, 137. pilgrimages to, 136. school of rabbis at, 44. Jesuits, criticism of education, 186. education of, 184. emulation as an incentive, 186. founding of order, 182, 183. growth of society, 184. Loyola, 183. military character of order, 183. opposition of Port Royalists to, 189. school system of, 183-188, 199. spread of power, 184. summary of educational work, 188, 189. Jews, 40-45. compulsory education among, 42. criticism of education, 44. education in home, 17. esteem of teachers, 43. geography and history, 40, 41. higher education among, 44. home of, 41. mission of, 40. motive for education of, 52. prophets, 44. religion of, 41, 42. schools of, 42. schools of the prophets, 44. schools of the rabbis, 44. status of women, 41. the Talmud, 45. theocratic education of, 40. training of children, 41, 42. Johnson, Dr., on Ascham's _Scholemaster_, 190, 191. Justinian, abolishes pagan schools, 115. Kant, Emanuel, quoted, 254, 255, 281. Keilhau, Froebel's school at, 275. Kepler, astronomical discoveries of, 202. Kindergarten, Froebel founder of, 276. in Prussia, 275. in Switzerland, 276. in United States, 277, 312. prohibited, 275. purpose of, 277. Knight, chivalry of, 133. education of, 133. seven perfections of, 133. Knowledge, defined by Confucius, 28. Königsberg, Herbart teaches philosophy at, 280. practice school at, 281. Koran, Mohammed writes, 143. used as reading book, 145. Krüsi, Hermann, on Pestalozzi, 260, 261, 265, 266. on the sacrifices of Bäbeli, 257. Pestalozzi founds school with, 267. La Salle, _Conduct of Schools_, 228. organizes Brothers of the Christian Schools, 227. services to education, 228. simultaneous method introduced, 227. Laborers, third caste in Egypt, 49. Lancaster, Joseph, establishes Board Schools, 307. monitorial system of, 307. Land grants, for educational purposes, 310. Lang, on Basedow's _Book of Method_, 255. Langethal, Heinrich, joins Froebel, 275. Language, Ascham's method for study of, 191. classic, see Latin, Greek, classic languages, double translation in teaching, 199. in pedagogy of Innovators, 204. modern conversational method, 197-199. taught in Egypt, 50. taught in Roman schools, 78. Latin, in Locke's system of education, 222. in Melanchthon's course, 173. in Milton's pedagogy, 219. in pedagogy of Innovators, 204. in Sturm's school course, 176. in Trotzendorf's school course, 188. revival of study, 151, 153. Latin Kingdom, established at Jerusalem, 137. Latin Schools, Strasburg _Gymnasium_ the model for, 176. Latin text-books, Neander's, 180. Latini, Brunetto, teacher of Dante, 155. Launcelot, leader of Port Royalists, 188. Laurie, S. S., quoted, 107, 139, 140. Law, in Milton's scheme of education, 220. studied in Egypt, 47. taught in _Gymnasia_, 293. taught in schools of prophets and rabbis, 44. Leibnitz, on Jesuit schools, 187. Leipsic, University of, 141. Leonard and Gertrude, Pestalozzi's, 263, 264. Leopold of Dessau, establishes the Philanthropin, 251. Letters, forms and names to be learned simultaneously, 88. Library at Alexandria, 107. at Pekin, 25. _Literators_, in charge of Roman schools, 78. Literature, Hebrew, 44. in Athens influences world, 56. lack of Christian, 94. opposition to pagan, 94, 113, 115, 126. pilgrimages to Egypt to study, 47. _Literatus_, teacher of Roman school, 78. Local school board in Germany, 291. _Loci Communes_, Melanchthon's, 172. Locke, John, education of, 220, 221. educational works of, 221. _Essay Concerning Human Understanding_, 221. his influence on education, 223. Montaigne's influence on, 195, 196. reforms of, 204. tutor at Christ Church, 221. Logic, in monastic education, 119. taught in Sturm's school course, 176. Lord's Prayer, taught in Charlemagne's reign, 128. Louis VII. of France, leads second crusade, 137. Loyola, founds Jesuit order, 183. Lucretius, 74. compared with Rabelais, 194, 195. Lund, university at, 141. Luther, Martin, Augustinian monk, 168. contrasted with Erasmus, 162. educational reforms of, 166. influence of, 18. lays foundation of German school system, 169. leader German Reformation, 165. life and struggles of, 167. pedagogy of, 169. professor at Wittenberg, 168. Reuchlin on, 160. Luther, Martin, summoned before Diet of Worms, 168. translates Bible, 168. work marked out by, 175. Lutheran churches, schools in connection with, 181. Lyceum at Athens, founded by Aristotle, 66. Lycurgus, influence in Sparta, 73. laws of, 72. Lyons, cloister school at, 118. Macaulay, Lord, on Bacon, 205, 206, 208. Magi, Persian priests, 37, 38. Mainz, university at, 141. Malone, John, on Chrysostom, 105. Mann, Horace, _Annual Reports_, 286. at Brown University, 285. at Litchfield, 285. educational campaign of, 286. life of, 284, 285. on common schools, 285. president of Antioch College, 288. Secretary of State Board of Education, 286. services to education, 288. statesman, 285, 288. Manual and industrial training, 320. Manual training school, Locke advocates, 222. Maps, early, 120. Marenholtz-Bülow, Bertha von, disciple of Froebel, 277. Mariner's compass invented, 148. Marriage, Christ's teaching on, 91. controlled by State in Sparta, 73. Martel, Charles, checks Mohammedanism, 144. Martial training, in Sparta, 69-71. Martin, on work of Horace Mann, 286. Massachusetts, new epoch in educational history, 285-287. normal schools established in, 287. Mathematics, central idea of Pythagorean system, 73. discoveries of Hindus, 35. taught in Egypt, 50. taught in Mohammedan schools, 145. Matthison, leader of Philanthropin, 254. Mecca, Mohammed's flight from, 143. pilgrimages to, 145. Mechanics, third caste in Egypt, 47, 48. third caste in India, 30. Mecklenburg, active in school work, 203. Medicine, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. taught in Egypt, 50. taught in _Gymnasium_, 293. Medicine taught in schools of prophets, 44. Medina, Mohammed flees to, 143. Melanchthon, Philipp, colaborer of Luther, 170, 171. early life and studies of, 171. educational work of, 172, 173. first Protestant psychologist, 173. Greek professor at Wittenberg, 171. lectures at Tübingen, 171. _Loci Communes_, 172. Saxony school plan, 172, 173. service to schools, 172. text-books, 172. work marked out by, 175. Memory, cultivation of, in Chinese education, 24, 25, 27. in Cicero's pedagogy, 84. in Fénelon's pedagogy, 226. in humanistic education, 163. in India, 32-34. Memphis, institution for higher learning at, 50. Merchants, third caste in India, 30. Methodists, purpose of, 231. Middendorff, Wilhelm, joins Froebel, 275. Middle Ages, progress during, 146, 147. Military class, in Egypt, 48. Military schools, in China, 27. Military training, in Persia, 38. in Sparta, 69. Milton, John, defines education, 217. reforms of, 204. scheme of education, 219, 220. teacher, 218. _Tractate_, 218. Mines, schools of, in France, 299. Minister of education in France, 290, 296. Minnesingers, compositions of, 135. Missionary enterprise in India, 32. Model school at Frankfurt-am-Main, 273. Modern educators, 241-314. Basedow, 250-256. Froebel, 272-277. Herbart, 278-283. Mann, 284-288. Pestalozzi, 257-271. Rousseau, 241-249. Mohammed, flight of, 143. precepts of, 144, 145. spread of doctrines of, 144. writes Koran, 143. Mohammedan education, 143-147. five Moslem precepts, 144. history of Mohammedanism, 143-145. scientific progress made, 145. Mohammedanism, history of, 143-145. in India, 31. Monasteries, Alfred the Great establishes, 131. benefits to civilization by, 120. center of educational activity, 146. center of religious interest, 120. power of, 116. services to education, 102. suppress scientific discoveries, 116, 117. Monastic education, 116-120. Monitorial System, defined, 307. Montaigne, education of, 196. _Essays_, 197. influence on Locke, 223. pedagogy of, 195, 197, 198. Montanists, teachings of, 113. Monte Cassino, monastery at, 117, 118. Moravian Brethren, Comenius member of, 211, 213. Moravian School, Comenius teacher of, 212. Moses founder of Hebrew literature, 44. Moslemism. See Mohammedanism. Mother-school (_école maternelle_) in France, 298. Motive of education, among Jews, 52. in Athens, 59. in China, 27, 52. in Egypt, 52. in India, 34, 52. in Persia, 38, 52. in Rome, 80. in Sparta, 69, 71. Music, cultivation of, among Jews, 42. during Charlemagne's reign, 128. in Athens, 58, 59. in Egypt, 50. in monastic education, 119. in Sparta, 71. in Sturm's school course, 176. Nantes, university at, 141. Napoleon, quoted, 97. National Bureau of Education, in United States, 309, 310. National Herbart Society in America, 282. National Schools, Andrew Bell establishes, 305. Nature study, Christ advocates, 99. inductive methods lead to, 208. Navigation, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. Neander, Michael, teacher at Ilfeld, 179. text-books of, 180. Nero, pupil of Seneca, 84. Neuhof, Pestalozzi's experiment at, 261, 262. Nicole, leader of Port Royalists, 188. Nile, importance to Egypt, 46. Nile, inundations encourage mathematical study, 50. Nineteenth century education, general view, 237-240. See also Modern Educators and School Systems. Nisibis, catechetical school at, 107. Nitric acid discovered, 145. Normal schools, in France, 297, 300, 301. in Germany, 290, 294. in Massachusetts, 287. in United States, 314. La Salle establishes first, 228. teachers appointed in, 290. _Novum Organum_, Bacon's, 207. Obedience, cardinal Chinese virtue, 23. Object teaching, beginning of, 266. of Jansenists, 189. Pestalozzi's, 270. Occam, leader of scholasticism, 122. Occupation, a factor in education, 16. Odessa, catechetical school at, 107. first Christian common school at, 105. Olympia, Holy Land of Greece, 55. Olympiad, basis for computing time, 55. Olympian games, influence and character of, 54, 55. Orations of Cicero, 82, 83. Oratory, ideal of education in Rome, 77, 78, 80. Quintilian's views regarding, 87. _Orbis Pictus_, Comenius's first illustrated text-book, 214, 215. Order of Jesus. See Jesuits. Oriental civilization, basis of, 89. Oriental education, aim of, 91. summary of, 51, 52. Origen, character of, 110. education of, 110. pedagogy of, 110. service to education, 101. Orleans, university at, 141. Ormuzd, principle of light in Persian religion, 39. Orphan asylum, at Halle, founded, 233, 234. Oxford, cloister school at, 118. Locke tutor at, 221. University of, 131, 141. Pagan education, conflict with Christian, 111-115. Pagan literature, opposition to, 94, 113, 115, 120. Pantaenus, establishes catechetical school, 107. _Pantagruel_, Rabelais's, 193. Paper, invented, 148. _Paradise Lost_, Milton's, 217. Paris, cloister school at, 118. university at, 124, 140, 141. Parker, Colonel, on Horace Mann, 284, 286. Parliamentary grants for school expenses, 306. Parochial schools, 139 _n_. Pascal, leader of Port Royalists, 188. Pastor, superintendent of German schools, 181. Paul, services to education, 102. Paul III., Pope, recognizes Jesuits, 183. Paulsen, on John Sturm, 175, 176, 177. on Neander's text-books, 180. Pedagogium, established by Francke, 234, 236. Pedagogue, duty of, in Athens, 56, 58. in Rome, 77. Pedagogy, begins with history of education, 15. elevated to dignity of a science, 282. of Agricola, 158. of Alfred the Great, 131. of Aristotle, 66, 67. of Ascham, 190-192. of Bacon, 207-209. of Basedow, 251-256. of Basil the Great, 106. of Benedictines, 118, 119. of Boccaccio, 157. of Charlemagne, 127-129. of Christ, 91, 97-100. of Chrysostom, 105. of Cicero, 83. of Clement of Alexandria, 109. of Comenius, 214-217. of Confucius, 28. of Dante, 156. of Erasmus, 162, 163. of Fénelon, 226, 227. of Feudalism, 132-135. of Francke, 234-236. of Froebel, 275-277. of Herbart, 282, 283. of Humanists, 153. of Innovators, 204. of Jesuits, 184-188. of La Salle, 227, 228. of Locke, 221-223. of Loyola, 183. of Luther, 169. of Mann, 285-288. of Melanchthon, 172. of Milton, 218, 219. of Mohammedans, 145. of Montaigne, 195-198. of Neander, 179-181. Pedagogy, of Origen, 110. of Pestalozzi, 269-271. of Petrarch, 151. of Plato, 63-65. of Port Royalists, 189. of Pythagoras, 73. of Quintilian, 87. of Rabelais, 194, 195. of Ratke, 211. of Reuchlin, 160. of Rousseau, 243-249. of St. Augustine, 115. of Scholastics, 124. of Seneca, 85. of Socrates, 62. of Sturm, 176, 177. of Tertullian, 113. of Trotzendorf, 178, 179. Pekin, royal library at, 25. Pendulum, applied to reckon time, 145. Pensions to teachers, in England, 308. in France, 302. in Germany, 294. Pericles, Age of, 54, 57. Athenian statesman, 56. Perioeci, in Sparta, 68. Persia, 36, 39. criticism of education, 38. geography and history, 36. home, religion in, 37. military education in, 16, 38. motive for education in, 52. state education in, 37, 38. status of women in, 37. training of children in, 37. Zoroaster, 39. Persian education, criticism of, 38. Pestalozzi, Johann Heinrich, childhood and character, 257, 258. Christian ministry, 259. failures of, 259, 260, 262. farming, 260. influence of, 18. law, 260. lesson of love taught by, 271. marriage, 261. Neuhof, experiences at, 262. object teaching of, 189. pedagogy of, 269, 271. purposes of, 259. school at Burgdorf, 266. school at Stanz, 264, 265. school at Yverdon, 267, 268. schooling of, 258. unites with Krüsi, 267. work of, 269. writings of, 263, 264. Peter the Hermit, crusade of, 136. Petrarch, father of humanism, 155, 156. Petrarch, influence of, 151-153. lays foundation of modern education, 157. Pfefferkorn, John, antagonism to Hebrew works, 160. _Phaedo_, Plato's, 63. Philanthropin, established, 251. failure of, 252-254. purpose of, 252. Philip Augustus, of France, aids university at Paris, 141. leads third crusade, 137. _Philippics_, of Cicero, 82. Philosophical discoveries, of Hindus, 35. Philosophy, in Athens, 59. in catechetical schools, 108. in Egypt, 47. in gymnasium, 293. in Jesuit schools, 185. in Mohammedan schools, 145. in Roman schools, 78. in schools of prophets, 44. natural, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. of Christ, 98. scholasticism, 124. Phoenicians, invent alphabet, glass making, and purple dyeing, 51. Phonic method of spelling, introduced, 189. Physical education, in Aristotle's scheme, 66. in Athens, 58. in Erasmus's scheme, 163. in Fénelon's scheme, 226. in Feudalism, 133, 135. in Innovators' scheme, 204. in Locke's scheme, 221, 229. in Luther's scheme, 170. in Milton's scheme, 220. in Persia, 38. in Pestalozzi's scheme, 263. in Plato's scheme, 64, 65. in Rome, 77. in Rousseau's scheme, 244. in Sparta, 70. Pietism, influence of, 232. purpose of, 231. Plato, Athenian philosopher, 56. disciple of Socrates, 63. first systematic scheme of education, 65. founds school at Athens, 63. republic, 63. State to have control of citizens, 64. testimony to Socrates, 62. Play, educational force in Athens, 57, 60. in Fénelon's pedagogy, 226. in Froebel's system, 274. Poetry, in Athens, 57, 59. in Roman schools, 78. in schools of prophets, 44. Poitiers, university at, 141. Political freedom of Greeks, 54. Political rights, extension of, 239. Polygamy, in China, 22. in Egypt, 49. in India, 31. Polytechnic schools, in China, 27. Port Royalists, purpose of, 189. services to education, 199. Practical training of Roman children, 79. Practice school, at Jena, 281. at Königsberg, 280. Herbart's, 280. Prague, battle of, 212. university established at, 124, 141. _Praise of Folly_, Erasmus's, 162. Prerau, Moravian School at, 212. Priests, influence in Egypt, 47, 48. Primary education. See Elementary Education. Printing, invented, 26, 148. influence on universal education, 150, 164, 165. Printing press, invented, 148. Privat Docent, in German universities, 232 _n._ 2. _Progymnasia_, in Germany, 292 _n_. Pronunciation, in Roman education, 76, 78. Prophets, schools of, 44. _Prorealgymnasia_, 292 _n_. Protestant educators, 174-181. _Gymnasium_ at Strasburg, 175. Melanchthon's course of study, 174. Neander, 179. Sturm, 175. Trotzendorf, 178. See also Humanistic Educators and Reformation. Protestant Reformation, 165-173. Protestantism, spirit of, among common people, 200. spread of, checked, 182. Protogenes, establishes school at Odessa, 105. Provinces, thirteen royal, school administration in, 290. Prussia, kindergarten in, 275, 276. school system of, 128, 289-295. Psalms, translated into Anglo-Saxon, 131. Ptolemaic system of astronomy, 148. Ptolemies, found Alexandrian library, 50. Public schools, first Christian, 105, 107. in England, 306. in France, 298. in Germany, 293. in Massachusetts, 286. Public schools, in Rome, 78. in United States, 313. Quintilian advocates, 88. Punishment, Basil the Great's views regarding, 106. Cicero's views regarding, 83. Fénelon's views regarding, 226. in Jesuit schools, 186. Montaigne's views regarding, 196, 197. Quintilian's views regarding, 87. Seneca's views regarding, 85. See also Corporal Punishment. Pupil teachers, 307. Pupils, number assigned to one teacher among Jews, 43. number of, fixed by State in Athens, 58. Puritans, struggles with established church, 200. Pythagoras, life of, 73. mathematical system of, 73. philosophy of, 73. Quadrivium, second course in seven liberal arts, 118, 119. Quick, on Ascham, 192. on Basedow's system, 254. on demands of Reformers, 204. on Jesuit education, 186, 187. on Milton, 218. on Pestalozzi, 258, 268, 269, 270. on Ratke, 209, 211. on Rousseau's hatred of books, 241. on the Philanthropin, 251, 252. Quintilian, education and life of, 86. founds school at Rome, 86. _Institutes of Oratory_, 87. pedagogy of, 87. receives title of Professor of Oratory, 86. works of, studied in monastic education, 119. Quincy Movement, the, 317. Rabbis, schools of, 44. Rabelais, compared with Lucretius, 194, 195. friend of Calvin, 193. _Gargantua and Pantagruel_, 193. influence of Locke on, 223. introduces realism into education, 194. life of, 192, 193. pedagogy of, 194. Ramadan, fast of, 144. Ramsauer, on Pestalozzi's method of teaching, 266. _Ratio Studiorum_, of Jesuits, 186. Ratke, method of teaching language, 209, 210. pedagogy of, 211. reforms of, 204. Raumer, on Comenius, 213. Reading, in Athenian schools, 58. in Chinese schools, 24. in Jewish schools, 43. in monastic schools, 119. in Persian schools, 38. in Roman schools, 78. in schools of India, 32. not taught in Sparta, 71. taught during Charlemagne's reign, 128. taught by Quintilian, 88. _Real-school_ in Germany, course in, 293. founded, 236. _Realgymnasia_, 292 _n_. Realism, in education, 194. Reformation, as an educational influence, 164-174, 199. conditions at beginning of sixteenth century, 164. instills love for religious liberty, 200. intellectual conditions, 166. invention of printing, 165. Luther, 167-169. Melanchthon, 170-173. spread of educational ideas of, 180. Registration, book of, in French schools, 299. Reichstag, school interests represented in, 290. Rein, Professor Wilhelm, chief exponent of Ziller school, 281. on Herbart's pedagogy, 278, 282. practice school under, 281. Religion, center of school course, 181. Chinese, 21, 28. Christian. See Christianity. in Egypt, 48, 50. in India, 31, 35. in Milton's scheme of education, 219. in Persia, 37, 39. of Jews, 41, 42, 45. of Romans, 75. taught in Sturm's school course, 177. Religious freedom attained, 201, 240. Religious instruction, Cicero advocates, 84. in Egypt, 50. in German schools, 170. Rousseau's views regarding, 247, 248. See also Christian education. Removal of teachers, causes for, 294, 301. Renaissance, 148-173. defined, 148, 173. humanistic movement, 149-163. influence on Teutonic race, 149. inventions and discoveries during, 149, 150. revival of classics, 150. universal education advocated, 150, 151. Reuchlin, humanistic leader, 153. introduces Greek into Germany, 160. professor at Tübingen, 159. services to Hebrew learning, 159. teacher of Melanchthon, 171. Revival of learning. See Renaissance. Revolution, American, lessons of, 239. French, 239, 264. of 1688, 200. Rheims, first normal school established at, 228. Rhetoric, in Athenian schools, 59. in catechetical schools, 108. in monastic education, 119. in Sturm's school course, 176. the climax of education, 88. Richard the Lion-Hearted, leads third crusade, 137. Rod, discipline of, in China, 24. Montaigne's opposition to, 196, 197. used in Roman schools, 78. Rollin, reforms of, 204. Roman church, duty of, to education, 182. Roman educators, 81-88. Cicero, 81-84. Quintilian, 86-88. Seneca, 84-86. Rome, 74-80. Age of Augustus, 74, 75. birth of Christ, 74. criticism of education, 80. education in, 77-79. educators of, 81-88. government in, 75. home in, 76. home training of children, 76, 77. influence of Greek culture on, 74. oratory highest art in education, 77, 80. persecution of Christians, 94. philosophers from, visit Museum of Alexandria, 50, 51. practical training of children, 79. religion of, 75. supremacy of, 74. utility the aim of education, 79. woman's status in, 90. Rosetta stone, furnishes key to interpretation of hieroglyphics, 47. Rostock, University of, 141. Rote learning, in Chinese schools, 24. Rouen, cloister school at, 118. Roundheads, struggles with cavaliers, 200. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, _Émile_, 244-248. influenced by Montaigne, 195, 196. life of, 241, 242. on Christ, 97. on education of women, 248. pedagogy of, 243. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Pestalozzi applies principles of, 269, 270. scheme of education, as outlined in _Émile_, 244-248. works of, 243. Rugby, college, founded at, 174, 306. Russia, serfs freed in, 238. St. Augustine. See Augustine, St. St. Gall, cloister school at, 118, 120. Saint-Simon, on Fénelon, 224. Saladin, captures Jerusalem, 137. Salaries of teachers, in England, 308. in France, 300, 302. in Germany, 295. in United States, 314. Salerno, university at, 140. Sallust, Roman writer, 74. Salzburg, cloister school at, 118. Salzmann, leader of Philanthropin, 254. Sanskrit, language of India, 30, 34. Saracens, conquer Holy Land, 136. schools of, 140. Saxony School Plan, principles of, 172, 173, 174, 177. Schmidt, Karl, on Alfred the Great, 130. on Aristotle, 67. on corruption of the church, 151. on culture, 43. on emancipation of the individual, 52. on history of humanity, 15, 16. on Johann Sturm, 177. on St. Augustine's _Confessions_, 114. on scholasticism, 123. on teachings of Jesus Christ, 97, 100. on the _Émile_, 249. Scholasticism, benefits of, 123, 124. defined, 121. downfall of, 123. _Scholemaster_, Roger Ascham's, 190. School attendance, in England, 306. in France, 297, 298. in Germany, 291, 292. in United States, 311, 312. School board, in England, 305. in France, 296. in Germany, 290, 291. in United States, 310. School fund in United States, 309. School government, Trotzendorf's reforms in, 178, 179. School hours, in Athens, 58, 60. in Germany, 292. Schoolhouses in India, 33. public, none in China, 23. School inspector, in German schools, 290. Schoolmaster, German, position of, 295. "School of the Palace," established, 127. School pence, expense of English schools met by, 307. School system, Comenius's organization of, 215. of England, 304-308. of France, 296-303. of Germany, 289-295. of United States, 309-314. Schools, apprentice in France, 299. catechetical, 107. catechumen, 104. cathedral, 139 _n_. charity, in China, 23. church, 102, 181. cloister, 118. common, 78, 88, 105, 107, 181, 286, 287, 292, 293, 298, 313. elementary. See Elementary Schools. established in Germany, 180. graduate, in United States, 312. _Gymnasium_, in Germany, 293. high. See High Schools. in Athens, under state inspection, 58, 60. industrial, for poor, 262. _infant_, in France, 298. Jesuit, 183-188. Jewish, 42. manual training, 222. Mohammedan, 145, 146. _mother_, in France, 298. national, in England, 305. normal. See Normal Schools. of mines, in France, 299. of the prophets, 44. of the rabbis, 44. pagan, abolished, 115. parochial, 139 _n_. primary, in France, 298, 299. public. See Public Schools. _Real_, in Germany, 236, 293. secondary, in United States, 312. summer, in United States, 313. support of, in England, 306, 307. support of, in France, 299, 300. support of, in Germany, 293. support of, in United States, 313. teachers' salaries in. See Teaching. technical, in France, 299. undergraduate, in United States, 312. voluntary, in England, 306. Schulthess, Anna, marries Pestalozzi, 261. Schwegler, on number, 73. on scholasticism, 122, 124. Schwickerath, on the scholastics, 123. on Luther, 183. Science, among ancient Egyptians, 47. instrumental in civilization, 239. monastic opposition to, 116. Science, natural, Neander favors study of, 179. natural, taught in Egypt, 47, 50. of Chinese, 26. Rabelais gives first rank to, 195. Scientific discoveries, results of, 239. Scriptures, Holy, in schools, 217. Secondary schools, in United States, 312. Secular courses of study established, 118. Self-government of students, Trotzendorf introduces, 178, 179. the principle established, 239. Seminar, in Germany, 281. Seneca, compared with Fénelon, 225, 226. education of, 84. pedagogy of, 85. religious sentiment of, 85. suicide of, 85. tutor of Nero, 84. Sense-realism, Innovators advocate, 224, 229. Serapis, temple of, library in, 107, 108. Servants, fourth caste in India, 30. marriage of, 32. Seven liberal arts, 118. basis of school instruction, 127. Seventeenth century, education during, 200-236. Seventh Annual Report of Horace Mann, 287. Shaftesbury, Earl of, friendship with Locke, 221. Shastas, commentary on Vedas, 31. Shrewsbury, school at, 306. Siculus Diodorus, Greek writer, 47. Simultaneous method, inaugurated, 227. Sixteenth century, education of, 164-199. Slavery, abolition of, 238. Slaves, in Athens, 56. in Egypt, 49. in Rome, 77. in Sparta, 68. Sleep of children, Locke's rules regarding, 221. Sobieski, John, checks Mohammedan advance, 144. Social Contract, Rousseau's, 243. Socrates, Athenian philosopher, 56. death of, 62, 63. dialectical methods of, 62. doctrines of, 62. influence of, 18. life and home of, 61. methods of teaching, 62. personal appearance of, 61. religious belief of, 62. Solomon, founder of Hebrew literature, 44. Solon, Athenian lawgiver, 57. _Some Thoughts Concerning Education_, Locke's, 221. Songs, church, 107. _Songs for Mother and Nursery_, Froebel's, 277. Sophists, teachers of grammar, 59. Soröe, Basedow professor at, 251. Sparta, 68-73. coeducation in, 71. contrasted with Athens, 56. criticism of education, 71. history of, 68. home in, 69. Lycurgus, 72, 73. martial training in, 69, 70, 71. physical education in, 16. State control of children, 69, 70, 73. status of woman in, 69-71. tyranny, the spirit of, 56. Spartan education, criticism of, 71. Spelling, phonic method introduced, 189. Spencer, Herbert, on function of education, 217. Spener, Philipp Jakob, originator of Pietism, 231. Stagira, Aristotle founds school at, 65. Stanz, Pestalozzi's school at, 264. State, assumes responsibility of education in Germany, 174. controls citizens in Plato's scheme of education, 64. controls education in Persia, 37, 38. controls education of Spartan children, 70. controls schools in Athens, 60. interest of, aim of oriental education, 91. supervises English schools, 306. supports schools in France, 298. State Board of Education, duties of, 311. established, 286. State school system, in United States, 310. State support of public instruction in American schools, 310. Stettin, first Prussian normal school at, 228. Stoy, Karl Volkmar, establishes practice school at Jena, 281. Strasburg _Gymnasium_, organization of, 175, 176. Sturm, rector of, 175. _Studia inferiora_ and _superiora_ of Jesuit schools, 185. Sturm, Johann, education of, 175. influence of, 177. rector at Strasburg Gymnasium, 175, 176. school course of, 176, 177. Sulphuric acid, Arabians discover, 145. Summer school, in United States school system, 313. Superintendent of schools, duties of, 310, 311. Superstition of Romans, 76. Support of schools, in England, 306. in France, 299. in Germany, 293. in United States, 313. Swinton, on antiquity of Egyptian history, 47. on influence of Egyptian priests, 48. Switzerland, Herbart in, 279. kindergarten in, 276. Talich, Hermann, school course of, 176 _n_. Talmud, extracts from, 45, 46. influence of, 45. on discipline of children, 43. origin of sayings in, 44. Tax for schools, in United States, 313. Taylor, Bayard, on Charles V., Emperor of Germany, 166. on Thirty Years' War, 201. Teachers, in Athens, 58, 59. in China, 23, 24. in Egypt, 49, 50. in England, 235, 307. in France, 300-302. in Germany, 290, 291, 293, 294. in India, 32, 33, 34. in Jesuit schools, 185. in Jewish schools, 43. in Mohammedan schools, 146. in Persia, 38. in United States, 313. professional training of, 163, 170, 188, 228, 235, 280, 294, 307, 313. salaries of, 58, 59, 286, 295, 300-302, 308, 313. tenure of office of, 294, 302, 307, 314. Teacher's Institute, in United States school system, 313. Technical schools, in France, 299. _Telemachus_, Fénelon's, 225. Tenure of office of teachers, in England, 307. in France, 302. in Germany, 294. in United States, 314. Tertullian, birth of, 112. conversion of, 112. founder of Christian Latin literature, 113. joins Montanists, 113. Testament, Greek, Erasmus's translation, 162. Testament, Old, books of, stimulated by prophets, 44. Teutonic nations, leaders in civilization, 103, 149. Text-book, first illustrated, 215. Thales, father of philosophy, 73. Thebes, institution for higher learning at, 50. Theocratic education, of Jews, 40. Theology, in Gymnasium, 293. in Jesuit schools, 185. in schools of rabbis, 44. Thirty Years' War, 201, 212. _Toga virilis_, when assumed, 79. Toulouse, university at, 141. Tours, cloister school at, 118. Township system of education, in United States, 311. Toys, lack of, in China, 23. of Athenian children, 57. of Persians, 57. of Spartans, 69. _Tractate on Education_, Milton's, 217, 218. Tradesmen's castes, in India, 30. Tradespeople, third caste in Egypt, 48. Training school, in United States, 313. Translation, double, for language study, 192. Transmigration of souls, Chinese belief in, 22. Trier, university at, 141. Trigonometry, in Milton's scheme of education, 219. taught by Mohammedans, 145. Trivium, first course in seven liberal arts, 118, 119. Trotzendorf, Valentine, discipline and methods of, 178. life of, 178. pupil of Melanchthon, 178. rector at Goldberg, 178. Tübingen, center of humanistic movement, 153, 159. university at, 141. Twelve Tables, of Roman Law, 76. Undergraduate school, in United States, 312. Understanding, development of, 189. United States, administration of schools, 310. attendance in schools, 311. education in, 309-314. land grants for education, 309, 310. State system, 309, 310. support of schools, 313. teachers, 313, 314. Universal education, advocated by Charlemagne, 128, 131. Universal education, in German schools, 131, 170. Universal German Educational Institute, at Griesheim, 275. Universities, established through scholastic influence, 124. in England, 306. in United States, 312, 313. preparation for, in Germany, 293. privileges granted to, 142. rise of, 139-142. services of, 142. State, in France, 299. Upsala, university at, 141. Vasseur, Thérèse le, wife of Rousseau, 242. Veda, Bible of India, 30. reading lessons from, 33. Vergil, Roman poet, 74. Vespasian, honors Quintilian, 86. Vienna, university established at, 124, 141. Vogel, on errors of _Émile_, 244. Volksschule (common school) in Germany, 292. Voltaire, condemns Jesuit education, 187. on Fénelon, 227. Voluntary schools, in England, 305 _n._, 306. Von Moltke, quoted, 295. Waldenses, reformers in Italy, 165. War, preparation for, chief end of education in Persia, 38. Warens, Madame de, befriends Rousseau, 242. Warriors, education of, 34. marriage of, 32. second caste in India, 30. Weigel, Erhard, founds _Real-school_, 236. Weimar, Duke of, law for compulsory education, 203. Westminster, school at, 306. Williams, Professor, on Comenius's services to pedagogy, 214. on Locke, 223. on Ratke, 209. on Sturm's school course, 176, 177. Winchester, school at, 306. Winship, Mr., on Mann's Seventh Annual Report, 287, 288. Wittenberg, center of humanistic studies, 172. Luther professor at, 168. Women, education of, among Jews, 41. education of, during Charlemagne's reign, 128. education of, in Aristotle's scheme, 67. education of, in Athens, 60. education of, in China, 47. education of, in Egypt, 50. education of, in India, 35. education of, in Persia, 38. education of, in Rome, 80. education of, in Sparta, 71. education of, Rousseau's ideas of, 248. improvement in culture of, 90. Montaigne's contempt for, 198. status of, among Jews, 41, 44. status of, among oriental nations, 90. status of, in Athens, 58. status of, in China, 22, 27. status of, in Egypt, 49, 51. status of, in India, 31, 32, 35. status of, in Persia, 37. status of, in Rome, 76. status of, in Sparta, 69, 71. Working schools, Locke urges establishment of, 222. Writing, during Charlemagne's reign, 128. in Athens, 58. in Chinese schools, 24. in Egypt, 50. in India, 32, 33. in Jewish schools, 43. in monastic education, 119. in Persian schools, 38. in Roman schools, 78. neglected in Sparta, 71. Würtemberg, active in school work, 203. Würzburg, University of, 141. Wuttke, quoted, 34. Wyclif, reformer, 165. Xantippe, wife of Socrates, 61. Xenophon, testimony to Socrates, 62. Yellow Springs, Antioch College at, 288. Yverdon, Froebel at, 274. Pestalozzi's school at, 267, 268. Zeus, Olympian festivals in honor of, 55. Ziller School, 281. Zoroaster, dualistic philosophy of, 39. founder of Persian religion, 39. religion of, in Persia, 37. Zwingli, Swiss reformer, 165. A SYSTEM OF PEDAGOGY By EMERSON E. WHITE, A.M., LL.D. Elements of Pedagogy $1.00 School Management and Moral Training 1.00 Art of Teaching 1.00 By the safe path of experience and in the light of modern psychology the ELEMENTS OF PEDAGOGY points out the limitations of the ordinary systems of school education and shows how their methods may be harmonized and coördinated. The fundamental principles of teaching are expounded in a manner which is both logical and convincing, and such a variety and wealth of pedagogical principles are presented as are seldom to be found in a single text-book. ¶ SCHOOL MANAGEMENT discusses school government and moral training from the standpoint of experience, observation, and study. Avoiding dogmatism, the author carefully states the grounds of his views and suggestions, and freely uses the fundamental facts of mental and moral science. So practical are the applications of principles, and so apt are the concrete illustrations that the book can not fail to be of interest and profit to all teachers, whether experienced or inexperienced. ¶ In the ART OF TEACHING the fundamental principles are presented in a clear and helpful manner, and afterwards applied in methods of teaching that are generic and comprehensive. Great pains has been taken to show the true functions of special methods and to point out their limitations, with a view to prevent teachers from accepting them as general methods and making them hobbies. The book throws a clear light, not only on fundamental methods and processes, but also on oral illustrations, book study, class instruction and management, written examinations and promotions of pupils, and other problems of great importance. AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY STANDARDS IN EDUCATION Including Industrial Training By ARTHUR HENRY CHAMBERLAIN, B.S., A.M., Dean and Professor of Education, Throop Polytechnic Institute. $1.00 The present widespread agitation for a more purposeful curriculum is fully recognized by this work on practical pedagogy. It discusses modern elementary education in a helpful manner, setting forth its acknowledged defects of standard, and presenting suggestions for the introduction of more industrial training. The book is broad in the best sense, and every problem affecting the school and its relation to the outside world is dealt with so simply and convincingly as to be clear to everybody, whether teachers or parents. Only the great issues of education are considered. EDUCATION THROUGH MUSIC By CHARLES HUBERT FARNSWORTH, Adjunct Professor of Music, Teachers College, Columbia University. $1.00 A book for grade teachers which enables them to teach music in their schools with the same ease and success as the ordinary branches of study. Yet it is no less valuable for the music supervisor, the principal, and the superintendent, and it is an excellent text for all schools in which special teachers of music are trained. It is at once a rule, a guide, and an inspiration, and points out the place of music in the general educational scheme. It lays out the work step by step for each year of the elementary school, and never leaves the teacher in doubt on any point. The methods of presentation are applicable to any music course. AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY +-------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Typographical errors corrected in the text: | | | | Page 234 Pedagogism changed to Pedagogium | | Page 319 Questionaire changed to Questionnaire | | Page 340 Mechlenburg changed to Mecklenburg | | Page 346 Schwickrath changed to Schwickerath | | Page 349 Peslalozzi changed to Pestalozzi | +-------------------------------------------------+ 
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16964	----	+------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: Some very obvious typos | | were corrected in this text. For a list please | | see the bottom of the document. | +------------------------------------------------+ WAGE EARNING AND EDUCATION THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION Charles E. Adams, Chairman Thomas G. Fitzsimons Myrta L. Jones Bascom Little Victor W. Sincere Arthur D. Baldwin, Secretary James R. Garfield, Counsel Allen T. Burns, Director THE EDUCATION SURVEY Leonard P. Ayres, Director CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY WAGE EARNING AND EDUCATION BY R.R. LUTZ THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION CLEVELAND · OHIO 1916 COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY THE SURVEY COMMITTEE OF THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION WM. F. FELL CO. PRINTERS PHILADELPHIA FOREWORD This summary volume, entitled "Wage Earning and Education," is one of the 25 sections of the report of the Education Survey of Cleveland conducted by the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation in 1915 and 1916. Copies of all the publications may be obtained from the Cleveland Foundation. They may also be obtained from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. A complete list will be found in the back of this volume, together with prices. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Foreword 5 List of Tables 10 List of Diagrams 12 CHAPTER I. THE INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION SURVEY 13 Types of occupations studied 13 The Survey staff and methods of work 14 II. FORECASTING FUTURE PROBABILITIES 18 The popular concept of industrial education 19 The importance of relative numbers 20 A constructive program must fit the facts 23 An actuarial basis for industrial education 24 III. THE WAGE EARNERS OF CLEVELAND 25 IV. THE FUTURE WAGE EARNERS OF CLEVELAND 29 The public schools 29 Ages of pupils 32 Education at the time of leaving school 34 V. INDUSTRIAL TRAINING FOR BOYS IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS 38 What the boys in school will do 40 Organization and costs 44 What the elementary schools can do 45 VI. THE JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL 47 Specialized training not practicable 48 A general industrial course 49 Industrial mathematics 52 Mechanical Drawing 54 Industrial science 55 Shop work 56 Vocational information 58 VII. TRADE TRAINING DURING THE LAST YEARS IN SCHOOL 60 The technical high schools 62 A two-year trade course 66 VIII. TRADE-PREPARATORY AND TRADE-EXTENSION TRAINING FOR BOYS AND MEN AT WORK 69 Continuation training from 15 to 18 74 The technical night schools 76 A combined program of continuation and trade-extension training 80 IX. VOCATIONAL TRAINING FOR GIRLS 83 Differentiation in the junior high school 86 Specialized training for the sewing trades 88 Other occupations 90 X. VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE 92 The work of the vocational counselor 92 The Girls' Vocation Bureau 94 XI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 97 SUMMARIES OF SPECIAL REPORTS XII. BOYS AND GIRLS IN COMMERCIAL WORK 101 A general view of commercial work 106 Bookkeeping 108 Stenography 108 Clerks' positions 109 Wages and regularity of employment 110 The problem of training 111 XIII. DEPARTMENT STORE OCCUPATIONS 115 Department stores 115 Neighborhood stores 116 Five and ten cent stores 117 Wages 118 Regularity of employment 122 Opportunities for advancement 123 The problem of training 124 Character of the instruction 129 XIV. THE GARMENT TRADES 131 Characteristics of the working force 132 Earnings 135 Regularity of employment 139 Training and promotion 140 Educational needs 143 Sewing courses in the public schools 145 Elective sewing courses in the junior high school 147 A one year trade course for girls 148 Trade extension training 149 XV. DRESSMAKING AND MILLINERY 151 Dressmaking 151 Millinery 153 The problem of training 156 XVI. THE METAL TRADES 158 Foundry and machine shop products 159 Automobile manufacturing 169 Steel works, rolling mills, and related industries 170 XVII. THE BUILDING TRADES 173 Sources of labor supply 173 Apprenticeship 174 Union organization 176 Earnings 176 Hours 178 Regularity of employment 179 Health conditions 179 Opportunities for advancement 180 The problem of training 181 XVIII. RAILROAD AND STREET TRANSPORTATION 187 Railroad transportation 187 Motor and wagon transportation 192 Street railroad transportation 193 XIX. THE PRINTING TRADES 195 The composing room 198 The pressroom 201 The bindery 203 Other occupations 204 The problem of training 206 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. Occupational distribution of the working population of Cleveland 26 2. Nativity of the working population in Cleveland 27 3. Pupils enrolled in the different grades of the public day schools in June, 1915 30 4. Enrollment of high school pupils, second semester, 1914-15 31 5. Ages of pupils enrolled in public elementary, high, and normal schools in June, 1915 33 6. Educational equipment of the children who drop out of the public schools each year, as indicated by the grades from which they leave 35 7. Per cent of total male working population engaged in specified occupations, 1900 and 1910 40 8. Distribution of native born men between the ages of 21 and 45 in the principal occupational groups 41 9. Distribution of third and fourth year students in trade courses in the Cleveland technical high schools, first semester, 1915-16 63 10. Distribution by occupations of Cleveland's technical school graduates 64 11. Time allotment in the apprentice course given by the Warner and Swasey Company, Cleveland 70 12. Course and number enrolled in the technical night schools, January, 1915 77 13. Per cent of total population engaged in gainful occupations during three different age periods 84 14. Number employed in the principal wage earning occupations among each 1,000 women from 16 to 21 years of age 85 15. Per cent of women employees over 18 years of age earning $12 a week and over 120 16. Wages for full-time working week, women's clothing, Cleveland, 1915 139 17. Average wages for full-time working week for similar workers, in men's and women's clothing, Cleveland, 1915 139 18. Proportions and estimated numbers employed in machine tool occupations, 1915 161 19. Average, highest, and lowest earnings, in cents per hour, and per cent employed on piece work and day work, 1915 162 20. Estimated time required to learn machine tool work 164 21. Average earnings per hour in pattern making, molding, core making, blacksmithing, and boiler making 166 22. Estimated number of men engaged in building trades, 1915 174 23. Union regulations as to entering age of apprentice 175 24. Union regulations as to length of apprenticeship period 175 25. Union scale of wages in cents per hour, May 1, 1915 177 26. Usual weekly wages of apprentices in three building trades 178 27. Average daily earnings of job and newspaper composing room workers, 1915 199 28. Average daily earnings of pressroom workers, 1915 202 29. Average daily earnings of bindery workers, 1915 203 30. Average daily earnings in photoengraving, stereotyping, electrotyping, and lithographing occupations, 1915 205 LIST OF DIAGRAMS DIAGRAM PAGE 1. Boys and girls under 18 years of age in office work 103 2. Men and women 18 years of age and over in clerical and administrative work in offices 104 3. Per cent of women earning each class of weekly wages in each of six occupations 119 4. Per cent of salesmen and of men clerical workers in stores, receiving each class of weekly wage 121 5. Per cent of male workers in non-clerical positions in six industries earning $18 per week and over 122 6. Per cent that the average number of women employed during the year is of the highest number employed in each of six industries 123 7. Distribution of 8,337 clothing workers by sex in the principal occupations in the garment industry 134 8. Percentage of women in men's and women's clothing and seven other important women employing industries receiving under $8, $8 to $12, and $12 and over per week 136 9. Percentage of men in men's and women's clothing and seven other manufacturing industries receiving under $18, $18 to $25, and $25 and over per week 138 10. Average number of unemployed among each 100 workers, men's clothing, women's clothing, and fifteen other specified industries 141 11. Percentages of unemployment in each of nine building industries 180 12. Number of men in each 100 in printing and five other industries earning each class of weekly wage 196 13. Number of women in each 100 in printing and six other industries earning each class of weekly wage 198 WAGE EARNING AND EDUCATION CHAPTER I THE INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION SURVEY The education survey of Cleveland was undertaken in April, 1915, at the invitation of the Cleveland Board of Education and the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, and continued until June, 1916. As a part of the work detailed studies were made of the leading industries of the city for the purpose of determining what measures should be taken by the public school system to prepare young people for wage-earning occupations and to provide supplementary trade instruction for those already in employment. The studies also dealt with all forms of vocational education conducted at that time under public school auspices. TYPES OF OCCUPATIONS STUDIED Separate studies were made of the metal industry, building and construction, printing and publishing, railroad and street transportation, clothing manufacture, department store work, and clerical occupations. The wage-earners in these fields of employment constitute nearly 60 per cent of the total number of persons engaged in gainful occupations and include 95 per cent of the skilled workmen in the city. The survey also gave considerable attention to the various types of semi-skilled work found in the principal industries. Each separate study was assigned to a particular member of the Survey Staff who personally carried on the field investigations and later submitted a report to the director of the survey. Each report was also subjected to careful analysis and criticism from other members of the Survey Staff before it was finally passed upon by the Survey Committee. Mimeographed copies were sent to representatives of the industry and to the superintendent of schools and members of the school board and their criticisms and suggestions were given careful consideration before the Committee and the director of the survey gave their final approval to the publication of the report. The value of the work was greatly enhanced through the ample discussion of the different studies from widely diverse points of view secured in this way. The industrial studies were carried through under the direction of the author of this summary volume. THE SURVEY STAFF AND METHODS OF WORK The reports of the studies relating to vocational education were published in a series of eight separate monograph volumes. The names of the reports and the previous experience in educational and investigational work of each member of the Survey Staff are as follows: "Boys and Girls in Commercial Work"--Bertha M. Stevens; teacher in elementary and secondary schools; agent of Associated Charities; secretary of Consumers' League of Ohio; director of Girls' Bureau of Cleveland; author of "Women's Work in Cleveland"; co-author of "Commercial Work and Training for Girls." "Department Store Occupations"--Iris P. O'Leary; head of manual training department, First Pennsylvania Normal School; head of vocational work for girls and women, New Bedford Industrial School; head of girls' department, Boardman Apprentice Shops, New Haven, Conn.; special investigator of department stores for New York State Factory Investigating Commission; three years' trade experience as employer and employee; author of books on household arts and department stores; Special Assistant for Vocational Education, State Department of Public Instruction, New Jersey. "The Garment Trades" and "Dressmaking and Millinery"--Edna Bryner; teacher in grades, high school, and state normal college; eugenic research worker New Jersey State Hospital; statistical expert in United States Bureau of Labor Investigation of women and child labor; statistical agent United States Post Office Department; Special Agent Russell Sage Foundation. "The Building Trades," and "The Printing Trades"--Frank L. Shaw; teacher in grades and high school; principal of high school; assistant superintendent of schools; superintendent of schools; special agent United States Immigration Commission; special agent United States Census; industrial secretary North American Civic League for Immigrants; author of reports on immigration legislation. "The Metal Trades"--R.R. Lutz; teacher in rural and graded schools; superintendent of schools; secretary of Department of Education of Porto Rico; took part in school surveys of Greenwich, Conn., Bridgeport, Conn., Springfield, Ill., Richmond, Va.; Special Agent Division of Education, Russell Sage Foundation. "Railroad and Street Transportation"--Ralph D. Fleming; special agent and investigator for United States Immigration Commission, the Federal Census of Manufacturers, the United States Tariff Board, the Minimum Wage Commission of Massachusetts, the National Civic Federation, and the United States Commission on Industrial Relations. The work began in April, 1915, and ended in the same month of the following year. Two members of the staff, with one stenographer and a clerk, were employed during the entire period. One member of the staff was employed 11 months, one nine months, one approximately five months, and one two months. The field investigations consisted largely of visits to industrial establishments for the purpose of securing first-hand information as to industrial conditions and the nature and educational content of particular occupations. Over 400 visits of this kind were made by members of the Survey Staff. Many conferences were held with employers and employees with the object of securing their views as to the needs and possibilities of industrial training. The task of tabulating and classifying the data obtained by the individual investigators in their visits to the local industrial establishments involved much time and labor. Although it was not found practicable to maintain complete uniformity in the different inquiries, the members of the staff kept in close touch with each other, so that with respect to the points of principal importance, the results of their investigations are comparable. Practically every recommendation made in the reports was discussed in conferences with school principals and with other members of the teaching force engaged in the teaching of vocational subjects. Throughout the survey the objective held constantly in mind was the formulation of a constructive program of vocational training in the public schools. In outlining the field of inquiry a clear distinction was drawn between those kinds of general education which have a more or less indirect vocational significance, and vocational training for specific occupations in which the controlling purpose is direct preparation for wage-earning. The studies were purposely limited to this latter type of vocational training. The survey did not concern itself with manual training conducted for general educational ends, with the art work of the schools, or with courses in domestic science and household arts. These subjects in the curriculum were dealt with in different sections of the education survey, but were considered as being outside the legitimate field of the vocational survey. CHAPTER II FORECASTING FUTURE PROBABILITIES The industrial education survey of Cleveland differs from other studies conducted elsewhere in that it bases its educational program on a careful study of the probable future occupational distribution of the young people now in school. It does not claim to foretell the specific positions that individual boys and girls will hold when they are adults but it does claim very definitely that our safest guide in foretelling their future vocational distribution is to be found in the official figures of the present occupational census of the city. One of the most familiar and time-worn platitudes of educational speakers and writers is that "The children of today are the citizens of tomorrow." In the field of industrial education it is quite as true that the school children of today are the workers of tomorrow. Moreover, since occupational distributions change but slowly even in these modern times, it is unquestionably true that the boys and girls now studying in the public schools will soon be scattered among the different gainful occupations of Cleveland's industrial, commercial, and professional life in just about the same proportions as their fathers and mothers and brothers and sisters are now distributed. The plan of the survey in advocating types of present preparation based on studies of future prospects seems at first sight so obvious a mode of procedure as hardly to warrant extended explanation. This is far from being the case. The reader who proposes to follow the working-out of the principle and to scrutinize the evidence underlying it must be prepared to scan many a detailed table of statistics and to arrive at most unforeseen conclusions. THE POPULAR CONCEPT OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION For many years past the public has given respectful attention to the arguments of the champions of industrial education. There has been general assent to the proposition that the schools should train for and not away from the industrial age in which we live. We have come to think of the carpenter shop, the machine shop, the forge shop, and the cooking room as necessary and desirable adjuncts of the modern school and to our minds these shops have typified industrial education. All of these have come to be almost synonymous with progressive thought and action in public education. Very generally it has been felt that the problems of industrial education were to be solved through the wider extension of these shop facilities in our public schools. When these familiar generalizations are submitted to careful analysis their whole structure begins to totter. In Cleveland about 3,700 boys leave school each year and go to work. They represent various stages of advancement from the 4th grade of the elementary school to the 4th year of the high school. They are scattered through more than 100 school buildings. The problem of industrial education is to give these boys with their differing ages, their widely varied school preparation, and their scattered geographical distribution, the best possible preparation for taking their places in the work-a-day world. They represent every grade of intelligence, every stratum of social and economic life, and it is extremely difficult to bring them together for instructional purposes. They are scattered in little groups through more than a thousand classrooms. THE IMPORTANCE OF RELATIVE NUMBERS Now it is possible to foretell with some certainty what these young people will be doing a few years from now. Almost all of them are of American birth and it is certain that in a few years they will be engaged in doing just about the same sorts of work as are now done in the city of Cleveland by adults of American birth. The data of the United States Census of Occupations show us that among every 100 American born men in Cleveland there are eight who are clerks, seven who are machinists, four who are salesmen, and so on through the list of hundreds of occupations. The number of American born men in each 100 engaged in each of the 10 leading sorts of occupations is approximately as follows: Clerks 8 Machinists 7 Salesmen 4 Laborers and porters 4 Retail dealers 4 Draymen, teamsters, etc. 4 Bookkeepers 3 Carpenters 3 Commercial travelers 2 Manufacturers 2 ---- 41 This simple list at once calls into question all the standard assumptions about the extension of industrial education depending on greatly increasing the number of carpenter shops and machine shops in the public schools. The figures show that among each 100 American born men in Cleveland only seven are machinists and only three are carpenters. Clearly we should not be justified in training all the boys in our public schools to enter the machinist's trade or the carpenter's trade when nine out of each 10 will in all probability engage in entirely different sorts of future work. The more the figures of the little table given above are studied, the clearer it appears that our conventional ideas about industrial education need critical scrutiny and careful challenge. These 10 leading occupations include only 41 out of each 100 American born men. Moreover, more than half of these 41 are engaged in mental work rather than in manual work. From these considerations one definite conclusion inevitably emerges. It is that the safest guide for thinking and planning for industrial education is to be found in a study of the occupational distribution of the present adults. From the very outset such a study indicates that the most difficult and important problems which must be met and coped with are not those relating to methods of instruction but rather those of organization and administration. The future carpenters and machinists cannot be taught until we can get them together in fair sized classes. They represent the most numerous of the industrial groups and yet their numbers are relatively so few that the average Cleveland school sends out into the world each year only two or three future machinists and perhaps one future carpenter. The trouble with present thinking about this matter has been that we have noted the very large numbers of machinists and carpenters in the population and have failed to realize that while these groups are numerous in the aggregate they are after all quite small when relatively considered and compared with the total number of workers. Another important fact that has been almost invariably overlooked is that many of the present carpenters and machinists are foreigners by birth and that there is every prospect that this same condition will maintain in the future. Hence these trades and most other industrial occupations are not recruited from our public schools to anything like the degree that has been assumed. A CONSTRUCTIVE PROGRAM MUST FIT THE FACTS The simple principle which underlies the method employed by the survey is the same on which all large business undertakings are conducted. The results of its application in the field of industrial education are, however, fundamentally different from those commonly arrived at on the assumption that nine-tenths of the rising generation will earn their living in industrial pursuits. The fact is that no such proportion of the children in school will become industrial workers. All the native born labor now employed in manufacturing and mechanical industries constitutes only 44 per cent of the total number of native born workers in the city. Moreover, nearly half of the industrial workers are employed in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations for which no training is required beyond a few days' or weeks' practice on the job. Such training calls for a mechanical equipment far more extensive than the resources of the school system can provide, and can be given by the factory more effectively and much more cheaply than by the schools. In the final analysis, the problem of industrial training narrows down to the skilled industrial trades. Approximately 22 per cent of the total number of American workers in the city are employed in skilled manual occupations. This does not mean that a constructive program of industrial education would affect 22 per cent of the present school enrollment. All the weight of educational opinion and experience is on the side of excluding the children of the lower and middle age groups as too young to profit by any sort of industrial training, while the evidence collected by the survey goes to show that of the remainder less than one-fifth of the girls and one-fourth of the boys are likely to become skilled industrial workers. AN ACTUARIAL BASIS FOR INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION Considerations like the foregoing have determined the fundamental method of the Cleveland Industrial Survey. Plans for the present generation have been formulated on the basis of future prospects as foretold by state and federal census data. The methods used were characterized by a member of the Cleveland Foundation Survey Committee as "the actuarial basis of vocational education." This is accurately descriptive, because the method of forecasting the number of men the community will need for each wage-earning occupation closely resembles that employed by life insurance actuaries in foretelling how long men of different ages are likely to live. Such methods are similar to those commonly used in commerce and industry. They deal with mass data rather than with individual figures, and with relative values rather than with absolute ones. CHAPTER III THE WAGE EARNERS OF CLEVELAND In 1910 Cleveland ranked sixth among the cities of the United States as to number of inhabitants, with a population of approximately 561,000. The city is growing rapidly. From 1900 to 1910 the increase in the total number of inhabitants was over 46 per cent. The Census Bureau estimate of the population in 1914 is approximately 639,000. Of the 10 largest cities in the country only one--Detroit--had in 1910 a greater proportion of its wage earners engaged in industrial employment than Cleveland. Relatively Cleveland has one and one-fourth times as many industrial workers as New York, Chicago, St. Louis, or Baltimore, and one and two-fifths times as many as Boston. On the other hand a smaller proportion of the adult workers of the city earn their living in professional, clerical, and commercial work, or in domestic and personal service employments than in most large cities. Table 1 shows by large occupational groups the distribution in 1910 of the working population in Cleveland. The classification is that adopted by the federal census. More than 56 per cent of the male workers of the city and about 33 per cent of the women workers were engaged in manufacturing and mechanical occupations. The trade group ranks next, about 14 per cent of the men and approximately 11 per cent of the women being engaged in commercial occupations. Of each 100 women in employment 30 are servants, laundresses, housekeepers, or are engaged in some other form of personal service, while only five men of each 100 earn their living in this kind of work. Railroad and street transportation, with the telegraph and telephone and mail systems of communication, requires the services of 11 per cent of the male working population, but uses very few women. About seven per cent of the men and 15 per cent of the women are employed in clerical work. A slightly larger ratio of women to men is found in the professional occupations, due mainly to the large number of women in the teaching profession. The whole professional group constitutes less than five per cent of the total working population. TABLE 1.--OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE WORKING POPULATION OF CLEVELAND, CENSUS OF OCCUPATIONS, 1910 ----------------------------------------+---------+--------+--------- Occupational group | Men | Women | Total ----------------------------------------+---------+--------+--------- Manufacturing and mechanical industries | 109,644 | 18,201 | 127,845 Trade | 27,229 | 5,942 | 33,171 Domestic and personal service | 9,546 | 16,467 | 26,063 Transportation | 21,530 | 1,110 | 22,640 Clerical occupations | 14,047 | 8,100 | 22,147 Professional service | 7,204 | 4,869 | 12,073 Public service | 3,461 | 39 | 3,500 Agricultural and extraction of minerals | 1,367 | 80 | 1,447 ----------------------------------------+---------+--------+--------- Total | 194,078 | 54,808 | 248,886 ----------------------------------------+---------+--------+--------- From the standpoint of vocational training one of the most striking facts about Cleveland wage-earners is that a large majority of them are not Clevelanders. Almost exactly half of the men in gainful employment were born outside the United States and, due to the rapid growth of the city, there has been a considerable influx of workers from the surrounding country in recent years, so that a large proportion even of the American working population was born, brought up, and educated in some other place. The number and per cent of foreign born, of foreign or mixed parentage but born in this country, and of native parentage is shown in Table 2. TABLE 2.--NATIVITY OF THE WORKING POPULATION IN CLEVELAND. U.S. CENSUS, 1910 ----------------------------+-------------------+----------------- | Men | Women +--------+----------+--------+-------- Nativity | Number | Per cent | Number |Per cent ----------------------------+--------+----------+--------+-------- Foreign born | 96,291 | 50 | 16,673 | 31 Foreign or mixed parentage | 55,074 | 28 | 24,275 | 44 Native parentage | 42,713 | 22 | 13,860 | 25 ----------------------------+--------+----------+--------+-------- Total |194,078 | 100 | 54,808 | 100 ----------------------------+--------+----------+--------+-------- More than three-fourths are foreign or of foreign or mixed parentage. The proportion of those born in this country of American parentage is approximately the same for both sexes, but the number of women workers of mixed parentage is relatively much larger than among the men. Roughly, of each 10 men employed in gainful occupations, five, and of each 10 working women, three, were born abroad. The large proportion of foreigners in the trades has an important bearing on the problem of vocational training. Some of the skilled occupations are monopolized by foreign labor to such an extent that they offer a very limited field of employment for native workmen. Cabinet making, tailoring, molding, blacksmithing, baking, and shoe making, are examples. Some of these trades have practically ceased to recruit from American labor. This condition has to be constantly borne in mind in planning training courses to prepare boys for the skilled trades, because of the marked disparity which often exists between the size of a trade and the field of opportunity it presents for boys of native birth. CHAPTER IV THE FUTURE WAGE-EARNERS OF CLEVELAND In 1915 there were in Cleveland approximately 50,000 boys between the ages of six and 15, and 56,000 girls between the ages of six and 16, the age period during which school attendance is required by law. Of these 106,000 children approximately 37,000 boys and 38,000 girls were enrolled in the public schools. Exact data as to those attending private and parochial schools are not available. The total enrollment in such schools has been variously estimated as between 25,000 and 30,000. THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS The public school system in 1915 enrolled approximately 82,000 children of all ages, of whom about half were boys and half girls. They are taught in 98 elementary schools and 10 high schools. The elementary course comprises eight grades. At the beginning of the school year 1915-16 two junior high schools were opened for pupils of the seventh and eighth grades. It is to be expected that this plan will soon be extended throughout the city, so that the enrollment in elementary schools will be made up of pupils of the first six grades only. The distribution by grade is given in Table 3. The kindergarten grades and the special ungraded classes are omitted. TABLE 3.--PUPILS ENROLLED IN THE DIFFERENT GRADES OF THE PUBLIC DAY SCHOOLS IN JUNE, 1915 -------------------+-------------------- Grade | Pupils -------------------+-------------------- 1 | 13,108 2 | 10,857 3 | 10,562 4 | 9,323 5 | 8,902 6 | 7,259 7 | 6,429 8 | 4,903 | I | 3,122 II | 2,100 III | 1,534 IV | 1,399 -------------------+-------------------- About 77 per cent of the children are enrolled in the grades below the seventh, about 13 per cent in the seventh and eighth grades, a little over six per cent in the first two years of the high school, and less than three and one-half per cent in the third and fourth. There are eight academic high schools, two technical high schools, and two commercial high schools. The technical high schools are steadily growing in favor. The registration of boys in these schools increased about 33 per cent from 1913 to 1915, and of girls about 77 per cent. During the same period the registration of boys in the academic high schools decreased slightly, while the increase of girl students was only eight per cent; in the commercial high schools the number of girl students increased 20 per cent, while the enrollment of boys fell off more than 10 per cent. The enrollment by individual schools is shown in Table 4. TABLE 4.--ENROLLMENT OF HIGH SCHOOL PUPILS, SECOND SEMESTER, 1914-1915 ----------------------------------+-----------------------------+ | Enrollment | Schools +---------+---------+---------+ | Boys | Girls | Total | ----------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+ | | | | Academic high schools | | | | Central | 804 | 711 | 1,515 | East | 607 | 688 | 1,295 | Glenville | 405 | 611 | 1,016 | West | 246 | 377 | 623 | Lincoln | 277 | 329 | 606 | South | 213 | 238 | 451 | | | | | Total | 2,552 | 2,954 | 5,506 | ----------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+ | | | | Technical high schools | | | | East Technical | 1,161 | 548 | 1,709 | West Technical | 515 | 242 | 757 | | | | | Total | 1,676 | 790 | 2,466 | ----------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+ | | | | Commercial high schools | | | | West Commercial | 249 | 528 | 777 | East Commercial | 49 | 96 | 145 | | | | | Total | 298 | 624 | 922 | ----------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+ | | | | All high schools | 4,526 | 4,368 | 8,894 | | | | | ----------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+ About three-eighths of the high school pupils of the city are in the technical and commercial schools. Of the boys 56 per cent are enrolled in the academic high schools, 37 per cent in the technical schools, and seven per cent in the commercial schools. Of the girls 68 per cent attend the academic high schools, 18 per cent the technical schools, and 14 per cent the commercial schools. In the commercial high school approximately two-thirds of the enrollment is made up of girls. In the technical high schools the opposite condition prevails, the girls constituting less than one-third of the total enrollment, while in the academic high schools the girls outnumber the boys by nearly one-sixth. AGES OF PUPILS The distribution as to ages is shown in Table 5. The largest group is made up of children seven years old. Between 14 and 15 over 30 per cent leave school. The loss from 16 to 17 is approximately 43 per cent, from 17 to 18 about 44 per cent, and from 18 to 19 nearly 62 per cent. The compulsory attendance law requires boys to attend school until they are 15 and girls until they are 16. That the law is not adequately enforced is demonstrated by the heavy loss between the ages of 14 and 15, and the fact that the loss between 15 and 16 is approximately the same for both boys and girls, although girls are required to attend one year longer than boys. Additional evidence as to the laxity in the enforcement of the compulsory law is found in the results of an inquiry conducted by the Consumers' League of Cleveland in the spring of 1916, in cooperation with the survey. TABLE 5.--AGES OF PUPILS ENROLLED IN PUBLIC ELEMENTARY, HIGH, AND NORMAL SCHOOLS IN JUNE, 1915 ------------------------------------------------- Age | Boys | Girls | Total -------------+-----------+-----------+----------- 6 | 4,255 | 4,180 | 8,435 7 | 5,012 | 4,815 | 9,827 8 | 4,496 | 4,407 | 8,903 9 | 4,268 | 4,103 | 8,371 10 | 4,093 | 3,951 | 8,044 | | | 11 | 3,747 | 3,593 | 7,340 12 | 3,700 | 3,646 | 7,346 13 | 3,676 | 3,631 | 7,307 14 | 3,445 | 3,271 | 6,716 15 | 2,358 | 2,291 | 4,649 | | | 16 | 1,190 | 1,163 | 2,353 17 | 672 | 680 | 1,352 18 | 403 | 358 | 761 19 | 135 | 156 | 291 20 | 41 | 52 | 93 | | | Over 20 | ... | 22 | 22 -------------+-----------+-----------+----------- Total | 41,491 | 40,319 | 81,810 ------------------------------------------------- An attempt was made to follow up the cases of all the children who had left one public elementary school during the period of one year preceding the study. The work was done by the case method and the homes of the children were visited. The total number of cases studied was 117, of whom 89 were girls. It was found that one-third of these children had graduated and gone on to high school. Another third had gone to work, and of these, 40 per cent had done so without graduating. The children constituting the remaining third were staying at home, and among these a majority had dropped out without graduating. Of the eighth grade graduates one-half were found to be illegally employed, as they were less than 16 years of age. Among those who dropped out and went to work before completing the course 80 per cent were illegally employed. The fact that many girls drop out without graduating and before the end of the legal attendance period and remain at home indicates that most of them do not leave on account of financial necessity. This conclusion is substantiated by the testimony of the girls and their parents, many of whom say that the girls left simply because they grew tired of attending and did not see the value of remaining. These facts point to the necessity for much more effective work in enforcing the compulsory attendance laws, for far better inspection of shops and factories to detect violations of the child labor laws, and above all to such a reform of the schooling opportunities provided for older girls as will make them and their parents see the value of securing the advantages of the training provided. EDUCATION AT THE TIME OF LEAVING SCHOOL About 3,700 boys and an approximately equal number of girls drop out of the public schools each year. Most of the boys and a considerable number of the girls enter wage-earning at once. Their educational equipment at the time of leaving school is indicated in Table 6. TABLE 6.--EDUCATIONAL EQUIPMENT OF THE CHILDREN WHO DROP OUT OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS EACH YEAR, AS INDICATED BY THE GRADES FROM WHICH THEY LEAVE --------------+--------------------- Grade | Number leaving --------------+--------------------- 4 | 70 5 | 440 6 | 960 7 | 1260 8 | 1630 | I | 890 II | 590 III | 150 IV | 1410 --------------+--------------------- Total | 7400 --------------+--------------------- Slightly less than one-fifth finish the high school course. Nearly three-fifths drop out before entering the high school, and approximately three-eighths before reaching the eighth grade. Under the present compulsory attendance law a boy who enters school at the age of six and afterwards advances at the rate of one grade per year until the end of the compulsory attendance period should cover nine grades--eight in the elementary school and one in high school--by the time he is 15 years old. In actual fact, however, only about two-fifths get any high school training. Nearly all of the rest take the eight to nine years' attendance required by law to complete eight, seven, six, or even a smaller number of grades. It is from this body of pupils that most of the wage-earners are recruited. In the course of the survey several investigations were made for the purpose of finding out what educational preparation workers in various industries had received. One of the most extensive of these was conducted in connection with the study of the printing industry. Educationally the printing trades rank higher than most other factory occupations, yet the average journeyman printer possesses less than a complete elementary education. Composing-room employees, such as compositors, linotypers, stonemen, proof-readers, etc., undoubtedly stand at the head of the skilled trades as to educational training, but it was found that only eight per cent were high school graduates. Six per cent had left school before reaching the seventh grade, and 16 per cent before reaching the eighth grade. The other departments of the printing industry made a much less favorable showing. An investigation conducted by the Survey in the spring of 1915, covering 5,000 young people at work under 21 years of age, indicated that only about 13 per cent of these young workers had received any high school training and that less than four per cent had completed a high school course. Over one-fifth reported the sixth grade as the last completed before leaving school, and nearly half had dropped out before completing the elementary course. Less than seven per cent of the boys engaged in industrial pursuits had received any high school training and only 42 per cent had got beyond the seventh grade. The educational preparation of the boys engaged in commercial and clerical occupations was somewhat better, nearly 22 per cent having attended high school one year or more; about one-half had left school after completing the eighth grade and nearly one-third had not completed the elementary course. These facts have a vital relation to the problem of vocational training. If the great majority of the children who will later enter wage-earning occupations do not remain in school beyond the end of the compulsory attendance period, and in addition over half fail to complete even the elementary course, vocational training, to reach them at all, must begin not later than the seventh grade, and if possible, before the pupils reach the age of 14. CHAPTER V INDUSTRIAL TRAINING FOR BOYS IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS In Chapter III the distribution of the wage-earners of the city was outlined, mainly for the purpose of establishing a basis on which to make a forecast of the future occupations of the children in the public schools. Such a forecast is essential as the preliminary step in any plan of vocational training to be carried out during the school period, for the reason that without it a clear understanding of the principal factors of the problem is impossible. The kinds of vocational training needed by children in school, and how and where such training should be given, must always depend in the first instance on what they are going to do when they grow up. The average elementary school in Cleveland enrolls between 350 and 400 boys. When they leave school these boys will scatter into many different kinds of work. With respect to the future vocations of the pupils, the average school represents in a sense a cross section of the occupational activities of the city. It contains a certain number of recruits for each of the principal types of wage-earning pursuits. A few of the boys will later enter professional life; many will take up some sort of clerical work; a still larger number will be employed in commercial occupations; and the largest group of all will become wage-earners in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits. The future occupation cannot be foretold accurately with respect to any particular boy, but we do know that, whatever their individual tastes and abilities, the boys must finally engage in activities similar to those in which the adult born native male population is engaged, and in approximately the same proportions. We do not know, for example, whether Johnny Jones will become a doctor or a carpenter, but we do know that of each 1,000 boys in the public schools about seven will become doctors and about 25 will become carpenters, because for many years about those proportions of the boys of native birth in Cleveland have become doctors and carpenters. One of the most impressive facts which comes to light in the study of occupational statistics is the constancy in these proportions. The business of any community requires certain kinds of work to be performed and the relative amount of work required and consequently the relative number of workers vary but slightly over a long period of time. This principle is illustrated in a striking way by the list of occupations selected at random presented in Table 7, showing the number of persons engaged in the occupations specified among each 100 male workers at two successive census years. TABLE 7--PER CENT OF TOTAL MALE WORKING POPULATION ENGAGED IN SPECIFIED OCCUPATIONS, 1900 AND 1910 ----------------------------+--------------------- | Per cent of total Occupation | working population +----------+---------- | 1900 | 1910 ----------------------------+----------+---------- Machinists | 4.7 | 5.8 Saloon keepers | 1.1 | .7 Tailors | 2.1 | 1.7 Commercial travelers | .8 | 1.1 Lawyers | .5 | .4 Barbers | .8 | .7 Bakers | .6 | .5 Physicians | .6 | .5 Carpenters | 3.4 | 3.3 Cabinet makers | .5 | .4 Plumbers | .9 | .9 Stenographers and typists | .3 | .3 ----------------------------+----------+---------- With the exception of plumbers and stenographers there was either an increase or a decrease from 1900 to 1910 in the relative number employed in each of these occupations. In only one occupation, however, that of machinist, did the change amount to as much as one per cent. In all the others the shift during the decade was less than one-half of one per cent, and in more than three-fifths of them it did not exceed one-tenth of one per cent of the total number of male workers. WHAT THE BOYS IN SCHOOL WILL DO The figures in this table, presented for illustrative purposes, do not accurately represent the proportions of boys now attending the public schools who are likely to enter the occupations named, because they do not take into account the fact that a considerable number of the workers in Cleveland came to this country after they reached adult manhood and that a disproportionate number of these foreign born workers enter the industrial occupations. For this reason the total adult working population is not strictly comparable with the school enrollment, which is approximately nine-tenths native born. When the boys in the public schools grow up they will be distributed among the different trades, professions, and industries in about the same proportions as are the American born men in the city at the present time. This distribution is shown for the different occupational groups in Table 8. TABLE 8.--DISTRIBUTION OF NATIVE BORN MEN BETWEEN THE AGES OF 21 AND 45 IN THE PRINCIPAL OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS Approximate Occupational group per cent Manufacturing and mechanical occupations 44 Commercial occupations 20 Clerical occupations 16 Transportation occupations 11 Domestic and personal service occupations 5 Professional occupations 3 Public service occupations 1 ---- Total 100 The figures in the column at the right of the table represent the number of native born men between the ages of 21 and 45 among each hundred native born male inhabitants engaged in the occupations comprehended in the various groups. In the case of the industrial group the figure is too high, as the census data relative to the distribution of foreign and native born include all ages, and there is a smaller proportion of American born adult men employed in industry than is found in the lower age groups. Extensive computations have shown, however, that the inaccuracies due to this cause are not serious enough to affect the use of the figures for our purpose. Let us now consider what these proportions mean in establishing vocational courses to prepare boys for wage-earning pursuits. The future expectations of the boys in a large elementary school enrolling say 1,000 pupils of both sexes would be about as follows: _Number of boys who will enter_ Manufacturing and mechanical occupations 220 Commercial occupations 100 Clerical occupations 80 Transportation occupations 55 Domestic and personal service occupations 25 Professional occupations 15 Public service occupations 5 ---- Total 500 This distribution includes all pupils, from the beginners in the first grade to the older boys in the seventh and eighth grades. It is certain, however, that differentiated instruction for vocational purposes is not possible or advisable for the younger children. According to the commonly accepted view among educators, vocational training should not be undertaken before the age of 12 years, and many believe that this is too early. In an elementary school of 1,000 pupils there would be about 80 boys 12 years old and over. Applying to this number the ratios given in the previous table we obtain the following: _Number of boys who will enter_ Manufacturing and mechanical occupations 35 Commercial occupations 16 Clerical occupations 13 Transportation occupations 9 Domestic and personal service occupations 4 Professional occupations 2 Public service occupations 1 --- Total 80 The industrial group includes all of the skilled trades and most of the semi-skilled and unskilled manual occupations. The skilled trades are usually grouped in four main classifications: metal trades, building trades, printing trades, and "other" trades, these last comprising a number of small trades in each of which relatively few men are employed. With respect to their future occupations the 35 boys in the industrial group are likely to be distributed about as follows: _Number of boys who will enter_ Metal trades 8 Building trades 7 Printing trades 1 Other trades 2 Semi-skilled and unskilled industrial occupations 17 --- 35 The analysis can be carried still further, for these trade groups are by no means homogeneous. The building trades, for example, include over 20 distinct trades, a number of which have little in common with the others as to methods of work and technical content. ORGANIZATION AND COSTS At this point it becomes necessary to take cognizance of certain administrative factors which have a marked bearing on the problem. They relate to the organization of classes in elementary schools and the cost of teaching. In a school of 1,000 pupils there would be at least five separate classes for the seventh and eighth grades. The 35 boys who need industrial training are not all found in a single class, but are distributed more or less evenly throughout the five classrooms, that is, there are approximately seven in each class. A differentiated course under these conditions is difficult if not impossible. In a few of the Cleveland elementary schools the departmental system of teaching is in use. Under this plan something might be done, were it not that the total number of pupils requiring instruction relating specifically to the industrial trades is too small to justify the expense necessary for equipment, material, and special instruction required for such training. This is true as regards even an industrial course of the most general kind, while provision for particular trades is entirely out of the question. The machinist's trade employs more men than any other occupation in the city, yet the number of seventh and eighth grade boys in the average elementary school who will probably become machinists does not exceed five or six. Not over two boys are likely to enter employment in the printing industry. The smaller trades, such as pattern making, cabinet making, molding, and blacksmithing are represented by not more than one boy each. A possible alternative is the plan now followed in the teaching of manual training whereby the boys of the upper grades in various elementary schools are sent to one centrally located for a short period of instruction each week. The principal objection to this plan is that the amount of time now given is insufficient to accomplish much in an industrial course, nor can it be materially increased without seriously interfering with the work in other subjects. The first condition for successful industrial training is the concentration of a large number of pupils old enough to benefit by such training in a single school plant. Only in this way is it possible to bring the cost of teaching, equipment, and material within reasonable limits and provide facilities for differentiating the work on the basis of the vocational needs of the pupils. The fact that this condition cannot be met in elementary schools is one of the strongest arguments in favor of conducting the seventh and eighth grade work under the junior high school form of organization. WHAT THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS CAN DO The most important contribution to vocational education the elementary school can make consists in getting the children through the lower grades fast enough so that they will reach the junior high school by the time they are 13 years old, in order that before the end of the compulsory attendance period they may spend at least two years in a school where some kind of industrial training is possible. That this is not being done at the present time the data presented in Chapter IV amply demonstrate. In recent years there has been a tendency to regard vocational training as a remedy for retardation. The fact is that the cure of retardation is not a subsequent but a preliminary condition to successful training for wage-earning. Vocational training is not a means for the prevention of retardation, but retardation is a most effective means for the prevention of vocational training. CHAPTER VI THE JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL In 1915 the Board of Education authorized the establishment of a system of junior high schools in the city, and at the beginning of the school year of 1915-16 the new plan was inaugurated in two schools. The Empire Junior High School, situated in the eastern part of the city, had an enrollment of about 700 children made up of seventh and eighth grade pupils formerly accommodated in the elementary schools of that section. The Detroit Junior High School on the west side had an enrollment of about 400 pupils. No decision has yet been reached as to whether the course shall include only two years' work, or three years, as in other cities of the country where the junior high school plan has been adopted. A comparison of the course with that for corresponding grades of the elementary schools shows some marked differences. Less time is devoted to English in the junior high school and considerably more to arithmetic, geography, and history. Mechanical drawing, not taught in the elementary schools except incidentally in the manual training classes, is given an hour each week. All boys receive one hour of manual training a week against slightly less than one and one-half hours in the seventh and eighth elementary grades, but they may elect an additional two and one-half hours a week in this subject, together with applied arithmetic during the first year, or with bookkeeping during the second. Girls may elect an additional two and one-half hours a week of domestic science, with bookkeeping. The manual training for boys comprises woodwork and bookbinding. SPECIALIZED TRAINING NOT PRACTICABLE In the junior high school, as in the elementary school, the greatest difficulty in the way of trade training for specific occupations lies in the small number of pupils who can be expected, within the bounds of reasonable probability, to enter a single trade. Hand and machine composition, the largest of the printing trades, will serve as an example. In a junior high school of 1,000 pupils, boys and girls, the number of boys who are likely to become compositors is about five. But to teach this trade printing equipment occupying considerable space is necessary, together with a teacher who has had some experience or training as a printer. The expense per pupil for equipment, for the space it occupies, and for instruction renders special training for such small classes impracticable. All of the skilled occupations, with the exception perhaps of the machinist's trade, are in the same case. An attempt to form separate classes for each of the eight largest trades in the city would result in two classes of not over five pupils, three classes of not over 10 pupils, and only one of over 13 pupils. The following table shows the number of boys, in a school of this size, who are likely to enter each of these trades. _Number of boys who will probably become:_ Machinists 36 Carpenters 13 Steam engineers 11 Painters 10 Electricians 9 Plumbers 7 Compositors 5 Molders 5 A GENERAL INDUSTRIAL COURSE The members of the Survey Staff were, however, of the opinion that through the system of electives in the junior high school, industrial training of a more general type, made up chiefly of instruction in the applications of mathematics, drawing, physics, and chemistry to the commoner industrial processes, would be of considerable benefit to those boys who, on the basis of their own selection or that of their parents, are likely to enter industrial pursuits. A course of this kind is outlined in following sections of this chapter. The objections which may be brought against this plan are frankly recognized. It takes into account only the interests of the industrial group, comprising less than one-half of the boys in the school. Unquestionably it would tend to vitalize the teaching of mathematics, drawing, and science for the boys who enroll in the industrial course, but it leaves unsolved the question of method and content of instruction in these subjects for the boys in the non-industrial or so-called academic course. Very possibly future experience may demonstrate that the plan recommended for the general industrial course affords the best medium for teaching science and mathematics at this period to all pupils, in which case a differentiated course would be unnecessary. The organization of vocational training in junior high school grades presents many difficulties which cannot be solved by a more or less abstract study of educational and industrial needs. Experimentation on an extensive scale, covering a considerable period of time, is necessary before definite conclusions can be drawn as to the limitations and possibilities of such work. It is with a full appreciation of this fact that the following suggestive outline is presented. The purpose of the general industrial course is to afford to boys who wish to enter industrial occupations the opportunity to secure knowledge and training that will be of direct or indirect value to them in industrial employment. It is not expected that by this means they can be given much practical training in hand work for any particular trade. The most the school can do for the boy at this period is to bridge over for him the gap that exists between the knowledge he obtains from books and the rôle which this knowledge plays in the working world. It must not be assumed that the transition can be effected merely by the introduction of shop work, even if it were possible to provide the wide variety of manual training necessary to make up a fair representation of the principal occupations into which the boys will enter when they leave school. It is doubtful whether, so far as its vocational value is concerned, shop work isolated from other subjects of the curriculum is worth any more per unit of time devoted to it than several of the so-called academic subjects. This is particularly true of the two most common types of manual training--cabinet making and forge work. Both represent dying trades. During the decade 1900-1910 the increase in the number of cabinet makers in Cleveland fell far below the general increase in population. The blacksmiths made a still poorer showing. Both trades are recruited mainly from abroad and the relative number of Americans employed in them is steadily declining. In the opinion of the Survey Staff a general industrial course should cover instruction in at least the following five subjects: Industrial mathematics, mechanical drawing, industrial science, shop work, and the study of economic and working conditions in wage earning pursuits. These may be offered as independent electives or they may be required of all pupils who elect the industrial course. The details of organization must, of course, be worked out by trial and experiment. They will probably vary in different schools and from year to year. INDUSTRIAL MATHEMATICS Of the hundreds of employers who were interviewed by members of the Survey Staff as to the technical equipment needed by beginners in the various trades, nearly all emphasized the ability to apply the principles of simple arithmetic quickly, correctly, and accurately to industrial problems. Many employers criticized the present methods of teaching this subject in the public schools. In the main their criticisms were to the effect that the teaching was not "practical." "The boys I get may know arithmetic," said one, "but they haven't any mathematical sense." Another cited his experience with an apprentice who was told to cut a bar eight and one-half feet long into five pieces of equal length. He was not told the length of the bar, but was given the direct order: "Cut that bar into five pieces all of the same size." The boy was unable to lay out the work, although when asked by the foreman, "Don't you know how to divide 81/2 by 5?", he performed the arithmetical operation without difficulty. The employer gave this instance as an illustration of what to his mind constituted one of the principal defects of public school teaching. "Mere knowledge of mathematical principles and the ability to solve abstract problems is not enough," he said. "What the boys get in the schools is mathematical skill, but what they need in their work is mathematical intelligence. The first does not necessarily imply the second." This mathematical intelligence can be developed only through practice in the solution of practical problems, that is, problems which are stated in the every day terms of the working world and which require the student to go through the successive mental steps in the same way that he would if he were working in a shop. The problem referred to above is one of division of fractions. If we state it thus: "81/2÷5," the pupil takes pencil and paper, performs the operation and announces the result. If we say, "A bar 81/2 feet long is to be cut into five pieces of equal length; how long should each piece be?", the problem calls for the exercise of greater intelligence, as the pupil must determine which process to use in order to obtain the correct result. It becomes still more difficult if we merely show him the bar and say: "This bar must be cut into five pieces of equal length; how long will each piece be?" Several additional preliminary steps are required, none of which was involved in the problem in its original form. Before the length of the pieces can be computed he must find out the length of the bar. He must know what to measure it with, and in what terms, whether feet or inches, the problem should be stated. Again, if we say: "Lay this bar out to be cut in five equal lengths," another step--the measurement and marking for each cut--is added. Many variations might be introduced, each involving additional opportunities for the exercise of thought. It is through practice in solving problems of this kind that the pupil acquires what the employer called mathematical intelligence. It consists in the ability to note what elements are involved in the problems and to decide which process of arithmetic should be used in dealing with them. Once these decisions are made the succeeding arithmetical calculations are simple and easy. In technical terms the ability that is needed is the ability to generalize one's experiences. In every-day terms it is the ability to use what one knows. The work in applied mathematics should cover a wide range of problems worded in the language of the trades and constantly varied in order to establish as many points of contact as possible between the pupil's knowledge of mathematics and the use of mathematics in industrial life. Practical shop work is one of the best means to this end. The trouble with much of the shop work given in the schools is that it runs to hand craftmanship in which the object is to "make something" by methods long ago discarded in the industrial world, rather than to give the pupil exercise in the sort of thinking he will need to do after he goes to work. Successful teaching does not depend so much on the use of tools and materials as on the teacher's knowledge of the conditions surrounding industrial work and his ability to originate methods for vitalizing the instruction in its relation to industrial needs. MECHANICAL DRAWING At the present time the junior high school course provides for one hour a week of mechanical drawing. All the boys who may be expected to elect the industrial course can well afford to devote more time to drawing. For such boys no other subject in the curriculum, except perhaps applied mathematics, is of greater importance. In many of the trades the ability to work from drawings is indispensable and the man who does not possess it is not likely to rise above purely routine work. In a drawing course for future industrial workers the emphasis should be placed on giving the pupil an understanding of the uses of drawing for industrial purposes, rather than on fine workmanship in making drawings. Seventh grade boys can't be made into draftsmen in three years and if they leave school at 15 they are not likely to become draftsmen. The ordinary skilled workman seldom has any need to make drawings or designs, beyond an occasional rough sketch, but he often has to work from drawings. To put it in another way, drawing to the average workman is like an additional language of which he needs a reading but not a writing knowledge. No doubt it would be well to teach him to write and read with equal skill, but in the two or three years most of these boys will remain in school there is not time enough to do both. INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE In many of the trades an introductory knowledge of physics and chemistry is of considerable advantage. Boys in the junior high school cannot be expected to take formal courses in these subjects, but they should not leave school without some acquaintance with them and a knowledge of their relations to industrial processes. A fair equipment should be provided for demonstrational and illustrative purposes. The subject matter should be correlated as closely as possible with the shop work, and the principal mechanical and chemical laws explained as the shop problems furnish examples of their application. In addition the boys should be taught the common technical terms used in trade hand books. The man who expects to advance in his trade will have to keep on learning after he leaves school. There are many avenues of information open to him, and the school can perform no more valuable service than to point the way to the sources of knowledge represented by reference books, trade journals, and other technical literature. Some of the popular magazines, such as "The Scientific American," "The Illustrated World," and "Popular Mechanics" can be used most effectively to bring home to the pupils the close connection existing between the class work and the outside world of science and invention. SHOP WORK It is difficult to determine the exact function of the manual training shop work in cabinet making and bookbinding which figures in the curriculum at present. That the work was not planned with vocational training in mind seems clear from the action of the school board in adding bookbinding to the course about the middle of the year. The bookbinding trade is one of the smallest in the city, and there is little probability that more than one boy among the total number enrolled in both junior high schools will enter it after leaving school. Fully three-fourths of the industrial group will later be employed in occupations where most of the work is done with machines or machine tools. Even in the hand tool trades, such as carpentry, sheet metal work, cabinet making, and blacksmithing, the use of machines is constantly increasing. It would seem, therefore, that some acquaintance with different types of machines would be of considerable value to the pupils who may later enter industrial employment. The number of boys who are likely to become machinists is large enough to warrant the installation of a small machine shop. Repairing, assembling, and taking apart machines should occupy an important place in the shop course. Most boys are intensely interested in getting at the "insides" of a machine, and the processes of assembling, with their attendant problems of adjustment and co-ordination of mechanical movements, afford opportunities for the best kind of practical instruction. One of the great advantages of this type of shop work lies in the fact that it consumes little or no material and is therefore inexpensive; another is that a fairly extensive equipment can be easily obtained, as any machine, old or new, will serve the purpose and may be used over and over again. The extent and variety of shop equipment will depend largely on the resources of the school system. The more the better, so long as the money is expended on the principle of the greatest good to the greatest number, which means that the kinds of tools and equipment used in the large trades should be preferred to those used only in the smaller trades. In order that the time devoted to shop work may yield its greatest results, it is necessary that every lesson center around knowledge and ability that will be of real subsequent use to the pupils. It must not run to "art" and it must not be mere tinkering. Its principal value as vocational training, in the last analysis, lies in its use as an objective medium for the teaching of industrial mathematics and science. VOCATIONAL INFORMATION During the second and third years all the boys who elect the industrial course or who expect to leave school at the end of the compulsory attendance period should be required to devote some time each week to the study of economic and working conditions in wage earning industrial and commercial occupations. A clear understanding of the comparative advantages of different kinds of employment is of the highest importance at this period of the boy's life. It seems to be generally assumed that an adequate basis of knowledge for the selection of an industrial vocation is an acquaintance with materials and processes. Such knowledge is valuable, but making a living is mainly an economic problem. What an occupation means in terms of income is more significant than what it means in terms of materials. The most important facts about the cabinet making trade, for example, are that it offers very few opportunities for employment to public school boys, and that it is one of the lowest paid skilled trades. The primary considerations in the intelligent selection of a vocation relate to wages, steadiness of employment, health risks, opportunities for advancement, apprenticeship conditions, union regulations, and the number of chances there are for getting into it. These things are fundamental, and any one of them may well take precedence over the matter of whether the tastes of the future wage-earner run to wood, brick, stone, or steel. CHAPTER VII TRADE TRAINING DURING THE LAST YEARS IN SCHOOL Between the end of the compulsory attendance period and the entering age in most of the trades there exists a gap of from one to two years which is not adequately covered by any of the present educational agencies of the school system. Two years ago the Ohio State legislature extended the compulsory attendance period from 14 to 15 for boys and from 14 to 16 for girls. The result has been to force into the first years of the high school course a considerable number of pupils who have no intention of taking the complete four year course, and who will leave as soon as they reach the end of the compulsory period. That these pupils are probably not getting all that they might out of the time they attend high school is no argument against the present compulsory attendance age limit, which should be raised rather than lowered. The study of industrial conditions conducted during the survey left every member of the Survey Staff firmly convinced that the industries of Cleveland have little or nothing worth while to offer to boys under 16. Very few of the skilled trades will accept an apprentice below this age. The general opinion among manufacturers was unfavorable to the employment of boys under 16. "They are more of a nuisance than a help," said one; "they are not old enough to understand the responsibilities of work." "They break more machinery and spoil more material than they are worth," said another. In several of the building trades apprentices must be 17 years old, as the law forbids boys under this age to work on scaffoldings. The new workmen's compensation law exerts a strong influence in favor of a higher working age limit, owing to the greater risk of accident among young workers. The fact is that the law is still about one year behind the requirements of industrial life. If a vote were taken among employers who can offer boys the opportunity to learn a trade it would be found that a large majority favor raising the working age to 16. Employment before this time usually leads nowhere, and the pittance the boy earns cannot be compared with the economic advantage he could derive from an additional year in a good vocational school. The average boy who leaves school at 15 spends a year or two loafing or working at odd jobs before he can obtain employment that offers any promise of future advancement. These years are often more than wasted, as he not only learns nothing of value from such casual jobs, but misses the healthy discipline of steady, orderly work, which is of so great importance during these formative years of his life. THE TECHNICAL HIGH SCHOOLS The two technical high schools, the East Technical and West Technical, occupy an important place among the secondary schools of the city. At the present time the two schools enroll nearly two-fifths of the boys attending high school. The course comprises four years' work. In the East Technical the shopwork includes joinery and wood-turning during the first year, and pattern making and foundry work during the second year. In the West Technical the first year course includes pattern making and either forging or sheet metal work; and that of the second year, forging, pipe-fitting, brazing, riveting, and cabinet making. During the remaining two years of the course the student may elect a particular trade, devoting about 10 hours a week to practice in the shop during the last half of the third year, and from 11 to 15 hours during the fourth year. The proportion of pupils who graduate is small and the mortality during the first two years is very heavy. This is due in part to the fact that the type of pupil who leaves school early is more likely to elect a technical course than an academic course. About 25 per cent of each entering class drops out after attending one year, and 25 per cent of the remainder by the end of the second year. By the time the third year is reached the classes are greatly depleted and the survivors as a rule are of the more intelligent and prosperous type. Only a small proportion of them expect to enter skilled manual occupations. Table 9 shows the distribution of the third and fourth year students among the different trade courses during the first semester of 1915-16. TABLE 9.--DISTRIBUTION OF THIRD AND FOURTH YEAR STUDENTS IN TRADE COURSES IN THE CLEVELAND TECHNICAL HIGH SCHOOLS, FIRST SEMESTER, 1915-1916 Trade courses Students Electrical construction 68 Machine work 52 Printing 28 Cabinet making 22 Pattern making 12 Foundry work 1 ---- Total 183 That relatively few of these students will ultimately become journeymen workmen is shown by the records of the boys graduated in the past. The principal of the East Technical High School recently sent a questionnaire to all the students graduated up to 1915, asking for information as to their present occupations and their earnings during the first four years after graduation. Of those who replied, over 60 per cent either were attending college, or employed as draftsmen or chemists. About 28 per cent were employed in the skilled trades. The distribution in detail is shown in Table 10. The data furnished by graduates as to their earnings during successive years after leaving school supply still more convincing evidence to the effect that the technical school graduate seldom remains in manual work more than two or three years. The complete course gives them an equipment of practical and theoretical knowledge that speedily takes them out of the handwork class. The technical high schools are primarily training schools for future civil, electrical, and mechanical engineers. To the student who cannot afford a college course they offer excellent preparation for rapid advancement to supervisory and executive industrial positions, and for drafting and office work in manufacturing plants. TABLE 10.--DISTRIBUTION BY OCCUPATION OF CLEVELAND TECHNICAL HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATES Occupation Number Attending college 111 Draftsmen 51 Electricians 33 Machinists 32 Chemists 8 Pattern makers 7 Cabinet makers 6 Printers 3 Foundrymen 1 Unclassified 32 ---- Total 284 The output of the schools falls into two main divisions: those who leave at the end of the second year or earlier, and those who graduate. The records show that most of the pupils who reach the third year complete the course, but nearly half drop out during the first and second years. The benefit they obtain from these two years' attendance is problematical. The course was designed on the basis of four years' attendance, and the work of the first two years is to a considerable degree a preparation for that of the last two. The principals of both schools are fully alive to the disadvantages of the course for the large number of pupils who drop out within a year or two, and admit that such students would derive greater benefit from more practical instruction aimed directly toward preparation for the industrial trades. Both believe that the only practicable solution is a two-year trade course in a separate school, covering a much wider range of shop activities than the present high school course. To the only alternative--the institution of a short course within the technical schools to be conducted either as a part of or simultaneously with the four year course--they present objections of considerable weight. They point out that a preparatory course for the trades and a preparatory course with college as the goal differ not only in length but in kind. The work in mathematics for the future civil engineer, for example, must conform to college entrance standards and involves an amount of study that is quite unnecessary for the boy whose aim is to become a carpenter or machinist. The first needs a thorough course in algebra, geometry, and trigonometry; the second needs industrial arithmetic, with only such applications of higher mathematics as may be of use to him in his trade. The same principle holds with respect to other subjects. What boys who expect to enter industrial occupations most need at this period is instruction that will be of practical value to them for future wage earning. It is doubtful whether high school courses which have been formulated in the first instance to prepare pupils for a college course can furnish such instruction and it is still more doubtful whether the trade training required by the future mechanic and the broader preparation required for the professions can be given effectively in the same school. A TWO-YEAR TRADE COURSE It is the opinion of the Survey Staff that a separate school in which direct training for the industrial trades is emphasized would result in more profitable use of the pupils' time and probably induce many of them to remain in school up to the apprentice entering age. Such a school, with a curriculum embracing vocational training for all the principal trades, would easily command an enrollment sufficient to justify the installation of a good shop equipment and the employment of a corps of teachers qualified by special training and experience for this kind of work. Even if only one-half the number who enter the skilled trades each year attended the school, the enrollment would reach at least 800 boys. A trade school of this kind would relieve the first and second year classes of many pupils that the technical high schools do not want and cannot adequately provide for. The minimum entering age should be not less than 14, and no requirement other than age should be imposed. This would draw part of the over-age pupils from the grades and take from the junior high school a certain number of boys who could profit by the greater amount of time given to shop work in the trade school. A good many will stay only one year, and every effort should be made at the time of entrance to learn the intentions of the pupil. If it seems fairly certain that he will not remain longer than a year he may well omit such studies as have no direct bearing on the trade he wishes to learn. The courses should follow the lines laid down in the general industrial course recommended for the junior high school, but with a greater proportion of the time devoted to practical shopwork. As the number of pupils for each trade class would be relatively large, a closer correlation could be effected between the academic subjects and the work in the shops than is possible in the junior high school. Both general and special courses should be provided. Many of the pupils will wish to specialize on a particular trade. Others who have not yet reached a decision need a general course that will give them a wide range of experience with materials and processes. The organization of classes should be planned so as to permit transfers, whenever desirable, from the general to the special courses, or vice-versa. By the time the pupil has reached the second year he usually will settle down to steady work on the trade he selects, although here again the organization should be sufficiently elastic to allow transfers when there seems to be good reason for making them. It is to be expected, however, that nearly all the pupils will devote their time during the second year to practice and study limited to single trades. The success of the school in holding boys to the age of 16 or 17 will depend on its ability to convince them that the extra time in school is a paying investment, and this cannot be done unless they stick to one line of work. CHAPTER VIII TRADE-PREPARATORY AND TRADE-EXTENSION TRAINING FOR BOYS AND MEN AT WORK Several forms of trade-preparatory and trade-extension training for apprentices and journeymen workmen are carried on in the city. Probably the most effective work done in the teaching of boys after they have entered employment is found in manufacturing establishments which maintain apprentice schools in connection with their shops. There are two excellent examples of this type of instruction in Cleveland--the apprentice schools conducted by the New York Central Railroad and by the Warner and Swasey Company, manufacturers of astronomical instruments and machine tools. The Warner and Swasey Company school was established in 1911. The course covers a total of 560 hours, extending over a period of four years. The apprentices attend the school four hours a week for 35 weeks each year. The time allotment for the various subjects included in the course is shown in Table 11. In 1915 there were 65 apprentices enrolled in the school, most of them from the machinist's trade. The sessions are held during working hours in a room in the factory fitted up with drawing tables and blackboards. No shop equipment is used. The purpose of the course is to develop a body of trained workmen competent to take positions in the factory as foremen or heads of departments. Less than one-tenth of the total time of the course is devoted to the study of shop practice. Standard textbooks are used in the teaching of mathematics. TABLE 11.--TIME ALLOTMENT IN THE APPRENTICE COURSE GIVEN BY THE WARNER AND SWASEY COMPANY, CLEVELAND Subject Hours Arithmetic 35 English 65 Mechanical drawing 70 Shop practice 40 Algebra 70 Geometry 40 Trigonometry 30 Physics 70 Materials 35 Industrial history 35 Mechanics, strength of materials, and mechanical design 70 --- Total 560 The enrollment in the school conducted by the New York Central Railroad is about 140 boys, nearly all of whom are machinists' apprentices. They are divided into three classes, the members of each class attending the school four hours a week. About two-thirds of the time is devoted to mechanical drawing and one-third to mathematics and shop practice. The instruction in these two latter subjects is based on a series of graded mimeographed or blue print lesson sheets, containing a wide variety of shop problems, with a condensed and simplified explanation of the mathematical principles involved. In the main the work is limited to the application of simple arithmetic to problems of shop practice. No textbooks are used, but the booklets on machine shop practice published by the International Correspondence Schools are studied in connection with the course. In addition to the required classroom work in mechanical drawing, each apprentice serves four or five months of his term in the regular drafting rooms of the company. The classroom is equipped with models of railway appliances and machinery, together with laboratory apparatus for teaching the laws of mechanics. No machine tools or other shop equipment are used in the classes. The course covers about 700 hours of instruction exclusive of the time spent in regular drafting room work. About 20 apprentices finished the course in 1915. Several of the building and printing trades' labor unions take an active interest in the training of apprentices, and in at least two instances the unions maintain evening classes for teaching trade theory. The Electrical Workers' Union, made up principally of inside wiremen, conducts apprentice classes taught by journeymen. The International Typographical Union course for compositors and compositors' apprentices is undoubtedly the best yet devised for giving supplementary training in hand composition. It is taught by journeymen in evening classes, under the supervision of the central office of the Typographical Union Commission, to which all the work must be submitted. In February, 1916, about 100 students were enrolled, of whom approximately one-third were apprentices and two-thirds journeymen. The course consists of 46 lessons in English, lettering, design, color harmony, job composition, and imposition for machine and hand folding. The classes are held at the headquarters of the union. As the students' daily practice in the shop provides plenty of opportunity for the acquisition of manual skill, no apparatus or shop equipment is used in connection with the course. The apprentice school conducted by the Y.M.C.A. represents another type of apprentice training. The instruction is given during the day. The apprentices are sent to the school by various firms in the city under an arrangement whereby the boys attend four and one-half hours each week during regular shop time. In February, 1916, the enrollment consisted of 46 apprentices, practically all from the metal trades. The employers pay the tuition fee, which amounts to $20 a year. The course requires four years' work of 40 weeks each, a total of 720 hours. It comprises instruction in shop mathematics, drawing, English, physics, and industrial hygiene. No shop equipment is used. Fifteen boys were graduated from the course this year. The factory apprentice school of the Warner and Swasey Company and New York Central Railroad type possesses many advantages over any kind of continuation instruction carried on outside of the plants where the boys are employed. A better correlation between the class and shop work is possible together with a more personal relation between teacher and pupils than is usually found when the pupils are drawn from a number of different establishments. It must be admitted, however, that this method of training apprentices is not feasible except in very large plants, as in small classes the teaching cost becomes prohibitive. There is little probability that it will ever be adopted by enough employers to take care of more than an insignificant proportion of the boys who enter the skilled trades. The results obtained, here and in other cities, through coöperative schemes, such as the Y.M.C.A. continuation school, are in the main disappointing. Their failure to reach more than a few of the boys who need trade-extension training is due partly to the fact that they operate under a condition that is fundamentally unjust. One employer interviewed during the survey stated the case very clearly: "I can see no good reason why I should make pecuniary sacrifices for the benefit of my competitors. Very few of my apprentices remain until the end of their term, because by the time they have completed their second year other firms which make no effort to train their quota of skilled workmen for the trade steal them away from me. Any plan for the training of apprentices which does not apportion the burden among the different establishments in direct proportion to the number of men they have, simply penalizes those public-spirited employers who participate in it." CONTINUATION TRAINING FROM 15 TO 18 The years between 15 and 18 are among the most important in the life of the young worker. If left to his own devices during this period, he is very likely to lose much of vocational value of his earlier education, because he does not grasp the relation which the knowledge he acquired in school bears to his daily work. As a result the problem of supplementary instruction at a later age, when he wakes up to his need for it, becomes much more difficult than if trade-extension training had been taken up at once when he entered employment. The vocational interests of young workers and the social interests of the community are both opposed to the current practice of "graduating" boys from the public schools at the ages of 15 or 16 and then losing sight of them. The fact that the large number who go into industrial occupations will not or cannot remain in school beyond these ages does not absolve the school system from further responsibility for their educational future. There should not be a complete severance between the boy and the school until he has reached a relatively mature age. In other words, the school system should maintain, as long as possible, such a relation with him as will help to round out his education and lead him to continue it after reaching manhood. It is the opinion of the Survey Staff that the only practicable solution of this problem lies in the day continuation school, backed by a compulsory law which will bring every boy and girl at work under the age of 18 into school for a certain number of hours per week. Only through a comprehensive plan that will reach large numbers of young workers can the difficulties inherent in the administration of small classes be overcome. The night schools have never been successful in holding boys long enough to make more than a beginning in trade-extension training. It is certain that growing boys should not be expected to add two hours of study to their nine or 10 hours of unaccustomed labor in the shop. Both individual and community interests demand that this problem be taken up in such a way as to obviate the sharp cleavage between the boy's school life and his working life. From every point of view it is unwise to permit him to lose all contact with the educational agencies of the city during his first years at work. The compulsory continuation school avoids the difficulties which are responsible for the common failure of those schemes which depend for their success on the initiative of individuals or the voluntary coöperation of employers and trade unions. One of its great advantages is that the principle on which it is based makes for equal justice to all. There can be no doubt that the decline of apprentice training in the shops is due partly to the fact that employers find that much of the time and money it costs goes toward providing a skilled labor force for competitors who make no effort to train young workers. The cooperation of employers on a comprehensive scale will be secured only when the burden is equally shared. THE TECHNICAL NIGHT SCHOOLS Night classes are conducted in both of the technical high schools for two terms a year of 10 weeks each, the pupils attending four hours a week. A tuition fee of $5 a term is collected, of which $3.50 is refunded to those who maintain an average attendance of 75 per cent. No special provision is made for apprentices as distinct from journeymen, and the trade classes are attended by a considerable number of wage-earners employed in occupations unrelated to industrial work. The list of courses offered during the past year, with the number enrolled in each course at the beginning of the second term, is shown in Table 12. A glance at the list of courses shows at once that while the vocational motive is given first importance, the schools also aim to provide instruction in cultural subjects which have only an indirect vocational application. Less than one-third of the students are pursuing courses which are directly related to their daily work. The remainder are enrolled in courses which have little or no connection with their daily occupations. In but four of the courses--machine shop, architectural drawing, printing, and sheet metal work--are more than half of the students employed in directly related occupations. TABLE 12.--COURSES AND NUMBER ENROLLED IN THE TECHNICAL NIGHT SCHOOLS, JANUARY, 1915 Number Course enrolled Mechanical drawing 328 Machine shop 222 Electrical construction 159 Sewing 103 Mathematics 89 Architectural drawing 83 Pattern making 73 Woodworking 67 Chemistry 59 Sheet metal drawing 52 Cooking 46 Foundry work 36 Agriculture 31 Printing 27 Sheet metal shop 23 Business English 20 Electric motors 19 Arts and crafts 18 Millinery 18 Electricity and magnetism 16 ------ Total 1,489 The policy of the schools is to form a class in any subject for which a sufficient number of students make application. Only a small proportion of the pupils attend more than one year, and the mortality from term to term is very high, although the tuition fee plan insures fairly good attendance during the term. The data collected by the survey indicate that the average length of attendance is approximately two terms--the equivalent in student hours of less than three weeks in the ordinary day school. Most of the men who enroll in night school classes need a course of at least two or three years. All but a few, however, insist on having their supplementary training in small doses. Frequently they want only specific instruction about a specific thing, such as how to lay out a certain piece of work or how to set up a particular machine tool. They want to secure this knowledge in the shortest possible time, and very few want the same thing. A course of two or three years does not appeal to them. Another difficulty is that their previous educational equipment varies widely, and some are not capable of assimilating even the specialized bit of trade knowledge they need without a preliminary course in arithmetic. As the personnel of the classes changes to a marked degree from term to term, the courses undergo frequent modifications. Apparently the teachers and principals have made a sincere effort to adapt the instruction to the demands of the men who attend the schools, but the fact is that the difficulties inherent in such work make it impossible to organize the classes on any basis except that of subject matter, which means fitting students into courses, rather than adapting courses to the needs of particular groups of workers. The enrollment is far below what should be expected in a city of nearly three-quarters of a million inhabitants. The total number of journeymen, apprentices, and helpers from the skilled manual occupations, receiving trade instruction in the night schools, is considerably less than one per cent of the total number in the city. A large enrollment is necessary for efficient administration. Success in specializing courses in night schools, as in day schools, requires a large administrative unit. The possible variety of courses is in direct ratio to the number enrolled. In a class of 200 carpenters there would probably be, for example, 10 or 15 men who need specialized instruction in stair-building. On the basis of the present enrollment of 40 or 50 carpenters the class would dwindle to three or four, with the result that the per capita teaching cost becomes prohibitive. The relatively small result now obtained is not the fault of the schools, but is due principally to the fact that the great field of evening vocational instruction is treated by the school system as a mere side line of the technical high schools. The evening classes are taught by teachers who have already given their best in the day classes. The enrollment cannot be greatly increased so long as this type of education is handled as one of the marginal activities of the school system, manned by tired teachers and directed by tired principals. It is a totally different kind of job from regular day instruction and requires a different administrative organization, with a responsible head vested with sufficient authority to meet quickly and effectively the widely varying demands of its students. This will require the speeding-up of administrative methods in the establishment of courses and the employment of teachers, a freer hand for the principals as regards both expenditures and policy, and most important of all, the organization of all forms of continuation and night school instruction under a separate department. A COMBINED PROGRAM OF CONTINUATION AND TRADE-EXTENSION TRAINING In considering the general conclusions of the survey as to what should be done in the matter of trade preparatory and trade-extension training in both day and night schools, it must be borne in mind that these two types of vocational training are still in the experimental stage. Their future development will probably involve a wide departure from conventional school methods and the evolution of a special technique through trial and experiment. At the present time we can only formulate certain of the main conditions to which future advance in these fields must conform. First of all, it must be recognized that such work is a big job in itself and cannot be successfully conducted as an appendix of the day school. It is worth doing well, or it is not worth doing. It needs an organization sufficiently elastic and adaptable to quickly make adjustments to unusual and unexpected conditions. It needs the supervision of a competent director who can devote to it all his time and energy, and a corps of teachers who not only know how and what to teach, but who possess a firm conviction of the value and utility of this kind of instruction. In the hands of teachers who bring to it only the margin of interest and energy remaining after a hard day's work in the high school, or who are unable to comprehend the radical difference between teaching a boy in the day school 35 hours a week and teaching a boy four hours a week in the continuation school or evening class, the full measure of success cannot be expected. The employment of day teachers for night school work has never been other than a makeshift, and the insignificant results attained in night schools throughout the country have been due in great measure to this cause. Apart from the fact that the interests of adolescent workers imperatively demand the establishment of day continuation schools, an additional argument in favor of such schools is that they would provide a means for making the night trade-extension work effective, through the use of continuation day school teachers for night school work. Such a plan would mean that teachers employed on this basis would have charge of a day continuation class during one session of four hours, and a night class of two hours, making a total of six hours' work per day. A plan of this kind would make possible the establishment of the fundamental conditions for successful trade--preparatory and trade-extension training in the night schools. The present system is unjust to both teachers and students;--to the students because the man or boy who sacrifices his recreation time to attend night school has a right to the best the schools can give; to the teachers because no teacher can work a two-hour night shift in addition to seven or eight hours in the technical high school without seriously impairing his efficiency. The development of this plan would necessitate the establishment of two centers, one located in the eastern and one in the western section of the city. In these centers should be housed the day vocational school, the day continuation classes, and the night vocational classes. This would relieve the technical high schools of a task which does not belong to them, and which by overloading the teachers seriously interferes with the work they were originally employed to do. At present a considerable number of the technical high school teachers are devoting from one-fifth to one-fourth of their total working day to elementary teaching, as most of the work in the night schools is below high school grade. By bringing together all the trade preparatory and trade-extension work under one roof, it is possible to secure the highest efficiency in the use of equipment. Expensive shops can be justified only on the basis of constant use. If the suggestion for the establishment of a vocational school is acted upon, such future contingencies as the continuation school should be borne in mind in planning the buildings and equipment, so as to permit of extensions as they may be required. It is practically certain that universal continuation training for young workers up to the age of 17 or 18 will be made compulsory in all the progressive states of the country within the next decade. The Ohio school authorities should get ready to handle the continuation school problem before the example of other states and the overwhelming pressure of public opinion forces it upon them. CHAPTER IX VOCATIONAL TRAINING FOR GIRLS The discussions in the preceding chapters have been limited intentionally to a consideration of the needs and possibilities of training for wage-earning pursuits in which men predominate. The conditions which surround vocational training for girls are so fundamentally unlike those encountered in the vocational training of boys that a combined treatment leads to needless complexity and confusion. Cleveland uses a relatively smaller amount of woman labor than most other large cities. In only one of the 10 largest cities in the country--Pittsburgh--is the proportion of women and girls at work smaller as compared with the total number of persons in gainful occupations than in Cleveland. In 1900, 20.4 per cent of the workers in the city were women; by 1910 the proportion of women workers had increased to 22 per cent, a shift of less than two per cent for the decade. A consideration of the occupational future of boys and girls shows at once how widely their problems differ. The typical boy in Cleveland attends school until he reaches the age of 15 or 16. About this period he becomes a wage-earner and for the next 30 or 40 years devotes most of his time and energy to making a living. The typical girl leaves school about the same time, becomes a wage-earner for a few years, then marries and spends the rest of her life keeping house and rearing children. To the man wage-earning is the real business of life. To the woman it is a means for filling in the gap between school and marriage, a little journey into the world previous to settling down to her main job. The most radical and important difference between the two sexes with respect to wage-earning is found in the length of the working life. The transitory character of the wage-earning phase in the life of most women is clearly seen in the contrasted age distribution shown in Table 13. TABLE 13.--PER CENT OF TOTAL POPULATION ENGAGED IN GAINFUL OCCUPATIONS DURING THREE DIFFERENT AGE PERIODS ----------------------+-------------+------------+ Age period | Women | Men | ----------------------+-------------+------------+ 16 to 21 | 60 | 85 | 21 to 45 | 26 | 98 | 45 and over | 12 | 85 | ----------------------+-------------+------------+ Approximately 85 per cent of the boys and slightly less than 60 per cent of the girls between the ages of 16 and 21 are at work. In the next age group--21 to 45--given by the census, 98 per cent of the men are at work, but the proportion of women employed in gainful occupations drops to 26 per cent, or about one in four; in the next age group--45 and over--it falls to about 12 per cent, as compared with 85 per cent of the men. Of the women still at work in the older age group, over one-half are engaged in domestic and personal service as servants, laundresses, housekeepers, etc. TABLE 14.--NUMBER EMPLOYED IN THE PRINCIPAL WAGE-EARNING OCCUPATIONS AMONG EACH 1,000 WOMEN FROM 16 TO 21 YEARS OF AGE Manufacturing and mechanical industries: Apprentices to dressmakers and milliners 4 Dressmakers and seamstresses (not in factory) 20 Milliners and millinery dealers 17 Semi-skilled operatives: Candy factories 6 Cigar and tobacco factories 15 Electrical supply factories 10 Knitting mills 11 Printing and publishing 8 Woolen and worsted mills: Weavers 5 Other occupations 7 Sewers and sewing machine operators (factory) 53 Tailoresses 25 Transportation: Telephone operators 19 Trade: Clerks in stores 28 Saleswomen (stores) 35 Professional service: Musicians and teachers of music 6 Teachers (school) 4 Domestic and personal service: Charwomen and cleaners 5 Laundry operatives 13 Servants 81 Waitresses 9 Clerical occupations: Bookkeepers, cashiers, and accountants 26 Clerks (except clerks in stores) 20 Stenographers and typewriters 62 The occupations in which the girls now in the public schools will later engage can be determined with a relative degree of accuracy by employing a method in general similar to that utilized in forecasting the occupations of boys. It must be taken into account, however, that the wage-earning period for women, except in the professional occupations, usually begins before the age of 21. For this reason the 16 to 21 age group probably offers the best basis for determining the future occupational distribution of girls in school. If all women at work up to the age of 25 were included the figures would be more nearly exact, but unfortunately data for the period between 21 and 25 are not available. The figures at the right of Table 14 show the number engaged in each specified occupation among each thousand women in the city between the ages of 16 and 21. The proportions given for the professional occupations, particularly teaching, are too small, because of the fact that few women enter the professions before the age of 21. Applying these proportions to the average elementary school unit, it will be seen at once that the number of girls old enough to profit by special training is too small in any single occupation to form a class of workable size. In such a school there would be about 80 girls 12 years old and over. Of the skilled occupations listed in the table stenography and typewriting offers the largest field of employment, yet the number who are likely to take up this kind of work does not exceed five or six. DIFFERENTIATION IN THE JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL The organization of the junior high school, where the enrollment is made up entirely of older pupils, obviates this difficulty to some extent. Instead of 80 girls there are from 300 to 500, with a corresponding increase in the number who will enter any given wage-earning occupation. Not less than one-eighth and probably not more than one-fifth of these girls will become needleworkers of some kind. They will need a more practical and intensive training in the fundamentals of sewing than is now provided by the household arts course. The skill required in trade work cannot be obtained in the amount of time now devoted to this subject. It should be made possible for a girl who expects to make a living with her needle to elect a thoroughly practical course in sewing in which the aim is to prepare for wage earning rather than merely to teach the girl how to make and mend her own garments. As proficiency in trade sewing requires first of all ample opportunity for practice, provision should be made for extending the time now given to sewing for those girls who wish to become needle workers. This can easily be done through the system of electives now in use. The establishment of classes in power machine operating during the junior high school period appears to be impracticable, due to the immaturity of the girls and the small number who could profit by such instruction. A discussion of the present sewing courses in the public schools will be found in Chapters XIV and XV, which summarize the special reports on the Garment Trades and Dressmaking and Millinery. In the present chapter the consideration of these occupations is limited to an examination of the administrative questions connected with training for the sewing trades. SPECIALIZED TRAINING FOR THE SEWING TRADES The compulsory attendance law requires all girls to attend school until they are 16 years old. This forces a considerable number into the high schools for one or two years before they go to work. As a rule the type of girl who is likely to enter the needle trades selects the technical high school course, not because she has any idea of finishing it, but because she believes it offers a less tiresome way of getting through her last one or two years in school than the academic course. The technical course requires three and three-quarter hours a week of sewing during the first two years. The student may elect trade dressmaking and millinery during the third and fourth years. Very few girls who can afford to spend four years in high school ever become dressmakers or factory operatives. If the school system is to do anything of direct vocational value for them it will have to begin further down. Most of them leave school before the age of 17 and the years between 14 and 16 represent the last chance the school will have to give them any direct aid towards preparation for immediate wage-earning. For successful work in machine operating the class must be large enough to warrant the purchase and operation of sufficient equipment to give the pupils an opportunity for intensive practice. The only way this condition can be secured is by concentrating in large groups the girls who need such training. Little will be accomplished in training for the sewing trades without specialization, and specialization in small administrative units is impossible. The teaching and operating cost in a school enrolling, say 200 girls, who want the same kind of work, can be brought within reasonable bounds. In a school where the total number who need specialized training does not exceed 10 or 15 the cost is prohibitive. In the opinion of the Survey Staff a one or two year vocational course in the sewing trades should be established. The entrance age should not be less than 15. Courses should be provided for intensive work in trade dressmaking, power machine operating, and trade millinery. A conservative estimate of the number of girls who could be expected to enroll for courses in these subjects is 500. A trade school might be established where only this type of vocational training would be carried on, or it might be conducted in the same building with the trade courses for boys recommended in a previous chapter. In either case the number of pupils would be sufficient to warrant up-to-date equipment and a corps of specially trained teachers. Training for the sewing trades consumes more material than any other kind of vocational training. For this reason economical administration requires some arrangement for marketing the product. During the latter part of the course the school should be able to turn out first-class work. The familiarity with trade standards the pupils obtain through practice on garments which must meet the exacting demands of the buying public has a distinct educational value. The Manhattan Trade School for Girls in New York City and other successful schools in the country operate on this basis. There is reason to believe that there would be little difficulty in making arrangements with the clothing manufacturers in Cleveland to furnish a good trade school as much contract work as the classes could handle. OTHER OCCUPATIONS From one-fourth to one-fifth of the girls in the school will later enter employment in commercial and clerical occupations, as stenographers, typists, clerks, cashiers, bookkeepers, saleswomen, and so on. Their needs will be considered in Chapters XII and XIII, in which the findings of the special reports on Boys and Girls in Commercial Work and Department Store Occupations are summarized. A relatively small number will become semi-skilled operatives in industrial establishments, such as job printing houses, knitting mills, and factories making electrical supplies, metal products, and so on. As a rule such work requires only a small amount of manual skill or deftness. Not much training is needed and it can be given quickly and effectively in the factories. About one-ninth of the girls in the school will enter paid domestic or personal service of some kind. The household arts courses probably meet the needs of girls who may be employed in such occupations as far as they can be met under present conditions. The woman domestic servant occupies about the same social level as the male common laborer, and a course which openly sets out to train girls to be servants is not likely to prosper. The load of social stigma such work carries is too heavy. At some time in the future it may be possible to ignore the traditional and universal attitude of our public toward the so-called menial occupations sufficiently to consider training servants. At present such a possibility seems remote. CHAPTER X VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE Very few of the army of young people who become wage earners each year take up the occupations in which they engage as the result of any conscious selection of their own or of their parents. They drift into some job aimlessly and ignorantly, following the line of least resistance, driven or led by the accidents and exigencies of gaining a livelihood. They possess no accurate or comprehensive knowledge of the advantages and disadvantages of different types of wage earning occupations, and frequently take up work for which they are entirely unfitted or which holds little future beyond a bare livelihood. THE WORK OF THE VOCATIONAL COUNSELOR The plan now followed in the technical high schools of the city, by which one teacher in the school specially qualified for such work is charged with the duty of advising pupils who leave school and aiding them in securing desirable employment, could be adapted to the junior high school, where the need for service of this kind is even greater than in the technical high schools. Such work requires men who have had some contact with industrial conditions, and who possess sound judgment, common sense, and a fairly comprehensive knowledge of the local industries. If the curriculum embraces the course in "Industrial Information" suggested in a previous chapter, the teacher of this subject might well be designated as vocational counselor for the boys in the school. A course similar in nature should be provided for the girls and a woman teacher selected to advise them when they leave school. Considerable difficulty probably will be experienced in securing women teachers competent to assume this task, but any wide-awake teacher who will devote some attention to published studies of industrial conditions and get in touch with the local organizations engaged in the investigation of wage earning employments, such as the Consumers' League and the Girls' Vocation Bureau, can soon acquire a fund of information that will enable her to offer valuable suggestions and advice to girls who expect to become wage earners. The vocational counselor must guard against conventional thinking and the mass of "inspirational" nonsense which forms the main contribution to the vocational guidance of youth provided in the average schoolroom. The ideals of success usually held up before school children seem to have been drawn from a mixture of Sunday school literature and the prospectuses of efficiency bureaus. Boiled down the rules prescribed for their attainment are two: first, "Be good;" and second, "Get ahead." The pupils are told about well-known men who became famous or rich, usually rich, by practicing these rules. Occasionally there is some prattle about the "dignity of labor," as a rule meaningless in the light of our current ideas of success. We do not think of a well-paid artisan as "successful." His success begins when he is promoted to office work, or becomes a foreman. The inherent difficulty with ideals of success which demand that the worker become a boss of somebody else is that the world of industry needs only a relatively small number of bosses. Theoretically it is possible for any individual to reach the eminence of boss-ship. In real life less than one-tenth of the boys who enter industrial employment can rise above the level of the journeyman artisan, at least before later middle age, because only about that proportion of bosses are needed. The task of the vocational counselor will consist in putting the pupil's feet on the first steps of the ladder rather than showing him rosy pictures of the top of it. For the great majority the top means no more than decent wages. This, after all, is a worthy ambition, frequently requiring the worker's best efforts for its realization. THE GIRLS' VOCATION BUREAU The Girls' Vocation Bureau, for the placement of girls and women in wage-earning employment, has been in operation about six years. At present it is under the general charge of the state and municipal employment bureau, although part of the funds for the support of the bureau is raised through private subscription. From July, 1914, to July, 1915, the Bureau secured positions for nearly 11,000 girls and women. Of these approximately 12 per cent were girls under 21. In many instances only temporary employment is secured, although efforts are made to place the girls in permanent positions. More girls are placed in office positions than in any other line of work, but a considerable proportion take employment in factories, domestic service, restaurants, and stores. A careful record is kept of each applicant's qualifications, home conditions, the names of employers, etc. The Bureau endeavors to keep in touch with the girls after they are placed through follow-up reports and visits by members of the office staff or by volunteer investigators. This spring every school in the city was visited by representatives of the Bureau in the endeavor to interest principals in the work of placement, and arrangements were made for sending to the Bureau lists of the girls who were expected to leave school permanently. This effort met with slight success, as only about 100 girls were reported from all the schools in the city, although the number of girls leaving school each year from the elementary grades alone is over 2,000. In all cases the girls were visited by a representative of the Bureau and urged to return to school, or if they were determined to seek employment the advantages of registering in the Bureau were brought to their attention. It is to be hoped that more effective coöperation between the Bureau and the schools can be established and that plans for a placement bureau for boys similar in method and aim to the Girls' Bureau may be realized. The matter of placement is the most difficult part of the vocational counselor's duties, and an arrangement whereby the vocational guidance departments of the various schools might serve as feeders to a central placement bureau would probably in the long run give the best results. Both guidance and placement are new things in the public schools and efficient methods of administration can be worked out only through trial and experiment. CHAPTER XI CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 1. The future occupations of the children in school will correspond very closely to those of the native-born adult population. The occupational distribution of the city's working population therefore constitutes the best guide as to the kinds of industrial training which can be undertaken profitably by the school system. 2. Industrial training in school has to do chiefly with preparation for work in the skilled trades. Training for semi-skilled occupations can be given more effectively and cheaply in the factories than in the schools. 3. As a rule, industrial training is not practicable in elementary schools, for the reason that the number of boys in the average elementary school who are likely to enter the skilled trades and who are also old enough to profit by industrial training is too small to permit the organization of classes. 4. The most important contribution to vocational education the elementary schools can make consists in getting the children through the course fast enough so that two or three years before the end of the compulsory attendance period they will enter an intermediate or vocational school where some kind of industrial training is possible. 5. The survey recommends the establishment of a general industrial course in the junior high school, made up chiefly of instruction in the applications of mathematics, drawing, physics, and chemistry to the commoner industrial processes. The course should also include the study of economic and working conditions in the principal industrial occupations. 6. One or two vocational schools equipped to offer specialized trade training for boys and girls between the ages of 14 and 17 are needed. At present a gap of from one to two years exists between the end of the compulsory attendance period and the entrance age in practically all the skilled trades, which could well be employed in direct preparation for trade work. Such schools would relieve the first and second year classes of the technical high schools of many pupils these schools do not want and cannot adequately provide for. General as well as special courses should be offered, although pupils should be encouraged to select a particular occupation and devote at least one year to intensive preparation for it. 7. The survey favors the extension of the compulsory attendance period for boys to the age of 16. The industries of Cleveland have little or nothing worth while to offer boys below this age. 8. The best form of trade-extension training is that provided in a few establishments which maintain apprentice schools in their plants. This plan is feasible only in large establishments. It will never take care of more than a small proportion of the young workers who need supplementary technical training. 9. Plans for trade-extension training of apprentices depending on the coöperation of employers have met with slight success. The principle difficulty is that the sacrifices they involve are borne by a relatively small number of employers while the benefits are reaped by the industry in general. Either the industry as a whole or the community should bear the cost of such training. 10. The vocational interests of young workers and the social interests of the community demand the establishment of a system of continuation training for all young people in employment, up to the age of 18 years. The classes should be held during working hours and attendance should be compulsory. 11. The enrollment in the trade classes of the night schools is far below what it should be in a city as large as Cleveland. The relatively small result now obtained is not the fault of the schools, but is due mainly to the fact that the field of vocational evening instruction is treated by the school system as a mere side line of the technical high schools. 12. The survey recommends the organization of all forms of continuation, night vocational, and day vocational training under centralized full-time leadership. Only in this way can there be secured a type of organization and administration sufficiently elastic and adaptable to meet the widely varying needs of the working classes. 13. Industrial training for girls will consist in the main of preparation for the sewing trades. Practically no other industrial occupations in which large numbers of women are employed possess sufficient technical content to warrant the establishment of training courses in the schools. The survey recommends a practical course of needle instruction in the junior high school and the introduction in the vocational schools of specialized courses in dressmaking, power machine operating, and trade millinery for the older girls who wish to enter these trades. 14. The present experiment in vocational guidance and placement should be extended as rapidly as possible. Courses in vocational information should be offered in the junior high school and vocational counsellors appointed to advise pupils in the selection of their future vocations and aid them in securing desirable employment when they leave school. The full measure of success in this work demands better coöperation with outside agencies on the part of teachers and principals than has been secured up to the present time. CHAPTER XII SUMMARY OF REPORT ON BOYS AND GIRLS IN COMMERCIAL WORK Particular attention is given throughout this report to the differences which exist between boys and girls in commercial employment with respect to the conditions which govern success and advancement. The majority of boys begin as messengers or office boys and subsequently become clerks or do bookkeeping work. As men they remain in these latter positions or, in at least an equal number of cases, pass on into the productive or administrative end of business. The majority of girls are stenographers, or to a less extent, assistants in bookkeeping or clerical work. Boys' work may be expected to take on the characteristics of the business that employs them; girls' work remains in essentials unchanged even in totally changed surroundings. Boys' work within limits is progressive; girls' work in its general type--with individual exceptions--is static. Boys as a rule cannot stay at the same kind of work and advance; girls as a rule stay at the same kind of work whether or not they advance. Boys in any position are expected to be qualifying themselves for "the job ahead," but for girls that is not the case. Boys may expect to make a readjustment with every step in advancement. Each new position brings them to a new situation and into a new relation to the business. Girls receive salary advancement for increasingly responsible work, but any change in work is likely to be so gradual as to be almost imperceptible if they remain in the same place of employment. If they change to another place, those who are stenographers have a slight readjustment to make in getting accustomed to new terms and to the peculiarities of the new persons who dictate to them. Bookkeeping assistants may encounter different systems, but their part of the work will be so directed and planned that it cannot be said to necessitate difficult adaptation on their part. The work of clerical assistants is so simple and so nearly mechanical that the question of adjustment does not enter. These girl workers do not find that the change of position or firm brings them necessarily into a new relation to the business. Even moderate success is denied to a boy if he has not adaptability and the capacity to grasp business ideas and methods; but a comparatively high degree of success could be attained by a girl who possessed neither of these qualifications. A boy, however, who has no specific training which he can apply directly and definitely at work would be far more likely to obtain a good opening and promotion than a girl without it would be. The range of a boy's possible future occupations is as wide as the field of business. He cannot at first be trained specifically as a girl can be because he does not know what business will do with him or what he wants to do with business. The girl's choice is limited by custom. She can prepare herself definitely for stenography, bookkeeping, and machine operating and be sure that she is preparing for just the opportunity--and the whole opportunity--that business offers to her. Her very limitation of opportunity makes preliminary choice and training a definitely possible thing. [Illustration: Diagram 1.--Boys and girls under 18 years of age in office work in Cleveland. Data from report of Ohio Industrial Commission, 1915] The difference between boys and girls begins at the beginning. Boys are given a larger share of the positions which the youngest worker can fill. Diagram 1 illustrates this and the figures of the United States Census for 1910 clearly corroborate it. Boys are taken for such work and taken younger than girls, not merely because the law permits them to go to work at an earlier age, but also because business itself intends to round their training. Girls, on the contrary, are expected to enter completely trained for definite positions. This fact alone would in most cases compel them to be older. Furthermore, because boys in first positions are looked upon as potential clerks, miscellaneous jobs about the office have for them a two-fold value. They give the employer a chance to weed out unpromising material; and they give boys an opportunity to find themselves and to gather ideas about the business and methods which they may be able to make use of in later adjustments. [Illustration: Diagram 2.--Men and women 18 years of age and over in clerical and administrative work in offices in Cleveland. U.S. Census, 1910] Diagram 2 shows that girls' training, if it is to meet the present situation, must prepare for a future in specialized clerical work; boys' future must apparently be thought of as in mostly the clerical and administrative fields. The term "clerical" as here used, covers bookkeepers, cashiers and accountants, stenographers and typists, clerks and a miscellaneous group of younger workers such as messengers, office boys, etc. "Administrative" covers proprietors, officials, managers, supervisors, and agents, but it does not include salespeople. The usual commercial course gives impartially to boys and girls two traditional "subjects" which they are to apply in wage earning whatever part of the wage earning field they may enter. These are stenography and bookkeeping. The evidence collected during the survey shows that these are rarely found in combination except in small offices. Of the men employed who are stenographers, the majority are of two kinds: (1) those who use stenography incidentally with their other and more important work as clerks, and (2) those for whom stenography is but a stepping-stone to another kind of position. The only firms which make a practice of offering ordinary stenographic positions for boys are those which restrict themselves to male employees for every kind of work. Independent stenographic work of various kinds is of course open to the sexes alike. In Cleveland there are a few women in court stenography. The 10 public stenographers' offices were found upon inquiry to include two men and 10 women. No figures regarding convention reporters were obtainable. In the positions of the bookkeeping group also there was some sex difference. The accountants, bookkeepers, cashiers, pay-masters and other persons of responsibility are, in large offices where both sexes work together, much more likely to be men than women; the assistants who work with these may be of either sex, but girls and women are likely to make up the greater portion. Of the small office this is less generally true. Boys who do machine operating are usually clerks whose machine work, as in the case of stenography, is merely an adjunct to other work; with girls machine operating is either the whole of the position or the most important part of it. The essential difference between the clerkship which boys for the most part hold and the general clerical work which girls do is that the boys' work is unified and is a definite, separate responsible part of the business, usually in line for promotion to some other clerkship; the girls' is a miscellany of more or less unrelated jobs and is not a preparation for specific promotion. A GENERAL VIEW OF COMMERCIAL WORK All commercial occupations may be roughly divided into two classes: those which have to do with administrative, merchandising, or productive work, and those which carry on the clerical routine which the others necessitate. The first class of occupations may be designated by the term "administrative work" and the second by "clerical work." A varying relation exists between the two which depends chiefly upon the kind of business represented. In some kinds clerical work is the stepping stone by which administrative work is reached; in others employment in clerical work side-tracks away from the administrative work. There is, of course, a future of promotion within the limits of clerical work without reference to its relation to administrative work. The practical aspect of it is, in most kinds of business, that the subordinate clerical positions far outnumber the chief ones. Promotion of any sort depends largely upon individual capacity; but this general distinction may be made between promotion in clerical work and in administrative work; in the clerical field it tends to be automatic but limited; in administrative work it comes more often through a worker's initiative or individuality than through automatic progression and it has no arbitrary limits. Obviously one kind of person will be adapted to an administrative career; another to a clerical one. Even a beginner in wage earning might be able to classify himself on a basis like this; yet it is not essential, for in many cases it is possible that his first positions recognize this choice. He needs fundamental experience in business methods whatever he is going to do; and for most administrative positions he needs maturity. He can achieve both by serving an apprenticeship in some form of clerical work. The important things for him in the early part of his career are to understand the distinction between the two classes of occupations; to sense the relation he holds to the business as a whole; and to act intelligently in the matter of making a change. BOOKKEEPING The bookkeeping which modern business, except in the small establishment, demands of young workers is certainly not the journal and ledger bookkeeping of the commercial schools. A modern office organization may have in its bookkeeping department of 20 persons only one "bookkeeper." This person is responsible for the system and he supervises the keeping of records and the preparation of statements. A minority of his assistants will need to be able to distinguish debits from credits; the rest will be occupied in making simple entries or in posting, in verifying and checking, or in finding totals with the aid of machines. The bookkeeping systems employed show wide variation, not only in different kinds of business, but in different establishments in the same kinds of business. Many firms are using a loose-leaf system; some use ledgers; and others have a system of record keeping which calls for neither of these devices. Bookkeeping work, especially in the positions held by girls, is frequently combined with comptometer or adding machine work, with typing, billing, filing, or statistical work; but rarely, except in the small office, are bookkeeping and stenography--the Siamese Twins of traditional and commercial training--found linked together. STENOGRAPHY Stenography is used throughout business chiefly in correspondence; to a less extent for report and statement work, for legal work, and for printer's copy. The stenographer in any business office, more than other clerical workers, is supposed to look after a variety of unorganized details including the use of office appliances, the filing of letters, and sometimes dealing with patrons or visitors in the absence of the employer. She is more important to the employer in his personal business relations than any other employee, except in the case of those few employers who have private secretaries. CLERKS' POSITIONS In the case of large corporations, which are by far the largest employers of clerks, this work has been standardized to a marked degree. The organization of the office work of the telegraph, telephone, and express companies, the railroads, and the occasional large wholesale company in Cleveland is a nearly exact duplication of that of other district or division offices controlled by these companies in other cities. The same is true of the Civil Service. Whatever effects standardization may have upon opportunity, it obviously makes for definiteness in regard to training requirements. All the positions are graded on the basis of experience and responsibility and a logical line of promotion from one to another has been worked out. The report contains detailed studies of different kinds of clerical work in the offices of transportation and public utility corporations, retail and wholesale stores, manufacturing establishments, banks, the civil service, and small offices employing relatively few people. In each of these such matters as character of the work, opportunities for advancement, kind of training needed and special qualifications are taken up. WAGES AND REGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT Stated briefly the conclusions of the report with respect to wages and regularity of employment in office positions are as follows: The wage opportunities for clerical workers, especially men, lie in business positions outside the limits of clerical work. Men clerical workers average about the same pay as salesmen and more pay than industrial workers. Women clerical workers receive more than either saleswomen or industrial workers. Employment is much more regular in clerical work than it is in salesmanship or industrial work. For men clerical workers the wage opportunity is better in manufacturing and trade than in some kinds of transportation business. For women it is better in manufacturing and transportation than it is in trade. Men's wages tend to be higher than women's in all branches of clerical work. Among the clerical positions, bookkeeping shows the highest wage average for men; clerks' positions show the lowest. Stenography shows the highest for women; machine work the lowest. Men bookkeepers show their best wage average in the wholesale business, clerks in transportation, and stenographers in manufacturing. The small office gives better wage opportunity to women bookkeepers and men stenographers; the large office favors women stenographers and men clerks. For boys, there is some indication that advanced education and commercial training, in their present status, are less closely related to high wages than are personal qualities and experience. For girls, the combination of high school education and business training is the best preparation for wage advancement. A general high school education and usually, business training, are essential to the assurance of even a living wage. Business training based upon less than high school education is almost futile. THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING Six chapters of the report are devoted to a consideration of the needs and possibilities of training. The work now being done in the public schools of the city is discussed in detail, with suggestions for a better adaptation of the courses of study and methods and content of instruction to the needs of boys and girls who wish to prepare themselves to enter clerical occupations. The observations on training for such work may be summarized as follows: Commercial training should be open to all students whom commercial subjects and methods can serve best; but graduation should depend upon a high standard of efficiency. Statistics show that commercial training is not to be looked upon, in a wholesale way, as a successful means of taking care of backward academic students. Commercial students' need for cultural and other supplementary education may be even greater than that of academic students. The graduation rate of commercial students in public schools has been increased since the organization of a separate commercial high school and the number of students entering has been decreased. Commercial high schools receive a grade of children who are about medium in scholarship and normal in age. Commercial and academic high school teachers are similar in scholastic preparation and in the salaries they are paid. The Cleveland Normal School does not prepare definitely for the teaching of commercial subjects. Commercial teachers are nominally supervised by the district superintendents. Public schools receive 29 per cent of the city's day commercial students. The private schools receive a few more than the sum of public, parochial, and philanthropic schools. Public schools receive 22 per cent of the city's night commercial students. The private schools receive more than twice as many as the public and philanthropic schools. There are no night commercial classes in parochial schools. The length of the day course in most private schools is eight months or less; in public schools it is four years. The public school, if it believes in longer preparation for commercial work than most private schools give, should demonstrate the reason to parents and children. Training for boys and girls should be different in content and in emphasis. The usual course of study in commercial schools is suitable for girls and unsuitable for boys. A girl needs, chiefly, specific training in some one line of work. She has a choice among stenography, bookkeeping, and machine operating. A boy needs, chiefly, general education putting emphasis on writing, figuring, and spelling; general information; and the development of certain qualities and standards. For students electing to go into commercial work, general education may be taught more effectively through the medium of commercial subjects than through academic ones. Boys' training looks forward to both clerical work and business administration; but as clerical work is a preparation for business and is likely to occupy the first few years of wage earning, training should aim especially to meet the needs of clerical positions. Clerical positions for boys cover a variety of work which cannot be definitely anticipated and cannot therefore be specifically trained for. But certain fundamental needs are common to all. Most of the specialized training for boys should be given in night continuation classes. Girl stenographers need a full high school course for its educational value and for maturity. Girls going into other clerical positions can qualify with a year or two less of education; but immaturity in any case puts them at a disadvantage. Boys' training, for those who cannot remain in school, should be compressed into fewer than four years. Immaturity in the case of boys is not a great disadvantage. Bookkeeping has general value in the information it gives about business methods and for its drill in accuracy. To some extent it may aid in the development of reasoning. Much of the bookkeeping in actual use in business consists in making entries of one kind only and in checking and verifying. Understanding of debit and credit, posting, and trial balance, is the maximum practical need of the younger workers. Penmanship demands compactness, legibility, neatness, and ease in writing; also, the correct writing and placing of figures. The chief demand of business in arithmetic is for fundamental operations--adding and multiplying--also for ability to make calculations and to verify results mentally. Undergraduate experience in school or business offices may be a valuable method of acquainting students with office practice and routine and with business organization and business standards. CHAPTER XIII SUMMARY OF REPORT ON DEPARTMENT STORE OCCUPATIONS The field covered in this volume is limited to the business of retail selling as carried on in the department stores and some other stores of Cleveland. The retail stores considered can all be assigned to one of the three following classes: (1) The department store of the first rank which draws trade not only from the whole city and the suburbs but also from the towns and smaller cities of a large surrounding district; (2) the neighborhood store which does a smaller business within narrower limits, drawing its trade, as the name indicates, from the immediate neighborhood; (3) the five and ten cent store, well known by syndicate names, where no merchandise which must be sold above 10 cents is carried. DEPARTMENT STORES The five largest department stores in Cleveland employ about 5,800 people distributed among several mercantile departments, and in a variety of occupations that find a place in the industry. Of these 5,800 people approximately seven-tenths are women and three-tenths are men; 90 per cent are over 18 years of age and 10 per cent are under 18. The entire force of a store is sometimes arbitrarily divided by the management into "productive," and "non-productive" help. From 40 to 60 per cent of the employees were reported as actually taking in money, while the remainder, the "non-producers," were engaged in keeping the business going and making it possible for the "producers" to sell goods. The greatest number of opportunities either for employment or promotion are in the selling force. This is often spoken as being "on the floor." Both boys and girls may find employment here, though a large majority of the sales force is made up of them. Speaking in general terms, men are only employed to sell men's furnishings, sporting goods, bulky merchandise, such as rugs, furniture, blankets, etc., and yard goods which are difficult to handle, such as household linens and dress goods. Positions as buyers and buyer's assistants are not restricted by sex and boys and girls may both consider them as a possible goal. NEIGHBORHOOD STORES A neighborhood store is that type of department store which draws its trade from a comparatively limited area of which the store is the center. The kind of goods carried are practically the same as in the large department store and the variety of merchandise may be nearly as great; but the selection is more limited because of the small stock. Promotion to selling positions is more rapid in the neighborhood stores than in regular department stores. One reason for this is that a larger proportion of the force is "productive," _i.e._, selling. This proportion may run as high as 80 or even 90 per cent, as compared with the 40 to 60 per cent of "productive" help in large department stores. Employment in these stores is looked upon as desirable preliminary training for service in larger department stores. This is the general opinion held by those who hire the employees in the larger stores. The selling experience gained in neighborhood stores is looked upon as general, in that it gives an acquaintance with a variety of merchandise rather than an extensive knowledge of any line of stock. This experience makes the employee adaptable and resourceful. Another advantage of neighborhood training for sales people is the fact that they are brought into closer human relations with the customer and thus learn the value of personality as a factor in making sales. FIVE AND TEN CENT STORES Cleveland had in the fall of 1915 six large stores where nothing costing over 10 cents is sold. These belong to three syndicates or chains. To show the extent to which this business has developed it may be stated that the largest of these syndicates, which controls three of the six Cleveland stores, has 747 branches in different parts of the country. The number of saleswomen in a single store ranges from 12 to 70. The total number in the six stores was approximately 226. The shift in this branch of retail trade is large, as there are continual changes in the selling force. One store reported the number of new employees hired in six months as being about equal to the average selling force. The managers of the five and ten cent stores without exception stated that they preferred to hire beginners who were without store experience. The hours of work are longer and the conditions under which the work is done are more trying than is usually the case in the larger department stores. The girl who expects her application for employment in the five and ten cent store to be accepted must be 18 years old in order that she may legally work after six o'clock. It is better for her to be without previous selling experience (unless in other five and ten cent stores), as employers in these stores prefer to train help according to their own methods. WAGES AND EMPLOYMENT The wages paid beginners in the department stores are fair as compared with other industries employing the same grade of help. Boys and girls when they first enter employment receive from $3.50 to $7, depending on the store where they get their first job. In addition to the salary most department stores give bonuses or commissions through which the members of the sales force may increase their compensation. The Survey Staff worked out comparisons on the basis of data supplied by the State Industrial Commission between the earnings of workers in department store occupations and those in other industries. Diagram 3 shows graphically a comparison of the wages of women workers in six different industries. An interesting point brought out by this graphic comparison is that retail trade constitutes a much better field for women's employment as compared with the great majority of positions open to them in other lines than is commonly assumed to be the case. This is brought out even more clearly in Table 15, which compares, on a percentage basis, those who earn $12 a week and over, in all of the industries of the city employing as many as 500 women in 1914. [Illustration: Diagram 3.--Per cent of women earning each class of weekly wages in each of six occupations] TABLE 15.--PER CENT OF WOMEN EMPLOYEES OVER 18 YEARS OF AGE EARNING $12 A WEEK AND OVER Office employees, in retail and wholesale stores 31.8 Employees in women's clothing factories 22.5 Saleswomen in retail and wholesale stores 21.0 Employees in men's clothing factories 13.3 Employees in hosiery and knit goods factories 7.9 Employees in printing and publishing establishments 7.7 Employees in telephone and telegraph offices 6.3 Employees in laundries and dry cleaning establishments 4.4 Employees in cigar and tobacco factories 3.9 Employees in gas and electric fixtures concerns 3.2 If the data were for retail stores only and did not include wholesale stores, then office work, which now stands at the head of the list, would probably not make so good a showing, although the superiority over the selling positions is, from the wage-earning standpoint, so marked that there seems to be no escape from the conclusion that on the whole women office workers are better paid than women in the sales force. On the other hand the proportion of saleswomen earning $12 and over is from nearly seven times as great to not far from twice as great as it is in the factory industries, if we except the workers in women's clothing factories, whose earnings per week are better than those of the saleswomen. With respect to the men employed on the sales force of the department stores a somewhat different situation exists. In Diagram 4 a comparison is made of the wages paid in sales positions with the wages paid in clerical positions. Here it will be noted that men who sell goods in retail and wholesale stores earn more on the average than men occupying clerical positions, such as bookkeepers, stenographers, and office clerks. This comparison does not include traveling salesmen. A further comparison of the earnings of the men in stores with the earnings of male workers (omitting office clerks) in the different industries of the city employing the largest number of men is given in Diagram 5, which shows the per cent in each industry earning $18 a week and over. [Illustration: Diagram 4.--Per cent of salesmen and of men clerical workers in stores receiving each class of weekly wage] In comparing wages in stores with those in the manufacturing industries it must be not forgotten that the working day and week in the larger stores is shorter than in most of the factories. Hence a comparison of earnings on the basis of wage per hour would show a still greater advantage in favor of both sales persons and clerical workers. [Illustration: Diagram 5.--Per cent of male workers in non-clerical positions in six industries earning $18 per week and over] REGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT In department store work and in nearly all branches of retail selling there is a marked fluctuation in the number employed during the year. Sales work in the department stores is seasonal in the sense that a large number of extra sales women are taken on during the Christmas season for a period of temporary employment, usually lasting from one to two months. The proportion of the total working force for the whole year employed in such transient jobs is approximately one-fourth. How selling positions in retail and wholesale stores compare with other fields of employment in this respect is seen in Diagram 6. [Illustration: Diagram 6.--Per cent that the average number of women employed during the year is of the highest number employed in each of six industries] OPPORTUNITIES FOR ADVANCEMENT In regard to promotion in department stores it should be noted that as a rule the executives are made in the business and are not, as in some industries, brought in from the outside because they must have some special training which the organization itself does not provide. Not only in Cleveland but in other cities where studies of the same kind have been made it has been found that practically all the people holding important floor positions have come up from the ranks. The various lines of promotion through the different departments are analyzed in detail in the report. THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING That vocational training for department store employees is both desirable and possible is proved by the fact that most of the large stores in Cleveland make some provision for the instruction of their workers. Some of these classes are carefully organized and excellently taught with every promise of increasing in usefulness. Others employ methods of instruction which belong to the academic school of an earlier decade and give evidence that the problem of vocational training with which they are presumably concerned is not even understood. From the standpoint of the school there are two well recognized kinds of training possible for department store employees: trade preparatory and trade extension training. Eventually it may prove practicable to organize instruction of both kinds, but it is the opinion of the author of the report that under present conditions the surest results can be expected from trade extension training. In trade extension instruction the members of the group to be dealt with have already secured their foothold in the industry; and having mastered at least the rudiments of their job they have acquired a basis of experience which may be utilized for purposes of instruction. These people are responsive to teaching organized with regard to their needs, for daily experience is demonstrating to them their deficiencies. The success of the proposed training will largely depend upon the employment of simple and direct methods that shall place this knowledge in the hands and head of the person or group needing it. The application of this instruction must be immediate and practical and must not be dependent upon the working out of a complicated course or schedule. The organization must be flexible enough to admit of bringing together a group having a common need, although they may come from different departments of the business. Since the unit of class organization is not previous school experience or similar employment, it will be seen that this class should be held only until the need is fully supplied and should then give place to another organized on the same basis. As in all vocational teaching, the size of the class should be limited. To make this work really effective, the instructor should come in sufficiently close contact with all pupils to enable him to obtain a personal knowledge of their needs and capabilities. A further necessity for small classes and individual instruction is found in the fact that there is a constant shift of employees in the industry as well as frequent accessions from the outside. It readily can be seen that this is not a problem of the regular school and that it cannot be met by ordinary classroom methods. Part time or continuation classes, such as have already proved feasible for other kinds of trade instruction, are the most practicable methods of doing this work. Classes for the instruction of employees are already maintained in the majority of large stores. The extension of this plan of separate responsibility is one way of meeting the problem. But this method has certain obvious faults. The unequal opportunity which it affords to department store employees as a body is a conspicuous drawback. The value of the instruction so given, moreover, will always depend to a large extent on the comprehension of the problem by the firm maintaining the classes. The method involves much duplication of effort, which is particularly wasteful when the instruction of small groups is involved. Another possible method would be for the several department stores to get together and coöperate in providing instruction. There would seem to be no reason why stores should not unite for this purpose as well as for any other. The advantages of this method are economy of maintenance and administration, the ability to command expert service, and the possibility of securing and sharing the results of a great variety of such experiences as does not consist of exclusive trade secrets. The number of people whom it would be necessary to employ exclusively for the purpose of conducting these classes would be small as compared with the results accomplished. Collectively these stores now have in their employ a body of highly paid experts in all lines of merchandise. A large amount of the most accurate technical knowledge covering the work of all departments is already available in the several stores. These are valuable resources which should be utilized by a coöperative school of this kind. For the head of such a school, it would be desirable to secure a man or woman of more than usual ability and discernment who, above all else, could sense the business and routine of each contributing store from the standpoint of the employee and of store organization. It would be the business of this person to become familiar with the available sources of knowledge in the different stores and then arrange for the presentation of this knowledge to the various classes. By coöperation with the floor men, heads of sections and departments, as well as with the employees themselves, he should come into close contact with the requirements of the workers and should gather from the different stores those who, because of their common need, can be made into a "school unit." It would also be necessary to employ assistants of practical experience who would attend to the details of routine teaching, and act as interpreters for those experts who have the knowledge but not the ability to impart it even to a small class. It is realized that a scheme of this kind would involve the overcoming of many objections and difficulties of adjustment before it could be put into actual operation. It would necessitate mutual concessions and forbearance on the part of everybody concerned, but the results would unquestionably justify the labor. A third method, already in operation in Boston, New York, and Buffalo, calls for the coöperation of the stores and the schools. This partnership, it is claimed, makes certain that the needs of the pupil are considered before the demands of the business. It insures equal opportunity for all employees so far as instruction is concerned and it divides the expense of maintenance between the industry and the school. It is to be regretted that this scheme frequently results in the employment of teachers who, although certificated for regular school work, have no other qualifications, instead of persons of practical experience. The employment of such teachers too often leads to the following of ordinary school practices and academic traditions rather than the methods and practice of business. In some quarters it is maintained that this instruction should be entirely taken over by the public schools, thus relieving the store of any responsibility in the matter. It is probably not now advisable for the school to assume full responsibility for such training. The heavy expense involved and the physical limitations of the schools would make it difficult, without the coöperation of the store, to reproduce the trade atmosphere necessary for real vocational training. As a result, the instruction would become abstract and theoretical, with the major portion of the effort limited to a continuation of elementary school subjects taught with reference to their application to department store work. CHARACTER OF THE INSTRUCTION The analysis of the industry shows that in each occupation or job there is a definite amount of knowledge which must be acquired by the efficient worker. A study of this analysis and of the examples of technical knowledge needed by the worker at different points in the industry will show that no such thing as a general course is possible. In every case the character of the instruction should be such that it will answer a definite need of the employee. What this instruction should be in specific cases can be settled only, on the one hand, by a thorough analysis of the occupation to determine what demands it makes upon the workers, and on the other, by a careful study of the workers themselves to ascertain how far they have been unable to meet these demands without assistance. Lessons can then be organized dealing with such subject matter as individuals or groups have failed to grasp, the lack of which limits their efficiency or restricts their usefulness. It can readily be seen that this instruction will cover a wide range of subjects, from the use of fractions needed by checkers and salesgirls in yard goods sections, to the special technical knowledge of fine furs required by the salesperson who handles this merchandise. The method by which this instruction can best be given is in a series of short unit courses. In every case the length of the course is to be determined by the subject matter. For instance, two one-half hour lessons may be a "course," when this time is sufficient for the necessary teaching. The group or class to which this instruction is given might be made up of those who need the same technical knowledge, although they might expect to make a different application of this instruction. For instance, the unit course on silks might be given to a group composed of salespeople from the silk section, the waists and gowns section, and the section of men's neckwear. The report gives detailed examples of the kinds of technical knowledge needed in the different departments of the store. It maintains that such instruction cannot be successfully given by regular school teachers. As in other industries the teacher needs actual experience in the occupation for which training is given. Academic training and teaching experience are desirable and valuable, but among the qualifications demanded of a teacher of this kind they are of secondary importance. The final chapter of the report contains valuable instructions for young persons who desire to secure positions in retail trade. These instructions cover such matters as work papers, methods of securing a position, and requirements for employment in various kinds of department store work. CHAPTER XIV SUMMARY OF REPORT ON THE GARMENT TRADES The clothing industry in Cleveland has grown very rapidly in recent years. During the 10 year period from 1900-10 the number of persons employed in the industry increased approximately 100 per cent. This increase was much greater than the increase throughout the country as a whole and was more than twice as large as the increase in the population of the city. There is every indication that this rapid growth is still continuing. It is estimated that approximately 10,000 workers are employed in the industry at the present time. The distribution of men and women in the industry is most interesting. The making of men's garments has been more fully standardized and is subject to fewer changes than the making of women's garments. In this standardized and systematized branch of the industry the women now outnumber the men. In the manufacture of women's garments, where the styles change more frequently and the work is of a more varied character, more men than women are employed. The methods of work are of three general types: The old tailoring system known as "team work," or a slight modification of it; piece operating; and section work. Under the team system, used extensively in the making of women's coats, a head tailor hires his own helpers (operators and finishers), supervises them and pays them by the week out of the lump sum he receives for the garments from the clothing establishment. Under the piece operating system each operator sews up all the seams on one "piece," or garment, and each finisher does all the hand sewing on one garment. Each operator and each finisher is an independent worker. The whole body of finishers keeps pace with the whole body of operators. Piece operating is used almost entirely in dress and skirt making, and to some extent in coat making. The section system is based on the subdivision of processes into a number of minor operations. The workers are divided into groups, each group making a certain part of the garment. The various operations are divided into as many minor operations as the number of workers and quantity and kind of materials will warrant. Each of these minor operations is performed by operators who do nothing else. This specialization has been carried to a high degree in the manufacture of men's clothing, and section work is increasingly used on women's coats. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WORKING FORCE One of the objects of the study was to find how many positions there are for men and women in each occupation in the industry. Through the coöperation of employers data were obtained from the records of 50 establishments employing a total of 8,337 garment workers, approximately four-fifths of the total number in the city. The distribution of workers by sex in the various occupations is shown in Diagram 7. The apportioning of work to the two sexes seems to depend partly upon the weight of materials and partly upon previous training. The men are mostly foreign born tailors who have had the kind of training necessary for the more complicated work. The women are largely American born of foreign parentage, trained in American shops and employed chiefly upon operations that may be learned in a relatively short time. Cutting and pressing are practically monopolized by men. Nearly all hand sewers are women, except for a few basters on men's clothing. Most designers are men, although a few women designers are found in dress and waist shops. In the largest trade,--machine operating,--about two-thirds of the workers are women. In no trade in which both sexes are employed is the difference in their work more apparent. The weight of materials decides to some extent the division of operating between men and women. Some employers are of the opinion that garments made of such thick materials as plush, corduroys, and cheviots are too heavy to be manipulated under needle machinery by women and consequently employ only men operators. Where light weight materials are used, as in the manufacture of dresses and waists, delicacy in handling is required, and nearly all the operators are women. [Illustration: Diagram 7.--Distribution of 8,337 clothing workers by sex in the principal occupations in the garment industry] Four-fifths of the men and two-fifths of the women employed in the industry are of foreign birth and the majority of the native born workers are of foreign parentage. There is an increasing demand for workers who understand English, due to the fact that they are able to follow directions more intelligently. There are relatively few workers under the age of 18. Many firms will employ no one under this age because of various complications which arise in connection with the age and schooling certification of girls between the ages of 16 and 18. Of 25 women's clothing factories visited during the Survey only nine had any workers under 18. According to the report of the Industrial Commission of Ohio for 1914 only eight per cent of the workers employed in making men's clothing, and less than two per cent of the workers employed in making women's clothing were under 18 years of age. EARNINGS In general the wages paid in garment making compare favorably with those of other manufacturing industries. This is particularly true with respect to the earnings of women workers. A considerably larger proportion of the women employed in the garment industry earn what may be considered high wages for industrial workers than in any of the larger factory industries of the city. This is clearly shown in Diagram 8 which lists nine of the principal fields of industrial employment for women. The proportions of women receiving under $8 a week are lower in men's and women's clothing than in the other seven industries. In the proportion of women receiving $12 and over, women's clothing ranks first and men's clothing third. [Illustration: Diagram 8.--Percentage of women in men's and women's clothing and seven other important women employing industries receiving under $8, $8 to $12, and $12 and over per week.] The comparison of the wages paid men employees shown in Diagram 9 is somewhat less favorable. Women's clothing ranks with printing and publishing as to the proportion of male workers receiving the highest specified earnings per week. Men's clothing ranks sixth among the industries compared. The various kinds of work do not command fixed wage rates, as do many other types of industrial employment. Quantity of output as well as quality of workmanship is an important factor in the determination of wages. Men generally turn out a greater output than women on the same kind of work and piece workers usually earn more than those paid by the week. The lowest, average, and highest wages for each of the principal occupations in the two branches of the industry are shown in Tables 16 and 17. One reason often given for the higher earnings received by workers on women's garments is the greater irregularity of employment in this branch of the industry. This, however, does not sufficiently account for the difference. The most weighty reason is that a higher degree of adaptability is required of workers than is the case in the manufacture of men's clothing. [Illustration: Diagram 9.--Percentage of men in men's and women's clothing and seven other manufacturing industries receiving under $18, $18 to $25, and $25 and over per week] TABLE 16.--WAGES FOR FULL-TIME WORKING WEEK, WOMEN'S CLOTHING, CLEVELAND, 1915 ---------------------------------------+--------+----------+---------+ Workers | Lowest | Average | Highest | ---------------------------------------+--------+----------+---------+ Assorters, women | $6.00 | $8.75 | $14.00 | Hand sewers, women | 6.00 | 10.00 | 20.00 | Trimming girls | 7.00 | 10.25 | 15.00 | Operators,* women | 6.00 | 12.00 | 30.00 | Sample makers, women | 10.00 | 12.75 | 15.00 | Examiners, women | 8.00 | 13.50 | 18.00 | Models, suit and cloak | 10.00 | 15.25 | 21.00 | Forewomen | 9.00 | 16.25 | 25.00 | Operators,* men | 7.00 | 17.75 | 50.00 | Pressers, men | 9.00 | 18.25 | 35.00 | Cutters,§ men | 8.00 | 19.25 | 30.00 | Pattern graders, suit and cloak, men | 13.00 | 22.00 | 27.50 | Sample makers, men | 13.00 | 22.50 | 25.00 | Examiners, men | 16.00 | 25.00 | 45.00 | Head tailors, men | 18.00 | 25.00 | ... | Foremen | 14.00 | 30.00 | 75.00 | ---------------------------------------+--------+----------+---------+ *: Includes piece and section operators and helpers to head tailors §: Includes all cutters except foremen, apprentices, and pattern graders TABLE 17.--AVERAGE WAGES FOR FULL-TIME WORKING WEEK FOR SIMILAR WORKERS, MEN'S AND WOMEN'S CLOTHING, CLEVELAND, 1915 ---------------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ Workers | Men's | Women's | | clothing | clothing | ---------------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ Hand sewers, women | $9.50 | $10.00 | Section operators, women | 9.25 | 11.25 | Examiners, women | 7.00 | 13.50 | Section operators, men | 16.50 | 15.25 | Pressers, under | 12.00 | 15.75 | Forewomen | 11.00 | 16.25 | Pressers, upper | 18.50 | 19.50 | Cutters, cloth | 18.75 | 20.00 | Examiners, men | 17.75 | 25.00 | Foremen | 29.25 | 30.00 | ---------------------------------------+--------------+--------------+ REGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT The making of women's clothing is seasonal, to meet a seasonal purchasing demand. Most people purchase their summer clothes in April and May, and their winter clothes in October and November. During the months previous to these purchasing seasons a large number of workers are needed, but after the height of the purchasing period employment becomes less and less steady until the first demands of the new season are felt. During the rush season a greater number of workers is employed, or the output may be augmented by increasing the speed at which the work is performed or the number of hours in the working day. A combination of these methods is frequently used. During dull periods the workers may be busy from a few hours a week to full working time; while in rush periods they may work not only the regular working hours, but in addition a good deal of over-time. Compared with other manufacturing industries as regards regularity of employment men's clothing makes an excellent showing while women's clothing ranks low. In Diagram 10 the average number of unemployed among each 100 workers is shown for men's and women's clothing and for 15 other large manufacturing industries in the city. Men's clothing leads the list, with an average unemployment of four among each 100 workers, while women's clothing ranks 14th, with 15 among each 100. TRAINING AND PROMOTION Designers learn their work through apprenticeships to custom tailors and cutters and by taking supplementary courses in drafting and grading of patterns in a designing school. Most designers in Cleveland have had training in designing schools in New York or Chicago. [Illustration: Diagram 10.--The black portions of the bars show the average number of unemployed among each 100 workers in men's clothing, women's clothing and 15 other specified industries] With but few exceptions organized training for machine operating is found only in the largest establishments. There is general agreement among employers that it takes a girl who has never operated a machine before about four weeks to learn an easy operation well enough to be taken on at regular piece rates. A much longer time is required to become a first class worker on a single operation, and to acquire skill in a group of operations takes from one to two years. Girls are not usually employed as hand sewers unless they know how to do plain sewing. A girl who starts with this knowledge should be able to learn factory sewing well enough to earn fair wages within from six months to a year. In cutting, which has a so-called apprenticeship lasting from two to six years, there is no formal system of instruction. Boys must pick up the trade from observation and practice. Beginners start as errand boys, cloth boys, bundlers, or helpers. Pressing is usually learned in cleaning and pressing shops. It takes about eight weeks for a green hand to become a good seam presser. To become a final presser on skirts and dresses requires from six months to a year, and on jackets and cloaks from two to three years. Examiners have usually had considerable previous experience as machine operators or finishers. The length of experience depends on the kinds of garments and ranges from three to eight years. Trimmers and assorters learn their work as helpers to experienced employees. A year or so of experience is required before they can be entrusted with responsible work. Foremen are selected from the working force or, in a few cases, trained especially for their positions. Although there are few opportunities each year for advancement to foremanship, employers declare they cannot get enough persons of ability to fill vacancies. A study of the previous experience of foremen and forewomen made by the survey shows that they come from nearly every department of the factory. The length of previous experience among the cases studied ranged from three months to nine years. EDUCATIONAL NEEDS The quality which proprietors of garment making establishments value above all others in their employees is adaptability. The reason for this is that the manufacturing of clothing differs from almost all other kinds of industrial work in the frequency with which changes take place in the size and shape of the product and in the range of materials which must be handled by the same workers. There is an annual change in the weight of cloth used for the different seasons, from light to heavy and from heavy to light. The size and shape of the pieces which compose the finished garment are determined by changes in style which vary from the minor modifications occurring yearly in men's clothing to the radical changes in the style of women's clothing. A wide variety of fabrics is employed, ranging from thick to thin, smooth to rough, closely woven to loosely woven and from plain weave to fancy weave. In one season a single establishment will make garments from as many as 200 different fabrics, and each operator is likely to work upon 60 or more different kinds of cloth. In view of the fact that many of the workers are foreigners or of foreign parentage, and that the frequent changes in styles and materials require the giving of detailed instructions by foremen, instruction in English is of more importance in the garment trades than in occupations where there is a larger proportion of native born and where the products and processes are more uniformly standardized. All clothing workers should have a practical knowledge of the fundamental operations of arithmetic. Where the piece and section systems are in operation it is important for the worker to keep account of what she has accomplished and to know enough arithmetic to check her own record with the tally kept by the foreman or payroll girl. Some of the occupations, such as cutting, involve a considerable amount of arithmetical computation. As in other trades, all workers and prospective workers need a general knowledge of industrial conditions. They would greatly benefit from a better understanding of the supply of labor, factors affecting prices, organization of workers, industrial legislation, the relative importance of the field of employment in different industries, the nature of important industrial processes, and the like. At the present time there is little opportunity for gaining such information either before entering any specific line of work or afterwards. For certain small groups within the clothing industry there are needs in the way of technical training that are important and at present unsupplied. Training in applied mathematics, drafting and design would be of benefit to a considerable number of employees who are occupying or working towards advanced positions. A large proportion of the women workers need skill in hand sewing. Before girls enter the industry they should have careful and systematic training in plain sewing stitches, sewing on buttons and other fasteners, and button hole making. Machine operating is the most important occupation in the industry, and employs more women than any other occupation in the city, except perhaps dressmaking. After a careful study of the characteristics of this occupation and the various conditions affecting it, the survey reached the conclusion that there should be established by the school system a trade course for prospective power machine operators. SEWING COURSES IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS In the elementary schools manual training sewing is given in the fifth and sixth grades. It consists of one hour a week of hand sewing taught by a regular grade teacher or sometimes by teachers of domestic science or other special subjects. The aim is to give the girls a knowledge of practical sewing which may be of use to them in the home. In five of the elementary schools hand and machine sewing is taught by special sewing teachers. About four per cent of all the seventh and eighth grade girls in the elementary schools receive this instruction. In the technical high schools the sewing course covers four years work. During the first two years all girls are required to take plain hand and machine sewing three and three-quarter hours a week. In the third and fourth years they may elect either millinery or dressmaking, and special courses in these subjects are provided for girls who wish to prepare for trade work. The aim of the sewing course as stated in the outline of the East Technical High School is "(1) Preparation for efficiency in the selection of the materials used in sewing and the construction of articles relating to the home and family sewing: (2) laying the foundation for courses in college, normal school, or business school." A two year elective course in sewing is provided in the academic high school as a part of the home economic course. The aim of this sewing, which is called domestic art, is stated thus: "Problem--my personal appearance is one of my chief assets. What can I do to improve it?" Dressmaking and millinery classes are conducted in the night technical high schools to teach girls how to make their own clothes and hats. The manual training sewing in the fifth and sixth grades cannot be considered as furnishing any important contribution in the training of those who will make their living in the sewing trades. Much the same must be said of the work in the technical high schools. It is taught not for the purpose of securing quick, accurate hand or machine stitching, but to enable the girls to make a few garments for their personal use. Due to the fact that very few of the girls who become wage earners in these trades remain in school after the completion of the elementary course it is doubtful whether the technical high school offers a hopeful field for practical training. The work in the elementary schools is so hampered by lack of equipment that the results, from the standpoint of trade preparation, amount to very little. ELECTIVE SEWING COURSES IN THE JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL The reduction of retardation all through the grades is of fundamental importance to any plan of vocational training. The age of 15 is the final compulsory attendance age for girls, and those who enter at six and seven and make regular progress should be in the first or second high school year by the time they reach this age. Last year there were, however, 1,170 fifteen-year-old girls in the Cleveland schools who were from one to seven grades below normal. Instead of being in the high school, they were scattered from the second grade to the eighth, and they constituted more than half of all the girls of that age in the school system. It is clear that unless the schools can carry them through more nearly on schedule time there is no hope of providing industrial training for a large proportion of them, because they reach the end of the compulsory period before entering the grades in which industrial training can be given effectively and economically. The report recommends that during the junior high school period girls who expect to enter the sewing trades should be given work in mechanical drawing, elementary science, industrial conditions, elementary mechanics and hand and machine sewing. The fundamentals of sewing can be thoroughly taught in two years. The work during the first year might well be limited to hand sewing. Machine sewing should be taken up in the second year, and the girls given an opportunity during the third year to specialize somewhat broadly in a trade school on the kind of work in which they may wish to engage--power operating, dressmaking, or millinery. A ONE YEAR TRADE COURSE FOR GIRLS Specialized training must be conducted under conditions closely resembling those found in the industry. This involves equipment similar to that used in the factory, an ample supply of materials, and a corps of teachers who have had practical experience. It might seem that on the score of adequate equipment the factory itself would be the place for such training. But the fact is that the main object of the factory is to turn out as large a quantity as possible of saleable product. In the school the main object should be to turn out as large a quantity of saleable skill and knowledge as possible, with the saleable product as a secondary, although necessary, feature. The junior high school is not the place for specialized trade training, since it is reasonably certain that there would not be a sufficient number of girls in each junior high school desiring to enter a single trade to warrant the provision of special equipment and special teachers. For this reason the report favors a trade course in a separate school plant where girls who wish to specialize in any of the sewing trades can be taught in fairly large classes. The work done during the past few years in such institutions as the Boston Trade School for Girls and the Manhattan Trade School for Girls in New York City gives evidence of the practicability of this plan. TRADE-EXTENSION TRAINING The only instruction offered by the public school system at the present time which can be considered as trade-extension training for the garment industries is that given in the sewing classes in the technical night schools. The enrollment in these classes during the second term of 1915-16 was 229. Only a small proportion of the girls and women enrolled in the night sewing classes make their living by sewing. The students employed by day in clothing factories or in any of the sewing trades constitute somewhat less than 15 per cent of the total number enrolled. Nearly half of the enrollment is made up of workers in commercial, clerical or professional pursuits and approximately one-third are not employed in any gainful occupation. In both technical night schools the emphasis is laid on training for home sewing rather than on training for wage earning. The courses now given are not planned for workers in the garment trades, but to help women and girls who want to learn how to make, alter, and repair their own garments. If a trade school of the kind described in the previous section were established it would be possible to give at night short unit courses in machine or hand sewing to those workers who wish to extend their experience and prepare themselves for advancement, utilizing in the night classes the equipment of the day school. It is probable also that special day classes could be organized during the dull season to give beginners the opportunity to learn new processes and extend their knowledge of trade theory. CHAPTER XV SUMMARY OF REPORT ON DRESSMAKING AND MILLINERY At the time of the last census the total number of women in Cleveland employed as milliners or dressmakers was approximately 5,000, of whom about seven-tenths were dressmakers and about three-tenths milliners. For the most part they were of native birth. The proportion of young girls engaged in these occupations was relatively small, the age distribution showing that only about one-third of the milliners and less than one-fifth of the dressmakers were under 21 years of age. DRESSMAKING Four distinctive lines of work are done by those who are classified by the census as dressmakers and seamstresses: dressmaking proper, usually carried on in shops; alteration work in stores; general sewing done by seamstresses at home or in the homes of customers; and the work of the so-called dressmaking "school," in which the dressmaker helps her customers do their general sewing. Shop dressmaking is in the main confined to the making of afternoon and evening gowns and fancy blouses. Nearly uniform processes of work are maintained and the workers in the different establishments need about the same kinds of abilities and degrees of skill. There is a strong and increasing tendency towards specialization of the work. Among each 100 workers in dressmaking shops about 13 are head girls, 55 are finishers or makers, 16 are helpers, eight are apprentices, and the rest are lining makers, cutters, embroiderers, errand girls, shoppers, and stock girls. Alteration work constitutes a separate sewing trade and consists of the adjustment of ready-made garments to individual peculiarities. It furnishes employment to several hundred workers in Cleveland. The weekly wages most commonly paid to each class of workers in dressmaking shops may be roughly stated as follows: apprentices, $2 to $4; helpers $6 to $9; finishers or makers $10 to $12; and drapers $18 to $20. Lining making, done in most shops by apprentices or helpers, pays from $4 to $6 a week. In one shop a specialist on linings received $12. Women cutters, found in two shops, and doing supervisory work similar to that done by drapers, earned from $15 to $25. Hemstitchers earn $10 to $14 and a guimpe maker in one shop earned $12. Errand girls were found at $3 and $6; stock girls at $8, $12, and $13; and shoppers at from $3.50 to $10. Beginners in alteration departments are started at from $5 to $7. Regular alteration hands earn from $7 to $18, the average being $9 or $10. Fitters earn about the same as drapers in dressmaking shops, averaging from $15 to $18, with a range of from $10 to $25. As a rule comparatively little time is lost through irregularity of employment. Workers average from 10 to 11 months' work out of the year. Establishments usually close during the month of August and for one or two weeks in the spring. Workers in alteration department average 11 months of work. Dress alteration work is steady, while suit and coat alteration is irregular. Apprenticeship in dressmaking comprehends a trying-out period of from six months to a year. Most shops take apprentices, the proportion in the trade being one to every 12 workers; and an effort is made to keep these new workers if they are at all satisfactory. There is no standardized apprenticeship wage. Girls may serve without pay for six months, or may start at from 50 cents to $4 a week. At the end of six months they may be earning from $1.50 to $6. The lack of any wage standard in apprenticeship probably accounts for the fact that it is difficult to get girls to enter this trade. MILLINERY Millinery requires the handling of small pieces of the most varied sorts of material, most of it perishable. The materials must be measured, cut, turned, twisted, and draped into innumerable designs and color combinations, and sewed with various kinds of stitching. The main processes are making, trimming, and designing. Making consists in fashioning a specified shape from wire or buckram and covering it with such materials as straw or velvet. The covering may be put on plain, or may be shirred or draped. Trimming consists in placing and sewing on all sorts of decorative materials. A combination of the two processes of making and trimming, known as copying, consists in making a hat from the beginning exactly like a specified model. Designing is the creation of original models. The increase in the use of the factory-made hat has decreased the number of workers in custom millinery, and has also had an effect in diverting business from small retail shops to millinery departments in stores. The number of millinery workers constantly fluctuates, not only from season to season, but from year to year. According to a close estimate not more than 2,000 workers were actually engaged in millinery occupations during the busiest part of 1915. Between 1,200 and 1,400 were in retail shops; about 300 were in millinery departments in stores; and about 300 more were in wholesale houses. The data collected indicate that the wages of workers in retail shops are lower in general than the wages of workers in millinery departments in stores and in wholesale houses. Makers in retail shops earn from $3 to $16 a week, the average being about $8. Trimmers earn from $10 to $40, with an average of about $18. Out of 45 retail shops, only 22 paid as high as $10 to any maker; 15 paid as high as $12; six paid as high as $15; and only one paid over $15. In millinery departments in stores, trimmers, who are generally designers, earn from $15 to $50 a week or more. The rate most commonly received is $25. Makers are started at from $4 to $6 and may advance to $15, with an average of about $10. In wholesale houses designers earn from $25 to $60, or more. Makers start at about $5, and the usual range is from $10 to $15. Those employed in straight copying may earn between $15 and $20. The 1914 report of the Industrial Commission of Ohio presents data showing that of the women 18 years of age and over employed in wholesale houses 37 per cent receive under $8, about 22 per cent receive between $8 and $12, while 41 per cent receive $12 and over. The girls under 18 years of age were, with one exception, receiving less than $4 per week. Employment in retail shops averages about 32 weeks during the year; in the millinery departments of stores from 32 to 42 weeks; and in wholesale houses about 40 weeks. The proportion of workers employed the year round is very small. The majority of millinery workers are faced with the problem of tiding themselves over two dull seasons, aggregating from 12 to 28 weeks each year. The millinery apprenticeship period lasts for two seasons of 12 weeks each. Almost all retail shops take apprentices in large numbers, there being one apprentice to every three or four workers in the trade. Few apprentices are found in stores and wholesale houses. The apprenticeship wage is extremely low. The usual rate is $1 a week during the first season and from $1.50 to $2 during the second. THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING The needs of girls who are soon to leave school and go to work can best be met by a modification of the junior high school course and by the establishment of a one-year trade school for girls. Before a re-organization of the junior high school work is made to meet the needs of these girls an effort should be made to reduce retardation so that more girls will reach the junior high school before the end of the compulsory attendance period. The present courses should be reorganized so as to give basic preparation for wage earning and should be as concrete and real as a thorough understanding of the requirements of the gainful occupations can make them. Thorough sewing courses planned from the standpoint of the sewing trades should be offered, extending over two years. The program suggested closely resembles that recommended for the garment trades. It is also recommended that a one-year trade school be established for preparing girls to enter employment in dressmaking and millinery. The history of trade schools for girls, both private and public, indicates that such a school, if properly conducted, would be highly successful in Cleveland. The classes in sewing and millinery in the evening technical high schools do not offer trade-extension training for workers and it is not likely that they could be easily reorganized to furnish such training. It is recommended that if a trade school is established in Cleveland, short unit courses in sewing and related subjects, such as design, be given in evening classes. CHAPTER XVI SUMMARY OF REPORT ON THE METAL TRADES Approximately one-half of the total number of persons in Cleveland engaged in manufacturing are found in the metal industries. When the last federal census was taken nearly one-seventh of the entire male population was employed in establishments engaged in the manufacture of crude or finished metal products. Pittsburgh only, among the 10 largest cities in the country, has a higher proportion of its industrial population working in such establishments. In relation to its total population, Cleveland has twice as many people working in these industries as Chicago, three times as many as Philadelphia, and four times as many as New York. It is estimated that at the present time the number of wage earners in the city engaged in this kind of work is between 70,000 and 80,000. The report deals with the three leading industries of the city,--foundry and machine shop products, automobile manufacturing, and steel works and rolling mills. The study of this last group also includes several related industries, such as blast furnaces, wire mills, nail mills, and bolt, nut, and rivet factories. About three-fourths of the total number of wage earners in the city engaged in the manufacture of metal products are found in these three industries. The field investigations consisted of personal visits to the manufacturing establishments for the purpose of securing first hand data as to industrial conditions, and conferences with employers, superintendents, foremen, and workmen as to the need and possibilities of training for metal working occupations. In all, 60 establishments, employing approximately 35,000 men, were visited. The conclusions as to vocational training were based on an analysis of educational needs in the various metal industries, together with an extended study of the social and economic factors which condition the training of all workers. Particular attention was given to the administrative problems involved in such training in public schools. FOUNDRY AND MACHINE SHOP PRODUCTS According to the United States Census, foundries and factories making machine shop products gave employment in 1909 to nearly 18,000 Cleveland wage-earners. This industrial group ranks first in the city, employing more than twice as many workers as the next largest industry,--automobile manufacturing,--and approximately two-fifths of the total working force in all metal industries. Its growth during the previous five years, from the standpoint of number of workers employed, showed an increase of about 33 per cent, and it is estimated that the total number of wage-earners in 1914 was approximately 25,000. At the present time, due to the impetus given to this branch of manufacturing by the European war, the working force is undoubtedly in excess of this figure. The report gives extended consideration to the machinist's trade, which constitutes by far the largest body of skilled workers in the city. This trade has been affected more than any other by the progress of invention and the modern tendency towards specialization. In many establishments the all-round machinist, competent to do independent work and operate the wide variety of machine tools now used in the trade, had practically disappeared. In his place are found "specialist" machine hands who have learned the operation of a single machine tool, but have no general knowledge of the trade, and who if called on to perform work requiring the use of a machine tool different from the one on which they are employed are unable to do so. There are hundreds of drill press hands who cannot operate a milling machine, lathe hands who know nothing of planer work, and so on. The subdivision of these occupations follows closely the advance in invention, so that employers advertising for help frequently specify not only the machine tool to be used but add the name of the firm which manufactures that particular type of machine, with the result that there are about as many kinds of machinists as there are manufacturers of machine tools. Table 18 shows the estimated number of men employed, with their distribution in the various branches of the trade. TABLE 18.--PROPORTIONS AND ESTIMATED NUMBERS EMPLOYED IN MACHINE TOOL OCCUPATIONS, 1915 --------------------------------+------------+-------------+ | | Estimated | Workers | Per cent | number | --------------------------------+------------+-------------+ Lathe hands | 18.8 | 3,384 | Drill press operators | 17.9 | 3,222 | Bench hands | 13.4 | 2,412 | Machinists | 12.7 | 2,286 | Screw machine operators | 9.4 | 1,692 | Milling machine operators | 8.6 | 1,548 | Tool makers | 8.3 | 1,494 | Grinding machine operators | 6.2 | 1,116 | Planer hands | 2.2 | 396 | Turret lathe operators | 1.8 | 324 | Gear cutter operators | .7 | 126 | --------------------------------+------------+-------------+ Total | 100.0 | 18,000 | --------------------------------+------------+-------------+ Specialization has operated to lower standards of skill and keep down wages. The average wage of the "all-round" machinist is very nearly the lowest found among the skilled trades. The union scale is but 14 cents an hour above that paid unskilled labor, while the average earnings of machine operators range from four to 12 cents above laborers' wages. Only among the highly skilled tool makers do the wages approach those received by skilled labor in most other industries. Table 19 shows the average, highest, and lowest rates per hour for all branches of the machine trades in the establishments from which data were collected during the survey, with the per cent employed on piece work and day work. TABLE 19.--AVERAGE, HIGHEST, AND LOWEST EARNINGS, IN CENTS PER HOUR, AND PER CENT EMPLOYED ON PIECE WORK AND DAY WORK, 1915 ---------------------------+-------+-------+-------+--------+--------+ | | | |Per cent|Per cent| | | | |on piece| on day | Workers |Lowest |Average|Highest| work | work | ---------------------------+-------+-------+-------+--------+--------+ Tool makers | 25.0 | 39.0 | 50.0 | .. | 100 | Machinists | 25.0 | 33.2 | 50.0 | .. | 100 | Planer hands | 20.0 | 32.2 | 42.0 | .. | 100 | Grinding machine operators | 20.0 | 32.0 | 50.0 | 70 | 30 | Bench hands | 17.5 | 29.6 | 45.0 | 48 | 52 | Screw machine operators | 17.5 | 29.5 | 63.8 | 79 | 21 | Lathe hands | 19.0 | 29.1 | 40.0 | 40 | 60 | Turret lathe operators | 25.0 | 29.0 | 47.5 | 80 | 20 | Gear cutter operators | 20.0 | 26.7 | 40.0 | 96 | 4 | Milling machine operators | 15.0 | 25.9 | 40.0 | 53 | 47 | Drill press operators | 15.0 | 23.5 | 35.0 | 35 | 65 | Machinists' helpers | 20.0 | 22.2 | 25.0 | .. | 100 | ---------------------------+-------+-------+-------+--------+--------+ On the basis of weekly or yearly earnings, the trade makes a better showing. Work is steady throughout the year, and the time lost through unemployment on account of seasonal changes is slight. Also, as the usual working day is from nine to 10 hours, that is, from one to two hours longer than in the higher paid building trades, the difference in daily wages is really less marked than a comparison of hourly rates would seem to indicate. Little attempt has been made to adapt the apprentice system to modern conditions. The term of service and rates of pay have changed but slightly over a long period of years. As a result only a small proportion of the boys who begin as apprentices finish the apprenticeship term of three or four years. Employers attribute this to the relatively high wages paid for machine operating, and the slight advantage, from a wage standpoint, of the "all-round" man over the machine operator. After a year or two the apprentice finds that he can double his pay by taking a job as operator, and the inducement for learning the trade thoroughly is too small to hold him. The report gives a comparison of the earnings of an apprentice and a machine operator, both starting at the same age, the first becoming a journeyman machinist at the end of three years and the second specializing on a particular machine. Assuming that both boys go to work at the age of 16 their total earnings up to the age of 25 years will be approximately equal. The lack of thoroughly trained workmen is beginning to be felt, but the efforts made by industrial establishments to meet it have small prospects of success unless the economic factors of the problem are given greater consideration. Inasmuch as no regular apprenticeship period is served for machine operating, a special effort was made to secure data relating to the time usually required for the worker to learn the operation of each tool well enough to earn average wages. In this matter the individual opinions of foremen and superintendents differed widely, but when the reports from all the establishments visited were compared, a sufficient degree of uniformity was found to serve as a basis for estimating the amount of experience workers of average intelligence would need, under normal shop conditions, in order to become fairly proficient. There was practical unanimity in fixing the period at four years for tool makers and three to four years for machinists. Higher estimates were received from the superintendents of plants doing a jobbing business or manufacturing high grade machine tools than from the specialized shops making a single product. The superintendents of automobile manufacturing plants, where the standard of quality in production is necessarily high, gave the lowest estimates of all. Table 20 shows the estimated time required to learn the various types of machine work. TABLE 20.--ESTIMATED TIME REQUIRED TO LEARN MACHINE TOOL WORK ------------------------------------+----------------------+ Workers | Time required | ------------------------------------+----------------------+ Grinding machine operators | 12 to 15 months | Lathe hands | 6 to 9 months | Planer hands | 6 months | Gear cutter operators | 6 months | Turret lathe operators | 4 to 6 months | Screw machine operators | 3 to 6 months | Bench hands | 3 to 6 months | Milling machine operators | 2 to 4 months | Drilling machine operators | 2 weeks to 4 months | ------------------------------------+----------------------+ The weakness of specialization, with its constant tendency towards the substitution of semi-skilled operatives for trained workmen, lies in its failure to provide a body of workers from whom to recruit the large directive force needed in any scheme of production based on semi-skilled labor. This condition is regarded by many employers with grave concern, and in a few plants apprentice schools designed primarily to train future foremen have been established. Practically all the foremen in the shops visited had received an all-round training as machinists, and there are few opportunities for promotion open to men who have not a general knowledge of the trade. On the other hand, such general knowledge is only one of the requisites for advancement. Others are initiative, resourcefulness, tact, self-control, ability to get along with men, and a disposition to subordinate personal interests to the interests of the business. To these should be added the quality of patience, for there must be vacancies before there can be promotions, and vacancies among the better positions are not frequent. Ten of the establishments visited, employing a total working force of over 5,000 men, reported but eight vacancies among foremen's positions over a period of one year. These same establishments had in their employ a total of 618 all-round machinists and tool makers. Assuming that only the machinists and tool makers were eligible for promotion, the mathematical chance per man of becoming a foreman during the year was about one in 77. Other occupations studied in detail were pattern making, molding, core making, blacksmithing, and boiler making. Pattern making offers the most interesting work and the highest wages among the metal trades, but the total number of American born pattern makers in the city does not exceed seven or eight hundred, so the field of employment is relatively limited. Molding and core making, in which between 4,000 and 5,000 men are engaged, have practically become foreign trades. Less than 20 per cent of the molders in the city were born in this country. These trades offer few opportunities for employment to boys of native birth. Somewhat similar conditions exist in the blacksmithing trade. Changed methods of production have largely done away with the old-time blacksmith, who survives only in horse-shoeing and repair shops. The proportion of native blacksmiths is steadily declining, and it is unlikely that any considerable number of boys from the public schools will enter the trade. The boiler making trade employs relatively few men, the total number of native born boiler makers at the time of the last census being less than 600. The trade seems to be at a standstill. The increase during the previous decade was less than five per cent against a total population increase of 46 per cent. The average earnings per hour for these trades in the establishments visited by members of the Survey Staff are shown in Table 21. TABLE 21.--AVERAGE EARNINGS PER HOUR IN PATTERN MAKING, MOLDING, CORE MAKING, BLACKSMITHING, AND BOILER MAKING Average earnings Workers Per Hour Pattern makers .44 Skilled molders .39 Semi-skilled molders .27 Skilled core makers .39 Semi-skilled core makers .27 Blacksmiths .33 Boiler makers .32 The findings and recommendations as to training emphasize the fact that the vast majority of boys who become workers in the metal trades leave school by the time they are 15 with at most a common school education, so that any vocational training before they go to work must be given between the ages of 12 and 15 and before the end of the eighth grade. The report points out the impossibility of effective vocational instruction in elementary schools on account of the prohibitive cost per pupil for both equipment and teaching, and endorses the recently adopted junior high school plan. This form of organization has the great advantage of concentrating in large groups the boys who are old enough to make a beginning in prevocational training, and through the departmental system of teaching offers facilities for differentiation of courses to meet their varying needs. Whatever their cultural value, the present manual training courses in woodwork have little relation to the requirements of any metal working trade, except pattern making, in which some of the same tools are used. No manual training work in metal is offered in the elementary and junior high schools. The course recommended for the junior high school lays especial emphasis on applied mathematics, mechanical drawings, practice in assembling and taking apart machines, and the utilization of the shop as a laboratory for teaching industrial science. The report maintains that the object of such a course should be the development of industrial intelligence through the application of mathematical and mechanical principles to the solution of concrete problems, rather than the teaching of specific operations and skill in the use of tools. In mechanical drawing the ability to understand and interpret drawings should be given more importance than the ability to make drawings. Few workmen are ever called on to draw, while the ability to read plans and sketches is always in demand. It is also recommended that boys who do not expect to take a full high school course or who intend to leave at the end of the compulsory period should devote at least a period each week to the study of economic and working conditions in industrial and commercial occupations. With respect to the technical high schools the report holds that these schools are primarily training schools for the higher positions of industry. They undoubtedly offer the best instruction obtainable in the city for the ambitious boy who wishes to prepare himself for supervisory and managerial positions in industry or for a college engineering course. The establishment of a separate two-year vocational school, equipped for giving instruction in all the larger industrial trades, is recommended. The number of boys in the public schools between the ages of 14 and 16 who are likely to enter the metal trades is between 700 and 800, of whom from 500 to 600 will become machinists or machine tool operators. An enrollment of much less than this number is sufficient to justify the installation of good shop equipment and the employment of a corps of teachers who have had the special training necessary for this kind of work. It should be possible to form a class in pattern making and foundry work of from 80 to 100 boys, and one of at least 30 in blacksmithing. Boiler making could be taught in connection with sheet metal work. Various changes are recommended in the present evening school classes for machinists, molders, and pattern makers now given by the technical high schools. It is claimed that the courses as now organized are not elastic enough to meet the varying needs of the journeymen, helpers, machine operators, and apprentices employed in these trades. The great need is for short unit courses in which the instruction is limited to a particular machine or a special branch of the trade. The long course tends to discourage the student, especially when it embraces an amount of theory out of all proportion to his working needs. AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURING Due to the large number and specialized character of the occupations in this industry, they are taken up in a more general way than the "foundries and machine shop" group. The productive departments of the automobile factories utilize in the main the same equipment as other machinery manufacturing plants, but specialization has been carried to a degree found in few other metal industries. The "all-round" workman is a rara avis. The machine shops are manned by machine "specialists" most of whom know how to operate a single machine tool or perform a single operation made up of relatively simple elements. From one-half to two-thirds of the working force is recruited from immigrant labor which is "broken in" under skilful foremen within a period varying from a few days to a few weeks. In the simpler assembling operations the jobs are so subdivided that any man who is not actually feebleminded can learn the work in a few days. Production is on a large scale, permitting the maintenance of high-grade engineering and experimental departments, where all of the work is planned to the last detail. As a result the automobile manufacturers are turning out one of the most complicated and most efficient machines known to modern industry with a working force composed chiefly of semi-skilled labor. For the machine shop workers the training suggested is similar to that recommended for the same class of workmen in other machine shops. The necessity of short unit courses adapted for teaching parts of the trade rather than the whole trade is obvious, as most automobile workers are employed on specialized operations. Short unit evening courses for motor and transmission assemblers, and testers and inspectors, are recommended. STEEL WORKS, ROLLING MILLS, AND RELATED INDUSTRIES A somewhat similar treatment is followed with respect to the iron and steel group of industries--blast furnaces, steel mills, rolling mills, wire mills, nail mills, and bolt, nut, and rivet factories. These industries are characterized by a high proportion of common and semi-skilled labor in the working force. Between 75 and 90 per cent of the workers are of foreign birth. In the operating department of one mill only two Americans were found among a total of 600 employees. As a rule the native born workers are mechanics employed in the power and maintenance departments. With scarcely an exception the occupations are of a nature that require the worker to learn through actual experience in the mills. Theory and practice must be learned at the same time. Even the supervisory and executive positions in which a technical education is of considerable value require a long and arduous apprenticeship on the job before the worker can compete with men who have started with the scantiest educational equipment, but have picked up a knowledge of the processes by experience and observation. Below these positions the work rapidly grades off to various kinds of machine operating in which not even the ability to read or understand English is required. No plan of vocational training is presented, because at present the mills recruit almost exclusively from foreign labor, and only a very small number of boys from the public schools are likely to seek employment in them. The technical content of the work which might conceivably be given in evening classes, except in the case of the few directive and supervisory positions, is so small that continuation instruction offers but meager hopes of success. Under present conditions the long working day and the necessity of changing from the day to the night shift, or vice-versa every two weeks, constitutes an insuperable obstacle to the organization of night classes. The principal need of the rank and file is a speaking and reading knowledge of the English language, so that the workers can be taught to avoid and prevent accidents, and give themselves the necessary care when they occur. Instruction in English with possibly courses in accident prevention and personal hygiene represent about the only training possible that can be said to have any real vocational significance. CHAPTER XVII SUMMARY OF REPORT ON THE BUILDING TRADES A careful estimate places the number of men engaged in building construction in Cleveland at the present time at about 30,000, comprising more than one-fifth of the total number employed in manufacturing and mechanical occupations. About two-thirds of these workmen are skilled artisans, distributed among some 20 different trades. The estimated number in each trade is shown in Table 22. SOURCES OF LABOR SUPPLY The building trades get their workers from four principal sources: immigration, native journeymen from outside the city, helpers, and apprentices. Immigration contributes the largest proportion in both skilled and unskilled work, practically monopolizing the latter. Over four-fifths of all cabinet makers, more than two-thirds of all brick and stone masons, and nearly two-thirds of all carpenters are foreign born. Plumbers and steam-fitters show the smallest proportion of foreign labor. TABLE 22.--ESTIMATED NUMBER OF MEN ENGAGED IN BUILDING TRADES, 1915 ----------------------------------------+------------------+ Workers in trade | Number employed | ----------------------------------------+------------------+ Carpenters | 7,105 | Painters, glaziers, varnishers | 2,746 | Plumbers, gas- and steam-fitters | 2,014 | Bricklayers | 1,800 | Machine woodworkers | 1,198 | Sheet metal workers or tinsmiths | 1,069 | Cabinet-makers | 895 | Inside wiremen and fixture hangers | 750 | Plasterers | 638 | Paperhangers | 379 | Structural iron workers | 356 | Roofers and slaters | 315 | Stone-cutters | 292 | Lathers | 275 | Stone masons and marble setters | 250 | Ornamental iron workers | 200 | Cement finishers | 200 | Hoisting engineers | 150 | Elevator constructors | 100 | Parquet floor layers | 100 | Tile-layer | 100 | Asbestos workers | 75 | Wood carvers | 63 | Helpers | 926 | Apprentices | 306 | ----------------------------------------+------------------+ Total | 22,302 | ----------------------------------------+------------------+ APPRENTICESHIP The general decline of the apprenticeship system which began with the invention of modern labor-saving machinery has affected the building trades least of all. Here it survives in an active state and is steadily gaining ground. It is in favor with many employers and with all unions. The best apprenticeship systems are found in the strongly organized trades. It is true that in some of the trades apprenticeship is little more than a name, meaning simply that permission has been granted to learn the trade. The apprentice is left free to pick up what experience he can between the odd jobs that are given him. What meager instruction he receives comes from a journeyman worker who is none too eager to give up what he considers the secrets of his trade. The union regulations provide that boys shall not enter the trades as apprentices or helpers below the age of 16. The limits set by the various trades and the union regulations as to length of apprenticeship are shown in Tables 23 and 24. TABLE 23.--UNION REGULATIONS AS TO ENTERING AGE OF APPRENTICES ----------------------------------------+------------------------+ Asbestos workers | Enter at any age | Bricklayers | Between 16 and 23 | Carpenters | Between 17 and 22 | Cement finishers | Must be full grown | Elevator constructors | Must be full grown | Lathers | Must be 18 years old | Inside wiremen | Between 16 and 21 | Painters and paperhangers | Before 21 years old | Plumbers and gas-fitters | Must be 16 years old | Sheet metal workers | Must be over 16 years | Slate and tile roofers | Must enter before 25 | Steam-fitters | Must be full grown | Structural and ornamental iron workers | Between 18 and 25 | ----------------------------------------+------------------------+ TABLE 24.--UNION REGULATIONS AS TO LENGTH OF APPRENTICESHIP PERIOD _Trades in which indentures are usually signed_ Bricklayer 4 years Plasterers 4 years Sheet metal workers 4 years _Trades in which indentures are seldom signed_ Steam-fitters 5 years Carpenters 4 years Inside wiremen 4 years Plumbers and gas-fitter 4 years Cement finishers 3 years Asbestos workers 3 years Painters and paperhangers 3 years Slate and tile roofers 3 years Lathers 2 years Structural and ornamental iron workers 11/2 years Elevator constructors varies All obtainable information points to the conclusion that the number of apprentices employed in the city is far below the maximum permitted by the unions. Many large contractors have no apprentices and say they will not bother with them. Others state that they have been unable to get or keep good apprentices and have therefore given up the plan. UNION ORGANIZATION The building trades are among the most strongly organized in the city. It is estimated that their unions at the present time include about 90 per cent of all the men engaged in building work. Practically all the large contracting firms employ only union labor. The few non-union workers are employed by small contractors. Requirements for admission to the different unions vary to a marked degree. If the union is strong and has a good control over the labor supply, admission fees are higher and regulations as to apprentices and helpers are more stringent than if the union is fighting to gain a foothold. EARNINGS No industrial workers in the city are paid better wages than those employed in the building trades. More than one-half of the skilled workers are in trades that pay an hourly wage of 50 cents or over. The hourly rate in each occupation is shown in Table 25. TABLE 25.--UNION SCALE OF WAGES IN CENTS PER HOUR MAY 1, 1915 _70 Cents_ Bricklayers 70.00 Hoisting engineers on boom derricks, etc. 70.00 Stone masons 70.00 Structural iron workers 70.00 _From 60 to 70 Cents_ Marble setters 68.75 Inside wiremen 68.75 Plasterers 68.75 Slate and tile roofers 67.50 Parquet floor layers (carpenters) 62.50 Lathers, first class 62.50 Plumbers 62.50 Steam-fitters 62.50 Stone-cutters 62.50 Hoisting engineers, brick hoists 60.00 Elevator constructors 60.00 _From 50 to 60 Cents_ Tile layers 59.38 Lathers, second class 56.25 Carpenters 55.00 Cement workers, finishers 55.00 Sheet metal workers 50.00 Painters 50.00 Paperhangers 50.00 _From 40 to 50 Cents_ Asbestos workers 47.50 Composition roofers 42.50 _Under 40 Cents_ Cabinet-makers and bench hands 37.50 Machine woodworkers 37.50 Electrical fixture hangers 37.50 Hod-carriers 35.00 Union organization is a more powerful factor in determining wages in these trades than technical knowledge and skill. A high degree of skill in a given trade brings little advantage in the matter of wages. By establishing a minimum scale below which no journeyman shall work, the union secures practically a flat rate of pay for most of the men in the trade. When there is much building work and good men are scarce, contractors sometimes pay higher wages to highly skilled workmen in order to secure their services. As a rule, however, their reward comes in the form of steadier employment. The less skilled man is the first to be laid off when business is slack, while the first-class workman, for the reason that he is so hard to replace, is the last to be discharged. Many unions, among them those of the carpenters, bricklayers, and painters, make no provision as to the wages of apprentices. Table 26 shows the wages in three of the building trades that have established a uniform scale for apprentices. Sheet metal apprentices are paid a bonus of $1 extra for each week served. TABLE 26.--USUAL WEEKLY WAGES OF APPRENTICES IN THREE BUILDING TRADES -------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+ | | | Sheet metal | Year | Inside wiremen | Plasterers | workers | -------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+ First year | $5.50 | $5.50 to $6.25 | $5.00 | Second year | 13.20 | 8.25 to 11.02 | 5.50 to 6.00 | Third year | 17.60 | 13.75 to 16.00 | 6.50 to 7.00 | Fourth year | 22.00 | 19.25 | 8.00 to 9.00 | -------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+ HOURS The usual working day is eight hours. Many of the trades work only a half day on Saturdays throughout the year; practically all have this half holiday during the four summer months. For holiday or over-time work the men receive either pay and a half or double pay. REGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT Due to the seasonal character of building work, it is next to impossible for a building contractor to keep a large force employed all the year. One result of this situation is that the men change employers more than any other workers in industry. Irregularity of employment is greater in building construction than in any other of the principal industries of the city. A comparison between the different branches of building work as to regularity of employment is presented in Diagram 11. The best showing is made by electrical contracting, in which the average number employed is 93 per cent of the maximum working force, and the poorest by plastering in which the average is only 66 per cent of the maximum. HEALTH CONDITIONS Nearly all of the building trades are open air occupations, much even of the inside work being done before the buildings are closed in. For the most part the materials used are not injurious to health if reasonable precautions are taken and ordinary habits of cleanliness observed. In general, health conditions are better than those found in the factory industries. [Illustration: Diagram 11.--Sections in outline represent percentage of men employed, and sections in black percentage of men unemployed in each of nine building industries at the time when each industry showed the largest percentage of unemployment] OPPORTUNITIES FOR ADVANCEMENT The building trades offer many opportunities for advancement. One reason for this is the large number of supervisory positions made necessary by the wide range of building activities. A foreman in almost any of the trades must be able to read plans, as he must lay out the work. It is not necessary for him to be the most skilled mechanic in the force. Employers and superintendents say that in selecting foremen they lay about equal weight on skill and on ability to handle men. As a rule, foremanship carries with it higher wages, although in some cases the pay is the same as that of the regular journeymen. The reward for the added responsibility comes in the form of steadier employment. It is not uncommon for a foreman to be hired on a salary basis and carried on the payroll throughout the entire year. Small contracting offers another form of advancement. It requires but little initial investment to make a modest beginning, because individual workmen in the various building trades provide their own tools and no expensive machines are required. Comparatively little working capital is necessary, as provision is made in most contracts for part payments as the work progresses. THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING The recommendations of the report relating to training for the building trades may be summarized under five headings: 1. _Reduce retardation._ The first step in improving the educational preparation of workers entering the building trades is to reduce retardation or slow progress in the elementary grades. At present it is approximately true of the men entering the building trades that one-third drop out of school by the sixth grade, two-thirds by the seventh grade, and three-thirds by the eighth grade. Now according to law a boy cannot go to work until he is 16, and if he has made normal progress he will have completed the eight grades of the elementary course before he has reached that age. In point of fact, many of these boys do not make normal progress through the grades and hence they reach the age of 15 before completing the elementary course. As a result they fall out of school without having had those portions of the work in reading, drawing, mathematics, and elementary science which would be of most direct use to them in their future work. 2. _General industrial courses in seventh, eighth, and ninth grades._ If retardation could be largely reduced in the elementary grades, industrialized courses could be properly introduced in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades for boys intending to enter the building trades. The specific changes recommended include as their most important elements: a. Increased training in industrial arithmetic beginning in the seventh grade. b. Courses in industrial drawing. c. Courses in elementary science relating to industry. d. Courses in industrial information. e. General courses in industrial shop work. These are general industrial courses and it is recommended that they be introduced as prominent features of the work of the junior high school. They are not intended to take the place of specialized courses in the building trades, but they are proposed as courses valuable for all future industrial workers and within which certain adaptations should be made for those who are intending to enter the building trades. 3. _A two year industrial trade school._ In addition to the general industrial courses in junior high schools that have been recommended in the previous section, there should be established a two year industrial trade school for boys. It should receive boys 14 to 16 years of age who desire direct trade-preparatory training. There are good reasons why the present elementary schools, the proposed junior high schools, and the existing technical high schools cannot satisfactorily take the place of a specialized two year course in giving boys direct trade-preparatory education. Boys who go through the technical high schools do not remain in the building trades as artisans. This is shown by the fact that less than two per cent of the graduates of these schools are working in the building trades. The elementary schools and the junior high schools cannot conduct satisfactory trade-preparatory courses for the building industry for the reason that they do not bring together at any one point a sufficient number of these future workers to make it possible to teach them economically. This is a consideration which conditions every plan for the organization of industrial education. It is a question of the community's capacity to absorb workmen trained for any given occupation. In Cleveland about 4,000 boys leave the public elementary schools each year. Approximately 2,400 of them drop out of the elementary schools or leave after graduating from them, while the remaining 1,600 go on to high school. The future workers in the building trades will be largely recruited from the 2,400 boys who leave the elementary schools each year. Most of them range in age from 14 to 16 and in school advancement from the fifth to the eighth grades. They represent a cross-section of a large part of the city's adult manhood of a few years hence. Now the census figures tell us that if present conditions maintain in the future only about 100 of the 4,000 boys leaving school each year will be carpenters. For the purposes of the present inquiry we may assume that these 100 future carpenters are to be found among the 2,400 boys who do not go on to high school. But Cleveland has 108 elementary schools and these 100 future carpenters are widely scattered among them. Even if we knew which boys were destined to become carpenters, and even if we knew when they would leave school, and even if we should decide to give them all trade preparatory education for the last two years of their school life, we should still have an average class in carpentry of only two boys in each elementary school. This is administratively and educationally impossible. For similar reasons specialized trade preparatory classes in junior high schools would prove exceedingly difficult to organize. The whole situation is changed, however, when we gather in a central school all these future artisans who have decided that they wish to prepare for specific trades. Under these conditions classes would be sufficiently large so that specialized training could be given and special equipment provided. This work would best be undertaken in a school entirely devoted to the purpose, but such courses might be organized in connection with the present technical high schools. This arrangement would be less desirable and probably give inferior results. The important point, however, is not so much the organization or curriculum for these classes, it is the fundamental fact that trade classes can be wisely organized only when a sufficiently large number of pupils can be gathered in one place so as to make the work efficient and economical. The effectiveness of the trade-preparatory training recommended would be greatly increased if the upper limit of the compulsory attendance period for boys should be placed at 16 years instead of at 15 as it is now. 4. _Trade-Extension Classes for Apprentices._ At the present time the technical high schools offer evening classes for apprentices in the building trades. About one-seventh of the apprentices of the city are enrolled in these classes. In the main they are full grown men. In general they do not want shop work related to their own trades, but prefer instead to enroll in courses in drawing. The considerations already presented bear in minor degree on the problem of providing evening instruction for trade apprentices. The essential for efficient work is that a sufficient number of pupils be brought together so as to make it possible to organize specialized classes in different kinds of work that the pupils want and need. So long as there are only 50 apprentices enrolled in the entire city, and these represent a number of trades, many different stages of advancement, and a variety of needs, truly efficient work will be impossible. Better conditions can be brought about only through the coöperation of the unions, the employers, and the school people. 5. _Trade-Extension Work for Journeymen._ The evening technical schools now maintain shop classes and drawing classes for workers in the building trades. Less than one per cent of the workers in these trades are enrolled in these classes. There is little differentiation in the school work offered to helpers, apprentices, and journeymen. The result is that the work is much less efficient than it might well be. It cannot be rendered much more efficient than it is until the classes are increased in size and as a result the work differentiated and specialized. This type of improvement will result only from putting the night school work in the hands of skilful and well paid directors and teachers who bring to it a degree of energy, enterprise, ingenuity, and adaptability that it is unreasonable to expect and impossible to get from day school teachers who have already given the best that is in them to their regular classes and are giving a fatigued margin of work and attention to their night school pupils. CHAPTER XVIII SUMMARY OF REPORT ON RAILROAD AND STREET TRANSPORTATION The report on railroad and street transportation takes up a class of wage earning occupations that give employment in Cleveland to approximately 15,000 men. A much larger proportion than is found in most other industrial manual occupations are natives of the city. Although some of the work is relatively unskilled, all of the different occupations have one common characteristic--the necessity for a knowledge of the English language and some acquaintance with local customs and conditions. For this reason comparatively few foreigners are employed. The report takes up separately three types of workers, those employed in railroad train service, those engaged in wagon or automobile transportation, and the car service employees of the street railroad. RAILROAD TRANSPORTATION The study covered only those railroad occupations that are directly concerned with the actual operation of trains, such as those of engineers, firemen, conductors, and trainmen. These occupations have many points in common and bring into play many similar mental and physical characteristics. The requirements for entrance are strict and examinations for the higher positions are obligatory. In all of them the hazards are great. Each occupation is firmly intrenched in trade unionism. Differences with employers relating to such matters as promotion, hours of labor, wages, and overtime are settled by collective bargaining or, in case of failure to agree, by arbitration proceedings. The estimated number of men in Cleveland employed in these occupations in 1915 is approximately 4,500. Of these about one-fourth are switchmen and flagmen, one-fourth enginemen, one-fifth brakemen, one-sixth conductors, and one-eighth firemen. The requirements for entrance call for a high degree of physical fitness. The applicant for employment must pass a severe examination as to vision and hearing, and in addition furnish certain data as to his family history, as it relates to insanity, tuberculosis, and certain other diseases. The high standard maintained insures a type of employees which for physical fitness, mental alertness, and ability to handle difficult situations is unsurpassed in any industry. Frequent examinations, which are compulsory, are the stepping stones to the higher positions. In this way a brakeman qualifies for the position of freight conductor, a freight conductor for that of passenger conductor, and a fireman for a position as engineer. Each of the two services, passenger and freight, has its advantages. In the passenger service the working day is short, with little overtime. Freight service requires a longer working day and a considerable amount of overtime. Promotions in both services and from one to the other are made on the basis of seniority. Violation of the strict rules laid down for the operation of trains on the part of employees may result in reprimand, suspension, or dismissal, according to the gravity of the offense. The penalty of suspension has practically superseded the others except in extreme cases, such as drunkenness, theft, or other serious violations of the rules, for which offenders are summarily dismissed. On some railroads, a graded system of demerits is used. When an employee has received a certain number of demerits he is dismissed from the service. The railroad unions are among the strongest and most aggressive in the country. The total union membership among train operating employees alone in the country is approximately 350,000. The unions are all modeled upon the same general plan. They are quite independent of each other, keep strictly to their agreements and oppose the sympathetic strike. They all maintain some form of life insurance. Four organizations have underwritten over $500,000,000 of insurance and one of them in a single year paid claims amounting to $1,135,000. The influence of these unions has been particularly effective in securing the passage of protective state and national legislation such as full crew laws, standardization of train equipment, employers' liability laws, car limit laws, etc. The hazardous nature of the work is indicated by a statement made by a prominent union official to the effect that the Trainmen's Brotherhood paid a claim for death or disability every seven hours. A report to the Interstate Commerce Commission states that there is one case of injury in train or yard service every nine minutes. With the invention of safety devices the risk of accident has been greatly lessened, but railroading is still one of the most dangerous industrial occupations. There is little chance of employment for applicants under the age of 21 years. In fact, many roads refuse to employ men below this age. Physical or sense defects which often accompany advancing years, and which would not disqualify a man in other occupations do so in railroad work. The average length of the working life is a little over 12 years. Railroad employees are among the best paid workers in the country. A close estimate based on extensive wage investigations places the annual earnings of engineers at from $1,200 to $2,400 a year, with an average of $1,600. Conductors average about $1,350, firemen a little over $900, and other trainmen about $950. The usual working day is 10 hours, although this is often exceeded. Overtime is paid on a regular scale agreed upon by the companies and the union. The educational requirements are not very exacting. A thorough grounding in the "three R's" is usually all that is necessary. A large amount of trade knowledge is obtained through contact and participation after entering employment and can be gained in no other way. The examinations for promotion are of a thorough-going character. One of the roads in Cleveland requires an examination of its firemen and trainmen six months after employment, as to vision, color-sense, and hearing. They must also pass an oral examination on the characteristics of their division and a written examination on certain set questions furnished them in advance. Two years later they are examined again, the fireman for engineman, and the brakeman for conductor. The scope of these examinations covers the whole range of train operating. Each of the five large railroads entering Cleveland has air-brake cars equipped with various forms of air brakes, air signals, pumps, valves, and injectors for the purpose of giving instruction to trainmen. A competent instructor is put in charge of these cars to explain the theory and practice of the apparatus and also to give instruction in any new type of engine or train equipment. The conclusions of the report are in the main negative with respect to specialized vocational training in the public schools. There is no doubt that the general industrial course recommended for the junior high school period in previous chapters would be of some value to boys who may enter this line of work. Problems of railroad transportation might well be included as part of the work in applied mathematics. What workers in these occupations need most, however, is a thorough elementary education. MOTOR AND WAGON TRANSPORTATION This section of the report takes up such occupations as those of teamsters, chauffeurs, and repairmen. There are no reliable data as to the number of men in the city employed in these occupations, but it is certain that it does not fall below 9,000. Notwithstanding the great increase in the use of automobiles and auto trucks in recent years the number of teamsters at the present time is in excess of 4,000 men. A very large proportion of the men employed in these occupations are of American birth. The general conditions of labor such as wages, hours of labor, and so on, are the same for teamsters and chauffeurs. They earn about the same wages, belong to the same union, and work about the same hours. The wages range from 25 to 37 cents an hour. Earnings in the better paid jobs compare favorably with those in several of the skilled trades. Automobile repairmen earn from 30 to 45 cents an hour, and work from nine to 10 hours a day. The working day for teamsters and chauffeurs is somewhat longer, ranging from 10 to 12 hours. At the present time these occupations are only partially organized in trade unions. The report recommends the establishment of a course in automobile construction and operation in the technical high schools. In view of the constantly increasing use of automobiles such a course would be of value to many boys besides those who enter employment as chauffeurs and truck drivers. STREET RAILROAD TRANSPORTATION There are employed in Cleveland at present approximately 2,500 motormen and street car conductors. Almost all of them are of American birth, and the majority are natives of the city. As in railroad work each applicant for employment must pass an examination, although the requirements are less exacting than those demanded in railroad work. The preliminary training occupies about 10 days, during which the motorman is taught by actual car operation how to operate the controller, how to apply and release the brakes, and other duties connected with the careful running of the car through crowded streets. The conductor is taught the names of the streets, how and when to call them, where stops are to be made, when to turn lights on and off, how to act in case of accidents, and the various duties which deal with the sale, collection, and reporting of transfers and tickets. No one is admitted into the service before the age of 21 or after 35. Promotion usually comes in the form of better runs. The chances of promotion to positions above the grade of conductor or motorman are very slight. About 90 per cent of the men belong to the local union. Union rates of pay for motormen and conductors are higher in Cleveland than in most cities in the country, in spite of the fact that this is the only large city in the country with a three cent street car fare. The wages of both motormen and conductors are 29 cents an hour for the first year and 32 in succeeding years. The hours of labor are very irregular. The usual working day is from 10 to 12 hours. The author of the report is of the opinion that no special instruction for this type of workers can be given by the public schools. CHAPTER XIX SUMMARY OF REPORT ON THE PRINTING TRADES A smaller proportion of the industrial population in Cleveland is engaged in printing than in most large cities. The number of persons employed in printing occupations in 1915 is estimated at approximately 3,900, made up chiefly of skilled workmen. Little common labor is used in any department of the industry. The business of printing is usually conducted in small establishments. There are not more than six plants in the city which employ over 75 wage earners. Data collected from 44 local printing shops, showed an average working force of only 36 persons. Due largely to this characteristic printing affords an unusual number of opportunities for advancement to the skilled workers in the industry. The smaller the establishments are the greater is the proportion of proprietors, superintendents, managers and foremen to the total number of wage earners. Ten per cent of the total working force in the printing industry is employed in supervisory and directive positions. In many of the large manufacturing industries of the city the proportion in such work is less than three per cent. [Illustration: Diagram 12.--Number of men in each 100 in printing and five other industries earning each class of weekly wage. Black indicates less than $18, hatching, $18 to $25, and outline $25 and over] No other manufacturing industry employs so large a proportion of American born workers. In recent years many of the skilled industrial trades have been recruited to a very large extent from foreign labor, but in printing the American worker has so far held his own remarkably well. This is due in part to the relatively high wages and desirable working conditions and to the necessity in all branches of printing for a working knowledge of English. Practically all of the trades are thoroughly organized. The unions are united in a body called the Council of the Allied Printing Trades. Although only about half of the shops in the city employ union labor exclusively, the union regulations as to wages and hours of labor are observed in both open and closed shops. Printing workers are among the best paid industrial wage earners in the city. A comparison of the weekly earnings in the various manufacturing industries is shown in Diagram 12. This comparison is based upon the 1914 report of the Ohio Industrial Commission. The comparison of the earnings of women in various industries, shown in Diagram 13, is less favorable to printing. On the basis of the proportion of women that earn $12 and over per week this industry takes third place. It should be noted, however, that nearly all the women employed are engaged in semi-skilled work in binderies,--a lower grade of work than that done by most women workers in clothing factories, where wages are higher. Compared with other occupations that require about the same amount of experience and training, in textile, tobacco, and confectionery manufacturing establishments, the wages of women employed in the printing industry are relatively high. Wage earners in printing establishments lose less time through irregularity of employment than do those in most other factory industries. The kind of work done by women is more seasonal than that done by men, although less so than in other manufacturing industries which employ large numbers of women. [Illustration: Diagram 13.--Number of women in each 100 in printing and six other industries earning each class of weekly wage. Black indicates less than $8, hatching $8 to $12, and outline $12 and over] COMPOSING ROOM WORKERS Nearly all the workers in this department of the industry are hand or machine compositors. Until about 30 years ago, before practical type-setting machines were invented, all type was set by hand. Today the hand compositor, except in very small shops, works only on jobs requiring special type and special arrangement, such as advertisements, title covers of books, letter heads, and so on. In the city there are about 1,200 people employed in composing room occupations, or about 30 per cent of the total number of workers in the industry. This number includes some 50 women employed as proof-readers and copy-holders. Nine-tenths of the composing room workers are members of the International Typographical Union, although the number of shops that employ union men exclusively, called closed shops, approximates only one-half of the total number in the city. The remainder, while employing union labor, observing union hours, and paying union wages, reserve the right to hire non-union workmen. Composing room workers are the best paid in the industry. A comparison of average wages in newspaper and job establishments is shown in Table 27. TABLE 27.--AVERAGE DAILY EARNINGS OF JOB AND NEWSPAPER COMPOSING-ROOM WORKERS, 1915 -------------------------+---------------+------------+ | | Newspaper | Workers in trade | Job offices | offices | -------------------------+---------------+------------+ Foremen | $5.19 | $6.65 | Linotype machinists | 4.66 | 4.84 | Proof-readers | 4.63 | 3.98 | Monotype operators | 4.57 | .. | Linotypers | 4.28 | 4.65 | Monotype casters | 3.96 | 4.30 | Stonemen | 3.94 | 4.89 | Hand-compositors | 3.48 | 4.58 | Copy-holders | 2.30 | 2.93 | Apprentices | 1.64 | 1.30 | -------------------------+---------------+------------+ Compositors suffer most from the diseases that are common to indoor workers. The stooping position in which much of the work is done, together with insufficient ventilation and the presence of gases from the molten metal used in monotype and linotype machines, favors the development of lung diseases. The number of deaths from consumption among compositors is more than double that in most outdoor occupations. The apprenticeship system has held its own in the compositor's trade better than in most industrial occupations. In the establishments visited by the Survey Staff there were approximately 15 apprentices to each 100 hand and machine compositors. As a rule there is no real system or method of instruction. The points principally insisted upon by the union, which strongly favors the apprenticeship system, are that the number of apprentices employed shall not exceed that stipulated in the agreement between the employers and the union, and that each apprentice shall be required to serve the full term of five years. During the first and second years the apprentice is required to perform general work in the composing room under the direction of the foreman. In the third year he joins the union as an apprentice. The apprenticeship agreement stipulates that during this year he must be employed four hours each day at composition and distribution. In the fourth and fifth years the number of hours per day on such work is increased to six and seven respectively. During the last two years of his term he must take the evening trade course given by the International Typographical Union, the expense of tuition being met by the local union. The agreement contains no stipulation as to wages for the first and second years. The wage for the third year is $9 a week, for the fourth year $12, and for the fifth, $15. Apprentices in newspaper composing rooms are permitted to spend the last six months of their period working on type-setting machines. THE PRESSROOM The pressroom occupations include platen and cylinder pressmen, web or newspaper pressmen, platen and cylinder pressfeeders, plate printers, cutters, flyboys and apprentices. Approximately 15 per cent of the men employed are cylinder pressmen, about 10 per cent platen pressmen, and less than three per cent web pressmen. Pressfeeders comprise over 40 per cent of the whole group. Nearly nine-tenths of all pressroom workers are employed in job establishments. Five occupations--those of cutters, floormen, flyboys, plate printers, and web pressmen--give employment to fewer than 40 men each. The average daily earnings of pressroom workers in the establishments from which wage data were collected during the survey are shown in Table 28. The hourly rates of pay are high as compared with those in other occupations requiring an equal or greater amount of skill and knowledge. Cylinder pressmen earn more per hour than do tool and die makers--the most highly skilled of the metal trades--and platen pressmen in charge of five or more presses earn more than all-round machinists and boiler makers. The rate for cylinder pressfeeders is about three cents an hour higher than that received for specialized machine work in the metal trades. TABLE 28.--AVERAGE DAILY EARNINGS OF PRESSROOM WORKERS, 1915 _Job pressroom workers_ Foremen $4.78 Cylinder pressmen 3.63 Cutters 3.41 Platen pressmen 2.97 Floormen 2.91 Cylinder pressfeeders, men 2.54 Cylinder pressfeeders, women 1.77 Platen pressfeeders, men 1.83 Platen pressfeeders, women 1.70 Flyboys 1.56 _Newspaper pressroom workers_ Foremen 6.11 Web pressmen 4.33 Web pressmen's assistants 2.95 Formal apprenticeship is practically unknown. The boy begins as a pressfeeder, usually on a platen press, and in the course of time gets to be a platen pressman. A knowledge of platen presswork does not qualify a man to run a cylinder press, and as a rule the platen pressman who wants to change must serve some time as a cylinder pressfeeder and cylinder pressman's assistant. There is no organized system for training beginners. The boy who wants to become a pressman must pick up the trade through experience and practice, the length of time required depending chiefly on how frequently changes occur among the force of pressmen employed in the shop. THE BINDERY The bindery is the only department of the industry in which any considerable number of women are employed. Some of the occupations, such as gathering, sewing, and stitching, are practically monopolized by women. They are also employed extensively in hand and machine folding. About one-fifth are gatherers and one-fifth sewers and stitchers. The other three-fifths are distributed among a number of occupations usually classed as general bindery work. The occupations in which men predominate are forwarding, ruling, and finishing, and cutting. The forwarders comprise more than one-fourth of the total number of men engaged in bindery work. The other two skilled trades--ruling and finishing--give employment to about 35 men each. The average daily earnings in the various occupations, based on returns from 44 establishments, were as shown in Table 29. TABLE 29.--AVERAGE DAILY EARNINGS OF BINDERY WORKERS, 1915 ------------------------------+-----------+-----------+ Workers in trade | Men | Women | ------------------------------+-----------+-----------+ Foremen | $4.78 | $2.05 | Rulers | 3.56 | .. | Finishers | 3.51 | .. | Forwarders | 3.23 | .. | Cutters | 3.21 | .. | Machine-folders | 2.81 | 1.49 | Wire-stitchers | .. | 1.57 | Apprentices | 1.53 | .. | Gatherers | .. | 1.52 | Sewers | .. | 1.52 | Other bindery operatives | 1.40 | 1.51 | ------------------------------+-----------+-----------+ On account of the seasonal character of the work considerable time is lost through unemployment, particularly in those occupations in which women predominate. Beginners in these occupations in which the majority of the women are employed, start on folding or pasting, and as opportunity presents, gradually acquire practice in the higher grades of work, such as gathering and machine operating. There are some traces of the apprenticeship system in forwarding, ruling, and finishing, but these trades are so small that all of them combined require only a very few new workers each year. OTHER OCCUPATIONS Other departments of the printing industry are photoengraving, stereotyping, electrotyping, and lithographing. They give employment to approximately 700 workers, distributed among more than 20 distinct trades, requiring the most diverse sorts of skill, knowledge, and training. There are about 100 men in the city engaged in the different processes of photoengraving. Nearly all of the stereotypers, numbering from 60 to 70, are employed in newspaper offices. There are about 125 electrotypers and 400 lithographers. The labor conditions closely approximate those found in other departments of the industry. Average wages for the different occupations are shown in Table 30. TABLE 30.--AVERAGE DAILY EARNINGS IN PHOTOENGRAVING, STEREOTYPING, ELECTROTYPING, AND LITHOGRAPHING OCCUPATIONS, 1915 Average Workers in trade daily earnings Photoengraving Artists $6.32 Photographers 4.69 Etchers 4.52 Routers 4.25 Finishers 4.21 Proofers 3.69 Strippers 3.61 Blockers 2.36 Apprentices 1.49 Art apprentices 1.27 Stereotyping 4.00 Electrotyping Molders 4.41 Finishers 4.01 Casters 3.18 Routers 3.17 Builders 3.13 Blockers 2.05 Batterymen 1.97 Case fillers 1.59 Apprentices 1.10 Lithographing Lettermen 6.63 Artists 6.41 Pressroom foremen 5.80 Grainers 4.73 Engravers 4.35 Pressmen 3.91 Transferers and proofers 3.41 Pressroom apprentices 2.80 Tracers 2.63 Stone polishers 2.53 Pressfeeders 1.72 Other apprentices 1.59 Artist apprentices 1.23 Flyboys 1.10 There is no well organized system for training apprentices in photoengraving, stereotyping, and electrotyping, or in any of the lithographic trades, except that of poster artist, in which an efficient and strictly regulated system of apprenticeship is maintained. THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING The report maintains that up to the end of the compulsory attendance period school training preparatory to entering the printing trades must be of the most general sort, due to the fact that in the average elementary school the number of boys who are likely to become printers is too small to form special classes. For example, in an elementary school of 1,000 pupils the number of boys 12 years old and over to whom instruction in printing would be of value from the standpoint of future vocational utility, would probably not exceed two. While admitting the advantages of the junior high school for the purposes of vocational training, the report points out that even in a school where only pupils of the upper grades are admitted, the number who are likely to become printers is still too small to warrant special instruction. In a junior high school of 1,000 pupils not more than nine boys are likely to become printers. The report recommends a general industrial course during the junior high school period. What the boys need at this time is practice in the application of mathematics, drawing, and elementary science to industrial problems. Shop equipment should be selected with this object in mind. It is doubtful whether it should include a printing shop, for while such a shop would be useful to the few boys who will become printers, it would be of little value in training for other industries. The report suggests as subjects which should be included in the general industrial course practice in handling and assembling machinery, the study of color harmony, and the principles of design in connection with the work in drawing, the use of printing shop problems in applied mathematics, and thorough instruction in spelling, punctuation, and the division of words. It also recommends the course of industrial information referred to in previous chapters. The establishment of a two year printing course in a separate vocational school is recommended to meet the need for specialized instruction from the end of the compulsory period to the apprentice entering age. The printing trades are relatively small and it is only by concentrating in a single school plant all the boys who may wish to enter them that specialized training can be made practicable. In this way it would be possible to secure classes of from 60 to 100 boys each for such trades as composition and presswork. The report emphasizes the need for instruction in trade theory as against practice on specific operations. It points out that the boys will have plenty of opportunity after they go to work to acquire speed and manual skill, while they have little chance, under modern shop conditions, to obtain an understanding of the relation of drawing, physics, chemistry, mathematics, and art to their work. The only trade extension training offered by the public schools at the present time is that given in the technical night schools. During the second term of 1915-16 there were 28 persons enrolled in the technical night school printing class. Of these 28 persons three were journeymen printers, five described themselves as "helpers," 11 were apprentices, one was employed in the office of a printing establishment, and eight were engaged in occupations unrelated to printing. No special provision is made for the apprentices. The course, which includes hand composition, a little press work, and lectures on trade subjects, is planned "to help broaden the shop training of those working at the trade." That it does so to any considerable extent is doubtful. Too much of the time is devoted to hand work and practice on operations which the boys can easily learn in the shops. It is believed that the plan followed in the evening apprentice course prescribed by the International Typographical Union, in which no shop equipment or apparatus is used, is better adapted to the needs of boys employed in the trade. The course consists of 46 lessons in English, lettering, design, color harmony, job composition, and imposition for machine, and hand folding. The classes are taught by journeymen teachers. In February 1916 about 100 students were enrolled, of whom approximately one-third were apprentices and two-thirds journeymen. CLEVELAND EDUCATION SURVEY REPORTS These reports can be secured from the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio. They will be sent postpaid for 25 cents per volume with the exception of "Measuring the Work of the Public Schools" by Judd, "The Cleveland School Survey" by Ayres, and "Wage Earning and Education" by Lutz. These three volumes will be sent for 50 cents each. All of these reports may be secured at the same rates from the Division of Education of the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. Child Accounting in the Public Schools--Ayres. Educational Extension--Perry. Education through Recreation--Johnson. Financing the Public Schools--Clark. Health Work in the Public Schools--Ayres. Household Arts and School Lunches--Boughton. Measuring the Work of the Public Schools--Judd. Overcrowded Schools and the Platoon Plan--Hartwell. School Buildings and Equipment--Ayres. Schools and Classes for Exceptional Children--Mitchell. School Organization and Administration--Ayres. The Public Library and the Public Schools--Ayres and McKinnie. The School and the Immigrant--Miller. The Teaching Staff--Jessup. What the Schools Teach and Might Teach--Bobbitt. The Cleveland School Survey (Summary)--Ayres. * * * * * Boys and Girls in Commercial Work--Stevens. Department Store Occupations--O'Leary. Dressmaking and Millinery--Bryner. Railroad and Street Transportation--Fleming. The Building Trades--Shaw. The Garment Trades--Bryner. The Metal Trades--Lutz. The Printing Trades--Shaw. Wage Earning and Education (Summary)--Lutz. * * * * * Transcriber's Notes: Typos Corrected In Text: Table 15 on page 120: establishments for estabments page 194: "car fare" for "car far" page 15: employee for employe * * * * * 
44614	----	Proofreading by users brianjungwi, dekpient, rikker, emil. PGT is an affiliated sister project focusing on public domain books on Thailand and Southeast Asia. Project leads: Rikker Dockum, Emil Kloeden. (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.) DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, BUREAU OF EDUCATION. PROGRESS OF WESTERN EDUCATION IN CHINA AND SIAM. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, BUREAU OF EDUCATION, _Washington, August 3, 1880._ The attention of school officers and teachers is invited to the following interesting accounts of the progress of western ideas and educational methods in China and Siam, forwarded to the Department of State by the United States minister at Peking and the United States consul at Bangkok, respectively. JOHN EATON, _Commissioner._ WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1880. CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO WESTERN EDUCATION IN CHINA AND SIAM. * * * * * I. CHINA. _Mr. Evarts to Mr. Schurz._ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, May 12, 1880._ SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith, for the benefit of the Bureau of Education, copies of dispatches Nos. 600 and 612 from our legation at Peking, detailing the progress of western education in China. The inclosure with No. 600, being printed matter, is too voluminous for copying, but will be sent for perusal if desired. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, WM. M. EVARTS. * * * * * _Mr. Seward to Mr. Evarts._ No. 600.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, _Peking, February 21, 1880._ SIR: There has lately been published in the North China Daily News, at Shanghai, a statement, from the pen of Mr. John Freyer, of work done in the "translations department" of the arsenal at Shanghai. This so-called arsenal is a large establishment, in which vessels of war are built, guns cast, and small arms made. It employs, or did employ a few years ago, on the occasion of my last visit to it, about fifteen hundred hands. These were all Chinese, with the exception of some half dozen superintendents and specialists. It had grown to these dimensions in a very few years, and appeared likely to receive the continued support of the government. I was aware that a scientific school and a department of translations had been established in connection with the arsenal, but I was not prepared to learn that so much has been accomplished by the latter of these as appears from Mr. Freyer's report. Of what the school is doing I am not informed at the moment, but it appears that a very large number of our text books have been translated into Chinese in the translations department, and that the Chinese connected with it have shown a degree of zeal which promises much for the future. While referring you to Mr. Freyer's very interesting paper for the details of this work, I may remark that the education of the Chinese in our knowledge is going forward in many ways. You are familiar with the facts in regard to the educational mission in the United States. About one hundred and twenty young Chinamen, supported and paid by this government, are now in various schools and colleges in our country, gaining all that is available in the way of knowledge from us to bring it into use here. Perhaps half as many more are studying in Europe. Here at Peking, the university presided over by Dr. Martin is progressing very favorably. There is a school at Foochow connected with the arsenal there, and another one at Canton. All of these educational enterprises are sustained by the government. Besides these, however, there are many schools, of a more or less advanced order, in charge of and supported by the several foreign missionary bodies, where other branches than those directly connected with the moral and religious purposes of the missionaries are taught. Educational work is fortunately of such a nature that its results are felt in a constantly increasing measure. It has been progressive everywhere else, and there is enough in Mr. Freyer's paper alone to show that it will be progressive here. The people are eager to avail themselves of the opportunities offered to them, and the government appears as the patron of western knowledge. Under such circumstances it is possible to take a hopeful view of the future of China, despite all her conservatism. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE F. SEWARD. * * * * * _Mr. Seward to Mr. Evarts._ No. 612.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, _Peking, February 29, 1880._ SIR: Recurring to my dispatch No. 600, in regard to the work done in the "translations department" of the Shanghai arsenal, I have now the honor to hand to you a leading article which I have taken from the Shanghai Courier, in regard to foreign education for the Chinese, and to say that I have asked our several consular officers to report to me what is being done at their several ports in the direction indicated. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE F. SEWARD. * * * * * [Extract from the Shanghai Courier of Friday, January 30, 1880.] _Foreign education for the Chinese._ A greater knowledge of western civilization than is now possessed is essential to the progress of the Middle Kingdom. To individual Chinese, foreign education is something of a fortune, and is the surest capital with which they can be invested. The saying that "knowledge is power" is well borne out in this case, for foreign knowledge is almost certain to obtain for a Chinaman a lucrative appointment and an improved social position. Parents are now realizing this fact, and many of the well-to-do Chinese are anxious to send their sons to Europe or America to be educated. The advantage of such an education can hardly be overestimated in the case of those who have before them official or public careers. At the same time there are considerable drawbacks to going abroad, and it may be questioned whether, in many instances, equally good results could not be secured without incurring so great a loss of time and expense--a loss so considerable as to prevent the benefit from being enjoyed by all but the wealthy or those supported by other than the family funds. For of course the sons of even what may be called the middle classes cannot afford to leave their country in order to be educated, and, unless they can receive foreign instruction in China, will not receive it at all. It cannot be denied that residence abroad possesses some advantages which cannot be obtained in China; yet, except in rare cases, those particular advantages are not the most needed. Why should not useful knowledge be imparted to the Chinese as well in China as it can be in Europe or America? The drawbacks to a Chinaman's residing away from his home for the time needed to follow a regular course of instruction are sometimes not duly considered. The Chinese are apt, as has been pointed out, to be "too much Europeanized." Especially are they likely to neglect their native language, and so on their return lessen their opportunities of usefulness and prospects of promotion. Particularly is this so with a large class who hope to qualify themselves for the position of professors. A teacher must not only be acquainted with his subject, but he must also be able to impart his knowledge to others; which it is impossible he can do if he has only an imperfect acquaintance with the language which is the medium of communication. It should always be borne in mind that foreign knowledge, though exceedingly useful, is not all-important to a Chinaman, and that even its usefulness may be greatly diminished if it is obtained at cost of the neglect of his mother tongue. Looking, therefore, to the expense of being educated abroad, and to its serious inconveniences, especially to the fact that it must ever be beyond the reach of all but the rich, it is of great importance to consider how a similar education can be had in China. It would be very incorrect to speak of the local polytechnic as a failure, but it is, as yet, a long way from having realized the objects of its promoters. Its educational facilities are great, and though it is now doing good and useful work, we trust to see it become something very different to what it is at the present moment. There are few institutions in Hong Kong which have conferred greater benefits on the Chinese than the Central School; and it is surprising that an attempt has not been made to establish something of the kind at Shanghai. The St. John's College will, it is hoped, contribute towards supplying what is a seriously felt want. At this institution the course of instruction comprises the English language and literature, geography, history, the evidences of Christianity, natural science, mathematics, natural philosophy, chemistry, astronomy, mental and moral philosophy, and international law. This is a sufficiently extended curriculum to begin with, but it is intended to enlarge it if the project be successful. Pupils are required to be fifteen years of age and to possess some knowledge of the Chinese classics. We believe that the Hong Kong Central School owes much of its success to the purely secular character of its teaching; and many who take great interest in the foreign education of the Chinese will perhaps note with regret the religious element of St. John's College. But the two institutions are of a different character, and it could hardly be expected that the work carried on at St. John's should be purely secular. The promoters have, however, met possible objections in a spirit which, under the circumstances, must, we think, be considered liberal. They wish it to be distinctly understood "that St. John's College is a literary and scientific school, and not per se a theological institute." A student must attend the daily prayers at chapel and the usual Sunday services, but in other respects he is free to devote himself to the secular side of the daily routine of class work. Many people would have been glad if the authorities had allowed attendance at prayers and Sunday service to be voluntary, and probably the chief end in view might have been better reached in that manner. Yet, though the requirement may restrict the usefulness of the institution, preventing it being generally availed of, we are pleased to call attention to it as being calculated to confer great advantages on the Chinese youth, and to offer it the encouragement of publicity. It may be well to note that the charge for board and tuition is exceedingly moderate. * * * * * _Mr. Hay to Mr. Schurz._ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, August 13, 1880._ SIR: I have the honor to inclose herein, for transmission to the Bureau of Education, a copy of a recent dispatch from the late minister to China, Mr. Geo. F. Seward, covering the replies which he has received from the United States consular officers in that empire as to the efforts which are being made for the education of the Chinese in foreign branches of knowledge, either by the government of China, by private enterprise, or by missionary efforts. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, JOHN HAY, _Acting Secretary._ * * * * * _Mr. Seward to Mr. Evarts._ No. 705.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, _Peking, June 11, 1880._ SIR: I have the honor to hand to you herewith copies of the answers which have been received from our consular officers in this empire to the inquiry made in a circular addressed to them as to efforts being made to educate the Chinese in foreign branches of knowledge, either by the government of China, by private enterprise, or by missionary effort. The circular referred to was forwarded to the Department with my dispatch No. 600. While these reports are not as full as I could have wished, they still furnish an outline of the work which is being done, and may be of interest to the Department. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE F. SEWARD. * * * * * _Mr. Goldsborough to Mr. Seward._ No. 107.] AMOY, _April 23, 1880._ SIR: In response to your dispatch No. 86, of February 27, 1880, I beg to state that there are two private English schools at this port for the education of Chinese, conducted by native born Chinese, who possess a fair knowledge of the English language, but there is no institution of the kind founded or supported by the government. The missionaries have several schools of their own for the tuition of Chinese boys and girls in the Chinese language. I have the honor, &c., W. ELWELL GOLDSBOROUGH. * * * * * _Mr. Cheshire to Mr. Seward._ No. 55.] FOOCHOW, _March 29, 1880._ SIR: I have had the honor to receive your dispatch No. 78, calling upon me to furnish you with such information as may be available to me in regard to the education of Chinese in foreign languages within this consular district, whether in schools founded and supported by the Chinese government, or by private enterprise, or by missionaries, as far as the secular branches are concerned, and also to report upon the schools established at Hong Kong by the colonial government. I now beg to submit the following report: The Tung wen Kwan is the only scholastic institution under government auspices for teaching foreign knowledge in Canton. It was established by order of the Tsung li Yamen about sixteen years ago. It is under the official control of the viceroy, the haikwan (superintendent of customs), the Tartar general, and two lieutenant Tartar generals, but the practical control is left almost entirely in the hands of the Tartar general, to whom it affords opportunities of patronage, for the staff is large, and the members thereof not only benefit by the salaries they receive but their official appointment as officers of the college (Tung wen Kwan) forms a stepping-stone to promotion in other branches of the public service. The staff consists of three superintendents, (the chief of whom holds rank about equivalent to that of a major general), three Chinese teachers, a foreign teacher with a Chinese assistant, two Chinese clerks, doorkeepers, cooks, and other servants. The number of students is fixed at thirty, of whom twenty are classed as students proper and ten as supernumerary students, the latter being intended to fill vacancies as they occur in the former; and when, from various causes, the total number falls to twenty or twenty-five, fresh supernumeraries are added to make up the number. The students proper receive a small pay of three taels a month, but the supernumeraries receive nothing except a free breakfast every day. It is difficult to define the raison d'être of the Tung wen Kwan College; in theory it is established to provide the Chinese government with a staff of interpreters and persons conversant with foreign literature and foreign habits of thought; but, so far as can be judged by patent facts, the patronage above referred to is the element most appreciated, and it may be well to notice the extent to which the theoretical object has been carried out, and how far the Chinese government has availed itself of the material for the production of which something like eight hundred dollars a month has been expended for the last sixteen years in the maintenance of the college. About ten years ago fourteen students were drafted from Canton to the Peking college. Of these, five have retired from various causes, six are still attached to the Peking College, and the remaining three have appointments in legations abroad, one in Washington, one in London, and one in Japan. Since 1870 not one student has been drafted to Peking; none of the Canton students have in any way been called upon to render service to their government. Most of them have received an honorary literary degree (Hsin Tsai) equivalent to B.A., and three or four of them are nominally interpreters, for which they receive a small additional pay. Year after year passes, and boys of 17 grow up to be men of 27, marry and become fathers, and go on with their foreign studies without so much as a word of encouragement from their own authorities. Under such discouraging circumstances it must be that studying is often done in a perfunctory way; and yet, while some of the students have, as I understand, a very good knowledge of English, wanting only practice outside the school walls to render it equal to that of any Chinaman who has not had the advantage of living abroad, they constantly witness men of less technical knowledge than themselves, men of lower stamp altogether, men picked up here and there without any proper steps being taken to ascertain their fitness, called upon to perform the very duties for the performance of which the students of the Tung wen Kwan are in theory specially educated. The course of study, I am informed, consists chiefly of the English language, together with but subordinate to which there are geography, arithmetic, history, algebra, mathematics, and astronomy. A very small proportion of the students have made any progress in algebra or mathematics, few are even fair arithmeticians, and much that they are called upon to learn of geography, history, and astronomy is soon forgotten. This arises from no want of ability, but from an utter want of encouragement on the part of the Chinese authorities for the students to trouble themselves with such studies. Without a reasonable knowledge of the language they are liable, on the motion of the foreign teacher, to be dismissed from the school, and in the acquisition of that they are to some extent buoyed up with hope, a hope that sometimes becomes lamentably faint, that the language will ultimately be of service to them; but with respect to the other branches, I am given to understand, no person in authority, except the foreign teacher, seems to know or care whether they are taught or not. The students consist almost entirely of Tartars (including bannermen). Originally about one-third were Chinese, but it was found that, after learning English at the expense of government, these latter generally disappeared. The Tartars are much more bound to the government, and are loyal, both from training and self-interest. As young men, they are far more noble and honorable in their character than the Chinese, lacking in a great measure the low cunning which characterizes the latter, especially when they get official employment. But it is hard to say how far their natural nobility and honor would suffer if they were thrown into that vortex of corruption and dishonesty which pertains to official life. I am informed that there has, for the past year or two, been an intention to add a German and a French department to the Canton College, and that extensive premises have been erected for this purpose, but some difficulty about funds seems to have caused further steps to be postponed. _Private schools._--There are no private schools worthy of the name in Canton for teaching foreign languages. Now and then a small school is opened, in which English is professed to be taught by a man whose knowledge of that language is too limited to fit him for other employment, and after a brief struggle these schools die out, one after another. There is no doubt that the advantages offered by the government schools in Hong Kong are too great to enable private schools in Canton to compete with them. _Missionary schools._--None of the missionaries in Canton teach English or any other foreign language to their Chinese pupils now, nor have they for some years. They found by experience that it was very difficult to teach English to their pupils because of their inaptitude to learn western languages; that the object of the majority who came to their schools (formerly) to learn English was simply to get a sufficient knowledge of that language to enable them to get some lucrative employment with foreigners, and as soon as they had acquired a little smattering of English they disappeared and passed away beyond their Christian instruction. I shall endeavor to furnish you with some particulars in regard to the schools established at Hong Kong by the colonial government shortly. I have the honor, &c., F. D. CHESHIRE. * * * * * _Mr. Scruggs to Mr. Seward._ No. 21.] CHINKIANG, _March 24, 1880._ SIR: I had the honor to receive on the 21st instant your dispatch No. 63, of the 27th February last. In response thereto I regret to say there is not a school of any kind, native or foreign, public or private, secular or religious, within this district in which Chinese are educated by foreign methods or in foreign knowledge. The missionary schools are all conducted in the native language, and their curriculum, confined to purely religious and sectarian instruction. A few young men among the native residents of this port take lessons in the English language from a native interpreter educated at Hong Kong but now employed here in the customs service. But they seek to know no more of our language than is barely necessary to aid them in business transactions with foreigners, and what they do thus acquire is little else than the barbarous and childish dialect known as "Pigein English." I know of but one exception, and that is the case of General Wong, the military commander here, an educated Chinaman, who is ambitious to enter the diplomatic service of his country. I am, sir, &c., WILLIAM L. SCRUGGS. * * * * * _Mr. De Lano to Mr. Seicard._ No. 164.] FOOCHOW, _May 5, 1880._ SIR: I have had the honor to receive your dispatch No. 109, asking me for such information as may be available to me in regard to the education of Chinese in foreign knowledge in this consular district. There are at the Foochow arsenal two schools, one under English and the other under French management. In the former the number of students varies between 30 and 50, and the studies pursued are English, arithmetic, geometry, geography, grammar, trigonometry, algebra, and navigation. In a four and a half years' course the students receive from the government a monthly stipend of $4. There is a naval and a mechanical branch of the same school, each having an average of 25 students receiving the same monthly allowance from the government, which also pays a very liberal salary to the professors in charge. The school under French management has about 40 pupils, in four divisions, studying French, arithmetic, elements of algebra and geometry, trigonometry, analytic geometry and calculus, mechanical engineering, transmission of power and friction. The branches of this school are a school of design and school of apprentices, the pupils pursuing many of the studies enumerated above and receiving the same stipend of $4 a month. The professor is also very liberally paid. I know of no schools founded by private enterprise in which foreign studies are pursued. There are several schools for both males and females conducted by foreign missionaries in which other than secular branches of study are pursued, say, the elementary branches, such as geography, mathematics, astronomy, &c., but all in the Chinese language. I am unable at present to state the number of pupils usually in attendance in these latter schools. I have the honor to be, &c., M. M. DE LANO. * * * * * _Mr. Shepard to Mr. Seward._ No. 45.] HANKOW, _April 10, 1880._ SIR: Referring to your No. 85, on the subject of educating natives in foreign sciences, I have to report that I cannot learn of anything done in my district of any moment. At sundry times some foreigners wanting employment have opened small schools in Hankow, intending to teach people of any age to read English. The results have been inconsiderable, as the enterprise has in all cases been abandoned as soon as more lucrative pursuits have been available. Besides this, I know of no efforts made in the direction of your inquiry except some work of Dr. A. C. Bumr, of the American Episcopal mission at Wu-Chang, who, before he left, gave some instruction to a few converts in the theory and practice of medicine. In his view his results were encouraging, but not fully developed. I am informed also that Dr. Manby, now located here in charge of the London Mission Hospital, is preparing a system of instruction, and intends soon to put it in operation, for the systematic training of native pupils in the principles and science of physiology, with surgical and medical training, in a course of some years' duration in connection with his important hospital work. Beyond these I know of nothing done in the line of your investigation. I am, sir, &c., ISAAC F. SHEPARD. * * * * * _Mr. Bandinel to Mr. Seward._ No. 42-625.] NEW CHWANG, _March 30, 1880._ SIR: In response to your excellency's dispatch No. 66, I have the honor to state that, as far as I can learn, there is not within the three Mantchoorian provinces any school founded or supported by native official or private enterprise in which foreign knowledge is imparted to Chinese students. From inquiries among the missionaries I learn that-- The _Roman Catholics_ have a college under foreign supervision, wherein 26 pupils are instructed in Latin, philosophy, theology, and the elements of geography, mathematics, &c., and whence 4 pupils have been ordained as priests. The _Irish Presbyterian Mission_ has a boys' school under the supervision of a clerical missionary, wherein 20 scholars, from 9 to 13 years of age, are instructed in geography, penmanship, and the course of (4) reading books used in the government schools at Hong Kong. They will learn, when more advanced, arithmetic and other subjects. There is also the nucleus of a girls' school, only two pupils, supervised by the missionary's wife, who teaches them plain sewing in addition to the above branches of knowledge. Mr. Carson also contemplates starting a day school in the heart of the city, in connection with the above mentioned which are held in his compound. The medical missionary of the Irish Presbyterian Mission has in his own compound a boys' school with 15 scholars, and in an adjacent building a girls' school with 9 scholars. Many of these are too young to learn much, but the elder ones learn geography (Wade's book), and three boys and three girls are taught to read and write English. The _Scotch United Presbyterians_ have a mission here, but apparently neither in their boys' school, recently discontinued, nor in their girls' school, which numbers 14 scholars, has any foreign secular education been, except indirectly, imparted. The girls, however, are learning foreign needlework. I have the honor, &c., J. J. F. BANDINEL. * * * * * MY DEAR MR. BANDINEL: In our boys' school, which we have now discontinued, our object was to give the children of our church members a Chinese classical education, such as they would receive in a first class native school. Our principle was that of the grammar schools at home. Outside of the regular lessons, there was daily the "religious hour," or morning and evening class, where I instructed them in religious truth. I only bound myself to spend one hour per day with the scholars, and therefore never formally laid myself out to train them in foreign knowledge. But I have, of course, introduced all manner of subjects in my illustrations, making it a point incidentally to introduce whatever knowledge of historical and scientific subjects I myself possessed. The school room has always been well supplied with books. I think we have had almost every foreign work which has been translated, and we take in for the school, 1st, the Globe Magazine; 2d, the Scientific Magazine; 3d, the Child's Paper. I have several times had teachers who took a great interest in these periodicals, and who did what they could to make the subjects intelligible to their pupils. We still continue a flourishing girls' school. We also teach the Chinese classics there, and with great success; though the classics are, as it were, taught incidentally, and scripture history, &c., forms the bulk of the teaching. The girls are being taught foreign needlework, but have not made any very great attainments. But in most cases the direct teaching has borne mostly on Chinese subjects, and we have trusted to the personal influence of the foreigners to communicate foreign knowledge. Yours, sincerely, J. MACINTYRE. * * * * * MY DEAR MR. BANDINEL: In reply to your letter of the 18th instant, I beg to state that the secular subjects taught in the school are geography, penmanship, and the course of reading books taught in the government school at Hong Kong. These reading books, four in number, in a graduated series, treat of a great variety of subjects, both foreign and native. As soon as the children are far enough advanced, they will be taught arithmetic and other subjects. The school is a free boarding school, supported by the mission, and our object is to train for ourselves a staff of native helpers. Believe me, &c., JAMES CARSON. * * * * * MY DEAR MR. BANDINEL: The only secular instruction given in my school is in geography. I have given half a dozen children, three girls and three boys, lessons in English. The lessons are merely in reading and writing. This is all I have to say in reply to your communication of the 11th instant. I am yours, very truly. J. M. HUNTER. * * * * * [Translation.] MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SIR: I make a brief answer to your excellency concerning the inquiry of the most noble minister in charge of the legation for the consulate of America in Peking. In our region, Mantchooria--that is, in the three provinces of Mukden, Kirin, and Saghalien--there has existed, so far as I know, no school or institution founded by the Chinese government or established by private citizens in which pupils may study European sciences and acquire some knowledge of the arts of foreign nations. As regards the Catholic mission, which has been intrusted to my care, we have founded one college, with Drs. Boyer and Hinard as rectors, in which twenty-six pupils study Latin language, philosophy, and theology, as well as geography, mathematics, &c. Four graduates from this college have been ordained priests already, and are offering themselves with most pleasing readiness for the service of preaching and directing the Christians of the region. Nor, indeed, am I able to give your excellency any information upon the subject of your question of yesterday. Meanwhile I pray God that He may bestow all blessings upon your excellency, whom I desire to make certain of my respect. Most devotedly, yours in Christ, C. DUBRAIL, _Bishop of Bolina, Vicar Apostolic of Mantchooria._ * * * * * _Mr. Lord to Mr. Seward._ No. 119.] NINGPO, _April 20, 1880._ SIR: I am sorry that I have not been able to reply earlier to your dispatch No. 57, requesting such information as I might have in regard to the education of Chinese in foreign knowledge within this consular district. Nothing, I believe, has been done in this respect by the Chinese government or by Chinese officials in this province, either to found or sustain schools in which foreign knowledge has been taught. Nor has anything worth speaking of been accomplished by private enterprise, outside of missionaries. There was a small attempt made here a few years ago to get up an English school for natives, but it came to nothing, very likely through the incapacity of the person who undertook it. Missionaries from the beginning of their work here have had schools of various kinds. The object of these schools has, of course, been religious. Yet, as in religious schools at home, secular knowledge has been taught in them to some extent. Missionaries in this part of China have not, as a general thing, encouraged their pupils to learn English, but they have tried to teach them history, geography, mathematics, philosophy, astronomy, physiology, medicine, &c., and their efforts have, no doubt, been attended with some success. The number thus instructed may not have been very large, and bearing in mind the great difficulties under which the instruction must have been given, we can hardly suppose that the results have been very great; still, something has been done. A beginning, at least, has been made in the work of a higher and better education among this people. Though aside from these mission schools there have been in this place no organized efforts for the education of Chinese in foreign knowledge, one will yet often meet with Chinese who have acquired more or less of this knowledge. Some of these have been taught in schools elsewhere, either at other ports or in foreign countries, and others have, in one way or another, been so related that this knowledge has in various degrees come to them. And these instances are continually increasing. The number of Chinese who speak English, and who have more or less English education, is less here than at some of the other ports. They naturally go to places where there is a demand for these qualifications. There has, so far, been very little demand for them here. This reminds me of a matter to which I have long been wishing to call your attention. It is the inconvenience and disadvantage under which consular officers are placed in being required to write their dispatches in Chinese to Chinese officials. I wish to say something on this subject, but perhaps I had better do it in another letter, and when I have more leisure. I have the honor, &c., EDWARD C. LORD. * * * * * II. SIAM. _Mr. Evarts to Mr. Schurz._ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington, May 17, 1880._ SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith, for the information of your Department, a copy of dispatch No. 150, dated March 18, 1880, from the consul at Bangkok, Siam, in relation to the system of education lately introduced into Siam. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, WM. M. EVARTS. * * * * * _Mr. Sickels to Mr. Payson._ No. 150.] CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, _Bangkok, Siam, March 18, 1880._ SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Department dispatches Nos. 57, 58, and 59, dated respectively December 1 and 6, 1879, and January 6, 1880, all at hand by the same mail. In regard to the information required by the Department of the Interior, referred to in No. 57, I have the honor to inclose a private letter on the subject from Rev. Dr. McFarland, the principal of the King's College and the originator and founder of the new system of education lately introduced into the kingdom. This letter contains all the information procurable on the subject. Dr. McFarland was for many years in charge of the American Presbyterian mission schools in Petchaburi, and is well qualified for the position to which he has been transferred. Although too modest to claim any merit for himself in this new work, I am satisfied from my own observation and the reports of the committees who have the matter in charge, that our countryman's success in the conduct of this new school has been fully up to the expectations formed, has met with His Majesty's approval and given him full satisfaction. I do not, however, think that this success, or indeed any, if much greater, will induce the government to extend the area of operation and establish at present any general school system throughout the kingdom, or even at the prominent points. The Siamese are vast projectors and their ideas in the beginning are large, but their plans taper very much and very abruptly as the charm of novelty passes away and demands on the purse increase. There is, besides, a strong party of the old régime who do not approve of education in any form, particularly in foreign languages and studies, who believe implicitly in the wisdom of their ancestors, and obstinately oppose themselves to any attempt at removing the ancient landmarks wherever posted. The party of progress, "Young Siam," appreciate the value of the old adage, "The more haste the less speed," and their policy is to move slowly and gradually, temporizing rather than raising bitter issues, abiding their time, until its efflux shall have removed the more acrid and influential members of the old conservative party and left the field clear for the introduction of more modern and more enlightened ideas. The King is young; the contemporaries and counsellors of his father are old. He has all the advantage on his side and can afford to wait. In the mean time the influence of this school is extending itself by means of the younger branches through the principal families of the kingdom, and can scarcely fail to produce in the new good time favorable results. I am, sir, your obedient servant, DAVID B. SICKELS, United States Consul. * * * * * MY DEAR MR. TORRY: In compliance with your request, I will now give you some items of information in reference to the educational work recently commenced in Siam. So far as I know, the desire for the education of Siamese youth originated with His Majesty the King. Being in Bangkok in November, 1877, His Excellency Phya Bhaskarawongse, the King's private secretary, sought a private interview with me, and informed me that His Majesty desired to have a school started in Bangkok, and asked me what I thought of taking charge of it. I asked time to consider the subject. His excellency then requested me to write out a plan for a school. In a few months after this, I replied favorably to the proposition to take charge of a school and also presented a plan. His excellency then secured for me an audience with the King, at which time His Majesty informed me that he had fully determined to have schools. About a year after this, or in October, 1878, I entered into an engagement in an article with the committee appointed by the King to take charge of a school for five years. That school was opened in Bangkok on the 1st of January, 1879, with 50 scholars, mostly sons of noblemen and a few princes. These 50 scholars were selected by the committee, placed in the school under my care and control, and they are taught and boarded at government expense. Day scholars receive their tuition and books free, but are required to pay their boarding. Some board at the school; others board at home. The whole number in attendance during the first year was 104. The object of this school was to furnish an education in the English and Siamese languages to as many as can be accommodated. The King has not afforded educational advantages to the people throughout the country, as has been stated. I think His Majesty wishes to open other schools, but they must make an experiment with this one first and see how it succeeds. This is the only government school in the country where English is taught. There is a school numbering about 60 pupils and supported by the King where the Siamese language only is taught. Besides these government schools there are several private schools, besides those managed by the missionary societies. Yours, L. G. McFARLAND. 
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34721	----	LIGHTER SIDE OF SCHOOL LIFE [Illustration: LORD'S] THE LIGHTER SIDE OF SCHOOL LIFE BY IAN HAY AUTHOR OF "A SAFETY MATCH" WITH ILLUSTRATIONS REPRODUCED FROM PASTEL DRAWINGS BY LEWIS BAUMER BOSTON LE ROY PHILLIPS _First Edition published October nineteen hundred fourteen; reprinted May nineteen fifteen_ _Printed in Scotland by_ BALLANTYNE, HANSON, & CO. At the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh TO THE MEMBERS OF THE MOST RESPONSIBLE THE LEAST ADVERTISED THE WORST PAID AND THE MOST RICHLY REWARDED PROFESSION IN THE WORLD THE LIST OF CONTENTS I. THE HEADMASTER _page_ 1 II. THE HOUSEMASTER 35 III. SOME FORM-MASTERS 57 IV. BOYS 91 V. THE PURSUIT OF KNOWLEDGE 121 VI. SCHOOL STORIES 149 VII. "MY PEOPLE" 175 VIII. THE FATHER OF THE MAN 205 THE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS _reproduced from drawings by_ LEWIS BAUMER LORD'S _Frontispiece_ THE HEADMASTER OF FICTION _page_ 16 THE SCHOOLBOY OF FICTION 32 THE DAREDEVIL 48 THE LUNCHEON INTERVAL: PORTRAIT OF A GENTLEMAN WHO HAS SCORED FIFTY RUNS 64 THE FRENCH MASTER: (I) FICTION, (II) FACT 88 THE INTELLECTUAL 104 THE NIPPER 120 THE FAG: "SIC VOS NON VOBIS" 152 THE SCHOOLGIRL'S DREAM 176 RANK AND FILE 192 THE MAN OF THE WORLD 208 NOTE _These sketches originally appeared in "Blackwood's Magazine," to the proprietors of which I am indebted for permission to reproduce them in book form._ IAN HAY THE LIGHTER SIDE OF SCHOOL LIFE CHAPTER ONE THE HEADMASTER First of all there is the Headmaster of Fiction. He is invariably called "The Doctor," and he wears cap and gown even when birching malefactors--which he does intermittently throughout the day--or attending a cricket match. For all we know he wears them in bed. He speaks a language peculiar to himself--a language which at once enables you to recognise him as a Headmaster; just as you may recognise a stage Irishman from the fact that he says "Begorrah!", or a stage sailor from the fact that he has to take constant precautions with his trousers. Thus, the "Doctor" invariably addresses his cowering pupils as "Boys!"--a form of address which in reality only survives nowadays in places where you are invited to "have another with me"--and if no audience of boys is available at the moment, he addresses a single boy as if he were a whole audience. To influential parents he is servile and oleaginous, and he treats his staff with fatuous pomposity. Such a being may have existed--may exist--but we have never met him. What of the Headmaster of Fact? To condense him into a type is one of the most difficult things in the world, for this reason. Most of us have known only one Headmaster in our lives--if we have known more we are not likely to say so, for obvious reasons--and it is difficult for Man (as distinct from Woman), to argue from the particular to the general. Moreover, the occasions upon which we have met the subject of our researches at close quarters have not been favourable to dispassionate character-study. It is difficult to form an unbiassed or impartial judgment of a man out of material supplied solely by a series of brief interviews spread over a period of years--interviews at which his contribution to the conversation has been limited to a curt request that you will bend over, and yours to a sequence of short sharp ejaculations. However, some of us have known more than one Headmaster, and upon us devolves the solemn duty of distilling our various experiences into a single essence. What are the characteristics of a _great_ Headmaster? Instinct at once prompts us to premise that he must be a scholar and a gentleman. A gentleman, undoubtedly, he must be; but nowadays scholarship--high classical scholarship--is a hindrance rather than a help. To supervise the instruction of modern youth a man requires something more than profound learning: he must possess _savoir faire_. If you set a great scholar--and a great scholar has an unfortunate habit of being nothing but a great scholar--in charge of the multifarious interests of a public school, you are setting a razor to cut grindstones. As well appoint an Astronomer Royal to command an Atlantic liner. He may be on terms of easy familiarity with the movements of the heavenly bodies, yet fail to understand the right way of dealing with refractory stokers. A Headmaster is too busy a personage to keep his own scholarship tuned up to concert pitch; and if he devotes adequate time to this object--and a scholar must practise almost as diligently as a pianist or an acrobat if he is to remain in the first flight--he will have little leisure left for less intellectual but equally vital duties. Nowadays in great public schools the Head, although he probably takes the Sixth for an hour or two a day, delegates most of his work in this direction to a capable and up-to-date young man fresh from the University, and devotes his energies to such trifling details as the organisation of school routine, the supervision of the cook, the administration of justice, the diplomatic handling of the Governing Body, and the suppression of parents. So far then we are agreed--the great advantage of dogmatising in print is that one can take the agreement of the reader for granted--that a Headmaster must be a gentleman, but not necessarily a scholar--in the very highest sense of the word. What other virtues must he possess? Well, he must be a majestic figurehead. This is not so difficult as it sounds. The dignity which doth hedge a Headmaster is so tremendous that the dullest and fussiest of the race can hardly fail to be impressive and awe-inspiring to the plastic mind of youth. More than one King Log has left a name behind him, through standing still in the limelight and keeping his mouth shut. But then he was probably lucky in his lieutenants. Next, he must have a sense of humour. If he cannot see the entertaining side of youthful depravity, magisterial jealousy, and parental fussiness, he will undoubtedly go mad. A sense of humour, too, will prevent him from making a fool of himself, and a Headmaster must never do that. It also engenders Tact, and Tact is the essence of life to a man who has to deal every day with the ignorant, and the bigoted, and the sentimental. (These adjectives are applicable to boys, masters, and parents, and may be applied collectively or individually with equal truth.) Not that all humorous people are tactful: bitter experience of the practical joker has taught us that. But no person can be tactful who cannot see the ludicrous side of things. There is a certain Headmaster of to-day, justly celebrated as a brilliant teacher and a born organiser, who is lacking--entirely lacking--in that priceless gift of the gods, a sense of humour, with which is incorporated Tact. Shortly after he took up his present appointment, one of the most popular boys in the school, while leading the field in a cross-country race, was run over and killed by an express train which emerged from a tunnel as he ran across the line, within measurable distance of accomplishing a record for the course. Next morning the order went forth that the whole school were to assemble in the great hall. They repaired thither, not unpleasantly thrilled. There would be a funeral oration, and boys are curiously partial to certain forms of emotionalism. They like to be harangued before a football-match, for instance, in the manner of the Greeks of old. These boys had already had a taste of the Head's quality as a speaker, and they felt that he would do their departed hero justice. They reminded one another of the moving words which the late Head had spoken when an Old Boy had fallen in battle a few years before under particularly splendid circumstances. They remembered how pleased the Old Boy's father and mother had been about it. Their comrade, whom they had revered and loved as recently as yesterday, would receive a fitting farewell too; and they would all feel the prouder of the school for the words that they were about to hear. They did not say this aloud, for the sentimentality of boys is of the inarticulate kind, but the thought was uppermost in their minds. Presently they were all assembled, and the Head appeared upon his rostrum. There was a deathlike stillness: not a boy stirred. Then the Head spoke. "Any boy," he announced, "found trespassing upon the railway-line in future will be expelled. You may go." They went. The organisation of that school is still a model of perfection, and its scholarship list is exceptionally high. But the school has never forgiven the Head, and never will so long as tradition and sentiment count for anything in this world. So far, then, we have accumulated the following virtues for the Headmaster. He must be a gentleman, a picturesque figure-head, and must possess a sense of humour. He must also, of course, be a ruler. Now you may rule men in two ways--either with a rapier or a bludgeon; but a man who can gain his ends with the latter will seldom have recourse to the former. The Headmaster who possesses on the top of other essential qualities the power of being uncompromisingly and divinely rude, is to be envied above all men. For him life is full of short cuts. He never argues. "_L'école, c'est moi_," he growls, and no one contradicts him. Boys idolise him. In his presence they are paralysed with fear, but away from it they glory in his ferocity of mien and strength of arm. Masters rave impotently at his _brusquerie_ and absolutism; but A says secretly to himself: "Well, it's a treat to see the way the old man keeps B and C up to the collar." As for parents, they simply refuse to face him, which is the head and summit of that which a master desires of a parent. Such a man is Olympian, having none of the foibles or soft moments of a human being. He dwells apart, in an atmosphere too rarefied for those who intrude into it. His subjects never regard him as a man of like passions with themselves: they would be quite shocked if such an idea were suggested to them. I once asked a distinguished _alumnus_ of a great school, which had been ruled with consummate success for twenty-four years by such a Head as I have described, to give me a few reminiscences of the great man as a _man_--his characteristics, his mannerisms, his vulnerable points, his tricks of expression, his likes and dislikes, and his hobbies. My friend considered. "He was a holy terror," he announced, after profound meditation. "Quite so. But in what way?" My friend thought again. "I can't remember anything particular about him," he said, "except that he _was_ a holy terror--and the greatest man that ever lived!" "But tell me something personal about him. How did his conversation impress you?" "_Conversation?_ Bless you, he never _conversed_ with anybody. He just told them what he thought about a thing, and that settled it. Besides, I never exchanged a word with him in my life. But he was a great man." "Didn't you meet him all the time you were at school?" "Oh yes, I _met_ him," replied my friend with feeling--"three or four times. And that reminds me, I _can_ tell you something personal about him. The old swine was left-handed! A great man, a great man!" Happy the warrior who can inspire worship on such sinister foundations as these! The other kind has to prevail by another method--the Machiavellian. As a successful Headmaster of my acquaintance once brutally but truthfully expressed it: "You simply have to employ a certain amount of low cunning if you are going to keep a school going at all." And he was right. A man unendowed with the divine gift of rudeness would, if he spent his time answering the criticisms or meeting the objections of colleagues or parents or even boys, have no time for anything else. So he seeks refuge either in finesse or flight. If a parent rings him up on the telephone, he murmurs something courteous about a wrong number and then leaves the receiver off the hook. If a housemaster, swelling with some grievance or scheme of reform, bears down upon him upon the cricket field on a summer afternoon, he adroitly lures him under a tree where another housemaster is standing, and leaves them there together. If an enthusiastic junior discharges at his head some glorious but quite impracticable project, such as the performance of a pastoral play in the school grounds, or the enforcement of a vegetarian diet upon the School for experimental purposes, he replies: "My dear fellow, the Governing Body will never hear of it!" What he means is: "The Governing Body shall never hear of it." He has other diplomatic resources at his call. Here is an example. A Headmaster once called his flock together and said: "A very unpleasant and discreditable thing has happened. The municipal authorities have recently erected a pair of extremely ornate and expensive--er--lamp-posts outside the residence of the Mayor of the town. These lamp-posts appear to have attracted the unfavourable notice of the School. Last Sunday evening, between seven and eight o'clock, they were attacked and wrecked, apparently by volleys of stones." There was a faint but appreciative murmur from those members of the School to whom the news of this outrage was now made public for the first time. But a baleful flash from the Head's spectacles restored instant silence. "Several parties of boys," he continued, "must have passed these lamp-posts on that evening, on their way back to their respective houses after Chapel. I wish to see all boys who in any way participated in the outrage in my study directly after Second School. I warn them that I shall make a severe example of them." His voice rose to a blare. "I will not have the prestige and fair fame of the School lowered in the eyes of the Town by the vulgar barbarities of a parcel of ill-conditioned little street-boys. You may go!" The audience rose to their feet and began to steal silently away. But they were puzzled. The Old Man was no fool as a rule. Did he really imagine that chaps would be such mugs as to own up? But before the first boy reached the door the Head spoke again. "I may mention," he added very gently, "that the attack upon the--er--lamp-posts was witnessed by a gentleman resident in the neighbourhood, a warm friend of the School. He was able to identify _one_ of the culprits, whose name is in my possession. That is all." And quite enough too! When the Head visited his study after Second School, he found seventeen malefactors meekly awaiting chastisement. But he never divulged the name of the boy who had been identified, or for that matter the identity of the warm friend of the School. I _wonder!_ * * * * * One more quality is essential to the great Headmaster. He must possess the Sixth Sense. He must see nothing, yet know everything that goes on in the School. Etiquette forbids that he should enter one of his colleague's houses except as an invited guest; yet he must be acquainted with all that happens inside that house. He is debarred by the same rigid law from entering the form-room or studying the methods and capability of any but the most junior form-masters; and yet he must know whether Mr. A. in the Senior Science Set is expounding theories of inorganic chemistry which have been obsolete for ten years, or whether Mr. B. in the Junior Remove is accustomed meekly to remove a pool of ink from the seat of his chair before beginning his daily labours. He must not mingle with the boys, for that would be undignified; yet he must, and usually does, know every boy in the School by sight, and something about him. He must never attempt to acquire information by obvious cross-examination either of boy or master, or he will be accused of prying and interference; and he can never, or should never, discuss one of his colleagues with another. And yet he must have his hand upon the pulse of the School in such wise as to be able to tell which master is incompetent, which prefect is untrustworthy, which boy is a bully, and which House is rotten. In other words, he must possess a Red Indian's powers of observation and a woman's powers of intuition. He must be able to suck in school atmosphere through his pores. He must be able to judge of a man's keenness or his fitness for duty by his general attitude and conversation when off duty. He must be able to read volumes from the demeanour of a group in the corner of the quadrangle, from a small boy's furtive expression, or even from the _timbre_ of the singing in chapel. He must notice which boy has too many friends, and which none at all. Such are a few of the essentials of the great Headmaster, and to the glory of our system be it said that there are still many in the land. But the type is changing. The autocratic Titan of the past has been shorn of his locks by two Delilahs--Modern Sides and Government Interference. First, Modern Sides. Time was when A Sound Classical Education, Lady Matron, and Meat for Breakfast formed the alpha and omega of a public school prospectus. But times have changed, at least in so far as the Sound Classical Education is concerned. The Headmaster of the old school, who looks upon the classics as the foundation of all education, and regards modern sides as a sop to the parental Cerberus, finds himself called upon to cope with new and strange monsters. [Illustration: THE HEADMASTER OF FICTION] First of all, the members of that once despised race, the teachers of Science. Formerly these maintained a servile and apologetic existence, supervising a turbulent collection of young gentlemen whose sole appreciation of this branch of knowledge was derived from the unrivalled opportunities which its pursuit afforded for the creation of horrible stenches and untimely explosions. Now they have uprisen, and, asseverating that classical education is a pricked bubble, ask boldly for expensive apparatus and a larger tract of space in the time-table. Then the parent. He has got quite out of hand lately. In days past things were different. Usually an old public-school boy himself, and proudly conscious that Classics had made him "what he was," the parent deferred entirely to the Headmaster's judgment, and entrusted his son to his care without question or stipulation. But a new race of parents has arisen, men who avow, modestly but firmly, that they have been made not by the Classics but by themselves, and who demand, with a great assumption of you-can't-put-_me_-off-with-last-season's-goods, that their offspring shall be taught something up-to-date--something which will be "useful" in an office. Again, there is our old friend the Man in the Street, who, through the medium of his favourite mouthpiece, the halfpenny press, asks the Headmaster very sternly what he means by turning out "scholars" who are incapable of writing an invoice in commercial Spanish, and to whom double entry is Double Dutch. And lastly there is the boy himself, whose utter loathing and horror of education as a whole has not blinded him to the fact that the cultivation of some branches thereof calls for considerably less effort than that of others, and who accordingly occupies the greater part of his weekly letter home with fervent requests to his parents to permit him to drop Classics and take up modern languages or science. The united agitations of this incongruous band have called into existence the Modern Side--Delilah Number One. Now for Number Two. Until a few years ago the State confined its ebullience in matters educational to the Board Schools. But with the growth of national education and class jealousy--the two seem to go hand-in-hand--the working classes of this country began to point out to the Government, not altogether unreasonably, that what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. "Why," they inquired bitterly, "should _we_ be the only people educated? Must the poor _always_ be oppressed, while the rich go free? What about these public schools of yours--the seminaries of the bloated and pampered Aristocracy? You leave us alone for a bit, and give them a turn, or we may get nasty!" So a pliable Government, remembering that public-school masters are not represented in Parliament while the working-classes are, obeyed. They began by publicly announcing that in future all teachers must be trained to teach. To give effect to this decree, they declared their intention of immediately introducing a Bill to provide that after a certain date no Headmaster of any school, high or low, would be permitted to engage an assistant who had not earned a certificate at a training college and registered himself in a mysterious schedule called 'Column B,' paying a guinea for the privilege. The prospective schoolmasters of the day--fourth-year men at Oxford and Cambridge, inexperienced in the ways of Government Departments--were deeply impressed. Most of them hurriedly borrowed a guinea and registered in Column B. They even went further. In the hope of forestalling the foolish virgins of their profession, they attended lectures and studied books which dealt with the science of education. They became _attachés_ at East End Board-Schools, where, under the supervision of a capable but plebeian Master of Method, they endeavoured to instruct classes of some sixty or seventy babbling six-year-olds in the elements of reading and writing, in order that hereafter they might be better able to elucidate Cicero and Thucydides to scholarship candidates at a public school. Others, however--the aforementioned foolish virgins--whose knowledge of British politics was greater than their interest in the Theory of Education, decided to 'wait and see.' That is to say, they accepted the first vacancy at a public school which presented itself and settled down to work upon the old lines, a year's seniority to the good. In a just world this rashness and improvidence would have met with its due reward--namely, ultimate eviction (when the Bill passed) from a comfortable berth, and a stern command to go and learn the business of teaching before presuming to teach. But unfortunately the Bill never did pass: it never so much as reached its First Reading. It lies now in some dusty pigeon-hole in the Education Office, forgotten by all save its credulous victims. The British Exchequer is the richer by several thousand guineas, contributed by a class to whom of course a guinea is a mere bagatelle; and here and there throughout the public schools of this country there exist men who, when they first joined the Staff, had the mysterious formula, "Reg. Col. B.," printed upon their testimonials, and discoursed learnedly to stupefied Headmasters about brain-tracks and psychology, and the mutual stimulus of co-sexual competition, for a month or two before awakening to the one fundamental truth which governs public-school education--namely, that if you can keep boys in order you can teach them anything; if not, all the Column B.'s in the Education Office will avail you nothing. That was all. The incident is ancient history now. It was a capital practical joke, perpetrated by a Government singularly lacking in humour in other respects; and no one remembers it except the people to whom the guineas belong. But it gave the Headmasters of the country a bad fright. It provides them with a foretaste of the nuisance which the State can make of itself when it chooses to be paternal. So such of the Headmasters as were wise decided to be upon their guard for the future against the blandishments of the party politician. And they were justified; for presently the Legislature stirred in its sleep and embarked upon yet another enterprise. Philip, king of Macedon, used to say that no city was impregnable whose gates were wide enough to admit a single mule-load of gold. Similarly the Board of Education decided that no public school, however haughty or exclusive, could ever again call its soul its own once the Headmaster (of his own free will, or overruled by the Governing Body) had been asinine enough to accept a "grant." So they approached the public schools with fair words. They said:-- "How would you like a subsidy, now, wherewith to build a new science laboratory? What about a few State-aided scholarships? Won't you let us help you? Strict secrecy will be observed, and advances made upon your note of hand alone"--or words to that effect. The larger and better-endowed public schools, conscious of a fat bank-balance and a long waiting list of prospective pupils, merely winked their rheumy eyes and shook their heavy heads. "_Timeo Danaos_," they growled--"_et dona ferentes_." When this observation was translated to the Minister for Education, he smiled enigmatically, and bided his time. But some of the smaller schools, hard pressed by modern competition, gobbled the bait at once. The mule-load of gold arrived promptly, and close in its train came Retribution. Inspectors swooped down--clerkly young men who in their time had passed an incredible number of Standards, and were now receiving what was to them a princely salary for indulging in the easiest and most congenial of all human recreations--that of criticising the efforts of others. There arrived, too, precocious prize-pupils from the Board Schools, winners of County Council scholarships which entitled them to a few years' "polish" at a public school--a polish but slowly attained, despite constant friction with their new and loving playmates. But the great strongholds still held out. So other methods were adopted. The examination screw was applied. As most of us remember to our cost, we used periodically in our youth at school to suffer from an "examination week," during which a mysterious power from outside was permitted to inflict upon us examination papers upon every subject upon earth, under the title of Oxford and Cambridge Locals--the High, the Middle, and the Low--or, in Scotland, the Leaving Certificate. These papers were set and corrected by persons unknown, residing in London; and we were supervised as we answered them not by our own preceptors--they stampeded joyously away to play golf--but by strange creatures who took charge of the examination-room with an air of uneasy assurance, suggestive of a man travelling first-class with a third-class ticket. In due course the results were declared; and the small school which gained a large percentage of Honourable Mentions was able to underline the fact heavily in its prospectus. These examinations were, if not organised, at least recognised by the State; and once they had pierced the battlements of a school an Inspector invariably crawled through the breach after them. Henceforth that school was subject to periodical visitations and reports. Naturally the Headmasters of the great public schools clanged their gates and dropped their portcullises against such an infraction of the law that a Headmaster's school is his castle. But, as already mentioned, the screw was applied. The certificates awarded to successful candidates in these examinations were made the key to higher things. Three Higher Grade Certificates, for instance, were accepted in _lieu_ of certain subjects in Oxford Smalls and Cambridge Little-go. The State pounced upon this principle and extended it. The acquisition of a sufficient number of these certificates now paved the way to various State services. Extra marks or special favours were awarded to young gentlemen who presented themselves for Sandhurst or Woolwich or the Civil Service bringing their sheaves with them in the form of Certificates. Roughly speaking, the more Certificates a candidate produced the more enthusiastically he was excused from the necessity of learning the elements of his trade. The governing bodies of various professions took up the idea. For instance, if you produced four Higher Certificates--say for Geography, Botany, Electro-Dynamics, and Practical Cookery--you were excused the preliminary examination of the Society of Chartered Accountants. (We need not pin ourselves down to the absolute accuracy of these details: they are merely for purposes of illustration.) Anyhow, it was a beautiful idea. A Headmaster of my acquaintance once assured me that he believed that the possession of a complete set of Higher Grade Certificates for all the Local Examinations of a single year would entitle the holder to a seat in the reformed House of Lords. In other words, it was still possible to get into the Universities and Services without Certificates, but it was very much easier to get in with them. So the great Headmasters climbed down. But they made terms. They would accept the Local Examinations, and they would admit Inspectors within their fastnesses; but they respectfully but firmly insisted upon having some sort of say in the choice of the Inspector. The Government met them more than half-way. In fact, they fell in with the plan with suspicious heartiness. "Certainly, my dear sir," they said: "you shall choose your own Inspector; and what is more, you shall _pay_ him! Think of that! The man will be a mere tool in your hands--a hired servant--and you can do what you like with him." It was an ingenious and comforting way of putting things, and may be commended to the notice of persons writhing in a dentist's chair; for it forms an exact parallel: the description applies to dentist and inspector equally. However, the Headmasters agreed to it; and now all our great schools receive inspectorial visitations of some kind. That is to say, upon an appointed date a gentleman comes down from London, spends the day as the guest of the Headmaster; and after being conducted about the premises from dawn till dusk, departs in the gloaming with his brain in a fog and some sixteen guineas in his pocket. He is a variegated type, this Super-Inspector. Frequently he is a clever man who has failed as a schoolmaster and now earns a comfortable living because he remembered in time the truth of the saying: _La critique est aisé, l'art difficile_. More often he is a superannuated University professor, with a penchant for irrelevant anecdote and a disastrous sense of humour. Sometimes he is aggressive and dictatorial, but more often (humbly remembering where he is and who is going to pay for all this) apprehensive, deferential, and quite inarticulate. Sometimes he is a scholar and a gentleman, with a real appreciation of the atmosphere of a public school and a sound knowledge of the principles of education. But not always. And whoever he is and whatever he is, the Head loathes him impartially and dispassionately. Such are some of the thorns with which the pillow of a modern Headmaster is stuffed. His greatest stumbling-block is Tradition--the hoary edifices of convention and precedent, built up and jealously guarded by Old Boys and senior Housemasters. Of Parents we will treat in another place. What is he like, the Headmaster of to-day? Firstly and essentially, he is no longer a despot. He is a constitutional sovereign, like all other modern monarchs; and perhaps it is better so. Though a Head still exercises enormous personal power, for good or ill, a school no longer stands or falls by its Headmaster, as in the old days, any more than a country stands or falls by its King, as in the days of the Stuarts. Public opinion, Housemasters, the prefectorial system--these have combined to modify his absolutism. But though a bad Headmaster may not be able to wreck a good school, it is certain that no school can ever become great, or remain great, without a great man at the head of it. Time has wrought other changes. Twenty years ago no man could ever hope to reach the summit of the scholastic universe who was not in Orders and the possessor of a First Class Classical degree. Now the layman, the modern-side man, above all the man of affairs, are raising their heads. Under these new conditions, what manner of man is the great Head of to-day? He is essentially a man of business. A clear brain and a sense of proportion enable him to devise schemes of education in which the old idealism and the new materialism are judiciously blended. He knows how to draw up a school time-table--almost as difficult and complicated a document as Bradshaw--making provision, hour by hour, day by day, for the teaching of a very large number of subjects by a limited number of men to some hundreds of boys all at different stages of progress, in such a way that no boy shall be left idle for a single hour and no master be called upon to be in two places at once. He understands school finance and educational politics, which are even more peculiar than British party politics. He combines the art of being able to rule upon his own initiative for months at a time, and yet render a satisfactory account of his stewardship to an ignorant and inquisitive Governing Body which meets twice a year. He is, as ever, an imposing figure-head; and if he is, or has been, an athlete, so much the easier for him in his dealings with the boys. He possesses the art of managing men to an extent sufficient to maintain his Housemasters in some sort of line, and to keep his junior staff punctual and enthusiastic without fussing or herding them. He is a good speaker, and though not invariably in Orders, he appreciates the enormous influence that a powerful sermon in Chapel may exercise at a time of crisis; and he supplies that sermon himself. He keeps a watchful eye upon an army of servants, and does not shrink from the drudgery of going through kitchen-accounts or laundry estimates. He investigates complaints personally, whether they have to do with a House's morals or a butler's perquisites. He keeps abreast of the educational needs of the time. He is a _persona grata_ at the Universities, and usually knows at which University and at which College thereof one of his boys will be most likely to win a scholarship. In the interests of the Army Class he maintains friendly relations with the War Office, because, in these days of the chronic reform of that institution, to be in touch with the "permanent" military mind is to save endless trouble over examinations which are going to be dropped or schedules which are about to be abandoned before they come into operation. He cultivates the acquaintance of those in high places, not for his own advancement, but because it is good for the School to be able to bring down an occasional celebrity, to present prizes or open a new wing. For the same reason he dines out a good deal--often when he has been on his feet since seven o'clock in the morning--and entertains in return, so far as he can afford it, people who are likely to be able to do the School a good turn. For with him it is the School, the School, the School, all the time. If he possesses private means of his own, so much the better; for the man with a little spare money in his pocket possesses powers of leverage denied to the man who has none. I know of a Headmaster who once shamed his Governing Body into raising the salaries of the Junior Staff to a decent standard by supplementing those salaries out of his own slender resources for something like five years. And above all, he has sympathy and insight. When a master or boy comes to him with a grievance he knows whether he is dealing with a chronic grumbler or a wronged man. The grumbler can be pacified by a word or chastened by a rebuke; but a man burning under a sense of real injustice and wrong will never be efficient again until his injuries are redressed. If a colleague, again, comes to him with a scheme of work, or organisation, or even play, he is quick to see how far the scheme is valuable and practicable, and how far it is mere fuss and officiousness. He is enormously patient over this sort of thing, for he knows that an untimely snub may kill the enthusiasm of a real worker, and that a little encouragement may do wonders for a diffident beginner. He knows how to stimulate the slacker, be he boy or master; and he keeps a sharp look-out to see that the willing horse does not overwork himself. (This latter, strange as it may seem, is the harder task of the two.) And he can read the soul of that most illegible of books--save to the understanding eye--the boy, through and through. He can tell if a boy is lying brazenly, or lying because he is frightened, or lying to screen a friend, or speaking the truth. He knows when to be terrible in anger, and when to be indescribably gentle. [Illustration: THE SCHOOLBOY OF FICTION] Usually he is slightly unpopular. But he does not allow this to trouble him overmuch, for he is a man who is content to wait for his reward. He remembers the historic verdict of "A beast, but a just beast," and chuckles. Such a man is an Atlas, holding up a little world. He is always tired, for he can never rest. His so-called hours of ease are clogged by correspondence, most of it quite superfluous, and the telephone has added a new terror to his life. But he is always cheerful, even when alone; and he loves his work. If he did not, it would kill him. A Headmaster no longer regards his office as a stepping-stone to a Bishopric. In the near future, as ecclesiastical and classical traditions fade, that office is more likely to be regarded as a qualification for a place at the head of a Department of State, or a seat in the Cabinet. A man who can run a great public school can run an Empire. CHAPTER TWO THE HOUSEMASTER To the boy, all masters (as distinct from The Head) consist of one class--namely, masters. The fact that masters are divisible into grades, or indulge in acrimonious diversities of opinion, or are subject to the ordinary weaknesses of the flesh (apart from chronic shortness of temper) has never occurred to him. This is not so surprising as it sounds. A schoolmaster's life is one long pose. His perpetual demeanour is that of a blameless enthusiast. A boy never hears a master swear--at least, not if the master can help it; he seldom sees him smoke or drink; he never hears him converse upon any but regulation topics, and then only from the point of view of a rather bigoted archangel. The idea that a master in his private capacity may go to a music-hall, or back a horse, or be casual in his habits, or be totally lacking in religious belief, would be quite a shock to a boy. It is true that when half-a-dozen ribald spirits are gathered round the Lower Study fire after tea, libellous tongues are unloosed. The humorist of the party draws joyous pictures of his Housemaster staggering home to bed after a riotous evening with an Archdeacon, or being thrown out of the Empire in the holidays. But no one in his heart takes these legends seriously--least of all their originator. They are merely audacious irreverences. All day and every day the boy sees the master, impeccably respectable in cap and gown, rebuking the mildest vices, extolling the dullest virtues, singing the praises of industry and application, and attending Chapel morning and evening. A boy has little or no intuition: he judges almost entirely by externals. To him a master is not as other men are: he is a special type of humanity endowed with a permanent bias towards energetic respectability, and grotesquely ignorant of the seamy side of life. The latter belief in particular appears to be quite ineradicable. But in truth the scholastic hierarchy is a most complicated fabric. At the summit of the Universe stands the Head. After him come the senior masters--or, as they prefer somewhat invidiously to describe themselves, the permanent staff--then the junior masters. The whole body are divided and subdivided again into little groups--classical men, mathematical men, science men, and modern-language men--each group with its own particular axe to grind and its own tender spots. Then follow various specialists, not always resident; men whose life is one long and usually ineffectual struggle to convince the School--including the Head--that music, drawing, and the arts generally are subjects which ought to be taken seriously, even under the British educational system. As already noted, after the Head--quite literally--come the Housemasters. They are always after him: one or other of the troop is perpetually on his trail; and unless the great man displays the ferocity of the tiger or the wisdom of the serpent, they harry him exceedingly. Behold him undergoing his daily penance--in audience in his study after breakfast. To him enter severally: A., a patronising person, with a few helpful suggestions upon the general management of the School. He usually begins: "In the old Head's day, we never, under any circumstances----" B., whose speciality is to discover motes in the eyes of other Housemasters. He announces that yesterday afternoon he detected a member of the Eleven fielding in a Panama hat. "Are Panama hats permitted by the statutes of the School? I need hardly say that the boy was not a member of my House." C., a wobbler, who seeks advice as to whether an infraction of one of the rules of his House can best be met by a hundred lines of Vergil or public expulsion. D., a Housemaster pure and simple, urging the postponement of the Final House-Match, D.'s best bowler having contracted an ingrowing toe-nail. E., another, insisting that the date be adhered to--for precisely the same reason. (He receives no visit from F., who holds that a Housemaster's House is his castle, and would as soon think of coming to the fountain-head for advice as he would of following the advice if it were offered.) G., an alarmist, who has heard a rumour that smallpox has broken out in the adjacent village, and recommends that the entire school be vaccinated forthwith. H., a golfer, suggesting a half-holiday, to celebrate some suddenly unearthed anniversary in the annals of Country or School. Lastly, on the telephone, I., a valetudinarian, to announce that he is suffering from double pneumonia, and will be unable to come into School until after luncheon. To be quite just, I. is the rarest bird of all. The average schoolmaster has a perfect passion for sticking to his work when utterly unfit for it. In this respect he differs materially from his pupil, who lies in bed in the dawning hours, cudgelling his sleepy but fertile brain for a disease which (1) Has not been used before. (2) Will incapacitate him for work all morning. (3) Will not prevent him playing football in the afternoon. But if a master sprains his ankle, he hobbles about his form-room on a crutch. If he contracts influenza, he swallows a jorum of ammoniated quinine, puts on three waistcoats, and totters into school, where he proceeds to disseminate germs among his not ungrateful charges. Even if he is rendered speechless by tonsillitis, he takes his form as usual, merely substituting written invective (chalked up on the blackboard), for the torrent of verbal abuse which he usually employs as a medium of instruction. It is all part--perhaps an unconscious part--of his permanent pose as an apostle of what is strenuous and praiseworthy. It is also due to a profound conviction that whoever of his colleagues is told off to take his form for him will indubitably undo the work of many years within a few hours. Besides harrying the head and expostulating with one another, the Housemasters wage unceasing war with the teaching staff. The bone of contention in every case is a boy, and the combat always follows certain well-defined lines. A form-master overtakes a Housemaster hurrying to morning chapel, and inquires carelessly: "By the way, isn't Binks tertius your boy?" The Housemaster guardedly admits that this is so. "Well, do you mind if I flog him?" "Oh, come, I say, isn't that rather drastic? What has he done?" "Nothing--not a hand's-turn--for six weeks." "Um!" The Housemaster endeavours to look severely judicial. "Young Binks is rather an exceptional boy," he observes. (Young Binks always is.) "Are you quite sure you _know_ him?" The form-master, who has endured Master Binks' society for nearly two years, and knows him only too well, laughs caustically. "Yes," he says, "I do know him: and I quite agree with you that he is rather an exceptional boy." "Ah!" says the Housemaster, falling into the snare. "Then----" "An exceptional young swab," explains the form-master. By this time they have entered the Chapel, where they revert to their daily task of setting an example by howling one another down in the Psalms. After Chapel the Housemaster takes the form-master aside and confides to him the intelligence that he has been a Housemaster for twenty-five years. The form-master, suppressing an obvious retort, endeavours to return to the question of Binks; but is compelled instead to listen to a brief homily upon the management of boys in general. As neither gentleman has breakfasted, the betting as to which will lose his temper first is almost even, with odds slightly in favour of the form-master, being the younger and hungrier man. However, it is quite certain that one of them will--probably both. The light of reason being thus temporarily obscured, they part, to meditate further repartees and complain bitterly of one another to their colleagues. But it is very seldom that Master Binks profits by such Olympian differences as these. Possibly the Housemaster may decline to give the form-master permission to flog Binks, but in nine cases out of ten, being nothing if not conscientious, he flogs Binks himself, carefully explaining to the form-master afterwards, by implication only, that he has done so not from conviction, but from an earnest desire to bolster up the authority of an inexperienced and incompetent colleague. But these quibbles, as already observed, do not help the writhing Binks at all. However, a Housemaster _contra mundum_, and a Housemaster in his own House, are very different beings. We have already seen that a bad Headmaster cannot always prevent a School from being good. But a House stands or falls entirely by its Housemaster. If he is a good Housemaster it is a good House: if not, nothing can save it. And therefore the responsibility of a Housemaster far exceeds that of a Head. Consider. He is _in loco parentis_--with apologies to Stalky!--to some forty or fifty of the shyest and most reserved animals in the world; one and all animated by a single desire--namely, to prevent any fellow-creature from ascertaining what is at the back of their minds. Schoolgirls, we are given to understand, are prone to open their hearts to one another, or to some favourite teacher, with luxurious abandonment. Not so boys. Up to a point they are frankness itself: beyond that point lie depths which can only be plumbed by instinct and intuition--qualities whose possession is the only test of a born Housemaster. All his flock must be an open book to him: he must understand both its collective and its individual tendencies. If a boy is inert and listless, the Housemaster must know whether his condition is due to natural sloth or some secret trouble, such as bullying or evil companionship. If a boy appears dour and dogged, the Housemaster has to decide whether he is shy or merely insolent. Private tastes and pet hobbies must also be borne in mind. The complete confidence of a hitherto unresponsive subject can often be won by a tactful reference to music or photography. The Housemaster must be able, too, to distinguish between brains and mere precocity, and to separate the fundamentally stupid boy from the lazy boy who is pretending to be stupid--an extremely common type. He must cultivate a keen nose for the malingerer, and at the same time keep a sharp look-out for fear lest the conscientious plodder should plod himself silly. He must discriminate between the whole-hearted enthusiast and the pretentious humbug who simulates keenness in order to curry favour. And above all, he must make allowances for heredity and home influence. Many a Housemaster has been able to adjust his perspective with regard to a boy by remembering that the boy has a drunken father, or a neurotic mother, or no parents at all. He must keep a light hand on House politics, knowing everything, yet doing little, and saying almost nothing at all. If a Housemaster be blatantly autocratic; if he deputes power to no one; if he prides himself upon his iron discipline; if he quells mere noise with savage ferocity and screws down the safety-valve implacably upon healthy ragging, he will reap his reward. He will render his House quiet, obedient--and furtive. Under such circumstances prefects are a positive danger. Possessing special privileges, but no sense of responsibility, they regard their office merely as a convenient and exclusive avenue to misdemeanour. On the other hand, a Housemaster must not allow his prefects unlimited authority, or he will cease to be master in his own House. In other words, he must strike an even balance between sovereign and deputed power--an undertaking which has sent dynasties toppling before now. In addition to all this, he must be an Admirable Crichton. Whatever his own particular teaching subject may be, he will be expected, within the course of a single evening's "prep," to be able to unravel a knotty passage in Æschylus, "unseen," solve a quadratic equation on sight, compose a chemical formula, or complete an elegiac couplet. He must also be prepared at any hour of the day or night to explain how leg-breaks are manufactured, recommend a list of novels for the House library, set a broken collar-bone, solve a jig-saw puzzle in the Sick-room, assist an Old Boy in the choice of a career, or prepare a candidate for Confirmation. And the marvel is that he always does it--in addition to his ordinary day's work in school. And what is his remuneration? One of the rarest and most precious privileges that can be granted to an Englishman--the privilege of keeping a public house! Let me explain. For the first twenty years of his professional career a schoolmaster works as a mere instructor of youth. By day he teaches his own particular subject; by night he looks over proses or corrects algebra papers. In his spare time he imparts private instruction to backward boys or scholarship candidates. Probably he bears a certain part in the supervision of the School games. He is possibly treasurer of one or two of the boys' own organisations--the Fives Club or the Debating Society--and as a rule he is permitted to fill up odd moments by sub-editing the School magazine or organising sing-songs. He cannot as a rule afford to marry; so he lives the best years of his life in two rooms, looking forward to the time, in the dim and hypothetical future, when he will possess what the ordinary artisan usually acquires on passing out of his teens--a home of his own. At length, after many days, provided that a sufficient number of colleagues die or get superannuated, comes his reward, and he enters upon the realisation of his dreams. He is now a Housemaster, with every opportunity (and full permission) to work himself to death. [Illustration: THE DAREDEVIL] Still, you say, the labourer is worthy of his hire. A man occupying a position so onerous and responsible as this will be well remunerated. What is his actual salary? In many cases he receives no salary, as a Housemaster, at all. Instead, he is accorded the privilege of running his new home as a combined lodging-house and restaurant. His spare time (which the reader will have gathered is more than considerable) is now pleasantly occupied in purchasing beef and mutton and selling them to Binks tertius. As his tenure of the House seldom exceeds ten or fifteen years, he has to exercise considerable commercial enterprise in order to make a sufficient "pile" to retire upon--as Binks tertius sometimes discovers to his cost. In other words, a scholar and gentleman's reward for a life of unremitting labour in one of the most exacting yet altruistic fields in the world is a licence to enrich himself for a period of years by "cornering" the daily bread of the pupils in his charge. And yet we feel surprised, and hurt, and indignant, when foreigners suggest that we are a nation of shopkeepers. The life of a Housemaster is a living example of the lengths to which the British passion for undertaking heavy responsibilities and thankless tasks can be carried. Daily, hourly, he finds himself in contact (and occasional collision) with boys--boys for whose moral and physical welfare he is responsible; who in theory at least will regard him as their natural enemy; and who occupy the greater part of their leisure time in criticising and condemning him and everything that is his--his appearance, his character, his voice, his wife; the food that he provides and the raiment that he wears. He is harried by measles, mumps, servants, tradesmen, and parents. He feels constrained to invite every boy in his House to a meal at least once a term, which means that he is almost daily deprived of the true-born Briton's birthright of being uncommunicative at breakfast. His life is one long round of colourless routine, tempered by hair-bleaching emergencies. But he loves it all. He maintains, and ultimately comes to believe, that his House is the only House in the School in which both justice and liberty prevail, and his boys the only boys in the world who know the meaning of hard work, good food, and _esprit de corps_. He pities all other Housemasters, and tells them so at frequent intervals; and he expostulates paternally and sorrowfully with form-masters who vilify the members of his cherished flock in half-term reports. And his task is not altogether thankless. Just as the sun never sets upon the British Empire, so it never sets upon all the Old Boys of a great public school at once. They are gone out into all lands: they are upholding the honour of the School all the world over. And wherever they are--London, Simla, Johannesburg, Nairobi, or Little Pedlington Vicarage--they never lose touch with their old Housemaster. His correspondence is enormous; it weighs him down: but he would not relinquish a single picture postcard of it. He knows that wherever two or three of his Old Boys are gathered together, be it in Bangalore or Buluwayo, the talk will always drift round in time to the old School and the old House. They will refer to him by his nickname--"Towser," or "Potbelly," or "Swivel-Eye,"--and reminiscences will flow. "Do you remember the old man's daily gibe when he found us chucking bread at dinner? 'Hah! There will be a bread pudding tomorrow!'" "Do you remember the jaw he gave us when the news came about Macpherson's V.C.?" "Do you remember his Sunday trousers? Oh, Lord!" "Do you remember how he tanned Goat Hicks for calling The Frog a _cochon_? Fourteen, wasn't it?" "Do you remember the grub he gave the whole House the time we won the House-match by one wicket, with Old Mike away?" "Do you remember how he broke down at prayers the night little Martin died?" "Do you remember his apologising to that young swine Sowerby before the whole House for losing his temper and clouting him over the head? That must have taken some doing. We rooted Sowerby afterwards for grinning." "I always remember the time," interpolates one of the group, "when he scored me off for roller-skating on Sunday." "How was that?" "Well, it was this way. I had got leave of morning Chapel on some excuse or other, and was skating up and down the Long Corridor, having a grand time. The old man came out of his study--I thought he was in Chapel--and growled, looking at me over his spectacles--you remember the way?----" "Yes, rather. Go on!" "He growled:--'Boy, do you consider roller-skating a Sunday pastime?' I, of course, looked a fool, and said, 'No, sir.' 'Well,' chuckled the old bird, 'I do: but I always make a point of respecting a man's religious scruples. I will therefore confiscate your skates.' And he did! He gave them back to me next day, though." "I always remember him," says another, "the time I nearly got sacked. By rights I ought to have been, but I believe he got me off at the last moment. Anyhow, he called me into his study and told me I wasn't to go after all. He didn't jaw me, but said I could take an hour off school and go and telegraph home that things were all right. My people had been having a pretty bad time over it, I knew, and so did he. I was pretty near blubbing, but I held out. Then, just as I got to the door, he called me back. I turned round, rather in a funk that the jaw was coming after all. But he growled out:-- "'It's a bit late in the term. The exchequer may be low. Here is sixpence for the telegram.' "This time I did blub. Not one man in a million would have thought of the sixpence. As a matter of fact, fourpence-halfpenny was all I had in the world." And so on. His ears--especially his right ear--must be burning all day long. * * * * * Of course all Housemasters are not like this. If you want to hear about the other sort, take up The _Lanchester Tradition_, by Mr. G. F. Bradby, and make the acquaintance of Mr. Chowdler--an individual example of a great type run to seed. And there is Dirty Dick, in _The Hill_. * * * * * When he has fulfilled his allotted span as a Housemaster, our friend retires--not from school-mastering, but from the provision trade. With his hardly-won gains he builds himself a house in the neighbourhood of the school, and lives there in a state of _otium cum dignitate_. He still takes his form: he continues to do so until old age descends upon him, or a new broom at the head of affairs makes a clean sweep of the "permanent" staff. He is mellower now. He no longer washes his hands of all responsibility for the methods of his colleagues, or thanks God that his boys are not as other masters' boys are. He does not altogether enjoy his work in school: he is getting a little deaf, and is inclined to be testy. But teaching is his meat and his drink and his father and his mother. He sticks to it because it holds him to life. Though elderly now, he enjoys many of the pleasures of middle age. For instance, he has usually married late, so his children are still young; and he is therefore spared the pain, which most parents have to suffer, of seeing the brood disperse just when it begins to be needed most. Or perhaps he has been too devoted to his world-wide family of boys to marry at all. In that case he lives alone; but you may be sure that his spare bedroom is seldom empty. No Old Boy ever comes home from abroad without paying a visit to his former Housemaster. Rich, poor, distinguished, or obscure--they all come. They tell him of their adventures; they recall old days; they deplore the present condition of the School and the degeneracy of the Eleven; they fight their own battles over again. They confide in him. They tell him things they would never tell their fathers or their wives. They bring him their ambitions, and their failures--not their successes; those are for others to speak of--even their love-affairs. And he listens to them all, and advises them all, this very tender and very wise old Ulysses. To him they are but boys still, and he would not have them otherwise. "The heart of a Boy in the body of a Man," he says--"that is a combination which can never go wrong. If I have succeeded in effecting that combination in a single instance, then I have not run in vain, neither laboured in vain." CHAPTER THREE SOME FORM-MASTERS NUMBER ONE THE NOVICE Arthur Robinson, B.A., late exhibitioner of St. Crispin's College, Cambridge, having obtained a First Class, Division Three, in the Classical Tripos, came down from the University at the end of his third year and decided to devote his life to the instruction of youth. In order to gratify this ambition as speedily as possible, he applied to a scholastic agency for an appointment. He was immediately furnished with type-written notices of some thirty or forty. Almost one and all, they were for schools which he had never heard of; but the post in every case was one which the Agency could unreservedly recommend. At the foot of each notice was typed a strongly worded appeal to him to write (_at once_) to the Headmaster, explaining first and foremost that he had _heard of this vacancy through our Agency_. After that he was to state his _degree_ (_if any_); _if a member of the Church of England_; _if willing to participate in School games_; _if musical_; and so on. He was advised, if he thought it desirable, to enclose a photograph of himself. A further sheaf of such notices reached him every morning for about two months; but as none of them offered him more than a hundred-and-twenty pounds a year, and most of them a good deal less, Arthur Robinson, who was a sensible young man, resisted the temptation, overpowering to most of us, of seizing the very first opportunity of earning a salary, however small, simply because he had never earned anything before, and allowed the notices to accumulate upon one end of his mantelpiece. Finally he had recourse to his old College tutor, who advised him of a vacancy at Eaglescliffe, a great public school in the west of England, and by a timely private note to the Headmaster secured his appointment. Next morning Arthur Robinson received from the directorate of the scholastic agency--the existence of which he had almost forgotten--a rapturous letter of congratulation, reminding him that the Agency had sent him notice of the vacancy upon a specified date, and delicately intimating that their commission of five per cent. upon the first year's salary was payable on appointment. Arthur, who had long since given up the task of breasting the Agency's morning tide of desirable vacancies, mournfully investigated the heap upon the mantelpiece, and found that the facts were as stated. There lay the notice, sandwiched between a document relating to the advantages to be derived from joining the staff of a private school in North Wales, where material prosperity was guaranteed by a salary of eighty pounds per annum, and social success by the prospect of meat-tea with the Principal and his family; and another, in which a clergyman (retired) required a thoughtful and energetic assistant (one hundred pounds a year, non-resident) to aid him in the management of a small but select seminary for backward and epileptic boys. Arthur laid the matter before his tutor, who informed him that he must pay up, and be a little less casual in his habits in future. He therefore wrote a reluctant cheque for ten pounds, and having thus painfully imbibed the first lesson that a schoolmaster must learn--namely, the importance of attending to details--departed to take up his appointment at Eaglescliffe. He arrived the day before term began, to find that lodgings had been apportioned to him at a house in the village, half a mile from the School. His first evening was spent in making the place habitable. That is to say, he removed a number of portraits of his landlady's relatives from the walls and mantelpiece, and stored them, together with a collection of Early Victorian heirlooms--wool-mats and prism-laden glass vases--in a cupboard under the window-seat. In their place he set up fresh gods; innumerable signed photographs of young men, some in frames, some in rows along convenient ledges, others bunched together in a sort of wire entanglement much in vogue among the undergraduates of that time. Some of these photographs were mounted upon light-blue mounts, and these were placed in the most conspicuous position. Upon the walls he hung a collection of framed groups of more young men, with bare knees and severe expressions, in some of which Arthur Robinson himself figured. After that, having written to his mother and a girl in South Kensington, he walked up the hill in the darkness to the Schoolhouse, where he was to be received in audience by the Head. The great man was sitting at ease before his study fire, and exhibited unmistakable signs of recent slumber. "I want you to take Remove B, Robinson," he said. "They are a mixed lot. About a quarter of them are infant prodigies--Foundation Scholars--who make this form their starting-point for higher things; and the remainder are centenarians, who regard Remove B as a sort of scholastic Chelsea Hospital, and are fully prepared to end their days there. Stir 'em up, and don't let them intimidate the small boys into a low standard of work. Their subjects this term will be _Cicero de Senectute_ and the _Alcestis_, without choruses. Have you any theories about the teaching of boys?" "None whatever," replied Arthur Robinson frankly. "Good! There is only one way to teach boys. Keep them in order: don't let them play the fool or go to sleep; and they will be so bored that they will work like niggers merely to pass the time. That's education in a nutshell. Good night!" * * * * * Next morning Arthur Robinson invested himself in an extremely new B.A. gown, which seemed very long and voluminous after the tattered and attenuated garment which he had worn at Cambridge--usually twisted into a muffler round his neck--and walked up to School. (It was the last time he ever walked: thereafter, for many years, he left five minutes later, and ran.) Timidly he entered the Common Room. It was full of masters, some twenty or thirty of them, old, young, and middle-aged. As many as possible were grouped round the fire--not in the orderly, elegant fashion of grown-up persons; but packed together right inside the fender, with their backs against the mantelpiece. Nearly everyone was talking, and hardly anyone was listening to anyone else. Two or three--portentously solemn elderly men--were conferring darkly together in a corner. Others were sitting upon the table or arms of chairs, reading newspapers, mostly aloud. No one took the slightest notice of Arthur Robinson, who accordingly sidled into an unoccupied corner and embarked upon a self-conscious study of last term's time-table. "I hear they have finished the new Squash Courts," announced a big man who was almost sitting upon the fire. "Take you on this afternoon, Jacker?" "Have you got a court?" inquired the gentleman addressed. "Not yet, but I will. Who is head of Games this term?" [Illustration: THE LUNCHEON INTERVAL PORTRAIT OF A GENTLEMAN WHO HAS SCORED FIFTY RUNS] "Etherington major, I think." "Good Lord! He can hardly read or write, much less manage anything. I wonder why boys always make a point of electing congenital idiots to their responsible offices. Warwick, isn't old Etherington in your House?" "He is," replied Warwick, looking up from a newspaper. "Just tell him I want a Squash Court this afternoon, will you?" "I am not a District Messenger Boy," replied Mr. Warwick coldly. Then he turned upon a colleague who was attempting to read his newspaper over his shoulder. "Andrews," he said, "if you wish to read this newspaper I shall be happy to hand it over to you. If not, I shall be grateful if you will refrain from masticating your surplus breakfast in my right ear." Mr. Andrews, scarlet with indignation, moved huffily away, and the conversation continued. "I doubt if you will get a court, Dumaresq," said another voice--a mild one. "I asked for one after breakfast, and Etherington said they were all bagged." "Well, I call that the limit!" bellowed that single-minded egotist, Mr. Dumaresq. "After all," drawled a supercilious man sprawling across a chair, "the courts were built for the boys, weren't they?" "They may have been built for the boys," retorted Dumaresq with heat, "but they were more than half paid for by the masters. So put that in your pipe, friend Wellings, and----" "Your trousers are beginning to smoke," interpolated Wellings calmly. "You had better come out of the fender for a bit and let me in." So the babble went on. To Arthur Robinson, still nervously perusing the time-table, it all sounded like an echo of the talk which had prevailed in the Pupil Room at his own school barely five years ago. Presently a fresh-faced elderly man crossed the room and tapped him on the shoulder. "You must be Robinson," he said. "My name is Pollard, also of St. Crispin's. Come and dine with me to-night, and tell me how the old College is getting on." The ice broken, the grateful Arthur was introduced to some of his colleagues, including the Olympian Dumaresq, the sarcastic Wellings, and the peppery Warwick. Next moment a bell began to ring upon the other side of the quadrangle, as there was a general move for the door. Outside, Arthur Robinson encountered the Head. "Good morning, Mr. Robinson!" (It was a little affectation of the Head's to address his colleagues as 'Mr.' when in cap and gown: at other times his key-note was informal bonhomie). "Have you your form-room key?" "Yes, I have." "In that case I will introduce you to your flock." At the end of the Cloisters, outside the locked door of Remove B, lounged some thirty young gentlemen. At the sight of the Head these ceased to lounge, and came to an attitude of uneasy attention. The door being opened, all filed demurely in and took their seats, looking virtuously down their noses. The Head addressed the intensely respectable audience before him. "This is Mr. Robinson," he said gruffly. "Do what you can for him." He nodded abruptly to Robinson, and left the room. As the door closed, the angel faces of Remove B relaxed. "A-a-a-a-a-ah!" said everybody, with a sigh of intense relief. Let us follow the example of the Head, and leave Arthur Robinson, for the present, to struggle in deep and unfathomed waters. NUMBER TWO THE EXPERTS Mr. Dumaresq was reputed to be the hardest slave-driver in Eaglescliffe. His eyes were cold and china blue, and his voice was like the neighing of a war-horse. He disapproved of the system of locked form-rooms--it wasted at least forty seconds, he said, getting the boys in--so he made his head boy keep the key and open the door the moment the clock struck. Consequently, when upon this particular morning Mr. Dumaresq stormed into his room, every boy was sitting at his desk. "Greek prose scraps!" he roared, while still ten yards from the door. Instantly each boy seized a sheet of school paper, and having torn it into four pieces selected one of the pieces and waited, pen in hand. "_If you do this_," announced Mr. Dumaresq truculently, as he swung into the doorway, "_you will be wise_." Every boy began to scribble madly. "_If you do not do this_," continued Mr. Dumaresq, "_you will not be wise. If you were to do this you would be wise. If you were not to do this you would not be wise. If you had done this you would have been wise. If you had not done this you would not have been wise_. Collect!" The head boy sprang to his feet, and feverishly dragging the scraps from under the hands of his panting colleagues, laid them on the master's desk. Like lightning Mr. Dumaresq looked them over. "Seven of you still ignorant of the construction of the simplest conditional sentence!" he bellowed. "Come in this afternoon!" He tossed the papers back to the head boy. Seven of them bore blue crosses, indicating an error. There may have been more than one mistake in the paper, but one was always enough for Mr. Dumaresq. "Now sit close!" he commanded. "Sitting close" meant leaving comparatively comfortable and secluded desks, and crowding in a congested mass round the blackboard, in such wise that no eye could rove or mouth gape without instant detection. "_Viva voce_ Latin Elegiacs!" announced Mr. Dumaresq, with enormous enthusiasm. He declaimed the opening couplet of an English lyric. "Now throw that into Latin form. Adamson, I'm speaking to you! Don't sit mooning there, gaper. Think! Think! _Come, lasses and lads, get leave of your dads_-- Come on, man, come on! --_And away to the maypole, hey!_ Say something! Wake up! How are you going to get over 'maypole'? No maypoles in Rome. Tell him, somebody! 'Saturnalia'--not bad. (Crabtree, stand up on the bench, and look at me, not your boots.) Why won't 'Saturnalia' do? Will it scan? _Think!_ Come along, come _along_!" In this fashion he hounded his dazed pupils through couplet after couplet, until the task was finished. Then, dashing at the blackboard, he obliterated the result of an hour's labour with a sweep of the duster. "Now go to your desks and write out a fair copy," he roared savagely. So effective were Mr. Dumaresq's methods of inculcation that eighteen out of his thirty boys succeeded in producing flawless fair copies. The residue were ferociously bidden to an "extra" after dinner. Mr. Dumaresq's "extras" were famous. He held at least one every day, not infrequently for the whole form. He possessed the one priceless attribute of the teacher: he never spared himself. Other masters would set impositions or give a boy the lesson to write out: Dumaresq, denying himself cricket or squash, would come into his form-room and wrestle with perspiring defaulters all during a hot afternoon until the task was well and truly done. Boys learned more from him in one term than from any other master in a year; but their days were but labour and sorrow. During the previous term a certain particularly backward member of his form had incurred some damage--to wit, a fractured collar-bone--during the course of a house-match. The pain was considerable, and when dragged from the scrummage he was in a half-fainting condition. He revived as he was being carried to the Sanatorium. "What's up?" he inquired mistily. "Broken neck, inflammation of the lungs, ringworm, and leprosy, old son," announced one of his bearers promptly. "You are going to the San." "Good egg!" replied the injured warrior. "I shall get off Dummy's extra after tea!" Then with a contented sigh, he returned to a state of coma. * * * * * By way of contrast, Mr. Cayley. As Mr. Cayley approached his form-room, which lay round a quiet corner, he was made aware of the presence of his pupils by sounds of turmoil; but being slightly deaf, took no particular note of the fact. Presently he found himself engulfed in a wave of boys, each of whom insisted upon shaking him by the hand. Some of them did so several times, but Mr. Cayley, whom increasing years had rendered a trifle dim-sighted, did not observe this. Cheerful greetings fell pleasantly but confusedly upon his ears. "How do you do, sir? Welcome back to another term of labour, sir! Very well, no thank you! Stop shoving, there! Don't you see you are molesting Mr. Methuselah Cayley, M.A.? Permit me to open the door for you, sir! Now then, all together! Use your feet a bit more in the scrum!" By this time the humorist of the party had possessed himself of the key of the door; but having previously stopped up the keyhole with paper, was experiencing some difficulty in inserting the key into the lock. "Make haste, Woolley," said Mr. Cayley gently. "I fear the porter has inserted some obstruction into the interstices of the aperture, sir," explained Master Woolley, in a loud and respectful voice. "He bungs up the hole in the holidays--to keep the bugs from getting in," he concluded less audibly. "What was that, Woolley?" asked Mr. Cayley, thinking he had not heard aright. Master Woolley entered with relish upon one of the standard pastimes of the Upper Fourth. "I said some good tugs would get us in, sir," he replied, raising his voice, and pulling paper out of the lock with a buttonhook. Mr. Cayley, who knew that his ears were as untrustworthy as his eyes, but fondly imagined that his secret was his own, now entered his form-room upon the crest of a boisterous wave composed of his pupils, who, having deposited their preceptor upon his rostrum, settled down in their places with much rattling of desks and banging of books. Mr. Cayley next proceeded to call for silence, and when he thought he had succeeded, said: "As our new Latin subject books have not yet been distributed, I shall set you a short passage of unprepared translation this morning." "Would it not be advisable, sir," suggested the head boy--the Upper Fourth addressed their master with a stilted and pedantic preciosity of language which was an outrageous parody of his own courtly and old-fashioned utterance--"to take down our names and ages, as is usually your custom at the outset of your infernal havers?" "Of what, Adams?" "Of your termly labours, sir," said Adams, raising his voice courteously. Mr. Cayley acquiesced in this proposal, and the form, putting their feet up on convenient ledges and producing refreshment from the secret recesses of their persons, proceeded to crack nuts and jokes, while their instructor laboured with studious politeness to extract from them information as to their initials and length of days. It was not too easy a task, for every boy in the room was conversing, and not necessarily with his next-door neighbour. Once a Liddell and Scott lexicon (medium size) hurtled through space and fell with a crash upon the floor. Mr. Cayley looked up. "Someone," he remarked with mild severity, "is throwing india-rubber." Name-taking finished, he made another attempt to revert to the passage of unprepared translation. But a small boy, with appealing eyes and a wistful expression, rose from his seat and timidly deposited a large and unclean object upon Mr. Cayley's desk. "I excavated this during the holidays, sir," he explained; "and thinking it would interest you, I made a point of preserving it for your inspection." Instant silence fell upon the form. Skilfully handled, this new diversion was good for quite half an hour's waste of time. "This is hardly the moment, Benton," replied Mr. Cayley, "for a disquisition on geology, but I appreciate your kindness in thinking of me. I will examine this specimen this afternoon, and classify it for you." But Master Benton had no intention of permitting this. "Does it belong to the glacial period, sir?" he inquired shyly. "I thought these marks might have been caused by ice-pressure." There was a faint chuckle at the back of the room. It proceeded from the gentleman whose knife Benton had borrowed ten minutes before in order to furnish support for his glacial theory. "It is impossible for me to say without my magnifying-glass," replied Mr. Cayley, peering myopically at the stone. "But from a cursory inspection I should imagine this particular specimen to be of an igneous nature. Where did you get it?" "In the neck!" volunteered a voice. Master Benton, whose cervical vertebræ the stone had nearly severed in the course of a friendly interchange of missiles with a playmate while walking up to school, hastened to cover the interruption. "Among the Champion Pills, sir," he announced gravely. "The Grampian Hills?" said Mr. Cayley, greatly interested. He nodded his head. "That may be so. Geologically speaking, some of these hills were volcanoes yesterday." "There was nothing about it in the _Daily Mail_ this morning," objected a voice from the back benches. "I beg your pardon?" said Mr. Cayley, looking up. "It sounds like a fairy tale, sir," amended the speaker. "And so it is!" exclaimed Mr. Cayley, the geologist in him aroused at last. "The whole history of Nature is a fairy tale. Cast your minds back for a thousand centuries." ... The form accepted this invitation to the extent of dismissing the passage of unprepared translation from their thoughts for ever, and settling down with a grateful sigh, began to search their pockets for fresh provender. The seraph-like Benton slipped back into his seat. His mission was accomplished. The rest of the hour was provided for. Three times in the past five years Mr. Cayley's colleagues had offered to present him with a testimonial. He could never understand why. * * * * * Mr. Bull was a young master, and an international football-player. Being one of the few members of the staff at Eaglescliffe who did not possess a first-class degree, he had been entrusted with the care of the most difficult form in the school--the small boys, usually known as The Nippers. A small boy is as different from a middle-sized boy as chalk from cheese. He possesses none of the latter's curious dignity and self-consciousness. He has the instincts of the puppy, and appreciates being treated as such. That is to say, he is physically incapable of sitting still for more than fifteen minutes at a time; he is never happy except in the company of a drove of other small boys; and he is infinitely more amenable to _fortiter in re_ than to the _suaviter in modo_ where the enforcement of discipline is concerned. Above all, he would rather have his head smacked than be ignored. Mr. Bull greeted his chattering flock with a hearty roar of salutation, coupled with a brisk command to them to get into their places and be quick about it. He was answered by a shrill and squeaky chorus, and having thrown open the form-room door herded the whole swarm within, assisting stragglers with a genial cuff or two; the which, coming from so great a hero, were duly cherished by their recipients as marks of special favour. Having duly posted up the names and tender ages of his Nippers in his mark-book, Mr. Bull announced: "Now we must appoint the Cabinet Ministers for the term." Instantly there came a piping chorus. "Please, sir, can I be Scavenger?" "Please, sir, can I be Obliterator?" "Please, sir, can I be Window-opener?" "Please, sir, can I be Inkslinger?" "Please, sir, can I be Coalheaver?" "Shut up!" roared Mr. Bull, and the babble was quelled instantly. "We will draw lots as usual." Lots were duly cast, and the names of the fortunate announced. Mr. Bull was not a great scholar: some of the "highbrow" members of the Staff professed to despise his humble attainments. But he understood the mind of extreme youth. Tell a small boy to pick up waste-paper, or fill an inkpot, or clean a blackboard, and he will perform these acts of drudgery with natural reluctance and shirk them when he can. But appoint him Lord High Scavenger, or Lord High Inkslinger, or Lord High Obliterator, with sole right to perform these important duties and power to eject usurpers, and he will value and guard his privileges with all the earnestness and tenacity of a permanent official. Having arranged his executive staff to his satisfaction, Mr. Bull announced:-- "We'll do a little English literature this morning, and start fair on ordinary work this afternoon. Sit absolutely still for ten minutes while I read to you. Listen all the time, for I shall question you when I have finished. After that you shall question me--one question each, and mind it is a sensible one. After that, a breather; then you will write out in your own words a summary of what I have read. Atten-_shun_!" He read a hundred lines or so of _The Passing of Arthur_, while the Nippers, restraining itching hands and feet, sat motionless. Then followed question time, which was a lively affair; for questions mean marks, and Nippers will sell their souls for marks. Suddenly Mr. Bull shut the book with a snap. "Out you get!" he said. "The usual run--round the Founder's Oak and straight back. And no yelling, mind! Remember, there are others." He took out his watch. "I give you one minute. Any boy taking longer will receive five thousand lines and a public flogging. Off!" There was a sudden unheaval, a scuttle of feet, and then solitude. The last Nipper returned panting, with his lungs full of oxygen and the fidgets shaken out of him, within fifty-seven seconds, and the work of the hour proceeded. * * * * * Each master had his own methods of maintaining discipline. Mr. Wellings, for instance, ruled entirely by the lash of his tongue. A schoolboy can put up with stripes, and he rather relishes abuse; but sarcasm withers him to the marrow. In this respect Mr. Wellings' reputation throughout the school--he was senior mathematical master, and almost half the boys passed through his hands--was that of a "chronic blister." Newcomers to his sets, who had hitherto regarded the baiting of subject-masters as a mild form of mental recuperation between two bouts of the Classics, sometimes overlooked this fact. If they had a reputation for lawlessness to keep up they sometimes endeavoured to make themselves obnoxious. They had short shrift. "Let me see," Wellings would drawl, "I am afraid I can't recall your name for the moment. Have you a visiting card about you?" Here the initiated would chuckle with anticipatory relish, and the offender, a little taken aback, would either glare defiantly or efface himself behind his book. "I am addressing you, sir--you in the back bench, with the intelligent countenance and the black-edged finger-nails," Wellings would continue in silky tones. "I asked you a question just now. Have you a visiting card about you?" A thousand brilliant repartees would flash through the brain of the obstreperous one. But somehow, in Wellings' mild and apologetic presence, they all seemed either irrelevant or fatuous. He usually ended by growling, "No." "Then what is your name--or possibly title? Forgive me for not knowing." "Corbett." It is extraordinary how ridiculous one's surname always sounds when one is compelled to announce it in public. "Thank you. Will you kindly stand up, Mr. Corbett, in order that we may study you in greater detail?" (Mr. Wellings had an uncanny knack of enlisting the rest of the form on his side when he dealt with an offender of this type.) "I must apologise for not having heard of you before. Indeed, it is surprising that one of your remarkable appearance should hitherto have escaped my notice in my walks abroad. The world knows nothing of its greatest men: how true that is! However, this is no time for moralising. What I wanted to bring to your distinguished notice is this--that you must not behave like a yahoo in my mathematical set. During the past ten minutes you have kicked one of your neighbours and cuffed another: you have partaken of a good deal of unwholesome and (as it came out of your pocket) probably unclean refreshment; and you have indulged in several childish and obscene gestures. These daredevil exploits took place while I was writing on the blackboard; but I think it only fair to mention to you that I have eyes in the back of my head--a fact upon which any member of this set could have enlightened you. But possibly they do not presume to address a person of your eminence. I have no idea, of course, with what class of society you are accustomed to mingle; but here--_here_--that sort of thing is simply not done, really! I am so sorry! But the hour will soon be over, and then you can go and have a nice game of shove-halfpenny, or whatever your favourite sport is, in the gutter. But at present I must ask you to curb your natural instincts. That is all, thank you very much. You may sit down now. Observe from time to time the demeanour of your companions, and endeavour to learn from them. They do not possess your natural advantages in the way of brains and beauty, but their manners are better. Let us now resume our studies." Mr. Wellings used to wonder plaintively in the Common Room why his colleagues found it necessary to set so many impositions. * * * * * Lastly, Mr. Klotz. Mr. Klotz may be described as a Teutonic survival--a survival of the days when it was _de rigueur_ to have the French language taught by a foreigner of some kind. Not necessarily by a Frenchman--that would have been pandering too slavishly to Continental idiosyncrasy--but at least by some one who could only speak broken English. Mr. Klotz was a Prussian, so possessed all the necessary qualifications. His disciplinary methods were modelled upon those of the Prussian Army, of which he had been a distinguished ornament--a fact of which he was fond of reminding his pupils, and which had long been regarded by those guileless infants as one of the most valuable weapons in their armoury of time-wasting devices. Mr. Klotz, not being a resident master, had no special classroom or key: he merely visited each form-room in turn. He expected to find every boy in his seat ready for work upon his arrival; and as he was accustomed to enforce his decrees at the point of the bayonet--or its scholastic equivalent--sharp scouts and reliable sentries were invariably posted to herald his approach. Behold him this particular morning marching into Remove A form-room, which was situated at the top of a block of buildings on the south side of the quadrangle, with the superb assurance and grace of a Prussian subaltern entering a beer-hall. Having reached his desk, Mr. Klotz addressed his pupils. "He who rount the corner looked when op the stairs I game," he announced, "efter lonch goms he!" The form, some of them still breathless from their interrupted rag, merely looked down their noses with an air of seraphic piety. "Who was de boy who did dat?" pursued Mr. Klotz. No reply. "Efter lonch," trumpeted Mr. Klotz, "goms eferypoty!" At once a boy rose in his place. His name was Tomlinson. "It was me, sir," he said. "Efter lonch," announced Mr. Klotz, slightly disappointed at being robbed of a holocaust, "goms Tomleenson. I gif him irrecular verps." Two other boys rose promptly to their feet. Their names were Pringle and Grant. They had not actually given the alarm, but they had passed it on. "It was me too, sir," said each. "Efter lonch," amended Mr. Klotz, "goms Tomleenson, Brinkle, unt Grunt. Now I take your names unt aitches." This task accomplished, Mr. Klotz was upon the point of taking up _Chardenal's First French Course_, when a small boy with a winning manner (which he wisely reserved for his dealings with masters) said politely:-- "Won't you tell us about the Battle of Sedan, sir, as this is the first day of term?" The bait was graciously accepted, and for the next hour Mr. Klotz ranged over the historic battle-field. It appeared that he had been personally responsible for the success of the Prussian arms, and had been warmly thanked for his services by the Emperor, Moltke, and Bismarck. "You liddle Engleesh boys," he concluded, "you think your Army is great. In my gontry it would be noding--noding! Take it away! Vat battles has it fought, to compare----" The answer came red-hot from thirty British throats: "Waterloo!" (There was no "sir" this time.) "Vaterloo?" replied Mr. Klotz condescendingly. "Yes. But vere would your Engleesh army haf been at Vaterloo without Blucher?" He puffed out his chest. "Tell me dat, Brinkle!" "Blucher, sir?" replied Master Pringle deferentially. "Who was he, sir?" "You haf not heard of Blucher?" gasped Mr. Klotz in genuine horror. The form, who seldom encountered Mr. Klotz without hearing of Blucher, shook their heads with polite regret. Suddenly a hand shot up. It was the hand of Master Tomlinson, who it will be remembered had already burned his boats for the afternoon. "Do you mean Blutcher, sir?" he inquired. "Blutcher? Himmel! Nein!" roared Mr. Klotz. "I mean Blucher." "I expect he was the same person, sir," said Tomlinson soothingly. "I remember him now. He was the Russian who----" "Prussian!" yelled the infuriated Mr. Klotz. "I beg your pardon, sir--Prussian. I thought they were the same thing. He was the Prussian general whom Lord Wellington was relying on to back him up at Waterloo. But Blutcher--Blucher lost his way--quite by accident, of course--and did not reach the field until the fight was over." "He stopped to capture a brewery, sir, didn't he?" queried Master Pringle, coming to his intrepid colleague's assistance. "It was bad luck his arriving late," added Tomlinson, firing his last cartridge; "but he managed to kill quite a lot of wounded." Mr. Klotz had only one retort for enterprises of this kind. He rose stertorously to his feet, crossed the room, and grasping Master Tomlinson by the ears, lifted him from his seat and set him to stand in the middle of the floor. Then he returned for Pringle. "You stay dere," he announced to the pair, "ontil the hour is op. Efter lonch----" But in his peregrinations over the battle-field of Sedan, Mr. Klotz had taken no note of the flight of time. Even as he spoke, the clock struck. "The hour is up now, sir!" yelled the delighted form. [Illustration: THE FRENCH MASTER: (I) FICTION, (II) FACT] And they dispersed with tumult, congratulating Pringle and Tomlinson upon their pluck and themselves upon a most profitable morning. * * * * * But it is a far cry to Sedan nowadays. The race of Klotzes has perished, and their place is occupied by muscular young Britons, who have no reminiscences and whose pronunciation, both of English and German, is easier to understand. CHAPTER FOUR BOYS NUMBER I. THE GOVERNMENT "There's your journey money, Jackson. Good-bye, and a pleasant holiday!" "Thank you, sir. The same to you!" replies Jackson dutifully. They shake hands, and the Housemaster adds:-- "By the way, I shall want you to join the prefects next term." "Me, sir? Oh!" "Yes. Endeavour to get accustomed to the idea during the holidays. It will make a big difference in your life here. I am not referring merely to sausages for tea. Try and think out all that it implies." Then follows a brief homily. Jackson knows it by heart, for it never varies, and he has heard it quoted frequently, usually for purposes of derision. "The prefect in a public school occupies the same position as the non-commissioned officer in the Army. He is promoted from the ranks; he enjoys privileges not available to his former associates; and he is made responsible to those above him not merely for his own good behaviour but for that of others. Just as it would be impossible to run an army without non-commissioned officers, so it would be impossible, under modern conditions, to run a public school without prefects." Jackson shifts his feet uneasily, after the immemorial fashion of schoolboys undergoing a "jaw." "But I want to warn you of one or two things," continues the wise old Housemaster. Jackson looks up quickly. This part of the exhortation is new. At least, he has never heard it quoted. "You will have certain privileges: don't abuse them. You will have certain responsibilities: don't shirk them. And above all, don't endeavour to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. You will be strongly tempted to do so. Your old associates will regard you with suspicion--even distrust; and that will sting. In your anxiety to show to them that your promotion has not impaired your capacity for friendship, you may be inclined to stretch the Law in their favour from time to time, or even ignore it altogether. On the other hand, you must beware of over-officiousness towards those who are not your friends. A little authority is a dangerous thing. So walk warily at first. That's all. Good night, old man." * * * * * They shook hands again, and Jackson returned soberly to his study, which he shared with his friend Blake. The two had entered the School the same day: they had fought their way up side by side from its lowest walks to a position of comparative eminence; and their friendship, though it contained no David and Jonathan elements--very few schoolboy friendships do--had survived the severe test of two years of study-companionship. Jackson was the better scholar, Blake the better athlete of the two. Now, one was taken and the other left. Blake, cramming miscellaneous possessions into his grub-box in view of the early departure on the morrow, looked up. "Hallo!" he remarked. "You've been a long time getting your journey-money. Did the old Man try to cut you down?" "No.... He says I'm to be a prefect next term." "Oh! Congratters!" said Blake awkwardly. "Thanks. Has he made you one too?" asked Jackson. "No." "Oh. What rot!" Presently Jackson's oldest friend, after an unhappy silence, rose and went out. He had gone to join the proletariat round the Hall fire. The worst of getting up in the world is that you have to leave so many old comrades behind you. And worse still, the comrades frequently persist in believing that you are glad to do so. Such is the cloak of Authority, as it feels to a thoughtful and sensitive boy who assumes it for the first time. * * * * * Of course there are others. Hulkins, for instance. In his eyes the prefectorial system was created for his express convenience and glorification. He opens his study door and bawls: "Fa-a-a-ag!" A dozen come running. The last to arrive is bidden to remove Hulkins' boots from his feet and bring slippers. The residue have barely returned to their noisy fireside when Hulkins' voice is uplifted again. This time he requires blotting-paper, and the last comer in the panting crowd is sent into the next study to purloin some. The rest have hardly regained their fastness when there is a third disturbance, and there is Hulkins howling like a lost soul for matches. And so, with infinite uproar and waste of labour, the great man's wants are supplied. It does the fags no harm, but it is very, very bad for Hulkins. Frisby is another type. He is not afraid of assuming responsibility. He is a typical new broom. He dots the i's and crosses the t's of all the tiresome little regulations in the House. He sets impositions to small boys with great profusion, and sees to it that they are shown up punctually. If it is his turn to take roll-call, he descends to the unsportsmanlike device of waiting upon the very threshold of the Hall until the clock strikes, and then coming in and shutting the door with a triumphant bang in the faces of those who had reckoned on the usual thirty seconds' grace. He ferrets out the misdemeanours of criminals of fourteen, and gibbets them. He is terribly efficient--but his vigilance and zeal stop suddenly short at the prospect of a collision with any malefactor more than five feet high. Then there is Meakin. He receives his prefectship with a sigh of relief. For four years he has led a hunted and precarious existence in the lower walks of the House. His high-spirited playmates have made him a target for missiles, derided his style of running, broken his spectacles, raided his study, wrecked his collection of beetles, and derived unfailing joy from his fluent but impotent imprecations. Now, at last, he sees peace ahead. He will be left to himself, at any rate. They will not dare to rag a prefect unless the prefect endeavours to exert his authority unduly, and Meakin has no intention whatever of doing that. To Frisby, Office is a sharp two-edged sword; to Meakin, it is merely a shield and buckler. Then there is Flabb. He finds a prefect's lot a very tolerable one. He fully appreciates the fleshpots in the prefect's room; and he feels that it is pleasant to have fags to whiten his cricket-boots and make toast for his tea. He maintains friendly relations with the rest of the House, and treats small boys kindly. He performs his mechanical duties--roll-call, supervision of Prep, and the like--with as little friction as possible. But he does not go out of his way to quell riots or put down bullying; and when any unpleasantness arises between the Prefects and the House, Flabb effaces himself as completely as possible. Finally, there is Manby, the head of the House. He is high up in the Sixth, and a good all-round athlete. He weighs twelve stone ten, and fears nothing--except a slow ball which comes with the bowler's arm. To him government comes easily. The House hangs upon his lightest word, and his lieutenants go about their business with assurance and despatch. He is a born organiser and a natural disciplinarian. His prestige overawes the unofficial aristocracy of the House--always the most difficult section. And he stands no nonsense. A Manby of my acquaintance once came upon twenty-two young gentlemen in a corner of the cricket-field, who, having privily abandoned the orthodox game arranged for their benefit that afternoon, were indulging in a pleasant but demoralising pastime known as "tip-and-run." Manby, addressing them as "slack little swine, a disgrace to the House," chastised them one by one, and next half-holiday made them play tip-and-run under a broiling sun and his personal supervision from two o'clock till six. A House with a Manby at the head of it is safe. It can even survive a weak Housemaster. Greater Britain is run almost entirely by Manbys. * * * * * Taking it all round, the prefectorial machine works well. It is by no means perfect, but it is infinitely more efficient than any other machine. The chief bar to its smooth running is the inherent loyalty of boys to one another and their dislike of anything which savours of tale-bearing. Schoolboys have no love for those who go out of their way to support the arm of the Law, and a prefect naturally shrinks from being branded as a master's jackal. Hence, that ideal--a perfect understanding between a Housemaster and his prefects--is seldom achieved. What usually happens is that when the Housemaster is autocratically inclined he runs the House himself, while the prefects are mere lay figures; and when the Housemaster is weak or indolent the prefects take the law into their own hands and run the House, often extremely efficiently, with as little reference to their titular head as possible. He is a great Housemaster who can co-operate closely with his prefects without causing friction between the prefects and the House, or the prefects and himself. * * * * * But sometimes an intolerable strain is thrown upon the machine--or rather, upon the most sensitive portions of it. Look at this boy, standing uneasily at the door of his study, with his fingers upon the handle. Outside, in the passage, a riot is in progress. It is only an ordinary exuberant "rag": he himself has participated in many such. But the Law enjoins that this particular passage shall be kept perfectly quiet between the hours of eight and nine in the evening; and it is this boy's particular duty, as the only prefect resident in the passage, to put the Law into effect. He stands in the darkness of his study, nerving himself. The crowd outside numbers ten or twelve; but he is not in the least afraid of that. This enterprise calls for a different kind of courage, and a good deal of it. Jackson is not a particularly prominent member of the House, except by reason of his office: others far more distinguished than himself are actually participating in the disturbance outside. It will be of no avail to emerge wrathfully and say: "Less row, there!" He said that three nights ago. Two nights ago he said it again, and threatened reprisals. Last night he named various offenders by name, and stated that if the offence was repeated he would report them to the Housemaster. _To-night he has got to do it._ The revellers outside know this: the present turmoil is practically a challenge. To crown all, he can hear, above the din, in the very forefront of battle, the voice of Blake, once his own familiar friend. With Blake Jackson had reasoned privily only that afternoon, warning him that the House would go to pot if its untitled aristocracy took to inciting others, less noble, to deeds of lawlessness. Blake had replied by recommending his late crony to return to his study and boil his head. And here he was, leading to-night's riot. What will young Jackson do? Watch him well, for from his action now you will be able to forecast the whole of his future life. He may remain mutely in his study, stop his ears, and allow the storm to blow itself out. He may appear before the roysterers and utter vain repetitions, thereby salving his conscience without saving his face. Or he may go out like a man and fulfil his promise of last night. It sounds simple enough on paper. But consider what it means to a boy of seventeen, possessing no sense of perspective to tone down the magnitude of the disaster he is courting. Jackson hesitates. Then, suddenly: "I'll be _damned_ if I take it lying down!" he mutters. He draws a deep breath, turns the handle, and steps out. Next moment he is standing in the centre of a silent and surly ring, jotting down names. "You five," he announces to a party of comparatively youthful offenders, "can come to the prefect's room after prayers and be tanned. You three"--he indicates the incredulous Blake and two burly satellites--"will have to be reported. I'm sorry, but I gave you fair warning last night." He turns on his heel and departs in good order to his study, branded--for life, he feels convinced--as an officious busybody, a presumptuous upstart, and worst of all, a betrayer of old friends. He has of his own free will cast himself into the nethermost Hell of the schoolboy--unpopularity--all to keep his word. And yet for acts of mere physical courage they give men the Victoria Cross. NUMBER II. THE OPPOSITION To conduct the affairs of a nation requires both a Government and an Opposition. So it is with school politics. The only difference is that the scholastic Opposition is much franker about its true aims. The average schoolboy, contemplating the elaborate arrangements made by those in authority for protecting him from himself--rules, roll-calls, bounds, lock-ups, magisterial discipline and prefectorial supervision--decides that the ordering and management of the school can be maintained without any active assistance from him; and he plunges joyously into Opposition with all the abandon of a good sportsman who knows that the odds are heavily against him. He breaks the Law, or is broken by the Law, with equal cheerfulness. [Illustration: THE INTELLECTUAL] The most powerful member of the Opposition is the big boy who has not been made a prefect, and is not likely to be made a prefect. He enjoys many privileges--some of them quite unauthorised--and has no responsibilities. He is one of the happiest people in the world. He has reached the age and status at which corporal punishment is supposed to be too degrading to be feasible: this immunity causes him to realise that he is a personage of some importance; and when he is addressed rudely by junior form-masters he frequently stands upon his dignity and speaks to his Housemaster about it. His position in the House depends firstly upon his athletic ability, and secondly upon the calibre of the prefects. Given a timid set of prefects, and an unquestioned reputation in the football world, Master Bullock has an extremely pleasant time of it. He possesses no fags, but that does not worry him. I once knew a potentate of this breed who improvised a small gong out of the lid of a biscuit-tin, which he hung in his study. When he beat upon this with a tea-spoon, all within earshot were expected to (and did) come running for orders. Such as refrained were chastised with a toasting-fork. Then comes a great company of which the House recks nothing, and of whom House history has little to tell--the Cave-Dwellers, the Swots, the Smugs, the Saps. These keep within their own lurking-places, sedulously avoiding the noisy conclaves which crowd sociably round the Hall fire. For one thing, the conversation there bores them intensely, and for another they would seldom be permitted to join in it. The _rôle_ of Sir Oracle is strictly confined to the athletes of the House, though the Wag and the Oldest Inhabitant are usually permitted to offer observations or swell the chorus. But the Cave-Dwellers, never. The curious part about it is that not by any means all the Cave-Dwellers are "Swots." It is popularly supposed that any boy who exhibits a preference for the privacy of his study devotes slavish attention therein to the evening's Prep, thus stealing a march upon his more sociable and less self-centred brethren. But this is far from being the case. Many of the Cave-Dwellers dwell in caves because they find it more pleasant to read novels, or write letters, or develop photographs, or even do nothing, than listen to stale House gossip or indulge in everlasting small cricket in a corridor. They are often the salt of the House, but they have no conception of the fact. They entertain a low opinion of themselves: they never expect to rise to any great position in the world: so they philosophically follow their own bent, and leave the glory and the praise to the athletes and their _umbræ_. It comes as quite a shock to many of them, when they leave school and emerge into a larger world, to find themselves not only liked but looked up to; while the heroes of their schooldays, despite their hairy arms and club ties, are now dismissed in a word as "hobbledehoys." Then comes the Super-Intellectual--the "Highbrow." He is a fish out of the water with a vengeance, but he does exist at school--somehow. He congregates in places of refuge with others of the faith; and they discuss the _English Review_, and mysterious individuals who are only referred to by their initials--as G. B. S. and G. K. C. Sometimes he initiates these discussions because they really interest him, but more often, it is to be feared, because they make him feel superior and grown-up. Somewhere in the school grounds certain youthful schoolmates of his, inspired by precisely similar motives but with different methods of procedure, are sitting in the centre of a rhododendron bush smoking cigarettes. In each case the idea is the same--namely, a hankering after meats which are not for babes. But the smoker puts on no side about his achievements, whereas the "highbrow" does. He loathes the vulgar herd and holds it aloof. He does not inform the vulgar herd of this fact, but he confides it to the other highbrows, and they applaud his discrimination. Intellectual snobbery is a rare thing among boys, and therefore difficult to account for. Perhaps the pose is a form of reaction. It is comforting, for instance, after you have been compelled to dance the can-can in your pyjamas for the delectation of the Lower Dormitory, to foregather next morning with a few kindred spirits and discourse pityingly and scathingly upon the gross philistinism of the lower middle classes. No, the lot of the æsthete at school is not altogether a happy one, but possibly his tribulations are not without a certain beneficent effect. When he goes up to Oxford or Cambridge he will speedily find that in the tolerant atmosphere of those intellectual centres the prig is not merely permitted to walk the earth but to flourish like the green bay-tree. Under the intoxicating effects of this discovery the recollection of the robust and primitive traditions of his old School--and the old School's method of instilling those traditions--may have a sobering and steadying effect upon him. No man ever developed his mind by neglecting his body, and if the memory of a coarse and ruthless school tradition can persuade the Super-Intellectual to play hockey or go down to the river after lunch, instead of sitting indoors drinking liqueurs and discussing Maupassant with a coterie of the elect, then the can-can in the Lower Dormitory has not been danced altogether in vain. * * * * * Then come the rank and file. There are many types. There is the precocious type, marked out for favourable notice by aptitude at games and attractive manners. Such an one stands in danger of being taken up by older boys than himself; which means that he will suffer the fate of all those who stray out of their proper station. At first he will be an object of envy and dislike; later, when his patrons have passed on elsewhere, he may find himself friendless. At the opposite end of the scale comes the Butt. His life is a hard one, but not without its compensations; for although he is the target of all the practical humour in the House, his post carries with it a certain celebrity; and at any rate a Butt can never be unpopular. So he is safe at least from the worst disaster that can befall a schoolboy. Besides, you require a good deal of character to be a Butt. And there is the Buffoon. He is distinct from the Butt, because a Butt is usually a Butt _malgré lui_, owing to some peculiarity of appearance or temperament; whereas the Buffoon is one of those people who yearn for notice at any price, and will sell their souls "to make fellows laugh." You may behold him, the centre of a grinning group, tormenting some shy or awkward boy--very often the Butt himself; while in school he is the bugbear of weak masters. The larger his audience the more exuberant he becomes: he reaches his zenith at a breaking-up supper or in the back benches on Speech Day. One is tempted to feel that when reduced to his own society he must suffer severely from depression. Then there is the Man of the World. He is a recognised authority on fast life in London and Bohemian revels in Paris. He is a patron of the drama, and a perfect mine of unreliable information as to the private life of the originals of the dazzling portraits which line his study--and indeed half the studies in the House. The picture-postcard, as an educative and refining influence, has left an abiding mark upon the youth of the present day. We of an older and more rugged civilisation, who were young at a period when actresses' photographs cost two shillings each, were compelled in those days to restrict our gallery of divinities to one or two at the most. (Too often our collection was second-hand, knocked down for sixpence at some end-of-term auction, or reluctantly yielded in composition for a long-outstanding debt by a friend in the throes of a financial crisis.) But nowadays, with the entire Gaiety chorus at a penny apiece, the youthful connoisseur of female beauty has emancipated himself from the pictorial monogamy (or at the most, bigamy) of an earlier generation. He is a polygamist, a pantheist. He can erect an entire feminine Olympus upon his mantelpiece for the sum of half-a-crown. And yet, bless him, he is just as unsophisticated as we used to be--no more and no less. The type does not change. Lastly, comes the little boy--the Squeaker, the Tadpole, the Nipper, what you will. His chief characteristic is terrific but short-lived enthusiasm for everything he undertakes, be it work, play, a friendship, or a private vendetta. He begins by taking education very seriously. He is immensely proud of his first set of books, and writes his name on nearly every page, accompanied by metrical warnings to intending purloiners. He equips himself with a perfect arsenal of fountain-pens, rubber stamps, blue pencils, and ink-erasers. He starts a private mark-book of his own, to check possible carelessness or dishonesty on the part of his form-master. Then he gets to work, with his books disposed around him and his fountain-pen playing all over his manuscript. By the end of a fortnight he has lost all his books, and having broken his fountain-pen, is detected in a pathetic attempt to write his exercise upon a sheet of borrowed paper with a rusty nib held in his fingers or stuck into a splinter from off the floor. It is the same with games. Set a company of small boys to play cricket, and their solemnity at the start is almost painful. Return in half an hour, and you will find that the stately contest has resolved itself into a reproduction of the parrot-house at the Zoo, the point at issue being a doubtful decision of the umpire's. Under the somewhat confiding arrangement which obtains in Lower School cricket, the umpire for the moment is the gentleman whose turn it is to bat next; so litigation is frequent. Screams of "Get out!" "Stay in!" "Cads!" "Liars!" rend the air, until a big boy or a master strolls over and quells the riot. The small boy's friendships, too, are of a violent but ephemeral nature. But his outstanding characteristic is a passion for organising secret societies of the most desperate and mysterious character, all of which come speedily to a violent or humiliating dissolution. I was once privileged to be introduced into the inner workings of a society called "The Anarchists." It was not a very original title, but it served its time, for the days of the Society were few and evil. Its aims were sanguinary and nebulous; the Rules consisted almost entirely of a list of the penalties to be inflicted upon those who transgressed them. For instance, under Rule XXIV any one who broke Rule XVII was compelled to sit down for five minutes upon a chair into the seat of which a pot of jam had been emptied. (Economists will be relieved to hear that the jam was afterwards eaten by the executioners, the criminal being very properly barred from participating.) The Anarchists had a private code of signals with which to communicate with one another in the presence of outsiders--in Prep, for instance. The code was simplicity itself. A single tap with a pencil upon the table denoted the letter A; two taps, B; and so on. As may be imagined, Y and Z involved much mental strain; and as the transmitter of the message invariably lost count after fourteen or fifteen taps, and began all over again without any attempt either at explanation or apology, the gentleman who was acting as receiver usually found the task of decoding his signals a matter of extreme difficulty and some exasperation. Before the tangle could be straightened out a prefect inevitably swooped down and awarded both signallers fifty lines for creating a disturbance in Preparation. However, the Anarchists, though they finished after the manner of their kind, did not slip into oblivion so noiselessly as some of their predecessors. In fact, nothing in their inky and jabbering life became them like their leaving of it. One evening the entire brotherhood--there were about seven of them--were assembled in a study which would have held four comfortably, engaged in passing a vote of censure upon one Horace Bull, B.A., their form-master. Little though he knew it, Bull had been a marked man for some weeks. The Czar of all the Russias himself could hardly have occupied a more prominent position in the black books of Anarchy in general. To-day he had taken a step nearer his doom by clouting one Nixon minor, Vice-President of the Anarchists, on the side of the head. It was during the geography hour. Mr. Bull had asked Nixon to define a watershed. Nixon, who upon the previous evening had been too much occupied with his duties as Vice-President of the Anarchists to do much Prep, had replied with a seraphic smile that a watershed was "a place to shelter from the rain." As an improvised effort the answer seemed to him an extremely good one; but Mr. Bull had promptly left his seat, addressed Nixon as a "cheeky little hound," and committed the assault complained of. "This sort of thing," observed Rumford tertius, the President, "can't go on. What shall we do?" "We might saw one of the legs of his chair through," suggested one of the members. "Who's going to do it?" inquired the President. "We'll only get slain." Silence fell, as it usually does when the question of belling the cat arrives at the practical stage. "We could report him to the Head," said another voice. "We might get him the sack for assault--even quod! We could show Nixon's head to him. It would be a sound scheme to make it bleed a bit before we took him up." The speaker fingered a heavy ruler lovingly, but Mr. Nixon edged coldly out of reach. "Certainly," agreed the President, "Bashan ought to be stopped knocking us about in form." "I'd rather have one clout over the earhole," observed an Anarchist who so far had not spoken, "than be taken along to Bashan's study and given six of the best. That is what the result would be. Hallo, Stinker, what's that?" The gentleman addressed--a morose, unclean, and spectacled youth of scientific proclivities--was the latest recruit to the gang. He had been admitted at the instance of Master Nixon, who had pointed out that it would be a good thing to enrol as a member some one who understood "Chemistry and Stinks generally." He could be used for the manufacture of bombs, and so on. Stinker had produced from his pocket a corked test-tube, tightly packed with some dark substance. "What's that?" inquired the Anarchists in chorus. (They nearly always talked in chorus.) "It's a new kind of explosive," replied the inventor with great pride. "I hope it's better than that new kind of stinkpot you invented for choir-practice," remarked a cynic from the corner of the study. "That was a rotten fraud, if you like! It smelt more like lily-of-the-valley than any decent stink." "Dry up, Ashley minor!" rejoined the inventor indignantly. "This is a jolly good bomb. I made it to-day in the Lab, while The Badger was trying to put out a bonfire at the other end." "Where does the patent come in?" inquired the President judicially. "The patent is that it doesn't go off all at once." "We know _that_!" observed the unbelieving Ashley. "Do you chuck it or light it?" asked Nixon. "You light it. At least, you shove it into the fire, and it goes off in about ten minutes. You see the idea? If Bashan doesn't see us put anything into the form-room fire, he will think it was something wrong with the coal." The Anarchists, much interested, murmured approval. "Good egg!" observed the President. "We'll put it into the fire to-morrow morning before he comes in, and after we have been at work ten minutes or so the thing will go off and blow the whole place to smithereens." "Golly!" gobbled the Anarchists. "What about us, Stinker?" inquired a cautious conspirator. "Shan't we get damaged?" Stinker waved away the objection. "We shall know it's coming," he said; "so we shall be able to dodge. But it will be a nasty jar for Bashan." There was a silence, full of rapt contemplation of to-morrow morning. Then the discordant voice of Ashley minor broke in. "I don't believe it will work. All your inventions are putrid, Stinker." "I'll fight you!" squealed the outraged scientist, bounding to his feet. "I expect it'll turn out to be a fire-extinguisher, or something like that," pursued the truculent Ashley. "Hold the bomb," said Stinker to the President, "while I----" "Sit down," urged the other Anarchists, drawing in their toes. "There's no room here. Ashley minor, chuck it!" "It won't work," muttered Ashley doggedly. Suddenly a brilliant idea came upon Stinker. "Won't work, won't it?" he screamed. "All right, then! We'll shove it into this fire now, and you see if it doesn't work!" Among properly constituted Anarchistic Societies it is not customary, when the efficacy of a bomb is in dispute, to employ the members as a _corpus vile_. But the young do not fetter themselves with red-tape of this kind. With one accord Stinker's suggestion was acclaimed, and the bomb was thrust into the glowing coals of Rumford's study fire. The brotherhood, herded together within a few feet of the grate--the apartment measured seven feet by six--breathed hard and waited expectantly. Five minutes passed--then ten. "It ought to be pretty ripe now," said the inventor anxiously. The President, who was sitting next the window, prudently muffled his features in the curtain. The others drew back as far as they could--about six inches--and waited. Nothing happened. "I am sure it will work all right," declared the inventor desperately. "Perhaps the temperature of this fire----" He knelt down, and began to blow upon the flickering coals. There was a long and triumphant sniff from Master Ashley. "I said it was only a rotten stinkp--" he began. BANG! There is a special department of Providence which watches over the youthful chemist. The explosion killed no one, though it blew the coals out of the grate and the pictures off the walls. The person who suffered most was the inventor. He was led, howling but triumphant, to the Sanatorium. * * * * * "Luckily, sir," explained Rumford to Mr. Bull a few days later, in answer to a kindly inquiry as to the extent of the patient's injuries, "it was only his face." [Illustration: THE NIPPER] CHAPTER FIVE THE PURSUIT OF KNOWLEDGE I One of the most pathetic spectacles in the world is that of grown-up persons legislating for the young. Listening to these, we are led to suspect that a certain section of the human race--the legislative section--must have been born into the world aged about forty, sublimely ignorant of the requirements, limitations, and point of view of infancy and adolescence. In what attitude does the ordinary educational expert approach educational problems? This question induces another. What is an educational expert? The answer is simple. Practically everybody. All parents are educational experts: we have only to listen to a new boy's mother laying down to a Headmaster the lines upon which his school should be conducted to realise that. So are all politicians: we discover this fact by following the debates in the House of Commons. So are the clergy; for they themselves have told us so. So, presumably, are the writers of manuals and text-books. So are the dear old gentlemen who come down to present prizes upon Speech Day. Practically the only section of humanity to whom the title is denied are the people who have to teach. It is universally admitted by the experts--it is their sole point of agreement--that no schoolmaster is capable of forming a correct judgment of the educational needs of his charges. He is hidebound, "groovy"; he cannot break away from tradition. "What can you expect from a tripe-dresser," inquire the experts in chorus, "but a eulogy of the stereotyped method of dressing tripe?" So, ignoring the teacher, the experts lay their heads--one had almost said their loggerheads--together, and evolve terrific schemes of education. Each section sets about its task in characteristic fashion. The politician, with his natural acumen, gets down to essentials at once. "The electorate of this country," he says to himself, "do not care one farthing dip about Education as such. Now, how can we galvanise Education into a vote-catching machine?" He reflects. "Ah! I have it!" he cries presently. "_Religion!_ That'll ginger them up!" So presently an Education Bill is introduced into the House of Commons. Nine out of its ten clauses deal purely with educational matters and are passed without a division; and the intellectual teeth of the House fasten greedily upon Clause Number Ten, which deals with the half-hour per day which is to be set aside for religious instruction. The question arises: What attitude are the youth of the country to be taught to adopt towards their Maker? Are they to praise Him from a printed page, or merely listen to their teacher doing so out of his own head? Are they to learn the Catechism? Is the Lord's Prayer to be regarded as an Anglican or Nonconformist orison? Everybody is most conciliatory at first. "A short passage of Scripture," suggest the Anglicans; "a Collect, mayhap; and a few words of helpful instruction--eh? Something quite simple and non-contentious, like that?" "We are afraid that that is sectarian religion," object the Nonconformists. "A simple chapter from the Bible, certainly--maybe a hymn. But no dogmatic teaching, _if_ you please!" "But that is no religion at all!" explain the Anglicans, with that quickness to appreciate another's point of view which has always distinguished the Church of England. After a little further unpleasantness all round, a deadlock is reached. Then, with that magnificent instinct for compromise which characterises British statesmanship, another suggestion is put forward. Why not permit all the clergy of the various denominations to enter the School and minister to the requirements of their various young disciples? "An admirable notion," says everybody. But difficulties arise. Are this heavenly host to be admitted one by one, or in a body? If the former, how long will it take to work through the entire rota, and when will the ordinary work of the day be expected to begin? If the latter, is the School to be divided, for devotional purposes, into spiritual water-tight compartments by an arrangement of movable screens, or what? So the battle goes on. By this time, as the astute politician has foreseen, every one has forgotten that this is an Education Bill, and both sides are hard at work manufacturing party capital out of John Bull's religious susceptibilities. Presently the venue is shifted to the country, where the electorate are asked upon a thousand platforms if the Church which inaugurated Education in our land, and built most of the schools, is to be ousted from her ancient sphere of beneficent activity; and upon a thousand more, whether the will of the People or the Peers is to prevail. (It simplifies politics very greatly to select a good reliable shibboleth and employ it on _all_ occasions.) Finally the Bill is thrown out or talked out, and the first nine clauses perish with it. That is the political and clerical way of dealing with Education. The parent's way we will set forth in another place. The writer of manuals and text-books concerns himself chiefly with the right method of unfolding his subject to the eager eyes of the expectant pupil. "There is a right way and a wrong way," he is careful to explain; "and if you present your subject in the wrong way the pupil will derive no _educational_ benefit from it whatever." At present there is a great craze for what is known as "practical" teaching. For instance, in our youth we were informed, _ad nauseam_, that there is a certain fixed relation between the circumference of a circle and its diameter, the relation being expressed by a mysterious Greek symbol pronounced "pie." The modern expert scouts this system altogether. No imaginary pie for him! He is a practical man. _Take several ordinary tin canisters_, he commands, _a piece of string, and a ruler; and without any other aids ascertain the circumference_ _and diameter of these canisters. Work out in each case the numerical relation between the circumference and diameter. What conclusion do you draw from the result?_ We can only draw one, and that is that no man who has never been a boy should be permitted to write books of instruction for the young. For what would the "result" be? Imagine a company of some thirty or forty healthy happy boys, each supplied gratuitously with several tin canisters and a ruler, set down for the space of an hour and practically challenged to create a riot. Alexander's Rag-Time Band would be simply nowhere! As for the last gang of experts--the dear old gentlemen who come down to give away prizes on Speech Day--they do not differ much as a class. They invariably begin by expressing a wish that they had enjoyed such educational facilities as these in their young days. "You live in a palace, boys!" announces the old gentleman. "I envy you." (Murmurs of "Liar!" from the very back row.) After that the speaker communicates to his audience a discovery which has been communicated to the same audience by different speakers since the foundation of the School--to this effect, that Education (derivation given here, with a false quantity thrown in) is a "drawing out" and not a "putting-in." Why this fact should so greatly excite Speech Day orators is not known, but they seldom fail to proclaim it with intense and parental enthusiasm. Then, after a few apposite remarks upon the subject of _mens sana in corpore sano_--a flight of originality received with murmurs of anguish by his experienced young hearers--the old gentleman concludes with a word of comfort to "the less successful scholars." It is a physical impossibility, he points out, when there is only one prize, for all the boys in the class to win it; and adds that his experience of life has been that not every boy who wins prizes at school becomes Prime Minister in after years. All of which is very helpful and illuminating, but does not solve the problem of Education to any great extent. So much for the experts. Their name is Legion, for they are many, and they speak with various and dissonant voices. But they have one thing in common. All their schemes of education are founded upon the same amazing fallacy--namely, that a British schoolboy is a person who desires to be instructed. That is the rock upon which they all split. That is why it was suggested earlier in these pages that educational experts are all born grown-up. Let us clear our minds upon this point once and for all. In nine cases out of ten a schoolmaster's task is not to bring light to the path of an eager, groping disciple, but to drag a reluctant and refractory young animal up the slopes of Parnassus by the scruff of his neck. The schoolboy's point of view is perfectly reasonable and intelligible. "I am lazy and scatterbrained," he says in effect. "I have not as yet developed the power of concentration, and I have no love of knowledge for its own sake. Still, I have no rooted objection to education, as such, and I suppose I must learn something in order to earn a living. But I am much too busy, as a growing animal, to have any energy left for intellectual enterprise. It is the business of my teacher to teach me. To put the matter coarsely, he is paid for it. I shall not offer him effusive assistance in his labours, but if he succeeds in keeping me up to the collar against my will, I shall respect him for it. If he does not, I shall take full advantage of the circumstance." That is the immemorial attitude of the growing boy. When he stops growing, conscience and character begin to develop, and he works because he feels he ought to or because he has got into the habit of doing so, and not merely because he must. But until he reaches that age it is foolish to frame theories of education based upon the idea that a boy is a person anxious to be educated. Let us see how such a theory works, say, in the School laboratory. A system which will extract successful results from a class of boys engaged in practical chemistry will stand any test we care to apply to it. Successful supervision of School science is the most ticklish business that a master can be called upon to undertake. We will follow our friend Brown minor to the laboratory, and witness him at his labours. He takes his place at the working bench, and sets out his apparatus--test-tubes, beakers, and crucibles. He lights all the bunsen burners within reach. Presently he is provided with a sample of some crystalline substance and bidden to ascertain its chemical composition. "How shall I begin, sir?" he asks respectfully. "Apply the usual tests: I told you about them yesterday in the lecture-room. Take small portions of the substance: ascertain if they are soluble. Observe their effect on litmus. Test them with acid, and note whether a gas is evolved. And so on. That will keep you going for the present. I'll come round to you again presently." And off goes the busy master to help another young scientist in distress. Brown minor gets to work. He takes a portion of the crystalline substance and heats it red-hot, in the hope that it will explode; and treats another with concentrated sulphuric acid in order to stimulate it into some interesting performance. At the same time he maintains a running fire of _sotto voce_ conversation and chaff with his neighbours--a laboratory offers opportunities for social intercourse undreamed of in a form-room--and occasionally leaves his own task in order to assist, or more often to impede, the labours of another. When he returns to his place he not infrequently finds that his last decoction (containing the balance of the crystalline substance) has boiled over, and is now lying in a simmering pool upon the bench, or that another chemist has called and appropriated the vessel in which the experiment was proceeding, emptying its contents down the sink. Not a whit disturbed, he fills up the time with some work of independent research, such as the manufacture of a Roman candle or the preparation of a sample of nitro-glycerine. At the end of the hour he reports progress to his instructor, expressing polite regret at having failed as yet to solve the riddle of the crystalline substance; and returns whistling to his form-room, where he jeers at those of his companions who have spent the morning composing Latin Verses. No, it is a mistake to imagine that the young of the human animal hungers and thirsts after knowledge. * * * * * Arthur Robinson, B.A., of whom previous mention has been made, soon discovered this fact; or rather, soon recognised it; for he was not much more than a boy himself. He was an observant and efficient young man, and presently he made further discoveries. The first was that boys, for teaching purposes, can be divided into three classes: (_A_) Boys whose conduct is uniformly good, and whose industry is continuous. Say fifteen per cent. For example, Master Mole. He was invariably punctual; his work was always well prepared; and he endured a good deal of what toilers in another walk of life term "peaceful picketing" for contravening one of the fundamental laws of schoolboy trades-unionism by continuing to work when the master was out of the room. (_B_) Boys whose conduct is uniformly good--except perhaps in the matter of surreptitious refreshment--but who will only work so long as they are watched. Say sixty per cent. Such a one was Master Gibbs. By long practice he had acquired the art of looking supremely alert and attentive when in reality his thoughts were at the back of beyond. When engaged in writing work his pen would move across the page with mechanical regularity, what time both eyes were fixed upon a page torn from a comic paper and secreted under his manuscript. He gave no trouble whatever, but was a thorn in the flesh of any conscientious teacher. (_C_) Boys who are not only idle, but mischievous. Say twenty-five per cent. There was Page, whose special line was the composition of comic answers to questions. Some of his efforts were really praiseworthy; but like all adventurous spirits he went too far at last. The rod descended upon the day when he translated _cæruleæ puppes_ "Skye terriers"; and thereafter Master Page joked no more. But it was a privation for both boy and master. Then there was Chugleigh, whose strong suit was losing books. He was a vigorous and muscular youth, more than a little suspected of being a bully; but he appeared to be quite incapable of protecting his own property. Sometimes he grew quite pathetic about it. He gave Mr. Robinson to understand, almost with tears, that his books were at the mercy of any small boy who cared to snatch them from him. Certainly he never had any in form. "I see you require State protection," said Arthur Robinson one morning, when Chugleigh put in an appearance without a single book of any kind, charged with a rambling legend about his locker and a thief in the night. He scribbled an order. "Take this to the librarian, and get a set of new books." Mr. Chugleigh, much gratified--the new books would be paid for by an unsuspicious parent and could be sold second-hand at the end of the term--departed, presently to return with five new volumes under his arm. "Write your name in them all," said Mr. Robinson briskly. Chugleigh obeyed, as slowly as possible. "Now bring all the books here." Chugleigh did so, a little puzzled. "For the future," announced Mr. Robinson, unmasking his batteries, "in order to give you a fair chance in this dishonest world, you shall have _two_ sets of the books in use in this form. I will keep one set for you. The others you may keep or lose as you like, but whenever you turn up here without a book I shall be happy to hire you out the necessary duplicates, at a charge of threepence per book per hour. This morning you will require a Cæsar, a grammar, and a Latin Prose book. That will be ninepence. Will you pay cash, or shall I knock it off your pocket-money at the end of the week?" He locked up the remaining two books in his desk, and the demoralised Chugleigh resumed his seat amid loud laughter. II The pursuit of knowledge, like the pursuit of other precious things in life, occasionally leads its votaries into tortuous ways. Cribbing, for instance. All boys crib more or less. It is not suggested that the more sinful forms of this species of self-help are universal, or even common. But the milder variations are practised by all, with the possible exception of the virtuous fifteen per cent. previously mentioned. The average boy's attitude towards cribbing is precisely the same as his attitude towards other types of misdemeanour: that is to say, he regards it as one of these things which is perfectly justifiable if his form-master is such a weakling as to permit it. It is all part of the eternal duel between the teacher and the taught. "Do I scribble English words in the margin of my Xenophon?" asks the boy. "Certainly. Do I surreptitiously produce loose pages of Euclid from my pocket and copy them out, when I am really supposed to have learned them by heart? Of course. Why should I, through sheer excess of virtue, handicap myself in the race to escape the punishment of failure, simply because the highly qualified expert who is paid to supervise my movements fails in his plain duty?" So he cribs. But his attitude towards the matter is quite consistent, for when he rises to a position of trust and authority in the school, he ceases to crib--at least flagrantly. The reason is that he is responsible now not so much to a master as to his own sense of right and wrong; and he has made the discovery which all of us make in the end--that the little finger of our conscience is often thicker than the hardest taskmaster's loins. There are two forms of cribbing, and school opinion differentiates very sharply between them. There is cribbing to gain marks, and there is cribbing to save trouble or avoid punishment. The average boy, who is in the main an honest individual, holds aloof from the former practice because he feels that it is unsportsmanlike--rather like stealing, in fact; but he usually acquiesces without a struggle in the conveniences offered by the second. For instance, he refrains from furtively copying from his neighbour, for he regards that as the meanest kind of brain-sucking. (If the neighbour pushes his paper towards him with a friendly smile, that of course is a different matter.) But he is greatly addicted to a more venial crime known as "paving." The paver prepares his translation in the orthodox manner, but whenever he has occasion to look up a word in a lexicon he scribbles its meaning in the margin of the text, or, more frequently, just over the word itself, to guard against loss of memory on the morrow. Much less common is the actual use of cribs--the publications of the eminent house of Bohn, and other firms of less reliability and repute. Most boys have sufficient honesty and common sense to realise that getting up work with a translation is an unprofitable business, though at the same time they are often unable to resist the attractions of such labour-saving appliances. Their excuse is always the same, and it is not a bad one. "If the School Library," they say, "contains Jowett's Thucydides and Jebb's Sophocles for all the Sixth to consult, why should not we, in our humbler walk of scholarship, avail ourselves of the occasional assistance of Kiddem's Keys to the Classics?" So much for the casual cribber. The professional--the chronic--exercises an ingenuity, and devotes an amount of time and labour to the perfecting of his craft which, if applied directly to his allotted task, would bring him out at the top of his form. In a little periodical entitled _The Light Green_, published in Cambridge thirty years ago by a young Johnian named Hilton (who might have rivalled Calverley himself had he lived to maturity), we have a brilliant little portrait of the professional cribber, executed in the style of _The Heathen Chinee_. It is called _The Heathen Passee_. In the crown of his cap Were the Furies and Fates, And an elegant map Of the Dorian States: And we found in his palms, which were hollow, What are common in palms--that is dates. But he is a rare bird, the confirmed cribber, with his algebraical formulæ written on his finger-nails, and history notes attached to unreliable elastic arrangements which shoot up his sleeve out of reach at critical moments. The ordinary boy does not crib unless he is pressed for time or in danger of summary execution. He usually limits his enterprises to co-operative preparation--that is to say, the splitting up an evening's work into sections, each section being prepared by one boy and translated to the other members of the syndicate afterwards--to the gleaning of discarded lines and superfluous tags from the rough copies of cleverer boys' Latin Verses, and to the acceptance of a whispered "prompt" from a good Samaritan when badly cornered by a question. But we may note that cribbing is not confined to schoolboys. The full perfection of the art is only attained in the pass-examinations of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Then all considerations of conscience or sportsmanship are flung aside, and the cribber cribs, not to gain distinction or outstrip his rivals, but to get over a troublesome fence by hook or crook and have done with it. There was once a Freshman at Cambridge whose name began with M. This accident of nomenclature placed him during his Little Go examination in the next seat to a burly young man whom he recognised with a thrill of awe as the President of the C.U.B.C., whose devotion to aquatic sports had so far prevented him from clearing the academic fence just mentioned, and who now, at the beginning of his third year, was entering, in company with a collection of pink-faced youths fresh from school, upon his ninth attempt to satisfy the examiners in Part One of the Previous Examination. Our friend, having completed his first paper, quitted the Senate House and returned to his rooms, to fortify himself with luncheon before the next. During the progress of that meal a strange gyp called upon him, and proffered a note, mysteriously. "From Mr. M----, sir," he said, mentioning the name of the Freshman's exalted neighbour in the examination room. The Freshman opened the note with trembling fingers. Was it possible that he had been singled out as a likely oar already? * * * * * The note was brief, but to the point. It said: "_Dere Sir, Please write larger. Yours truly, J. M----._" III However, this is a digression. Let us return for the last time to Arthur Robinson's three divisions of youthful humanity. Class A he found extraordinarily dull. They required little instruction and no supervision; in fact, they were self-educators of the most automatic type. Class B were a perpetual weariness to the flesh. They gave no trouble, but their apathy was appalling. However, a certain amount of entertainment could be extracted from studying their methods of evading work or supplying themselves with refreshment. There was the ingenious device of Master Jobling, for instance. Mr. Robinson noted that this youth was in the habit, during lecture-time, of sitting with his elbows resting on his desk and his chin buried in his hands, his mouth, or a corner thereof, being covered by his fingers. His attitude was one of rapt attention, and his eyes were fixed unwinkingly upon the lecturer. Such virtue, coming from Master Jobling, roused unworthy suspicions in the breast of Arthur Robinson. He observed that although the youth's attitude was one of rigid immobility, his facial muscles were agitated from time to time by a slight convulsive movement. Accordingly, one day, he stepped swiftly across the room, and taking Master Jobling by the hair, demanded an explanation. It was forthcoming immediately, in the form of a long thin indiarubber tube, of the baby's-bottle variety; one end of which was held between Master Jobling's teeth, while the other communicated, _via_ his right sleeve, with a bottle of ginger-beer secreted somewhere in the recesses of his person. From this reservoir he had been refreshing himself from time to time by a process of suction. Mr. Robinson, who believed in making the punishment fit the crime, purchased a baby's "soother" from the chemist's, and condemned Jobling to put it to its rightful use during every school-hour for the rest of the week. He was only allowed to remove it from his lips in order to answer a question. Class C, the professional malefactors, Mr. Robinson found extremely attractive. They appeared to possess all the character and quite half the brains of the form. But this is a permanent characteristic of the malefactor, and is most discouraging to the virtuous. Once, early in his career, Robinson was badly caught. On entering his form-room one winter evening, when darkness had fallen and the gas was ablaze, his eye fell upon the great plate-glass window which filled the south wall of the room. Form-room windows are not usually supplied with blinds, and this window stood black and opaque against the darkness of night. Right in the centre of the glass was a great white star, which radiated out in all directions in a series of splintered cracks. Mr. Robinson knew well what had happened. Some one had hurled a stone inkpot against the window. Only last week he had had occasion to discourage target-practice of this kind by exemplary measures. He addressed the crowded form angrily. "Who broke that window?" "It is not broken, sir," volunteered a polite voice. Arthur Robinson was a young man who did not suffer impudence readily. "This is not precisely the moment," he rapped out, "for nice distinctions. The window is cracked, starred, splintered--anything you like. I want the name of the boy who damaged it. At once, please!" Silence. Yet it was not the sullen, obstinate silence which prevails when boys are endeavouring to screen one another. One would almost have called it silent satisfaction. But Arthur Robinson was too angry and not sufficiently experienced to note the distinction. Naming each boy by name, he demanded of him whether or no he had broken the window. Each boy politely denied the impeachment. One or two were courteous to the point of patronage. Suddenly, from the back bench, came a faint chuckle. Arthur Robinson, conscious of a sickly feeling down his spine, rose to his feet and approached the splintered window. The form watched him with breathless joy. Hot faced, he rubbed one of the rays of the star with his fingers. It promptly disappeared. The window was undamaged. The star was artistically executed in white chalk. Malefactors have their weak spots, too. One afternoon Mr. Robinson held an "extra." That is to say, he brought in a body of sinful youths, composed of the riff-raff of his form, for a period of detention, and set them a stiff imposition to write out. About half-way through the weary hour he produced from his locked desk an old cigarette-box containing sundry coins. Laying these out before him, he proceeded to count them. The perfunctory scratching of pens ceased, and the assembled company, most of whom had been unwilling contributors to the fund under review, gazed with lack-lustre eyes at their late property. "Fourteen-and-nine," announced Mr. Robinson cheerfully. "That is the sum which I have collected from you this term in return for the loan of such useful articles as pens and blotting-paper. I know my charges are high; but then I am a monopolist to people who are foolish enough to come in here without their proper equipment. Again, though threepence may seem a fancy price for a small piece of blotting-paper, it is better to pay threepence for a piece of blotting-paper than use your handkerchief, which is worth a shilling. However, the total is fourteen-and-nine. What shall we do with it? Christmas is only a fortnight off, and I propose, with your approval, to send this contribution of yours to a society which provides Christmas dinners for people who are less lavishly provided for in that respect than ourselves. If it interests you at all, I will get the Society's full title and address and read them to you." Arthur Robinson was out of the room for perhaps three minutes. When he returned he was immediately conscious, from the guilty stillness which reigned, and the self-conscious air of detachment with which everybody was writing, that something was amiss. He glanced sharply at the little pile of money on his desk. It had grown from fourteen-and-ninepence to twenty-seven-and-sixpence. Life is full of compensations--even for schoolmasters. CHAPTER SIX SCHOOL STORIES One of the most striking features of the present-day cult of The Child is the fact that whereas school stories were formerly written to be read by schoolboys, they are now written to be read--and are read with avidity--by grown-up persons. This revolution has produced some abiding results. In the first place, school stories are much better written than they were. Secondly, a certain proportion of the limelight has been shifted from the boy to the master, with the result that school life is now presented in a more true and corporate manner. Thirdly, school stories have become less romantic, less sentimental, more coldly psychological. They are tinged with adult worldliness, and, too often, with adult pessimism. As literature they are an enormous advance upon their predecessors; but what they have gained in _savoir faire_ they appear to have lost in _joie de vivre_. Let us enter upon the ever-fascinating task of comparing the old with the new. To represent the ancients we will take that immortal giant, _Tom Brown_. With him, as they say in legal circles, _Eric_. Many people will say, and they will be right, that Tom Brown would make a much braver show for the old brigade if put forward alone, minus his depressing companion. But we must bear in mind that it takes more than one book to represent a literary era. We will therefore call upon Tom Brown and Eric Williams between them to represent the schoolboy of a bygone age. Most of us make Tom Brown's acquaintance in early youth. We fortify ourselves with a course of him before going to school for the first time--at the age of twelve or thereabouts--and we quickly realise, even at that tender age, that there were giants in those days. Have you ever considered Tom Brown's first day at school? No? Then observe. He was called at half-past two in the morning, at the Peacock Inn, Islington, and by three o'clock was off as an "outside" upon the Tally-Ho Coach, in the small hours of a November morning, on an eighty-mile drive to Rugby. [Illustration: THE FAG: "SIC VOS NON VOBIS"] He arrived at his destination just in time to take dinner in Hall, chaperoned by his new friend East; and then, _duce_ Old Brooke, plunged into that historic football match between the Schoolhouse and the School--sixty on one side and two hundred on the other. Modern gladiators who consider "two thirty-fives" a pretty stiff period of play will be interested to note that this battle raged for three hours, and that the Schoolhouse were filled with surprise and rapture at achieving a goal after only sixty minutes' play. ("A goal in an hour! Such a thing had not been done in a Schoolhouse match these five years.") In the course of the game Tom was knocked over while stopping a rush, and as the result of spending some minutes at the bottom of a heap of humanity composed of a goodly proportion of his two hundred opponents, was finally hauled out "a motionless body." However, he recovered sufficiently to be able to entertain East to tea and sausages in the Lower Fifth School. After a brief interval for ablution came supper, followed by a free-and-easy musical entertainment in the Schoolhouse hall, which included singing, a good deal of indiscriminate beer-drinking, and the famous speech of Old Brooke. Tom, it is hardly necessary to say, obliged with a song--"with much applause." Then came prayers, and Tom's first glimpse of the mighty Arnold. (We may note here that a new boy of the old days was not apparently troubled by tiresome regulations upon the subject of reporting himself to his housemaster on arrival.) Even then Tom's first day from home was not over, for before retiring to his slumber he was tossed in a blanket three times. Not a bad record for a boy of twelve! And yet we flatter ourselves that we live a strenuous life. Customs have changed in many respects since Tom Brown's time. Public schoolboys of eighteen or nineteen do not now wear beards, neither do they carry pea-shooters. Our athletes array themselves for battle in the shortest of shorts and the thinnest of jerseys. The participators in the three-hour Schoolhouse match merely took off their jackets and hung them upon the railings or trees. We are told, however, with some pride, that those who meant _real_ work added their hats, waistcoats, neck-handkerchiefs, and braces! What of those who did not? Again, a captain does not nowadays "administer toco" upon the field of battle to subordinates who have failed to prevent the enemy from scoring a try. Again, no master of to-day would dare to admit to a boy that he "does not understand" cricket, or for that matter draw parallels between cricket and Aristophanes for the benefit of an attentive audience in a corner of the playing-field during a school match. But we accept all these incidents in _Tom_ _Brown_ without question. We never dream of doubting that they occurred, or could have occurred. Arthur, we admit, is a rare bird, but he is credible. Even East's religious difficulties, or rather his anxiety to discuss them, are made convincing. The reason is that _Tom Brown_ contains nothing that is alien from human nature--schoolboy human nature. It is the real thing all through. Across the ages Tom Brown of Rugby speaks to Brown minor (also, possibly, of Rugby) with the voice of a brother. Details may have changed, but the essentials are the same. "How different," we say, "but oh, how like!" Not so at all times with _Eric, or Little by Little_. Here we miss the robust philistinism of the eternal schoolboy, and the atmosphere of reality which pervades _Tom Brown_. We feel that we are not _living_ a story, but merely reading it. _Eric_ does not ring true. We suspect the reverend author--to employ an expression which his hero would never have used--of "talking through his hat." None of us desire to scoff at true piety or moral loftiness, but we feel instinctively that in _Eric_ these virtues are somewhat indecently paraded. The schoolboy is essentially a matter-of-fact animal, and extremely reticent. He is not usually concerned with the state of his soul, and never under any circumstances anxious to discuss the matter; and above all he abhors the preacher and the prig. _Eric, or Little by Little_ is priggish from start to finish. Compare, for instance, Eric's father and Squire Brown. Here are the Squire's meditations as to the advice he should give Tom before saying good-bye: "I won't tell him to read his Bible, and love and serve God; if he don't do that for his mother's sake and teaching, he won't for mine. Shall I go into the sort of temptations he'll meet with? No, I can't do that. Never do for an old fellow to go into such things with a boy. He won't understand me. Do him more harm than good, ten to one. Shall I tell him to mind his work, and say he's sent to school to make himself a good scholar? Well, but he isn't sent to school for that--at any rate, not for that mainly. I don't care a straw for Greek particles, or the digamma; no more does his mother. What is he sent to school for? Well, partly because he wanted so to go. If he'll only turn out a brave, helpful, truth-telling Englishman, and a gentleman, and a Christian, that's all I want." Now compare Eric's father in one of his public appearances. That worthy but tiresome gentleman suddenly descends upon the bully Barker, engaged in chastising Eric. "There had been an unobserved spectator of the whole scene, in the person of Mr. Williams himself, and it was his strong hand that now gripped Barker's shoulder. He was greatly respected by the boys, who all knew his tall handsome figure by sight, and he frequently stood a quiet and pleased observer of their games. The boys in the playground came crowding round, and Barker in vain struggled to escape. Mr. Williams held him firmly, and said in a calm voice, 'I have just seen you treat one of your schoolfellows with the grossest violence. It makes me blush for you, Roslyn boys,' he continued, turning to the group that surrounded him, 'that you can even for a moment stand by unmoved, and see such things done. Now; mark; it makes no difference that the boy who has been hurt is my own son; I would have punished this scoundrel whoever it had been, and I shall punish him now.' With these words, he lifted the riding-whip which he happened to be carrying, and gave Barker by far the severest castigation he had ever undergone. He belaboured him till his sullen obstinacy gave way to a roar for mercy, and promises never so to offend again. "At this crisis he flung the boy from him with a 'phew' of disgust, and said, 'I give nothing for your word; but if ever you do bully in this way again, and I see or hear of it, your present punishment shall be a trifle to what I shall then administer. At present, thank me for not informing your master.' So saying, he made Barker pick up the cap, and, turning away, walked home with Eric leaning on his arm." Poor Eric! What chance can a boy have had whose egregious parent insisted upon outraging every canon of schoolboy law on his behalf? We are not altogether surprised to read, a little later, that though from that day Eric was never troubled with personal violence from Barker, "rancour smouldered deep in the heart of the baffled tyrant." Then, as already noted, the atmosphere and incidents of _Eric_ fail to carry conviction. Making every allowance for the eccentricities of people who lived sixty years ago, the modern boy simply refuses to credit the idea of members of a "decent" school indulging in "a superior titter" when one of their number performed the everyday feat of breaking down in translation. He finds it hard to believe that Owen (who is labelled with damning enthusiasm "a boy of mental superiority") would really report another boy for kicking him, and quite incredible that after the kicker had been flogged the virtuous Owen should "have the keen mortification of seeing 'Owen is a sneak' written up all about the walls." As for Eric and Russell, sitting on a green bank beside the sea and "looking into one another's eyes and silently promising that they will be loving friends for ever"--the spectacle makes the undemonstrative young Briton physically unwell. Again, no schoolboy ever called lighted candles "superfluous abundance of nocturnal illumination"; and no schoolmaster under any circumstances ever "laid a gentle hand" upon a schoolboy's head. A hand, possibly, but not a gentle one. Lower School boys are not given Æschylus to read; and if they were they would not waste their play-hours discussing the best rendering of a particularly knotty passage occurring in a lesson happily over and done with. If the first half of _Eric_ is overdrawn and improbable, the second is rank melodrama--and bad melodrama at that. The trial scene is impossibly theatrical, and Russell's illness and death-bed deliverances are an outrage on schoolboy reserve. Listen again to one Montagu, a sixth-form boy who has caught a gang of dormitory roysterers preparing an apple-pie bed for him. Does he call them "cheeky young swine," and knock their heads together? No! "'By heavens, this is _too_ bad!' he exclaimed, stamping his foot with anger. 'What have I ever done to you young blackguards that you should treat me thus? Have I ever been a bully? Have I ever harmed one of you? And _you_, too, Vernon Williams!' "The little boy trembled and looked ashamed under his glance of sorrow and scorn. "'Well, I _know_ who has put you up to this; but you shall not escape so. I shall thrash you, every one.' "Very quietly he suited the action to the word, sparing none." These silent, strong men! Again, do, or did, English schoolboys ever behave like this? "Vernon hid his face on Eric's shoulder; and, as his brother stooped over him and folded him to his heart, they cried in silence, for there seemed no more to say, until, wearied with sorrow, the younger fell asleep; and then Eric carried him tenderly downstairs, and laid him, still half-sleeping, upon his bed." The characters in _Eric_ are far superior to the incidents. They may be exaggerated and irritating, but they are consistently drawn. Wildney is a true type, and still exists. Russell is a fair specimen of a "good" boy, though it is difficult to feel for him the tenderness which most of us extend, perhaps furtively, to Arthur in _Tom Brown_. But some of the masters are beyond comprehension. Pious but depressing pedagogues of the type of Mr. Rose (who at moments of crisis, it will be remembered, was usually to be found upon his knees in the School Library, oblivious of the greater privacy and comfort offered by his bedroom) have faded from our midst. Their place to-day is occupied by efficient and unsentimental young men in fancy waistcoats. But the book for clear types is _Tom Brown_. East, the two Brookes, and Arthur--we recognise them all. There is Flashman the bully--an epitome of all bullies. He is of an everlasting pattern. And there is that curiously attractive person Martin, the scientist, with his jackdaw and his chemical research, and his chronic impecuniosity. You remember how he used to barter his allowance of candles for birds' eggs; with the result that, in those pre-gas-and-electricity days, he was reduced to doing his preparation by the glow of the fire, or "by the light of a flaring cotton wick, issuing from a ginger-beer bottle full of some doleful composition"? Lastly, there is Arnold himself. He is only revealed to us in glimpses: he emerges now and then like a mountain-peak from clouds; but is none the less imposing for that. What impression of bygone schoolboy life do _Tom Brown_ and _Eric_ make upon our minds? The outstanding sensation appears to be this, that fifty years ago life at school was more _spacious_ than now--more full of incident and variety. In those days a boy's spare time was his own. How did he spend his half-holidays? If he was a good boy--good in the bad sense of the word--he went and sat upon a hill-top and admired the scenery, or thought of his mother, or possibly gripped another good boy by the hand and said: "Let me call you Edwin, and you shall always call me Eric." If he was a normal healthy boy he went swimming, or bird-nesting, or (more usually) poaching, and generally encountered adventure by the way. If he was a bad boy he retired with other malefactors to a public-house, where he indulged in an orgy of roast goose and brandy-and-water. _Nous avons changé tout cela._ Compulsory games have put an end to such licence, and in so doing have docked a good deal of liberty as well. The result has been to emphasize the type at the expense of the individual. It is a good type--a grand type--but it bears hardly upon some of its more angular components. The new system keeps the weak boy out of temptation and the idle boy out of mischief; but the quiet, reflective, unathletic boy hates it. He has little chance now to dream dreams or commune with nature. Still, his chance comes later in life; and as we all have to learn to toe the line at some time or another, thrice blessed is he who gets over the lesson in early youth. The prefectorial system, too, has enlarged boys' sense of responsibility, and has put an end to many abuses which no master could ever reach. But on the whole we may say of the public-school boy throughout the ages that _plus que l'on le change, plus c'est la même chose_. Schoolboy gods have not altered. Strength, fleetness of foot, physical beauty, loyalty to one's House and one's School--youth still worships these things. There is the same admiration for _natural_ brilliancy, be it in athletics or conversation or scholarship, and the same curious contempt for the plodder--even the successful plodder--in all departments of life. The weakest still goes to the wall. He is not bumped against it so vigorously as he used to be; but he still goes there, and always will. Still, has the present generation developed no new characteristics? Let us turn to a batch of modern school stories, and see. We have many to choose from--_Stalky_, for instance. _Stalky_ has come in for a shower of abuse from certain quarters. He hits the sentimentalist hard. We are told that the book is vulgar, that the famous trio are "little beasts." (I think Mr. A. C. Benson said so.) Still, Mr. Kipling never touches any subject which he does not adorn, and in _Stalky_ he brings out vividly some of the salient features of modern school life. He has drawn masters as they have never been drawn before: the portraits may be cruel, biassed, not sufficiently representative; but how they live! He has put the case for the unathletic boy with convincing truth. He depicts, too, very faithfully, the curious _camaraderie_ which prevails nowadays between boys and masters, and pokes mordant fun at the sycophancy which this state of things breeds in a certain type of boy--the "Oh, sir! and No, sir! and Yes, sir! and Please, sir!" brigade--and deals faithfully with the master who takes advantage of out-of-school intimacy to be familiar and offensive in school, addressing boys by their nicknames and making humorous reference to extra-scholastic incidents. And above all Mr. Kipling knows the heart of a boy. He understands, above all men, a boy's intense reserve upon matters that lie deepest within him, and his shrinking from and repugnance to unrestrained and blatant discussion of these things. Do you remember the story of the fat man--"the jelly-bellied flag-flapper"--who came down to lecture to the school on patriotism? "Now the reserve of a boy is tenfold deeper than the reserve of a maid, she having been made for one end only by blind Nature, but man for several. With a large and healthy hand he tore down these veils, and trampled them under the well-intentioned feet of eloquence. In a raucous voice he cried aloud little matters, like the hope of Honour and the dream of Glory, that boys do not discuss with their most intimate equals.... He profaned the most secret places of their souls with outcries and gesticulations. He bade them consider the deeds of their ancestors, in such fashion that they were flushed to their tingling ears. Some of them--the rending voice cut a frozen stillness--might have had relatives who perished in defence of their country. (They thought, not a few of them, of an old sword in a passage, or above a breakfast-table, seen and fingered by stealth since they could walk.) He adjured them to emulate those illustrious examples; and they looked all ways in their extreme discomfort. "Their years forbade them even to shape their thoughts clearly to themselves. They felt savagely that they were being outraged by a fat man who considered marbles a game.... What, in the name of everything caddish, was he driving at, who waved this horror before their eyes?" It was a Union Jack, you will remember, suddenly unfurled by way of peroration. "Happy thought! Perhaps he was drunk." That is true, true, all through. Then comes another class of school-story--the school-story written primarily _for_ boys. Such are the books of Mr. Talbot Baines Reed. These are regarded as somewhat _vieux jeu_ at the present day, but in their own particular line they have never been bettered. They were written to be read by comparatively young boys in a semi-religious magazine; and anybody who has ever attempted to write a tale which shall be probable yet interesting, and racy yet moral, will realise how admirably Mr. Reed has achieved this feat--in such books as _The Willoughby Captains_, _The Master of the Shell_, and _The Fifth Form at St. Dominic's_. Another excellent book is _Godfrey Marten, Schoolboy_. Here Mr. Charles Turley achieves success by the most commendable means. He eschews the theatrical. His story contains no death-bed heroics; no rescues from drowning; no highly-coloured moral crises. He takes as his theme the humdrum daily life--and no one who has not lived through it for weeks at a time knows how humdrum it can be--of a public school, and makes it interesting. He lacks fire, it may be said, but he avoids the sentimentality of the old school and the cynicism of the new. Perhaps the best of all this class is _The Bending of a Twig_, by Mr. Desmond Coke--an absolutely faithful picture, drawn with unerring instinct and refreshing humour. In fact it is so much the real thing that at times it is a trifle monotonous, just because school life at times is a trifle monotonous. But those who know what schoolboys are cannot fail to appreciate the intrinsic merits of this book. It gently derides the stagey incidents and emotional heroics of the old style of school story. Here a small boy comes to Shrewsbury primed with the lore of _Eric_ and _Tom Brown_ and _The Hill_, fully expecting to be tossed in a blanket or roasted on sight. But nothing happens: he is merely ignored. He has laboriously committed to memory a quantity of Harrow slang from _The Hill_: he finds this is meaningless at Shrewsbury. He cannot understand the situation: he has to unlearn all his lessons in sophistication. The whole thing is admirably done. The story strikes a deeper note towards the end. Here we are given a very vivid study of the same boy, now head of his House, struggling between his sense of duty and the fear of unpopularity. Shall he tackle the disturbing element boldly, invoking if necessary the assistance of the Housemaster, or let things slide for the sake of peace? Many a tragedy of the Prefect's Room has hinged upon that struggle; and although Mr. Coke's solution of the problem is not heroic, it is probably all the more true to life. Altogether a fine book, but from its very nature a book for boys rather than grown-ups. Coming to the type of school-story at present in vogue, we have _The Hill_, deservedly ranking as first-class. But _The Hill_ is essentially a book for Harrovians; and the more likely a book is to appeal to members of one particular school, the less likely it is to appeal to members of any other school. (In this respect we may note that _Tom Brown_ forms an exception. But then _Tom Brown_ is an exceptional book.) If _The Hill_ had been written as a "general" school story, with the identity of Harrow veiled, however thinly, under a fictitious name, its glamour and romance, together with its enthusiasm for all that is straight and strong and of old standing and of good report, would have made it a classic among school fiction. But non-Harrovians--and there are a considerable number of them--decline with natural insularity to follow Mr. Vachell to his topmost heights. They are conscious of a clannish, slightly patronising air about _The Hill_, which is notably absent in other stories which tell the tale of a particular school. The reader is treated to pedantic little footnotes, and given a good deal of information which is either gratuitous or uninteresting. He is made to understand that he is on The Hill but not of it. He recognises frankly enough the greatness of Harrow tradition and the glory of Harrow history, but he rightly reserves his enthusiasm over such things for his own school; and there are moments when he feels inclined to bawl out to the author that he envies Harrow nothing--except perhaps _Forty Years On_. In other words, _The Hill_, owing to the insistent fashion in which it puts Harrow first and general schoolboy nature second, must be regarded more as a glorified prospectus than as a representative novel of English school life. But _The Hill_ stands high. It cannot be hid. It is supersentimental at times, but then so are schoolboys. And the characters are clean-cut and finely finished. Scaife is a memorable figure; so is Warde. John Verney, like most virtuous persons, is a bit of a bore at times; but the Caterpillar, with his drawling little epigrams, and their inevitable tag--"Not my own; my Governor's!"--is a joy for ever. Lastly, the description of the Eton and Harrow Match at Lord's takes unquestionable rank as one of the few things in this world which will never be better done. Two other books may be mentioned here, as illustrating the tendency, already mentioned, of modern school-novelists to shift the limelight from the boy to the master. The first is Mr. Hugh Walpole's _Mr. Perrin and Mr. Traill_. A young man lacking means, and possessing only a moderate degree, who feels inclined, as many do, to drift into schoolmastering as a _pis aller_, should read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest this book. It draws a pitiless picture of Common Room life in a third-rate public school--the monotony; the discomfort; the mutual antagonism and jealousy of a body of men herded together year after year, condemned to celibacy by want of means, and deprived of all prospect of advancement or change of scene. It hammers in the undeniable truth that in the great majority of cases a schoolmaster's market value depreciates steadily from the date of his first appointment. _Mr. Perrin and Mr. Traill_ is a very able book, but should not be read by schoolmasters while recovering, let us say, from influenza. If the reader desires a further picture of the amenities of the Common Room, viewed from a less oblique angle, he can confidently be recommended to turn to _The Lanchester Tradition_, by Mr. G. F. Bradby. _The Lanchester Tradition_ is a comparatively short story, but it is all pure gold. It is written with knowledge, insight, and above all with an appreciation of that broad tolerant humorous outlook on life which alone can lubricate the soul-grinding wheels of routine. In _Mr. Perrin and Mr. Traill_ we have a young, able, and merciless critic exposing some of the weaknesses of the public-school system. In _The Lanchester Tradition_ we have a seasoned and experienced representative of that system demonstrating that real character can always rise superior to circumstance, and that for all its creaking machinery and accompanying friction the pedagogue's existence can be a very tolerable and at times a very uplifting one. It is the old struggle between theory and practice. _Solvitur ambulando._ There are many other school stories of recent date, of which no mention has been made in this survey; but our excursions seem to have covered a fairly representative field. What is the prevailing characteristic of the new, as compared with the old? It appears to be a very insistent and rather discordant note of realism--the sort of realism which leaves nothing unphotographed. Romance and sentiment are swept aside: they might fog the negative. Our rising generation are not permitted to see visions or dream dreams. And there is a tendency--mercifully absent in most of the books which we have described--to discuss matters which are better not discussed, at any rate in a work of fiction. There is a great vogue in these introspective days for outspokenness upon intimate matters. We are told that such matter should not be excluded from the text, because it is "true to life." So are the police reports in the Sunday newspapers; but we do not present files of these delectable journals to our sons and daughters--let us not forget the daughters: the sons go to school, but the daughters can only sit at home and read schoolboy stories--as Christmas presents. There is another marked characteristic of modern school fiction--its intense topicality. The slang, the allusions, the incidents--they are all _dernier cri_. But the more up-to-date a thing may be, whether it be a popular catchphrase or a whole book, the more ephemeral is its existence. A book of this kind reproduces the spirit of the moment, often with surprising fidelity; but after all it is only the spirit of the moment. Its very applicability to the moment unfits it for any other position. Books, speeches, and jokes--very few of these breathe the spirit not only of the moment but of all time. When they do, we call them Classics. _Tom Brown_ is a Classic, and probably _Stalky_ too. They are built of material which is imperishable, because it is quarried from the bed-rock of human nature, which never varies, though architectural fashions come and go. CHAPTER SEVEN "MY PEOPLE" [Illustration: THE SCHOOLGIRL'S DREAM] I Under this comprenhensive title the schoolboy groups the whole of his relatives, of both sexes. "Are your people coming for Speech Day?" inquires Master Smith of Master Brown. "Yes, worse luck!" "It is a bore," agrees Smith. "I wanted you to come and sit with me." "Sorry!" says Brown, and the matter ends. It never occurs to Brown to invite Smith to join the family party. Such a proceeding would be unheard of. A schoolboy with his "people" in tow neither expects nor desires the society of his friends. His father may be genial, his mother charming, his sister pretty; but in the jaundiced eyes of their youthful host they are nothing more or less than a gang of lepers--to be segregated from all communication with the outer world; to be conveyed from one point to another as stealthily as possible; and above all to be kept out of the way of masters. Later in life, say at the University, this diffidence disappears. A pretty sister becomes an asset; a pearl of price; a bait for luncheon parties and a trap for theatre-tickets. Even a father, provided he does not wear a made-up tie or take off his hat to the Dons, is tolerated. But at school--never! Why? The reason is that it is almost impossible to give one's "people" their heads when on a visit to School without opening the way for breaches of etiquette and social outrages of the most deplorable kind. Left to themselves, fathers are addicted to entering into conversation with casual masters--especially masters who in the eyes of a boy are too magnificent to be approached or too despicable to be noticed. Mothers have been known to make unsolicited overtures to some School potentate--yea, even the Captain of the Eleven--because he happens to have curly hair or be wearing a pretty blazer. Sisters are capable of extending what the Lower School terms "the R.S.V.P. eye" to the meanest and most insignificant fag. These solecisms shame Master Brown to his very soul. Consequently he keeps his relatives in relentlessly close order, herding them across the quadrangle under a running fire of admonition and reproof. "Yes, Dad, that's the Head. Look the other way, or he'll notice you.... For goodness sake, Mum, don't stop and talk to _this_ fellow: he's in the Boat. _Who is that dear little boy with brown eyes?_ Great Scott, how should I know all the rotten little ticks in the Lower School?... Sis, what on earth did you go smiling and grinning at that chap for? He is a master. _He took his hat off?_ Well, you must have begun it, that's all! Think what an outsider he must consider you!... _What, Mum? Who are these two nice-looking boys sitting on that bench?_ Not so loud! They're the Captain of the Eleven and the Secretary. _Will I ask them to tea to amuse Dolly?_ Certainly, if you don't mind my leaving the School for good to-morrow morning!... This is the cricket-ground. No, you can't go and sit in the shade under those trees: it is fearful side to go there. Stay about here. If you see any people you know, from Town or anywhere, you can talk to them; but whatever you do, don't go making up to chaps. I'll find young Griffin for you if you like. He'll be pretty sick; but he knows you in the holidays, so I suppose he has got to go through it. Sit here. Perhaps you had better not speak to _anybody_ while I'm away, whether you know them or not. Sis, remember about not making eyes at fellows. They don't like that sort of thing from young girls: they're different from your pals in Hyde Park; so hold yourself in. I'll be back in a minute." Then he departs in search of the reluctant Griffin. The only member of the staff to whom a boy permits his "people" to address themselves is his Housemaster. Him he regards as inevitable; and consents gloomily to conduct his tainted band to a ceremonial tea in the Housemaster's drawing-room. There he sits miserably upon the edge of a chair, masticating cake, and hoping against hope that the ceremony will end before his relatives have said or done something particularly disastrous. He is conscious, too, of a sad falling-off in his own demeanour. Ten minutes ago he was a miniature Grand Turk, patronising his parents and ruffling it over his sister. Now he is a rather grubby little hobbledehoy, conscious of large feet and red hands, mumbling "Yes, sir," and "No, sir," to a man whom he has been accustomed to represent to his family as being wax in his hands and a worm in his presence. An observant philosopher once pointed out that in every man there are embedded three men: first, the man as he appears to himself; second, the man as he appears to others; third, the man as he really is. This classification of points of view is particularly applicable to the scholastic world. Listen, for instance, to Master Smith, describing to an admiring circle of sisters and young brothers a scene from school life as it is lived in the Junior Remove. _"Is the work difficult?_ Bless you, we don't do any _work_: we just rot Duck-face. We simply rag his soul out. _What do we do to him?_ Oh, all sorts of things. _What sort?_ Well, the other day he started up his usual song about the necessity of absolute attention and concentration--great word of Duck-face's, concentration--and gave me an impot for not keeping my eyes fixed on him all the time he was jawing. I explained to him that anybody who attempted such a feat would drop down dead in five minutes. _How dare I say such a thing to a master?_ Well, I didn't say it in so many words, but he knew what I meant all right. He got pretty red. After that I tipped the wink to the other chaps, and we all stared at him till he simply sweated. Oh, we give him a rotten time!" Mr. Duckworth's version of the incident, in the Common Room, ran something like this. "What's that, Allnutt? _How is young Smith getting on?_ Let me see--Smith? Oh, that youth! I remember him now. Well, he strikes me as being not far removed from the idiot type, but he is perfectly harmless. I don't expect ever to teach him anything, of course, but he gives no trouble. He is quite incapable of concentrating his thoughts on anything for more than five minutes without constant ginger from me. I had to drop rather heavily upon him this morning, and the results were most satisfactory. He was attentive for quite half an hour. But he's a dull customer." What really happened was this. Mr. Duckworth, who was a moderate disciplinarian and an extremely uninspiring teacher, had occasion to set Master Smith fifty lines for inattention. Master Smith, glaring resentfully and muttering muffled imprecations--symptoms of displeasure which Mr. Duckworth, who was a man of peace at any price, studiously ignored--remained comparatively attentive for the rest of the hour and ultimately showed up the lines. All this time we have left our young friend Master Brown sitting upon the edge of a chair in his Housemaster's drawing-room, glaring defiantly at everyone and wondering what awful thing his "people" are saying now. Occasionally scraps of conversation reach his ears. (He is sitting over by the window with his sister.) His mother is doing most of the talking. The heads of her discourse appear in the main to be two--the proper texture of her son's undergarments, and the state of his soul. The Housemaster, when he gets a chance, replies soothingly. The Matron shall be instructed to see that nothing is discarded prematurely during the treacherous early summer: he himself will take steps to have Reggie--the boy blushes hotly at the sound of his Christian name on alien lips--prepared for confirmation with the next batch of candidates. Occasionally his father joins in. "I expect we can safely leave that question to Mr. Allnutt's discretion, Mary," he observes drily. "After all, Reggie is not the only boy in the House." "No, I am sure he is not," concedes Mrs. Brown. "But I know you won't object to hear the _mother's_ point of view, will you, Mr. Allnutt?" "I fancy Mr. Allnutt has heard the mother's point of view once or twice before," interpolates Mr. Brown, with a sympathetic smile in the direction of the Housemaster. "Now, John," says Mrs. Brown playfully, "don't interfere! Mr. Allnutt and I understand one another perfectly, don't we, Mr. Allnutt?" She takes up her parable again with renewed zest. "You see, Mr. Allnutt, what I mean is, you are a bachelor. You have never had any young people to bring up, so naturally you can't _quite_ appreciate, as I can----" Mr. Allnutt, who has brought up about fifty "young people" per annum for fifteen years, smiles wanly, and bows to the storm. Master Brown, almost at the limit of human endurance, glances despairingly at his sister. That tactful young person grasps the situation, and endeavours to divert the conversation. "What pretty cups those are on that shelf," she says in a clear voice to her brother. "Are they Mr. Allnutt's prizes?" "Yes," replies Master Brown, with a sidelong glance towards his Housemaster. But that much-enduring man takes no notice: his attention is still fully occupied by Mrs. Brown, whom he now darkly suspects of having a suitable bride for him concealed somewhere in her peroration. Master Brown and his sister rise to inspect the collection of trophies more closely. "What a lot he has got," says Miss Brown, in an undertone now. "Was he a great athlete?" "He thinks he was. When he gets in a bait over anything it is always a sound plan to get him to talk about one of these rotten things. I once got off a tanning by asking him how many times he had been Head of the River. As a matter of fact, most of these are prizes for chess, or tricycling, or something like that." So the joyous libel proceeds. Master Reggie is beginning to cheer up a little. "What is that silver bowl for?" inquires his sister. "Ah, it takes him about half an hour to tell you about that. They won the race by two feet in record time, and he was in a dead faint for a week afterwards. As a matter of fact, Bailey tertius, whose governor was up at Oxford with the old Filbert"--etymologists will have no difficulty in tracing this synonym to its source--"says that he saw the race, and that Filbert caught a crab and lost his oar about five yards from the start and was a passenger all the way. The men on the bank yelled to him to jump out, but he was in too big a funk of being drowned, and wouldn't. Of course he doesn't know we know!" And so the joyous libel proceeds. And yet, in Reggie Brown's last half-term report we find the words: _A conscientious, but somewhat stolid and unimaginative boy._ II But "people" do not visit the School solely for the purpose of bringing social disaster upon their offspring. Their first visit, at any rate, is of a very different nature. On this occasion they come in the capacity of what Headmasters call "prospective parents"--that is, parents who propose to inspect the School with a view to entering a boy--and as such are treated with the deference due to imperfectly hooked fish. The prospective parent varies considerably. Sometimes he is an old member of the School, and his visit is a purely perfunctory matter. He knows every inch of the place. He lunches with the Head, has a talk about old times, and mentions with proper pride that yet another of his boys is now of an age to take up his nomination for his father's old House. * * * * * Then comes another type--the youthful parent. Usually he brings his wife with him. He is barely forty, and has not been near a school since he left his own twenty years ago. His wife is pretty, and not thirty-five. Both feel horribly juvenile in the presence of the Head. They listen deferentially to the great man's pontifical observations upon the requirements of modern education, and answer his queries as to their firstborn's age and attainments with trembling exactitude. "I think we shall be able to lick him into shape," concludes the Head, with gracious jocularity. It is mere child's play to him, handling parents of this type. Then the male bird plucks up courage, and timidly asks a leading question. The Head smiles. "Ah!" he remarks. "Now you are laying an invidious task upon me. Who am I, to discriminate between my colleagues' Houses?" The young parents apologise precipitately, but the Head says there is no need. In fact, he goes so far as to recommend a House--in strict confidence. "Between ourselves," he says, "I consider that _the_ man here at the present moment is Mr. Rotterson. Send your boy to him. I _believe_ he has a vacancy for next term, but you had better see him at once. I will give you a note for him now. There you are! Good morning!" Off hurry the anxious pair. But the telephone outstrips them. "Is that you, Rotterson?" says the Head. "I have just despatched a brace of parents to you. Impress them! There are prospects of more to-morrow, so with any luck we ought to be able to pull up your numbers to a decent level after all." "Thank you very much," says a meek voice at the other end. * * * * * Then there is the bluff, hearty parent--the man who knows exactly what he wants, and does not hesitate to say so. "I don't want my son taught any of your new-fangled nonsense," he explains breezily. "Just a good sound education, without frills! The boy will have to earn his own living afterwards, and I want you to teach him something which will enable him to do so. Don't go filling him up with Latin and Greek: give him something which will be useful in an office. I know you pedagogues stick obstinately to what you call a good general grounding; but, if I may say so, you ought to _specialise_ a bit more. You're too shy of specialisation, you know. But I say: Find out what each boy in your School requires for his future career, and teach him _that_!" A Headmaster once replied to a parent of this description: "Unfortunately, sir, the fees of this school and the numbers of its Staff are calculated upon a _table d'hôte_ basis. If you want to have your son educated _à la carte_, you must get a private tutor for him." * * * * * Then there is the Utterly Impossible parent. He is utterly impossible for one of two reasons--either because he is a born faddist, or because he has relieved Providence of a grave responsibility by labelling himself "A Self-Made Man, and Proud of It!" The faddist is the sort of person who absorbs Blue Books without digesting them, and sits upon every available Board without growing any wiser, and cherishes theories of his own about non-competitive examinations, and cellular underclothing, and the use of graphs, and, generally speaking, about every subject on which there is no particular reason why the layman should hold any opinions at all. Such a creature harries the scholastic profession into premature senility. Him the Head always handles in the same fashion. He delivers him over at the first opportunity to a Housemaster, and the Housemaster promptly takes him out on to the cricket-field and, having introduced him to the greatest bore upon the Staff, leaves the pair together to suffer the fate of the Kilkenny cats. The other sort of Utterly Impossible is not so easily scotched. The ordinary snubs of polite society are not for him. He is a plain man, he mentions, and likes to put things on a business footing. Putting things on a business footing seems to necessitate--no one knows why--a recital of the plain man's early struggles, together with a _resumé_ of his present bank-balance and directorships. Not infrequently he brings his son with him, and having deposited that shrinking youth on a chair under the eyes both of the Head and himself, proceeds to run over his points with enormous gusto and unparental impartiality. "There he is!" he bellows. "Now you've _got_ him! Ram it into him! Learn him to be a scholar, and I'll pay any bill you like to send in. I've got the dibs. He's not a bad lad, as lads go, but he wants his jacket dusted now and then. My father dusted mine regular every Saturday night for fifteen year, and it made me the man I am. I'm worth----" A condensed Budget follows. Then the harangue is resumed. "So don't spare the rod--that's what I say. Learn him all that a scholar ought to be learned. If he wants books, get them, and put them down to me. I can pay for them. And at the end of the year, if he gets plucked in his examinations, you send him home to me, and I'll bile him!" The plain man breaks off, and glares with ferocious affection upon his offspring. All this while the shrewd Head has been observing the boy's demeanour; and if he decides that the exuberance of his papa has not been inherited to an ineradicable extent, he accepts the cowering youth and does his best for him. As a rule he is justified in his judgment. Lastly comes a novel and quite inexplicable variant of the species. It owes its existence entirely to journalistic enterprise. Little Tommy Snooks, we will say, arrives home one afternoon in a taxi in the middle of term, and announces briefly but apprehensively to his parents that he has been "sacked." He is accompanied or preceded by a letter from his Headmaster, expressing genuine sorrow for the occurrence, and adding that though it has been found necessary for the sake of discipline to remove Master Thomas from the School, his offence has not been such as to involve any moral stigma. Little Tommy's parents, justly incensed that their offspring should have been expelled from school without incurring any moral stigma, write demanding instant reparation. The Headmaster, in his reply, states that Thomas has been expelled because he has broken a certain rule, the penalty for breaking which happens to be--and is known to be--expulsion. _Voilà tout._ In other words, he has been expelled, not for smoking or drinking or breaking bounds (or whatever he may happen to have done), but for deliberately and wantonly flying in the face of the Law which prohibits these misdemeanours. Either Tommy must go, or the Law be rendered futile and ridiculous. This paltry and frivolous attempt to evade the real point at issue--which appears to be that many people, including Tommy's parents and the Headmaster himself, smoke, drink, and go out after dark and are none the worse--is treated with the severity which it deserves. A letter is despatched, consigning the Headmaster to scholastic perdition. The Headmaster briefly acknowledges receipt, and suggests that the correspondence should now cease. [Illustration: RANK AND FILE] So far the campaign has followed well-defined and perfectly natural lines, for a parent is seldom disposed to take his boy's expulsion "lying down." But at this point the new-style parent breaks right away from tradition--kicks over the traces, in fact. Despatching that slightly dazed but on the whole deeply gratified infant martyr, Master Tommy, to salve outraged nature at an adjacent Picture Palace, the parent sits down at his (or her) desk and unmasks the whole dastardly conspiracy to a halfpenny newspaper of wide circulation. "I do this," he explains, "not from any feeling of animosity towards the Headmaster of the School, but in order to clear my son's good name and fair fame in the eyes of the world." This is interesting and valuable news to the world, which has not previously heard of Tommy Snooks. The astute editor of the halfpenny paper, with a paternal smile upon his features and his tongue in his cheek, publishes the letter in a conspicuous position--if things in the football and political world happen to be particularly dull, he sometimes finds room for Tommy's photograph too--and invites general correspondence on the subject. Few parents can resist such an opportunity; and for several weeks the editor is supplied, free gratis, with a column of diversified but eminently saleable matter. The beauty of a controversy of this kind is that you can debate upon almost any subject without being pulled up for irrelevance. Parents take full advantage of this licence. Some contribute interesting legends of their children's infancy. Others plunge into a debate upon punishment in general, and the old battle of cane, birch, slipper, imposition, detention, and moral suasion is fought over again. This leads to a discussion as to whether public schools shall or shall not be abolished--by whom, is not stated. Presently the national reserve of retired colonels is mobilised, and fiery old gentlemen write from Cheltenham to say that in their young days boys were boys and not molly-coddles. Old friends like _Materfamilias_, _Pro Bono Publico_, _Quis Custodiet Custodes_ rush into the fray with joyous whoops. There is quite a riot of pseudonyms: the only person who gives his proper name (and address) is the headmaster of a small preparatory school, who contributes a copy of his prospectus, skilfully disguised as a treatise on "How to Preserve Home Influences at School." But the boom is short-lived. Presently a crisis arises in some other department of our national life. Something cataclysmal happens to the House of Commons, or the Hippodrome, or Tottenham Hotspur. Public attention is diverted; the correspondence is closed with cruel abruptness; and little Tommy Snooks is summoned from the Picture Palace, and sent to another school or provided with a private tutor. Still, his good name and fair fame are now vindicated in the eyes of the world. But it is not altogether surprising that the great Temple should once have observed: "Boys are always reasonable; masters sometimes; parents never!" III Correspondence between school and home is conducted upon certain well-defined lines. A boy writes home every Sunday: his family may write to him when they please and as often as they please. But--they must never send postcards. Postcards in public schools are common property. Many a new boy's promising young life has been overclouded at the very outset by the arrival of some such maternal indiscretion as this: _Dearest Artie,--I am sending you some nice new vests for the colder months. Mind you put them on, but ask the Matron to air them first. The girls send their love, and Baby sends you a kiss.--Your affec._ _Mother_. "Dearest Artie" usually comes into possession of this missive after it has been passed from hand to hand, with many joyous comments, the whole length of the Lower School breakfast-table. He may not hear the last of the vests and Baby for months. As for writing home, a certain elasticity of method is essential. In addressing one's father, it is advisable to confine oneself chiefly to the topic of one's studies. Money should not be asked for, but references to the Classics may be introduced with advantage, and perhaps a fair copy of one's last Latin prose enclosed. The father will not be able to understand or even read it; but this will not prevent him from imagining that he could have done so thirty years ago; and his heart will glow with the reminiscent enthusiasm of the retired scholar. Mothers may be addressed with more freedom. Small financial worries may be communicated, and it is a good plan to dwell resignedly but steadily upon the insufficiency of the food supplied by the School authorities. Health topics may be discussed, especially in so far as they touch upon the question of extra diet. Sisters appreciate School gossip and small talk of any kind. Young brothers may be impressed with daredevil tales of masters put to rout and prefects "ragged" to death. The appended _dossier_ furnishes a fairly comprehensive specimen of the art. It is entitled: THE BIRTHDAY _Correspondence addressed to Master E. Bumpleigh, Mr. Killick's House, Grandwich School_ No. I MESSRS. BUMPLEIGH & SITWELL, LTD., 220B CORNHILL, _Telegrams_: "BUMPSIT, LONDON." _November 6, 19--._ MY DEAR EGBERT,--Your mother informs me that to-morrow, the 7th inst., is your fifteenth birthday. I therefore take this opportunity of combining my customary greetings with a few observations on your half-term report, which has just reached me. It is a most deplorable document. With the exception of your health (which is described as "excellent"), and your violin-playing (which I note is "most energetic"), I can find no cause for congratulation or even satisfaction in your record for the past half-term. Indeed, were it not for the existence of the deep-seated conspiracy (of which you have so frequently and so earnestly warned me) among the masters at your school, to deprive you of your just marks and so prevent you from taking your rightful place at the head of the form, I should almost suspect you of idling. I enclose ten shillings as a birthday gift. If you could contrive during the next half-term to overcome the unfortunate prejudice with which the Grandwich staff appears to be inspired against you, I might see my way to doing something rather more handsome at Christmas.-- Your affectionate father, JOHN HENRY BUMPLEIGH. (_Reply._ _November 7._ MY DEAR FATHER,--Thanks awfully for the ten bob. Yes, it is most deplorable as you say about my report. I feel it very much. It is a rum thing that I should have come out bottom, for I have been working fearfully hard lately. I expect a mistake has been made in adding up the marks. You see, they are all sent in to the form-master at half-term, and he, being a classical man, naturally can't do mathematics a bit, so he adds up the marks all anyhow, and practically anybody comes out top. It is very disheartening. I think it would be better if I went on the Modern Side next term. The masters there are just as ignerant and unfair as on the classical, but not being classical men they do know something about adding up marks. So if I went I might get justice done me. I must now stop, as I have several hours more prep. to do, and I want to go and ask Mr. Killick for leave to work on after bed-time.--Your affec. son, E. BUMPLEIGH.) No. II THE LIMES, WALLOW-IN-THE-WEALD, SURREY, _Monday_. MY DEAREST BOY,--Very many happy returns of your birthday. The others (_Genealogical Tree omitted here_) ... send their best love. I fear your father is not quite pleased with your half-term report. It seems a pity you cannot get higher up in your form, but I am sure you _try_, my boy. I don't think Father makes quite enough allowance for your _health_. With your weak digestion, long hours of sedentary work must be very trying at times. Ask the matron ... (_one page omitted_). I enclose ten shillings, and will send you the almond cake and potted lobster you ask for.--Your affectionate mother, MARTHA BUMPLEIGH. (_Reply._ _November 7._ DEAR MUM,--Thanks ever so much for the ten bob, also the lobster and cake, which are A1. Yes, the pater wrote to me about my report--rather a harsh letter, I thought. Still, we must make allowances for him. When he was young education was a very simple matter. Now it is the limit. My digestion is all right, thanks, but my head aches terribly towards the end of a long day of seven or eight hours' work. Don't mention this to the pater, as it might worry him. I shall work on to the end, but if the strain gets too much it might be a sound plan for me to go on the Modern Side next term. You might mention this cassualy to the pater. I must stop now, as the prayer-bell is ringing.--Your affec. son, E. BUMPLEIGH.) No. III THE LIMES, WALLOW-IN-THE-WEALD, SURREY, _Aujourd'hui_. DEAR EGGIE,--Many happy returns. I have spent all my dress allowance, so I can't do much in the way of a present, I'm afraid; but I send a P.O. for 2_s._ 6_d._ You got a pretty bad half-term report, my dear. Breakfast that morning _was_ a cheery meal. I got hold of it afterwards and read it, and certainly you seem to have been getting into hot water all round. By the way, I see you have got some new masters at Grandwich, judging by the initials on your report. I know "V. K." and "O. P. H.": they are Killick and Higginson, aren't they? But who are "A. C. N." and "M. P. G."?--Your affec. sister, BARBARA. (_Reply._ _November, 7._ DEAR BABS,--Thanks ever so much for the 2_s._ 6_d._ It is most welcome, as the pater only sent ten bob, being shirty about my report; and the mater another. Still, I haven't heard from Aunt Deborah yet: she usually comes down hansom on my birthday. The new masters you mean are A. C. Newton and M. P. Gainford. I don't think either of them would take very kindly to you. Newton is an International, so he won't have much use for girls. Gainford is rather a snipe, and has been married for years and years. But I'll tell you if any more new ones come. I am making a last effort to get on to the Mods. next term--about fed up with Higgie.--Your affec. brother, E. BUMPLEIGH.) No. IV THE SCHOOL HOUSE, OAKSHOTT SCHOOL, BUCKS, _Monday_. DEAR EGGSTER,--Well, old sport, how goes it? Just remembered it is your birthday, so send you 9_d._ in stamps--all I have but 2_d._ How is your mangy school? Wait till our XV plays you on the 18th! What ho!--Your affec. brother, J. BUMPLEIGH. Just had a letter from the pater about my half-term report. He seems in a fairly rotten state. (_Reply._ _November 7._ DEAR MOPPY,--Thanks awfully for the 9_d._ I am about broke, owing to my half-term report coinsiding with my birthday. Putrid luck, I call it. Still, Aunt Deborah hasn't weighed in yet. All right, send along your bandy-legged XV, and we will return them to you knock-kneed. I must stop now, as we are going to rag a man's study for wearing a dickey.--Your affec. brother, E. BUMPLEIGH.) No. V THE LABURNUMS, SURBITON, _Monday, Nov. 6._ MY DEAR NEPHEW,--Another year has gone by, and once more I am reminded that my little godson is growing up to man's estate. Your fifteenth birthday! And I remember when you were only--(_Here Master Egbert skips three sheets and comes to the last page of the letter_) ... I am sending you a birthday present--something of greater value than usual. It is a handsome and costly edition of _Forty Years of Missionary Endeavour in Eastern Polynesia_, recently published. The author has actually signed his name upon the fly-leaf for you. Think of that! The illustrations are by an Associate of the Royal Academy. I hope you are well, and pursuing your studies diligently.--Your affectionate aunt, DEBORAH SITWELL. (_Reply._ _November 7._ DEAR AUNT DEBORAH,--Thank you very much for so kindly remembering my birthday. The book has just arrived, and I shall always look upon it as one of my most valued possessions. I will read it constantly--whenever I have time, in fact; but really after being in school hard at work for ten or twelve hours a day, one is more inclined for bed than books, even one on such an absorbing subject as this. I am much interested in Missionary Endeavours, and help them in every way I can. We are having a sermon on the subject next Sunday. There is to be a collection, and I intend to make a special effort.--Your affec. nephew, E. BUMPLEIGH.) * * * * * Extract from the Catalogue of the Killickite House Library, Grandwich School: _"Forty Years of Missionary Endeavour in Eastern Polynesia._ Presented by E. Bumpleigh, Nov. 8." CHAPTER EIGHT THE FATHER OF THE MAN Among the higher English castes it is not good form to appear deeply interested in any thing, or to hold any serious views about anything, or to possess any special knowledge about anything. In fact, the more you know the less you say, and the more passionately you are interested in a matter, the less you "enthuse" about it. That is the Public School Attitude in a nutshell. It is a pose which entirely misleads foreigners and causes them to regard the English as an incredibly stupid and indifferent nation. An American gentleman, we will say, with all an American's insatiable desire to "see the wheels go round" and get to the root of the matter, finds himself sitting beside a pleasant English stranger at a public dinner. They will converse, possibly about sport, or politics, or wireless telegraphy. The pleasant Englishman may be one of the best game shots in the country, or a Privy Councillor, or a scientist of European reputation, but the chances are that the American will never discover from the conversation that he is anything more than a rather superficial or diffident amateur. Again, supposing the identity of the stranger is known: the American will endeavour to draw him out. But the expert will decline to enter deeply into his own subject, for that would be talking "shop"; and under no circumstances will he consent to discuss his own achievements therein, for that would be "side." Shop and Side--let us never lose sight of them. An Englishman dislikes brains almost as much as he worships force of character. If you call him "clever" he will regard you with resentment and suspicion. To his mind cleverness is associated with moral suppleness and sharp practice. In politics he may describe the leader of the other side as "clever"; but not his own leader. He is "able." But the things that he fears most are "shop" and "side." He is so frightened of being thought to take a pleasure in his work--he likes it to be understood that he only does it because he has to--and so terrified of being considered egotistical, that he prefers upon the whole to be regarded as lazy or dunderheaded. In most cases the brains are there, and the cleverness is there, and above all the passion for and pride in his work are there; but he prefers to keep these things to himself and present a careless or flippant front to the world. [Illustration: THE MAN OF THE WORLD] From what does this national self-consciousness spring? It has its roots, as already indicated, in the English public school system. Consider. The public school boy, like all primitive types, invents his own gods and worships them without assistance. Now the primitive mind recognises two kinds of god--lovable gods and gods which must be squared. Class A are worshipped from sheer admiration and reverence, because they are good and "able" gods, capable of godlike achievements. To Class B, however, homage is rendered as a pure measure of precaution, lest, being enormously powerful and remarkably uncertain in temper, they should turn and rend their votaries. Indeed, in their anxiety to avoid the unfavourable notice of these deities, the worshippers do not hesitate to sacrifice one another. So it is with the schoolboy. Class A consists of the gods he admires, Class B of the gods he is afraid of. First, Class A. What a boy admires most of all is ability--ability to do things, naturally and spontaneously. He worships bodily strength, bodily grace, swiftness of foot, straightness of eye, dashing courage, and ability to handle a bat or gun, or control the movements of a ball, with dexterity and--ease. Great emphasis must be placed on the ease. Owing to a curious kink in the schoolboy mind, these qualities depreciate at least fifty per cent. if they are not _natural_ qualities--that is, if they have been acquired by laborious practice or infinite pains. The water-funk who ultimately schools himself into a brilliant high-diver, or the overgrown crock who trains himself, by taking thought, into an effective athlete, is a person of no standing. At school sports you often hear such a conversation as this: "Good time for the mile, wasn't it?" "Yes; but look at the way he has been sweating up for it. He's been in training for weeks. Did you see Jinks in the high jump, though? He cleared five foot four, and never turned out to practice once. That's pretty hot stuff if you like!" Or: "Pretty useful, old Dobbin taking six wickets!" "Oh, that rotter! Last year he could hardly get the ball within a yard of the crease. I hear he has been spending hours and hours in the holidays bowling by himself at a single stump. He's no earthly good, really." It is the way of the world. The tortoise is a dreadfully unpopular winner. To an Englishman, a real hero is a man who wins a championship in the morning, despite the fact that he was dead drunk the night before. This contempt for the plodder extends also to the scholastic sphere. A boy has no great love or admiration for learning in itself, but he appreciates brilliance in scholarship--as opposed to hard work. If you come out top of your form, or gain an entrance scholarship at the University, your friends will applaud you vigorously, but only if they are perfectly certain that you have done no work whatever. If you are suspected of midnight oil or systematic labour, the virtue is gone out of your performance. You are merely a "swot." The general attitude appears to be that unless you can take--or appear to take--an obstacle in your stride, that obstacle is not worth surmounting. This leads to a good deal of hypocrisy and make-believe. For instance: "Pretty good, Sparkleigh getting a Schol, wasn't it?" remark the rank and file to one another. "He never did a stroke of work for it, and when he went up for his exam. he went on the bust the night before. Jolly good score off the Head: he said he wouldn't get one!... Grubbe? Oh yes, he got one all right. I should just think so! The old sap! We'd have rooted him if he hadn't!" But let us be quite frank about Sparkleigh. He has won his Scholarship, and has done it--in the eyes of the School--with one hand tied behind him. But Scholarships are not won in this way, and no one is better aware of the fact than Sparkleigh. His task, to tell the truth, has been far more difficult than that of the unheroic Grubbe. Grubbe was content to accept the stigma of "swot" because it carried with it permission to work as hard and as openly--one had almost said as flagrantly--as he pleased. But Sparkleigh, who had to maintain the attitude of a man of the world and a scholastic Gallio and yet work just as hard as Grubbe, was sorely put to it at times. He must work, and work desperately hard, yet never be seen working. None of the friends who slapped him on the back when the news of his success arrived knew of the desperate resorts to which the boy had had recourse in order to obtain the time and privacy necessary for his purpose. On Sunday afternoons he would disappear upon a country walk, ostentatiously exhibiting a cigarette case and giving his friends to understand that his walk was the statutory three-mile qualification of a _bona-fide_ traveller. In reality he sat behind a hedge in an east wind and contended with Thucydides. And there was his demeanour in school. On Thursdays, for instance, the Sixth came in from four till six and composed Latin Verses. On these occasions the Head seldom appeared, the task of presiding over the drowsy assembly falling to a scholarly but timid young man who was mortally afraid of the magnates who sat at the top bench. Sparkleigh would take down the appointed passage as it was dictated and read it through carelessly. In reality he was committing it to memory. Then: "Wake me at a quarter to six," he would say to his neighbour, yawning. And laying his head upon his arms, he would rest motionless until aroused at the appointed moment. But he was not asleep. For an hour and three-quarters that busy fertile brain would be pulling and twisting the English verse into Latin shape, converting it into polished Elegiacs or rolling hexameters. Then, sleepily raising his head, and casting a last contemptuous glance over the English copy, Sparkleigh would take up his pen, and in the remaining quarter of an hour scribble out a full and complete fair copy--to the respectful admiration of his neighbour Grubbe, who, covered with ink and surrounded by waste paper, was laboriously grappling with the last couplet. There are many Sparkleighs in school life--and in the larger world as well. They are not really deceitful or pretentious, but they are members of a society in which revealed ambition is not good form. That is all. * * * * * There is one curious relaxation of the schoolboy's vendetta against ostentatious industry. You may work if you are a member of the Army Class. The idea appears to be that to cultivate learning for its own sake is the act of a pedant and a prig, but if you have some loyal, patriotic, and gentlemanly object in view such as the obtaining of the King's Commission, a little vulgar application of your nose to the grindstone may be excused and indeed justified. But you must be careful to explain that you are never never going to do any work again after this. * * * * * As already noted, these characteristics puzzle the foreigner. The Scotsman, for instance, though even more reserved than the Englishman, is not nearly so self-conscious; and to him "ma career"--to quote John Shand--is the most important business in life. Success is far too momentous a thing to be jeopardised by false modesty; so why waste time and spoil one's chances by pretending that it is a mere accident in life--the gift of chance or circumstance? The American, too, cannot understand the pose. His motto is "Thorough." American oarsmen get their crew together a year before the race, and train continuously--even in winter they row in a stationary tub under cover--until by diligent practice they evolve a perfect combination. Englishmen would never dream of taking such pains. They have a vague feeling that such action is "unsportsmanlike." In their eyes it is rather improper to appear so anxious to win. Once more we find ourselves up against the shame of revealed ambition. The public school spirit again! * * * * * So much for the gods a boy admires. Now for the gods he is afraid of. The greatest of these is Convention. The first, and perhaps the only, thing that a boy learns at a public school is to keep in his appointed place. If he strays out by so much as a single pace, he is "putting on side," and is promptly sacrificed. Presumption is the deadliest sin in school life, and is usually punished with a ferocity out of all proportion to the offence. In moderation, Convention is a very salutary deity. None of us are of much use in this world until we have found our level and acquired the virtues of modesty and self-suppression. It is extremely good for a cheeky new boy, late cock of a small preparatory school and idol of a doting family, to have to learn by painful experience that it is not for him to raise his voice in the course of general conversation or address himself to any but his own immediate order until he has been a member of the school for a year at least. These are what may be termed self-evident conventions, and it does no one any particular harm to learn to obey them. But the great god Convention, like most absolute monarchs, has grown distinctly cranky and eccentric in some of his whims. A sensible new boy knows better than to speak familiarly to a superior, or take a seat too near the fire, or answer back when unceremoniously treated. But there are certain laws of Convention which cannot be anticipated by the most intelligent and well-meaning beginner. For instance, it may be--and invariably is--"side" to wear your cap straight (or crooked), or your jacket buttoned (or unbuttoned), or your hair brushed (or not), or to walk upon this side of the street (or that). But which? It is impossible to solve these problems by any process save that of dismal experience. And, as in a maturer branch of criminology, ignorance of the Law is held to be no excuse for infraction of the Law. I once knew a small boy who, trotting back to his House from football and being pressed for time, tied his new white sweater round his neck by the sleeves instead of donning it in the ordinary fashion. That evening, to his great surprise and extreme discomfort, he was taken out and slippered by a self-appointed vigilance committee. To wear one's sweater tied round one's neck, it seemed, was the privilege of the First Fifteen alone. Who shall tell how oft he offendeth? And even when the first years are past and a position of comparative prominence attained, the danger of Presumption is not outdistanced. A boy obtains his House colours, we will say. His friends congratulate him warmly, and then sit down to wait for symptoms of "side." The newly-born celebrity must walk warily. Too often he trips. Our first success in life is very, very sweet, and it is hard to swallow our exultation and preserve a modest or unconscious demeanour when our heart is singing. But the lesson must be learned, and ultimately is learned; but too often only after a cruel and utterly disproportionate banishment to the wilderness. Can we wonder that the Englishman who has achieved greatness in the world--the statesman, the soldier, the athlete--always exhibits an artificial indifference of manner when his deeds are mentioned in his presence? In nine cases out of ten this is not due to proverbial heroic modesty: it is caused by painful and lasting memories of the results which followed his first essays in self-esteem. The other god which schoolboys dread is Public Opinion. They have little fear of their masters, and none whatever of their parents; but they are mortally afraid of one another. Moral courage is the rarest thing in schoolboy life. Physical courage, on the other hand, is a _sine qua non_: so much so that if a boy does not possess it he must pretend that he does. But if he exhibits moral courage the great majority of his fellows will fail to recognise it, and will certainly not appreciate it. They do not know its meaning. Their fathers have extolled it to them, and they have heard it warmly commended in sermons in chapel; but they seldom know it when they meet it. If an obscure and unathletic prefect reports a muscular and prominent member of the House to the Housemaster for some gross and demoralising offence, they will not regard the prefect as a hero. Probably they will consider him a prig, and certainly a sneak. The fact that he has sacrificed all that makes schoolboy life worth living in the exercise of his simple duty will not occur to the rank and file at all. Admiration for that sort of thing they regard as an idiosyncrasy of pastors and masters. It is not until he becomes a prefect himself that the average boy discovers the meaning of the word character, and whether he possesses any of his own. If he does, he begins straight-way to make up for lost time. He sets yet another god upon his Olympus and keeps him at the very summit thereof from that day forth for the rest of his life. As already noted, the Englishman is suspicious of brains, despises intellectuality, and thoroughly mistrusts any superficial appearance of cleverness; but he worships character, character, character all the time. And that is the main--the only--difference between the English man and the English boy. The man appreciates moral courage, because it is a sign of character. It is the only respect in which the English Peter Pan grows up. Finally, we note a new factor in the composition of the Public School Type--the military factor. Ten years ago school Cadet Corps were few in number, lacking in efficiency, and thoroughly lax in discipline. Routine consisted of some very inert company drills and some very intermittent class-firing, varied by an occasional and very disorderly field-day. Real keenness was confined to those boys who had a chance of going to Bisley as members of the shooting eight. The officers were middle-aged and short-winded. It was not quite "the thing" to belong to the Corps--presumably because _anybody_ could belong to it--and in any case it was not decorous to be enthusiastic about it. But the Officers' Training Corps has changed all that. At last the hand of peace-loving and somnolent Headmasters has been forced by the action of a higher power. Now the smallest public school has its Corps, subsidised by the State and supervised by the War Office. Three years ago, in Windsor Great Park, King George reviewed a perfectly equipped and splendidly organised body of seventeen thousand schoolboys and undergraduates; and these were a mere fraction of the whole. The O.T.C. is undeniably efficient. Its officers hold His Majesty's commission, and have to qualify for their posts by a course of attachment to a regular body. Frequently the C.O. is an old soldier. Discipline and obedience of a kind hitherto unknown in schools have come into existence. That is to say, A has learned to obey an order from B with promptitude and despatch, not because A is in the Fifteen while B is not, but because A is a sergeant and B is a private; or to put the matter more simply still, because it is an Order. Conversely, A gives his orders clearly and confidently because he knows that he has the whole weight of military law behind him, and need not pause to worry about athletic status or caste distinctions. It may be objected that we are merely substituting a military caste for an athletic caste; but no one who knows anything about boys will support such a view. The new caste will help to modify the despotism of the old: that is all. And undoubtedly the system breeds _initiative_, which is not the strong point of the average schoolboy. In the Army everyone looks automatically for instruction to the soldier of highest rank present, whether he be a brigadier in charge of a field-day or the oldest soldier of three privates engaged in guarding a gap in a hedge. It is these low-grade delegations of authority which force initiative and responsibility upon boys who otherwise would shrink from putting themselves forward, not through lack of ability or character, but through fear of Presumption. And here we encounter another thoroughly British characteristic. A Briton has a great capacity for minding his own business. He dislikes undertaking a responsibility which is not his by right. But persuade him that a task is indubitably and _officially_ his, and he will devote his life to it, however unthankful or exacting it may be. In the same way many a schoolboy never takes his rightful place in his House or School simply because he does not happen to possess any of the restricted and accidental qualifications which school law demands of its leaders. Now, aided by the initiative and independence which elementary military training bestows, he is encouraged to come forward and take a share in the life of the school from which his own respect for schoolboy standards of merit has previously debarred him. All he wants is a little confidence in himself and a little training in responsibility. The Officers' Training Corps is doing the same work among public schoolboys to-day that the Boy Scout movement is doing so magnificently for his brethren in other walks of life. II But we need not dip into the future: we are concerned only with the past and its effect upon the present. What manner of man is he that the English public school system has contributed to the service of the State and the Empire? (With the English public schools we ought fairly to include Scottish public schools conducted on English lines.) How far are the characteristics of the boy discernible in the Man? The answer is:--Through and through. In the first place, the Man is usually a Conservative. So are all schoolboys. (Who shall forget the turmoil which arose when a new and iconoclastic Housemaster decreed that the comfortable double collar which had hitherto been the exclusive property of the aristocracy might--nay, must--be worn by all the House irrespective of rank?) Secondly, he is very averse to putting himself forward until he has achieved a certain _locus standi_. A newly-elected Member of Parliament, if he happens to be an old public-school boy, rarely if ever addresses the House during his first session. He leaves that to Radical thrusters and Scotsmen on the make. He does this because he remembers the day upon which he was rash enough to rise to his feet and offer a few halting observations on the occasion of his first attendance at a meeting of the Middle School Debating Society. ("Who are you," inquired his friends afterwards, "to get up and jaw? Have you got your House colours?") Thirdly, he declines upon all occasions, be he scholar, or soldier, or lawyer, to discuss matters of interest relating to his profession; for this is "shop." He remembers the historic "ragging" of two harmless but eccentric members of the Fifth at school, who, dwelling in different Houses, were discovered to be in the habit of posting one of Cicero's letters to one another every evening for purposes of clandestine and unnatural perusal at breakfast next morning. If he rises to a position of eminence in life or performs great deeds for the State, he laughs his achievements to scorn, and attributes them to "a rotten fluke," remembering that that was what one of the greatest heroes of his youth, one Slogsby, used to do when he had made a hundred in a school match. If he is created a Judge or a Magistrate or a District Commissioner he is especially severe upon sneaks and bullies, for he knows what sneaking and bullying can be. For the open law-breaker he has a much kindlier feeling, for he was once one himself. He is intensely loyal to any institution with which he happens to be connected, such as the British Empire or the M.C.C., because loyalty to School and House is one of the fundamental virtues of the public school boy. Lastly, compulsory games at school have bred in him an almost passionate desire to keep himself physically fit at all times in after life. He has grave faults. Loving tradition, he dislikes change, and often stands mulishly in the way of necessary progress. Mistrusting precocity, he often snubs genuine and valuable enthusiasm. His anxiety to mind only his own business sometimes leads him into deciding that some urgent matter does not concern him when in point of fact it does. As a schoolboy he was the avowed enemy of all "cads," and his views on what constituted a cad were rather too comprehensive. Riper years do not always correct this fault, and he is considered--too often, rightly--cliquey and stuck-up. Disliking a bounder, he sometimes fails to penetrate the disguise of a man of real ability. Similarly his loyalty to his friends sometimes leads him to believe that there can be no real ability or integrity of character outside his own circle; with the result that in filling up offices he is sometimes guilty of nepotism. The fact that the offence is world-old and world-wide does not excuse it in a public school man. Finally, all public school boys are intensely reserved about their private ambitions and private feelings. So is the public school man. Consequently soulful and communicative persons who do not understand him regard him as stodgy and unsociable. But he serves his purpose. Like most things British, he is essentially a compromise. He is a type, not an individual; and when the daily, hourly business of a nation is to govern hundreds of other nations, perhaps it is as well to do so through the medium of men who, by merging their own individuality in a common stock, have evolved a standard of Character and Manners which, while never meteoric, seldom brilliant, too often hopelessly dull, is always conscientious, generally efficient, and never, never tyrannical or corrupt. If this be mediocrity, who would soar? * * * * * **Transcribers Notes** Minor punctuation errors corrected Page 51 Buluwayo spelling left Page 143 indiarubber spelling left Page 199 disheartening printer typo corrected Page 202 coinsiding spelling left Illustrations in the HTML version have been moved to not break paragraphs - the illustration index from the original, therefore, does not exactly match the HTML location of the illustrations. 
37739	----	Transcriber's Note: For this text version passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. Small caps have been replaced by ALL CAPS. EGERTON RYERSON AND Education in Upper Canada BY J. HAROLD PUTMAN, B.A., D.Paed., Inspector of Public Schools, Ottawa, Ont. (Formerly in charge of the Departments in Psychology and English, Ottawa Normal School) TORONTO WILLIAM BRIGGS 1912 Copyright, Canada, 1912, by WILLIAM BRIGGS PREFACE The object of this volume is to give a succinct idea of the nature and history of our Ontario School Legislation. This legislation is so bound up with the name of Egerton Ryerson that to give its history is to relate the work of his life. It would be useless to attempt to show how our school legislation developed under Responsible Government without some understanding of its history previous to the time of Ryerson. I have, therefore, devoted three chapters to a brief account of education in Upper Canada previous to 1844. No attempt has been made to give the history of our schools since Ryerson's retirement, partly because no radical changes have been made, and partly because it would involve criticism of statesmen and teachers who are still actively engaged in work. Nor has any attempt been made to trace the history of University education after 1845. To do so would require a complete volume. But, as University education prior to 1844 was so closely connected with Common and Grammar Schools, it seemed necessary, up to a certain point, to trace the course of all three together. The introductory chapter on the biography of Ryerson is only indirectly connected with the other chapters, and may be omitted by the reader who has no interest in the man himself. It is hoped that this volume may encourage teachers in service and teachers in training to acquire a fuller knowledge of their own educational institutions. THE AUTHOR. OTTAWA, July 1st, 1912. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. Biographical 7 II. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844 33 III. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844-- (_Continued_) 58 IV. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844-- (_Continued_) 83 V. Ryerson's First Report on a System of Elementary Instruction 110 VI. Ryerson's School Bill of 1846 123 VII. The Ryerson Bill of 1850 144 VIII. Ryerson and Separate Schools 173 IX. Ryerson and Grammar Schools 204 X. Ryerson and the Training of Teachers 232 XI. Ryerson School Bill of 1871 257 XII. Conclusion 264 Bibliography 269 Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada CHAPTER I. _BIOGRAPHICAL._ Egerton Ryerson was born in 1803, in the township of Charlotteville, now a part of the county of Norfolk. His father was a United Empire Loyalist who had held some command in a volunteer regiment of New Jersey. After the Revolution the elder Ryerson settled first in New Brunswick, coming later to Upper Canada, where he took up land and became a pioneer farmer. The young Ryersons, of whom there were several, took their full share in the laborious farm work, and Egerton seems to have prided himself upon his physical strength and his skill in all farm operations. He received such an education as was afforded by the indifferent Grammar School of the London District, supplemented by the reading of whatever books he could secure. At an early age he was strongly drawn toward that militant Christianity preached by the early Methodist Circuit Riders, and at the age of eighteen joined the Methodist Society. This step created an estrangement between Ryerson and his father, who already had two sons in the Methodist ministry. Ryerson left home and became usher in the London District Grammar School, where he remained two years, when his father sent for him to come home. After some further farming experience, the young man went to Hamilton to attend the Gore District Grammar School. He was already thinking of becoming a Methodist preacher, and wished to prepare himself by a further course of study. During his stay in Hamilton under the instruction of John Law, he worked so eagerly at Latin and Greek that he fell ill of a fever which nearly ended his career. When barely twenty-two years of age he decided to travel as a Methodist missionary. In a letter written about this time to his brother, the Rev. George Ryerson, we get a glimpse of the young preacher's ideas upon the preparation of sermons. "On my leisure days I read from ten to twenty verses of Greek a day besides reading history, the Scriptures, and the best works on practical divinity, among which Chalmers has decidedly the preference in my mind both for piety and depth of thought. These two last studies employ the greatest part of my time. My preaching is altogether original. I endeavour to collect as many ideas from every source as I can; but I do not copy the expression of anyone, for I do detest seeing blooming flowers in dead men's hands. I think it my duty and I try to get a general knowledge and view of any subject that I discuss beforehand; but not unfrequently I have tried to preach with only a few minutes' previous reflection."[1] [1] See "Story of My Life," by Ryerson, edited by Hodgins, page 42. After being received into the Methodist connection as a probationer, Ryerson was assigned a charge on Yonge St., which embraced the town of York and several adjacent townships. It took four weeks on horseback and on foot over almost impassable roads to complete the circuit. During this time the probationer was expected to conduct from twenty-five to thirty-five services. The accommodation furnished by the pioneers was of the rudest kind, but the people gave the travelling preacher a hearty welcome. Young Ryerson was acquainting himself with conditions in Upper Canada at first hand by living among the people. At a later time, when the opportunity came, he made use of his intimate knowledge to secure for these people the advantages of better schools. During this first year of his missionary ministry, Ryerson was drawn into the Clergy Reserves controversy. The Methodist Society in Upper Canada was an offshoot of that body in the United States. This connection had come about in a very natural way. Upper Canada was largely settled by United Empire Loyalists. The Methodist circuit-riders naturally followed their people into the wilds of Upper Canada. In many districts no religious services of any kind were held except those of the Methodists. In May, 1826, a pamphlet was published, being a sermon preached by Archdeacon Strachan, of York, on the occasion of the death of the Bishop of Quebec. This pamphlet contained an historical sketch of the rise and progress of the Anglican Church in Canada. The claim was made that the Anglican Church was by law the Established Church of Upper Canada. The Methodists were singled out and held up to ridicule. They were represented as American and disloyal. Their preachers were declared to be ignorant and spreaders of sedition, and the Imperial Parliament was petitioned to grant £300,000 a year to the Anglican Church in Canada to enable it to maintain the loyalty of Upper Canada to Britain. To Ryerson, the son of a Loyalist, this was more than could be borne, and he immediately crossed swords with the Anglican prelate by writing a defence of Methodism and calling into question the exclusive demands made by Strachan on behalf of the Anglicans. The contest waxed warm and then hot. The whole country was convulsed. Within four years the Legislature of Upper Canada passed Acts allowing the various religious denominations to hold lands for churches, parsonages, and burying-grounds, and also allowing their ministers to solemnize marriages. Besides these concessions, the Legislative Assembly was forced by public opinion to petition the Imperial Parliament against the claims of the Anglican Church to be an Established Church in Canada and to a monopoly of the Clergy Reserves. During his second year in the ministry, Ryerson spent part of his time on a mission to the Chippewa Indians on the Credit River. While there, he showed himself to be very practical. He encouraged the Indians to build better houses and to clear and cultivate the land.[2] "After having collected the means necessary to build the house of worship and schoolhouse, I showed the Indians how to enclose and make gates for their gardens. Between daylight and sunrise I called out four of the Indians in succession and showed them how, and worked with them, to clear and fence in, and plow and plant their first wheat and corn fields. In the afternoon I called out the schoolboys to go with me and cut and pile and burn the underbrush in and around the village. The little fellows worked with great glee as long as I worked with them, but soon began to play when I left them." [2] See "Story of My Life," by Egerton Ryerson, edited by Hodgins, page 60. A letter written by Rev. William Ryerson to his brother, the Rev. George Ryerson, on March 8th, 1827, after a visit to the Indian Mission, shows Egerton Ryerson's practical nature and incidentally gives us his method of instruction. "I visited Egerton at the Credit last week.... They have about forty pupils on the list, but there were only thirty present. The rest were absent making sugar.... Their progress in spelling, reading, and writing, is astonishing, but especially in writing, which certainly exceeds anything I ever saw. When I was there they were fencing the lots in the village in a very neat, substantial manner. On my arrival at the Mission I found Egerton, about half a mile from the village, stripped to the shirt and pantaloons, clearing land with between twelve and twenty of the little Indian boys, who were all engaged in chopping and picking up the brush."[3] [3] See "Story of My Life," page 69. At the Methodist Conference of 1827, Ryerson was sent to the Cobourg Circuit. During his term there he was again drawn into a controversy with Dr. Strachan, who sent to the Imperial Parliament an Ecclesiastical Chart, purporting to give an account of religion in Upper Canada. Ryerson claimed that this chart contained many false statements and that it was peculiarly unfair to the Methodists. The real point at issue was whether the Anglican Church was to become the Established Church of Upper Canada. In 1828, Ryerson was appointed to the Hamilton and Ancaster Circuit, which reached from within five miles of Brantford to Stoney Creek. On September 10th, 1828, he married Hannah Aikman, of Hamilton.[4] [4] Died in 1832. In 1833, Ryerson married Mary Armstrong, of Toronto. The Methodist Conference of 1829 determined to establish an official newspaper to be known as _The Christian Guardian_. Ryerson was elected as the first editor and was sent to New York to procure the plant. The paper started with a circulation of 500, which in three years was increased to some 3,000. Besides defending Methodist principles and institutions, the paper made a strong stand for civil liberty, temperance, education, and missionary work. It soon came to be looked upon as one of the leading journals of Upper Canada. Ryerson gave up the position of editor in 1832, and the following year made a trip to England to negotiate a union between the Canadian Methodist Conference and the Wesleyan Conference of England. The union was consummated. Ryerson returned to Canada and was re-elected editor of the _Guardian_. While in England, he had interviews with Earl Ripon, Lord Stanley and other public men, to whom he gave valuable information concerning Canadian affairs, especially those connected with the vexed question of the status of the Anglican Church. On his return to Canada, in 1833, Ryerson published in the _Guardian_ "Impressions Made by My Late Visit to England." In this article he gave his estimate of Tories, Whigs, and Radicals. He saw much to admire in the moderate Tories, little to praise in the Whigs, and much to condemn in the Radicals. His strictures on the latter called down upon him the wrath and invective of William Lyon Mackenzie. To some extent Ryerson's articles led the constitutional reformers in Upper Canada to separate themselves from those reformers who were prepared to establish a republican form of government in order to secure equal political and civil rights. To many of his old friends it seemed that Ryerson had given up championing liberty and had become a Tory. Many were ready to accuse him of self-seeking in his desire to conciliate the party of privilege. One reverend brother,[5] writing to him, says: "I can only account for your strange and un-Ryersonian conduct and advice on one principle--that there is something ahead which you, through your superior political spy-glass, have discovered and thus shape your course, while we landlubbers, short-sighted as we are, have not even heard of it." Hundreds of subscribers gave up the _Guardian_ as a protest against the views of its editor, but as the crisis approached which culminated in the Rebellion of '37 and '38, the tide of public opinion turned in Ryerson's favour. [5] Rev. Jas. Evans, of Niagara District. See part of letter in "Story of My Life," page 131. In 1835, Ryerson gave up the _Guardian_ and took a church at Kingston. Scarcely was he settled when he undertook a second visit to England. The Methodists had, in 1832, laid the corner-stone of the Upper Canada Academy at Cobourg. They had no charter, although an unsuccessful attempt had been made to have the Trustee Board incorporated by the Legislature of Upper Canada. Extensive buildings were under way and the trustees were in financial difficulties. Ryerson was sent to England to beg subscriptions and also to attempt to secure a Royal Charter. The work was distasteful to him, but he persevered, and after more than a year and six months spent in England he accomplished three ends. He secured enough money in subscriptions to relieve the most pressing immediate needs of the Trustee Board. He secured an order from the Colonial Secretary directed to the Governor of Upper Canada, authorizing him to pay to the Upper Canada Academy, from the unappropriated revenues of the Crown, the sum of £4,000.[6] Last, and most important, he secured a Royal Charter, although up to that time no such charter had ever been issued to any religious body except the Established Church. To Ryerson, the visit to England was of prime importance. It gave him a broadened view of British institutions and English public men. It gave him a political experience that was of great value to him in later years. It gave him an opportunity to appeal to his fellow men upon the subject of education and educational institutions. [6] Later, in 1837, Ryerson secured this money only after a petition to the Legislature. While in England, Ryerson contributed a series of letters to the London _Times_ on Canadian affairs. There was a prevalent feeling in England that a very large part of the Upper Canadian people was determined upon a republican form of government. Ryerson's letters did something to remove this impression. After the Rebellion of 1837 was crushed, the constitutional reform party was apparently without any influence. It seemed that the Family Compact oligarchy would have everything in their own hands. Prospects for equality of civil and religious liberty were not bright, and it is significant of the Methodists' appreciation of Ryerson's ability that they immediately planned to make him again editor of the _Guardian_. His brother John, writing to him in March, 1838, said: "It is a great blessing that Mackenzie and radicalism are down, but we are in imminent danger of being brought under the domination of a military and high-church oligarchy which would be equally bad, if not infinitely worse. Under the blessing of Providence, there is one remedy and only one: that is for you to take the editorship of the _Guardian_ again."[7] [7] See copy of letter in "Story of My Life," page 200. Ryerson did take the position, and in his first editorial in the _Guardian_ of the 11th July, 1838, says: "Notwithstanding the almost incredible calumny which has in past years been heaped upon me by antipodes-party-presses, I still adhere to the principles and views upon which I set out in 1826. I believe the endowment of the priesthood of any Church in the Province to be an evil to that church.... I believe that the appropriation of the proceeds of the Clergy Reserves to general educational purposes will be the most satisfactory and advantageous disposal of them that can be made. In nothing is this Province so defective as in the requisite available provisions for an efficient system of general education. Let the distinctive character of that system be the union of public and private effort.... To Government influence will be spontaneously added the various and combined religious influences of the country in the noble, statesmanlike and divine work of raising up an elevated, intelligent, and moral population." Dr. Ryerson clearly saw that religion, politics, and education could not at this period be separated, and for the next two years he did his utmost, through the _Guardian_, to prevent the Anglican Church from securing undivided possession of the Clergy Reserves. The difficulties of his task were increased by the fact that there were in Canada several British Wesleyan missionaries who were not unwilling to see an Anglican Establishment. They were cleverly used by some of the Anglicans and their friends to cause ferment and sow discord among the Methodists in Canada. From 1838 until 1840, when he finally gave up the editorship of the _Guardian_, Ryerson fought strongly for equal religious privileges for all the people of Upper Canada. Nor were Ryerson's efforts in this direction confined to the columns of the _Guardian_. He addressed several communications to the new Colonial Secretary, Lord Normanby. Lord Durham and his successor, Lord Sydenham, received the cordial support of Ryerson in their efforts to give a constitutional government to Canada. Largely through Ryerson's suggestion there was issued at Toronto, in 1841, the _Monthly Review_, which was to be a medium for disseminating the liberal views of Sydenham. Ryerson wrote the prospectus and contributed some articles. Probably as a recognition for this work, Sydenham sent him a draft for £100, which he promptly returned. In May, 1840, Ryerson paid a fraternal visit to the American General Conference at Baltimore. At this time he fully purposed to take a church in New York City for one or two years. He even thought it quite possible that he might make the United States his permanent home. On his return to Canada from the Baltimore visit he was elected Secretary of the Conference. Charges were made against him by a British Wesleyan which determined him to visit England. This visit led to a rupture between the Canadian and British Methodist Conferences. When Ryerson and his brother returned to Canada, a special meeting of the Canada Conference was convened to consider the break with British Methodism. The result was a rupture in the Canadian Wesleyan Conference itself. Many blamed the Ryersons for the quarrel with the English Conference, and Egerton again thought seriously of going to the United States or of withdrawing from ministerial work. The truth seems to be that Ryerson was more than a preacher. He lived in stirring times, when the nascent elements of constitutional government were in process of crystallization. He unconsciously felt that he must have a part in directing the destinies of his native country. He saw clearly that the Canadian Methodist Church must ultimately be independent and that its ministers ought not to adopt a policy dictated to them by the English Conference, many members of which were wholly ignorant of Canadian conditions. During the next two years, 1841 and 1842, Ryerson was in charge of the Adelaide Street Church, Toronto. He seems to have given himself up wholly to his pastoral work and to have taken little active part in passing events. On the 27th of August, 1841, Lord Sydenham signed a bill which made Upper Canada Academy a college, with university powers. The name was changed to Victoria College. In October of the same year, Ryerson was appointed the first principal of the new college. He did not give up his church work until June, 1842. On the 21st of that month he was formally installed in his new position. On the 3rd of August the Wesleyan University of Middletown, Conn., conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. Lord Sydenham died in 1841. It seems that shortly before his death he had some communication with Ryerson regarding the latter's appointment as Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada. Ryerson claimed that the Governor actually promised him the appointment but that there had never been any official written record. Sydenham was succeeded by Sir Charles Bagot, who in May, 1842, made the Rev. Mr. Murray Superintendent of Education. Sir Charles Bagot died in May, 1843, and was succeeded by Sir Charles Metcalfe. It was a critical period in the history of Canada. The people were supposed to be in possession of the enjoyment of responsible government. But as a matter of fact, very few had any definite ideas as to what was meant by responsible government. Lord Metcalfe refused to accept the advice of his Council regarding an appointment. Instead of resigning at once as a protest they attempted to secure from him a promise that he would in future accept their recommendations. He refused. Later the leading members of the Council resigned. Party feeling ran high, and the Governor had few friends. Ryerson had been upon familiar terms with Lord Durham, Lord Sydenham, and Sir Charles Bagot. He now had several communications and one or more interviews with Lord Metcalfe. He made direct and positive offers of his services to the Governor. He then wrote a series of nine letters in vindication of the Governor's course. These letters caused much excitement and won for Ryerson the lasting enmity of the advanced Reform party, who openly accused him of toadyism and of selling his support to Lord Metcalfe in return for the promise of office. Whatever may have been the effect of Ryerson's letters, Lord Metcalfe's party won a temporary victory and Ryerson himself was appointed Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada in October, 1844. To show how the political opponents of Lord Metcalfe viewed Ryerson's appointment, the circumstances connected with it and his fitness for the position of Superintendent, I quote from the Toronto _Globe_, the editor of which was an out-and-out opponent of Ryerson and an unsparing critic of his early educational legislation. In the _Globe_ of May 28th, 1844, there appeared a letter signed "Junius," protesting against Ryerson's appointment. The writer insinuates that Ryerson was won over by receiving some notice from Lord Metcalfe, and that the Governor hoped by winning over Ryerson to win a united support from the Methodists. He calls Ryerson a violent political partisan and taunts him with having only a superficial education. He says: "Nor is it flattering to the many learned men of the country that one represented to be of slender attainments in a few common branches of English education, and totally ignorant of mathematics and classics, should be entrusted with the education of the country, many of whose youthful scholars have attained higher knowledge than their chief." In a _Globe_ editorial of June 4th, 1844, in commenting upon Ryerson's first letter in defence of Lord Metcalfe, the writer says: "If the Rev. Mr. Ryerson's appearance in the political field is indecorous and uncalled for, the manner in which he has begun his work is in perfect keeping with that appearance. A more presumptuous and egotistical exhibition from a man of talents and education has never been brought under the public eye. The first column alone of his Address [preface to letters in defence of Lord Metcalfe] contains fifty repetitions of the little insignificant word _I_, to say nothing of _me_ and _my_.... We may be permitted to express our utter astonishment, however, to find a minister of the Gospel embarking with so much eagerness in the sea of politics." That Ryerson had a very good understanding with Lord Metcalfe as to the position of Superintendent of Education before writing the famous letters is apparent to anyone who reads the correspondence. That there was anything discreditable to either party in that understanding has never been shown. On the contrary, it seems quite certain that Ryerson honestly believed the Governor was right. It is certain he made out a strong case and likely won many supporters for the Metcalfe party. This was especially galling to the party who called themselves _Reformers_, because they had looked upon Ryerson as one of their champions. But Ryerson never had been, and never became, a mere party man. He fought for great principles, and if up to 1844 he had generally found himself with the Reformers, it was because they were championing what Ryerson believed to be the right. To taunt him with being half-educated was the mark of a small mind. Every man must be judged according to the way he makes use of his opportunities, and by such a standard no man in Canadian public life has ever measured higher than Egerton Ryerson. He may have known "little Latin and less Greek," he may have been wholly ignorant of the binomial theorem, and he may not have been able to write as smooth and graceful English as the classical scholars of Oxford, but he knew that thousands of boys and girls in the backwoods of Upper Canada were growing up in ignorance; he knew that the secondary schools of Upper Canada were scarcely more efficient than they had been thirty years before, and he knew that the country had ample resources to give reasonable educational advantages to all. More than this, he must have felt that, given reasonable freedom and support, he could in a short time change the whole system of education. Dr. Ryerson, in accepting appointment, stipulated that he should be allowed to make a tour of Europe before taking up the active duties of his office. He left Canada for Europe in November, 1844, and returned in December, 1845. He made an elaborate report[8] based on personal investigation into the schools of Great Britain and Ireland, France, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, and other European countries, besides New York and the New England States. Perhaps the systems of Ireland, Germany, and Massachusetts gave Ryerson more practical suggestions than those of any other countries. In Prussia he saw the advantages of trained teachers and a strong central bureau of administration; in Ireland he saw a simple solution of religious difficulties and a fine system of national textbooks; in Massachusetts he saw an efficient system managed by popularly elected boards of trustees. [8] See Chapter V. During his absence Ryerson was again attacked and held up to ridicule by the _Globe_. In an editorial of April 29th, 1845,[9] we find the following: "The vanity of the Deputy Superintendent of Education demands fresh incense at every turn. He has doffed the politician for the moment and now comes out a ruling pedagogue of Canada. What a pity that he was not a cardinal or at least a stage representative of one! At what a rate would he strut upon the boards as Wolsey and rant for the benefit of his hearers and for his own benefit more especially! He beats all the presumptuous meddling priests of the day.... Doubtless the Rev. Mr. Ryerson is preparing to astonish the world by his educational researches in Europe and the United States. It will be a subject of no small amusement to watch his pranks. We shall no doubt hear of his visiting all the most celebrated Continental schools and are astonished he did not call at Oxford and Cambridge. He could no doubt have given them some excellent hints!" [9] See bound volumes of _Globe_ in Legislative Library, Toronto. In a _Globe_ editorial of December 16th, 1845, when the Draper University Bill of that year was yet a topic of public discussion, we find this reference to Ryerson: "It is now more than twelve months since the Province was insulted by the appointment of Dr. Ryerson to the responsible situation of Superintendent of Public Instruction. To hide the gross iniquity of the transaction, Ryerson was sent out of the country on pretence of inquiring into the different systems of education. After being several months in England this public officer, paid by the people of Canada, has for the last eight months been on the Continent on a tour of pleasure.... Let the people of Canada rejoice and every Methodist willing to be sold throw up his cap. Ryerson is here ready to dispose of them to the highest bidder, the purchase money to be applied to his own benefit with a modicum for Victoria College." Ryerson's report of 1846 was favourably received, and the Government asked him to draft a school bill based on his report. This he did, and the Bill of 1846 became the basis of our Common School system. After Lord Metcalfe's departure from Canada and the election of a Reform administration, there was a clamour from strong party men that Ryerson should be removed. The Toronto _Globe_ led in the attacks against him. It is a tribute to his ability and to the system of education which he proposed, that these attacks all failed and that Dr. Ryerson came by degrees to command the confidence of both political parties. As soon as possible after his return from Europe in 1845, Ryerson moved from Cobourg to Toronto. When appointed in 1844, his rank was that of Deputy or Assistant Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada, the nominal head of the Department being the Provincial Secretary. The School Bill of 1846 made a change, and on June 17th of that year Ryerson received his commission as Superintendent of Education. One of his first acts was a proposal to found a journal of education, which should be a semi-official means of communication between the Superintendent on the one hand and District Superintendents, Trustees, Municipal Councillors, and teachers on the other. The "Journal" was established in 1848 and regularly issued until Ryerson gave up office in 1876. In the autumn of 1847, Ryerson spent nearly three months visiting County School Conventions, where he explained the new School Act and delivered a lecture upon "The Importance of Education to an Agricultural People." In 1850, Ryerson began a struggle for free schools which lasted until 1871. About the same time he obtained permission from the Legislature to establish an Educational Depository in connection with the Education Department. He visited Europe and some American cities and made very advantageous arrangements for securing in large quantities books, maps, globes, and other school appliances. These were supplied to School Boards at 50 cents on the dollar. The Depository was continued in operation until 1881 and handled in all $1,000,000 worth of supplies. In 1853 Ryerson spent three months in attending County Conventions and addressed thirty meetings. During this tour he visited his native county of Norfolk, and at Simcoe was presented with an address by the School Board. On his return to Toronto he was presented with an address and a silver tea service by the officials of the Education Department and the teachers of the Normal School. In 1853, Ryerson took advantage of an annual grant made by the Legislature in 1850 to establish public libraries throughout the Province. Before the end of 1855 no less than 117,000 volumes were distributed. In 1854 Ryerson was one of the Commissioners to prepare a report on a system of education for New Brunswick. In June, 1855, being in poor health, he got leave of absence to travel in Europe and to purchase objects of art for an educational museum. He was appointed Honorary Commissioner to the Paris Exposition by the Government. During his tour he visited London, spent several weeks in Paris, and made brief visits to Antwerp, Brussels, Munich, Florence, and Rome. In 1857, a new system of audit was adopted by the Government. Previous to this time the total money voted for schools for Upper Canada had been paid over to Ryerson. He gave bondsmen as security for the money and deposited it in the Toronto banks. Interest allowed on unexpended balances was credited to his personal account. This system seems to have been universal among officers in charge of public money at that time. But in 1857 the new auditor called in question Ryerson's right to this interest. After much wrangling, Ryerson paid over to the Government £1,375, being the amount he had received for interest. He then put in a claim of about the same amount for his expenses to Europe in 1844, and for amounts paid a deputy during his absence. The Government paid his claim, thus showing that they believed him morally entitled to the interest which he had repaid. In 1860, Ryerson made a three months' educational tour, addressing County Conventions. In all, he attended thirty-five meetings, giving addresses on the subjects of "Vagrant Children," "Free Schools," and "Public Grammar Schools." He was given a public dinner by the teachers of Northumberland and Durham on the occasion of his official visit to Cobourg. In 1866 he made a similar tour, addressing forty meetings in seven weeks. His chief object was to create public opinion in favor of legislation on compulsory attendance, public libraries and township Boards of Trustees. Later in the same year he again got permission to visit Europe for the purpose of adding to the museum and collecting information on schools for the deaf, dumb, and blind. He visited New York, London, Paris, Rome, Venice, and Geneva, returning in 1867. On his return he presented to the Legislature an elaborate report on education in Great Britain and European countries. In December, 1868, Ryerson tendered his resignation, suggesting that a responsible Minister of Education should be appointed and proposing that he himself should be superannuated. The resignation was not accepted. In 1869 he held another series of County Conventions. In the same year he wrote a letter to the Provincial Secretary, Hon. M. C. Cameron, reflecting on the action of Treasurer E. B. Wood in regard to a proposed change in the financial management of the Education Department. Ryerson's letter was indiscreet and would have led to his dismissal had he not withdrawn it. In 1872 the long-smouldering dissatisfaction of the Reform party with Ryerson's administration came to a head. The Honourable Edward Blake was Premier, and his Government disallowed some of Ryerson's regulations, questioned the authority of the Council of Public Instruction, and sought in many ways to curtail the Superintendent's power. Ryerson showed very little desire for conciliation and wished to refer the dispute to the Courts. He had so long and so successfully wielded an arbitrary power that he could not acquiesce in the system which made his Department subordinate to a responsible Cabinet. In 1873, Oliver Mowat became Attorney-General, and he, too, found Ryerson obdurate. Finally, as a result of this agitation, the Council of Public Instruction came to be composed partly of members elected by various bodies of teachers and partly by members appointed by the Cabinet. These latter were not recommended by the Superintendent, as had formerly been the custom. Friction over the Council continued during 1874 and 1875. In 1876, Ryerson was retired on his full salary of $4,000 a year. The following May he went to England to consult documents in the library of the British Museum bearing on his work, "The Loyalists of America." He enjoyed fairly good health until within a few months of his death, which occurred on February 19th, 1882. The Government recognized his valuable services by a grant of $10,000 to his widow. On the 24th of May, 1889, a statue to his memory was unveiled on the grounds of the Education Department, the scene of his labours for nearly forty years. CHAPTER II. _EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844._ Immediately after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1783, United Empire Loyalists began to make homes in Upper Canada. The Great Lakes and larger rivers were the natural highways. It happened, therefore, that the earliest settlements were along the St. Lawrence, the Niagara, and Lakes Erie and Ontario. For a few years these settlers were too busy to think very much about schools. Man's first wants are food, clothing, and shelter. But just as soon as rude homes were built and a patch of forest cleared upon which to grow grain and vegetables, these Upper Canadian Loyalists began to think of schools. It was natural that they should do so. They were descendants of an intelligent stock, people who had good schools in New England and of a people whose forefathers had enjoyed liberal educational advantages in the old world. Governor Simcoe reached Upper Canada in 1792, and almost immediately took steps to establish schools. He was an aristocrat who firmly believed in such a constitution of society as then existed in the old world. He naturally wished to see a reproduction of that society in the new world. Hence we are not surprised to find that his educational schemes were intended for the classes rather than for the masses. In a letter[10] written by Simcoe, April 28th, 1792, to the British Secretary of State, he urges grants of £100 each for schools at Niagara and Kingston. He also proposed a university with English Church professors. [10] See D. H. E. ("Documentary History of Education," by Dr. Hodgins), Vol. I., p. 11. In 1797, the House of Assembly and Legislative Council adopted an address to the King praying him to set apart waste lands of the Crown for the establishment of a respectable grammar school in each District, and also for a college or university. In answer to this petition, the Duke of Portland wrote saying that His Majesty proposed to comply with the request and wished further advice as to the best means of carrying it out. The Executive Council, the Judges and law officers of the Crown met in consultation in 1798 and recommended that 500,000 acres of waste Crown lands be set apart to build a provincial university, and a free grammar school in each of the four Districts. Grammar schools were to be built at once at Kingston and at Niagara, and, as soon as circumstances would permit, at Cornwall and at Sandwich. The university was to be at York. It was estimated that each grammar school would cost £3,000 to build and £180 a year to maintain. The schools were to accommodate one hundred boys each, and have a residence for the master, with some rooms for boarders.[11] No steps were taken to carry out these plans until after 1807. [11] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 21. Several private schools were opened prior to 1800. The chief of these were at Newark, York, Ancaster, Cornwall, Kingston, Adolphustown, St. Catharines, and Belleville. Some were evening schools. All were supported by fees. Many were taught by clergymen. The principal subjects were reading, writing, and arithmetic. On December 17th, 1802, Dr. Baldwin, of York, the father of Hon. Robt. Baldwin, issued the following notice;--[12] "Understanding that some of the Gentlemen of this Town have expressed much anxiety for the establishment of a Classical School, Dr. Baldwin begs leave to inform them and the Public that he intends, on Monday, the third day of January next, to open a school, in which he will instruct twelve boys in Reading, Writing, the Classics, and Arithmetic. "The terms are for each boy, Eight Guineas per annum, to be paid quarterly. One guinea entrance and one cord of wood to be supplied by each boy." [12] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 33. John Strachan, afterwards Bishop Strachan, opened a private school at Kingston in 1799. Later he opened one at Cornwall, and still later one at York. Attempts to open a public school in each District were defeated in the Legislature in 1804 and 1805. In 1806 the sum of £400[13] was appropriated to purchase scientific apparatus. [13] This £400 worth of apparatus was promptly handed over to Mr. Strachan by the Lieutenant-Governor. Mr. Strachan at this time had a private school at Cornwall. It seems quite evident that the apparatus was purchased purposely for his school and at his suggestion. See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 155. In 1807, the Legislature took steps to carry out the plan proposed in 1797. There were by this time eight Districts in Upper Canada--Eastern, Johnstown, Midland, Newcastle, Home, Niagara, London, and Western. The sum of £800 was fixed as an annual appropriation to support "a Public School in each and every District in the Province." This meant £100 for each school or teacher. The Legislature also fixed the places where the schools were to be held. The Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council was to appoint not less than five trustees[14] for each District school. These trustees were given almost absolute control over the management of the schools. [14] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 61. It must not be supposed that these schools were public schools in the sense we now attach to that term. Their founders had in mind the great English public school, whose curriculum was largely classical and whose benefits were confined to the wealthy. These schools were not in any sense popular schools. It would seem that Governor Simcoe's proposal in 1798 was to have "Free Grammar Schools."[15] But those established by the Act of 1807 levied considerable sums in fees. They were designed to educate the sons of gentlemen. They were to prepare for professional life. They were essentially for the benefit of the ruling classes. They were largely controlled by Anglicans,[16] and in many cases the teachers were Anglican clergymen. [15] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 20. [16] In 1830, when the United Presbytery of Upper Canada petitioned the Legislature against appointing so many Anglicans as trustees of grammar schools, the only reply was that Anglicans had not always been appointed. If these schools were not public schools as we now use the term "public school," neither were they high schools as we now use that term. The curricula had no uniformity. Each school was a law unto itself and depended almost wholly upon the teacher. If he were scholarly and earnest the school would accomplish much. Often very young boys who could scarcely read were admitted. In some schools a fine training in classics was given; in others even the elements of a common education were neglected. But although these schools were not for the mass of the people, their establishment was none the less an event of far-reaching importance. It was a decided advantage to the mass of the people that their rulers should have some educational advantages. No one can read the lists of names of men educated in these schools and afterwards prominent in Canadian public life without recognizing that their establishment was a blessing to the whole of Canada. They were caste schools, but they kept alive the torch of learning and civilization. Being founded out of public funds, there was created an interest in their welfare among the members of the Legislative Assembly. As years went on and the members of the Assembly came to really represent the people of Upper Canada, they were led to extend to all of the people such educational advantages as had been granted to a section of the people in 1807. Several efforts were made to repeal the Act of 1807 and substitute for it one of a more popular nature. These efforts were baffled either by the Legislative Council or through the influence of that body in the Assembly itself. A petition[17] presented by sixty-five residents of the Midland District to the Legislature of 1812 will give a fair idea of the state of feeling throughout Upper Canada in regard to education: "Your petitioners ... feel themselves in duty bound to state that 'An Act to establish Public Schools in each and every District of this Province' is found by experience not to answer the end for which it was designed. Its object, it is presumed, was to promote the education of our youth in general, but a little acquaintance with the facts must convince every unbiased mind that it has contributed little or nothing to the promotion of so laudable a design. By reason of the place of instruction being established at one end of the District, and the sum demanded for tuition, in addition to the annual compensation received from the public, most of the people are unable to avail themselves of the advantages contemplated by the institution. A few wealthy inhabitants, and those of the Town of Kingston, reap exclusively the benefit of it in this District. The institution, instead of aiding the middling and poorer class of His Majesty's subjects, casts money into the lap of the rich, who are sufficiently able, without public assistance, to support a school in every respect equal to the one established by law.... Wherefore, your petitioners pray, that so much of the Act first mentioned may be repealed, and such provisions made in the premises as may be conducive to public utility." [17] See Journals of Legislature of Upper Canada for 1812. A repeal bill of the Act of 1807 was passed by the Legislative Assembly of 1812, but thrown out by the Legislative Council. The Act of 1807 limited the schools to one for each District. This was unsatisfactory even to that class for whom the schools were especially designed. As the country made progress and became more thickly populated, eight schools were a wholly inadequate provision for the education of those requiring it. But the Legislative Assembly steadily resisted any attempt to enlarge the scope of these class schools. Perhaps it was owing to their resistance that in 1816 they secured the consent of the Legislative Council to a really forward movement in elementary education. But it would be a serious mistake to infer that the educational machinery of Upper Canada previous to 1816 was limited to these eight District Grammar Schools. What the Government failed to provide, private enterprise secured. More than two hundred schools were certainly in operation in 1816. These schools were maintained partly by subscriptions from well-to-do people and partly by fees collected from the pupils. In many cases they were private ventures, conducted by teachers who depended wholly upon fees. In some cases these schools were of a high order, perhaps superior to the District Grammar Schools; in other cases, probably in the large majority of cases, they were very inefficient. The average fees paid by pupils in the elementary schools were about twelve shillings per quarter. William Crooks, of Grimsby, writing to Gourlay, in January, 1818, says:[18] "The state of education is also at a very low ebb, not only in this township but generally throughout the District; although the liberality of the Legislature has been great in support of the District Grammar Schools (giving to the teachers of each £100 per annum) yet they have been productive of little or no good hitherto, for this obvious cause, they are looked upon as seminaries exclusively instituted for the education of the children of the more wealthy classes of society, and to which the poor man's child is considered as unfit to be admitted. From such causes, instead of their being a benefit to the Province, they are sunk into obscurity, and the heads of most of them are at this moment enjoying their situations as comfortable sinecures. Another class of schools has within a short time been likewise founded upon the liberality of the Legislative purse denominated as Common or Parish Schools, but like the preceding, the anxiety of the teacher employed seems more alive to his stipend than the advancement of the education of those placed under his care; from the pecuniary advantages thus held out we have been inundated with the worthless scum, under the character of schoolmasters, not only of this but of every other country where the knowledge has been promulgated of the easy means our laws afford of getting a living here, by obtaining a parish school." [18] See Gourlay's "Statistical Account of Upper Canada." Pages 433-434 of Vol. I. Published by Simpkin & Marshall, London, Eng., 1822. The Common or Parish Schools referred to in this letter were the result of the legislation of 1816, a red-letter year in school affairs because it saw the first attempts in Upper Canada to give schools under public control to the common people. The sum of $24,000 a year was appropriated for four years to establish Common Schools. The law provided that the people of any village, town or township might meet together and arrange to establish one or more schools, at each of which the attendance must be not less than twenty. Three suitable trustees were to be chosen to conduct the school, appoint teachers, and select textbooks from a list prescribed by a District Board of Education. The Legislature authorized payments to each of these schools of a sum not exceeding £100. The balance needed to maintain the school had to be made up by subscriptions. In 1819 the Grammar School Act of 1807 received some slight amendments. The grant of £100 per school was reduced to £50 for new schools, except where the number of pupils exceeded ten. A new school was authorized for the new Gore District, at Hamilton. Trustee Boards were required to present annual reports to the Lieutenant-Governor and to conduct an annual public examination. But the most important change was provision for the free education of ten poor children at each District Public School. These children were chosen by lot from names submitted by Trustee Boards of Common Schools. In 1822 the Governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, on his own responsibility, had established in Toronto a school known as the Upper Canada Central School, formed on the plan of the British National Schools, which had been established in Britain by Rev. Dr. Bell. These schools were decidedly Anglican in tone, and that established in Toronto was at the instigation of Rev. Dr. Strachan.[19] In a despatch to Earl Bathurst, Colonial Secretary in 1822, Governor Maitland said:[20] "It is proposed to establish one introductory school on the national plan in each town of a certain size. It is supposed that a salary of £100 per annum to the master of each such school would be sufficient. The number of these schools may be increased as the circumstances of the Province may require and the means allow." [19] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 176. [20] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 179. In answer, the Earl of Bathurst, under date of October 12th, 1823, says:[21] "I am happy to have it in my power to convey to you His Majesty's consent that you appropriate a portion of the Reserves set apart for the establishment of a University for the support of schools on the National [Church of England] plan of education." This action established one school, and had in contemplation the establishment of others under the direct control of the Governor and his Council. The Legislative Assembly naturally resented the action, and for two reasons. They objected to the disposal of any Crown property other than upon their authority. They objected to anything being done that would lessen the resources of the proposed University. [21] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 179. A side-light upon education in Upper Canada is furnished by Mr. E. A. Talbot, who published a series of letters upon Upper Canada in London, 1824. I quote from Letter XXX: "The great mass of the [Canadian] people are at present completely ignorant even of the rudiments of the most common learning. Very few can either read or write; and parents who are ignorant themselves, possess so slight a relish for literature and are so little acquainted with its advantages, that they feel scarcely any anxiety to have the minds of their children cultivated.... They will not believe that 'knowledge is power,' and being convinced that it is not in the nature of 'book-learned skill' to improve the earnestness of their sons in hewing wood or the readiness of their daughters in spinning flax, they consider it a misapplication of money to spend any sum in obtaining instruction for their offspring. Nothing can afford a stronger proof of their indifference in this respect than the circumstance of their electing men to represent them in the Provincial Parliament, whose attainments in learning are in many instances exceedingly small, and sometimes do not pass beyond the horn-book. I have myself been present in the Honourable the House of Assembly when some of the members, on being called to be Chairmen of Committees, were under the disagreeable and humiliating necessity of requesting other members to read the bills before the Committee, and then, as the different clauses were rejected or adopted, to request these, their proxies, to signify the same in the common mode of writing." In 1823 there was established a General Board of Education, consisting of: The Hon. and Rev. John Strachan, D.D., Chairman; Hon. Jos. Wells, M.L.C.; Hon. G. H. Markland, M.L.C.; Rev. Robert Addison; John Beverley Robinson, Esq., Attorney-General; Thomas Ridout, Esq., Surveyor-General. The same session of the Legislature set apart £150 as an annual grant for purchasing books and tracts designed to afford moral and religious instruction. By the creation of a General Board of Education, Rev. Dr. Strachan became very prominently identified with education in Upper Canada. No man was better qualified through zeal, practical knowledge, and a genuine interest in higher education. He had been made an honorary member of the Executive Council in 1815, and an active member in 1817. In 1820 he was appointed a member of the Legislative Council. Being a prominent Churchman, an experienced and successful teacher, and residing at York, he was naturally consulted by successive Governors on educational matters. Strachan was an uncompromising Churchman with ritualistic tendencies, and in politics a Tory of the George III. school. He had neither faith in, nor sympathy for, a democracy. He accepted things as he found them, and wished to preserve them so. He could conceive of no more perfect state of society for the new world than that which he left behind him in the old. He firmly believed in education of the most noble kind for gentlemen, but it is doubtful if he recognized the right of every man to the highest possible cultivation of his intellectual powers. He would have looked upon such a plan as subversive of the existing orders of society. At any rate he never evinced any passion for popular education except that moral and religious education given under the ægis of an Established Church. On the other hand, no man in Canada had a more sincere desire to foster higher institutions of learning, and it had from the very first been Strachan's plan that the District Grammar Schools should be feeders for a Provincial University, and now, in 1824, when he became virtually head of educational affairs in Upper Canada, he determined to carry his scheme to a successful issue. There were serious difficulties. An endowment had been provided for a university by the Crown grant in 1797, but it was at this time almost worthless. It consisted of blocks of land, containing several townships, in remote parts of the Province. The lands were good, but so long as the Government had free lands to give incoming settlers, the school lands were not in demand. Besides these school or university lands, there were other lands in possession of the Crown. The original surveyor reserved two-sevenths of all land. One-seventh was the reserve for a "Protestant Clergy," which eventually caused so much strife and ill-feeling. The other seventh was known as the Crown Reserve. In many cases this Crown Reserve was becoming valuable, even in 1824, because of the labour of settlers who owned adjoining farms. Much of the Crown Reserve was under lease and giving a more or less certain revenue. Strachan conceived a bold and successful plan. He suggested to Sir Peregrine Maitland that for grants to new settlers the school lands were worth as much to the Government as the Crown Reserves. Why not exchange school lands for an equal area of Crown Reserve land? The matter was put before the Home Government, and in 1827 a favourable reply was given. The result was that the University got 225,944 acres of land, distributed throughout every District in Upper Canada, but having more than one-half its total area in the Home, Gore, and London Districts, the wealthiest and most populous parts of Upper Canada. The Commissioners, appointed in 1848 by Lord Elgin to enquire into the affairs of King's College, state (pages 16 and 17): "The Crown Reserves thus converted into the University Endowment, consisted of lands in various parts of Upper Canada in actual or nominal occupation under lease, at rate of rental fixed by a certain scale established by the Provincial Government, and a large proportion of the lots were in an improved or cultivated state." In March, 1826, Rev. Dr. Strachan submitted to the Lieutenant-Governor a very able and comprehensive report[22] showing why a university ought at once to be established. The report gives an interesting and authentic summary of the state of education in Upper Canada at that time. "The present state of Education in this Province consists of Common Schools throughout the Townships, established under several Acts of the Provincial Legislature, and which are now, by the exertions of Your Excellency, placed on an excellent footing, requiring no other improvements than the means of multiplying their number, which, no doubt, will be granted as the finances of the Province become more productive. In about three hundred and forty Common Schools established in the different Districts of the Colony, from seven to eight thousand children are taught reading and writing, the elements of arithmetic, and the first principles of religion; and when it is considered that the parents commonly send their children in rotation--the younger in summer when the roads are good, and the older in winter--it is not too much to say that nearly double this number, or from twelve to fourteen thousand children, profit annually by the Common Schools. The consequence is that the people, scattered as they are over a vast wilderness, are becoming alive to the great advantage of educating their children, and are, in many places, seconding, with laudable zeal, the exertions of the Legislature, and establishing schools at their own expense. [22] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp. 211-213. "Provision is made by law for the translation of some of the more promising scholars from the Common to the District Schools, where the classics and practical mathematics are taught. In these schools, eleven in number, there are at present upwards of 300 youth acquiring an education to qualify them for the different professions; and, although they can seldom support more than one master, several of the young gentlemen who have been brought up in them are now eminent in their professions, and would, by their talents and high principles, do credit to seminaries of greater name. But the period has arrived when the District Schools [Grammar Schools] will become still more useful by confining themselves to the intention of their first establishment, namely, nurseries for a University--an institution now called for by the increased population and circumstances of the Colony, and most earnestly desired by the more respectable inhabitants. "There is not in either Province any English Seminary above the rank of a good school, at which a liberal education can be obtained. Thus the youth of nearly 300,000 Englishmen have no opportunity of receiving instruction within the Canadas in Law, Medicine, or Divinity. The consequence is that many young men coming forward to the learned professions are obliged to look beyond the Province for the last two years of their education--undoubtedly the most important and critical of their lives. Very few are able on account of the great expense to go to England or Scotland; and the distance is so great and the difficulties so many that parental anxiety reluctantly trusts children from its observation and control. The youths are, therefore, in some degree, compelled to look forward to the United States, where the means of education, though of a description far inferior to those of Great Britain, are yet superior to those within the Province, and a growing necessity is arising of sending them to finish their education in that country. Now, in the United States, a system prevails unknown to, or unpractised by, any other nation. In all other countries morals and religion are made the basis of future instruction, and the first book put into the hands of children teaches them the domestic, social, and religious virtues; but in the United States politics pervade the whole system of instruction. The school books from the very first elements are stuffed with praises of their own institutions and breathe hatred to everything English. To such a country our youth may go, strongly attached to their native land and all its establishments, but by hearing them continually depreciated and those of America praised, these attachments will, in many, be gradually weakened, and some may become fascinated with that liberty which has degenerated into licentiousness and imbibe, perhaps unconsciously, sentiments unfriendly to things of which Englishmen are proud.... "The establishment of a University at the seat of Government will complete a regular system of education in Upper Canada from the letters of the alphabet to the most profound investigations of science.... In regard to the profession of medicine it is melancholy to think that more than three-fourths of the present practitioners have been educated or attended lectures in the United States.... There are, as yet, only twenty-two clergymen in Upper Canada, the greater number from England. It is essential that young men coming forward to the Church should be educated entirely within the Province, but for this there is no provision.... But the wants of the Province are becoming great, and however much disposed the elder clergy may be to bring forward young men to the sacred profession, they have neither time nor means of doing it with sufficient effect. There can be nothing of that zeal, of that union and mutual attachment, of that deep theological and literary enquiry and anxiety to excel, which would be found among men collected at the University, and here it is not irrelevant to observe that it is of the greatest importance that the education of the Colony should be conducted by the clergy. "Nothing can be more manifest than that this Colony has not yet felt the advantage of a religious establishment. What can twenty-two clergymen do, scattered over a country of nearly six hundred miles in length? Can we be surprised that, under such circumstances, the religious benefits of the ecclesiastical establishment are unknown, and sectaries of all descriptions have increased on every side? And when it is further considered that the religious teachers of all other Protestant denominations, a very few respectable ministers of the Church of Scotland excepted, come almost universally from the Republican States of America, where they gather their knowledge and form their sentiments, it is evident that if the Imperial Government does not step forward with efficient help, the mass of the population will be nurtured and instructed in hostility to all our institutions, both civil and religious.... From all which it appears highly expedient to establish a university at the seat of Government, to complete the system of education in the Colony at which all the branches requisite for qualifying young men for the learned professions may be taught.... The principal and professors, except those of Medicine and Law, should be clergymen of the Established Church; and no tutor, teacher, or officer who is not a member of that Church should ever be employed in the institution." I have given this long quotation from Rev. Dr. Strachan's report for several reasons. It shows very clearly the point of view of a remarkable man who had much to do with educational affairs in Upper Canada for a period of nearly seventy years. It shows his zeal for higher education, his belief in the efficacy of a religious establishment, his narrow bigotry and intolerance of all outside of an establishment, his old-world belief that the clergy should control education, his loyal attachment to British institutions, and above all, to those who read between the lines, his lack of real interest in elementary education. He is perfectly satisfied with the state of the Common Schools, although they were then accommodating less than one in twenty of the total population. The schools of which he says, "which are now, by the exertions of Your Excellency, placed on an excellent footing, requiring no other improvements than the means of multiplying their number," were conducted in rude buildings, without any apparatus, with a motley assortment of textbooks, and taught in many cases by ignorant itinerant schoolmasters who were of no use at any other occupation, and who received from $80 to $200 a year! Little can ever be expected in the way of improvement from those who are wholly satisfied with present conditions, and it is safe to say that any improvements that took place in the Common Schools of Canada under the _régime_ of the Rev. Dr. Strachan were owing to other causes than the efforts put forth by that gentleman. The Common Schools of Upper Canada had to wait for a new birth--until Ryerson breathed life into them. Rev. Dr. Strachan's Report is interesting for another reason--it deals with the proposed King's College and its relations with what Dr. Strachan calls the "religious establishment" in Canada. This "religious establishment" was to have as its basis the one-seventh of all lands in Upper Canada as provided for by the Constitutional Act of 1791. Now these two things, the Clergy Reserves and King's College, caused more trouble to the Canadian Legislature and engendered more bitter feeling among the people of Upper Canada than any other two questions that ever were debated in the Parliament of Upper Canada, or in the Parliament of the united Canadas. In the Parliamentary struggle over both these questions the Rev. Dr. Strachan was an active and valiant leader of the party of privilege, and among those who led the opposing forces to a final victory none was more courageous or more successful than Dr. Ryerson. Dr. Strachan went to England in 1826 to use his personal influence towards securing a Royal Charter for a University. He there issued an appeal to the English people for aid on the ground that the proposed College would be largely occupied in educating clergymen for the Anglican Church.[23] A Royal Charter, making the proposed university a close corporation under the control of Anglican clergymen, was obtained. Besides granting the charter the British Government made a grant toward buildings of £1,000 a year for sixteen years. [23] See "An Appeal to the Friends of Religion and Literature in behalf of the University of Upper Canada." By John Strachan, Archdeacon of York, Upper Canada, 1826. When the Legislative Assembly met in 1828 several members presented numerously signed petitions praying for definite information about the newly granted charter of King's College. The Governor sent down a copy of the charter which was referred to a select committee. The committee protested against the nature of the charter in that the university was to become an Anglican institution, supported out of public funds. This they thought unjust, inasmuch as only a small proportion of the settlers of Upper Canada were Anglicans.[24] The committee also drafted an address to His Majesty the King. This address was adopted by the Assembly, and immediately despatched to His Majesty by the Governor. The address was courteous and loyal in tone, but the exact condition of affairs in Canada was made clear. The King was petitioned to cancel the charter to King's College, and grant one that would make possible a university for all classes. This address to His Majesty and the protest of the Assembly of Upper Canada attracted the attention of a select committee of the Imperial Parliament. This committee[25] reported against that part of the Charter which required religious tests. George Ryerson, of Canada, gave valuable evidence before this committee relative to Canadian affairs. It seems doubtful whether His Majesty's advisers, when the King's College charter was given, were really made aware of the conditions of society in Canada. Those Canadians who had the ears of His Majesty's advisers were, for the most part, interested in forming and strengthening an Anglican Establishment. [24] See Journals of House of Assembly for Upper Canada, 1828. [25] See Report made 22nd July, 1828, by Select Committee of House of Commons, appointed to inquire into the State of Civil Government in Canada. CHAPTER III. _EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844--(Continued)._ Late in the year 1828, Sir Peregrine Maitland was replaced as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada by Sir John Colborne. About the same time Sir George Murray, who had acted as Administrator of the Government of Upper Canada in 1815, and who consequently knew something of Canadian affairs, became Colonial Secretary in the Imperial Parliament. In acknowledging receipt of the petition to His Majesty of the Assembly of Upper Canada protesting against the King's College charter, Sir George Murray, in a communication to Sir John Colborne, said:[26] "It would be deservedly a subject of regret to His Majesty's Government, if the University, recently established at York, should prove to have been founded upon principles which cannot be made to accord with the general feelings and opinions of those for whose advantage it was intended.... I have observed that your predecessor (Sir Peregrine Maitland) in the Government of Upper Canada differs from the House of Assembly as to the general prevalence of objections to the University founded upon the degree of exclusive connection which it has with the Church of England. It seems reasonable to conclude, however, that on such a subject as this an address adopted by a full House of Assembly, with scarcely any dissentient voices,[27] must be considered to express the prevailing opinion in the Province upon this subject. [26] See copy of Sir George Murray's letter in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp. 257 and 258. [27] The vote stood 21 for and 9 against. "In the event, therefore, of its appearing to you to be proper to invite the Legislative Council and House of Assembly to resume the consideration of this question, you will apprise them that their representations on the existing charter of the University have attracted the serious attention of His Majesty's Government and that the opinion which may be expressed by the Legislative Council and House of Assembly on that subject will not fail to receive the most prompt and serious attention." Shortly after the receipt of this communication Sir John Colborne, as Chancellor of King's College, convened the College Council and declared that no immediate steps were to be taken toward active University work, and that not one stone should be put upon another until certain alterations had been made in the charter. In 1829 the Chairman of the General Board of Education, Rev. Dr. Strachan, presented to the Legislative Assembly his first annual report. It is an able and very suggestive document. It showed 372 pupils[28] in the eleven Grammar Schools, and 401 Common Schools with 10,712 pupils. Dr. Strachan had personally visited each Grammar School during 1828, and had incidentally learned something of the Common Schools. Referring to Grammar Schools he says:[29] "It will be seen that in some places girls are admitted.[30] This happens from the want of good female schools, and perhaps from the more rapid progress which children are supposed to make under experienced and able schoolmasters. It is to be wished, however, that separate schools for the sexes were established, as the admission of female children interferes with the government which is required in classical seminaries; it is, nevertheless, an inconvenience of a temporary nature, which will gradually pass away as the population increases in wealth and numbers." This "inconvenience of a temporary nature" persisted until 1868, when girls were formally admitted as pupils in Grammar Schools. [28] In 1827 there were 329 pupils, of whom 8 in the Cornwall School were girls. [29] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp. 266 and 267. [30] The Report for 1828 showed 25 girls in the eleven District Schools. Dr. Strachan pointed out very clearly in this Report that the Common Schools could never improve very much until the teachers were better paid. He also made an excellent practical suggestion.[31] "The Provincial Board, therefore, would submit with all deference, that in addition to the public allowance, even if increased beyond its present amount, a power should be given to the Townships to assess themselves for this special purpose." [31] See original Report in Appendix to Journals of Assembly, U. C., pp. 16 and 17 of Appendix on Education. Here we have laid down the correct principle of support for public schools, and one cannot but feel that had Dr. Strachan followed up this suggestion by pressing it upon the Legislature, and by discussing it with school-managers and the general public, he might have secured its early adoption. When the Legislature convened in 1829, Sir John Colborne in the Speech from the Throne[32] made direct reference to education as follows: "The Public [Grammar] Schools are generally increasing, but their organization appears susceptible of improvement. Measures will be adopted, I hope, to reform the Royal Grammar School [the District School at York] and to incorporate it with the University recently endowed by His Majesty, and to introduce a system in that Seminary which will open to the youth of the Province the means of receiving a liberal and extensive course of instruction. Unceasing exertions should be made to attract able masters to this country, where the population bears no proportion to the number of offices and employments that must necessarily be held by men of education and acquirements, for the support of the laws and of your free institutions." [32] See Journals of Assembly for U. C. for 1829, p. 5. This message from the Governor may require some explanation. In the first place let us note that Sir John Colborne was an able and enlightened man, sincerely desirous of giving to Upper Canada a government that would be acceptable to the mass of the people. He seems to have realized clearly that the Assembly was a fairly accurate reflection of public opinion, and that no policy could ultimately prevail unless it was in harmony with its wishes. His action in arresting the working of King's College was one proof of this, although his subsequent action in founding Upper Canada College solely on his own responsibility showed his belief in the power of the Crown to take independent action. He saw that the District Grammar Schools were very inefficient and were touching the lives of an insignificant proportion of the people of Upper Canada. He foresaw that for some years the revenue to be derived from the endowment of King's College would not support a very pretentious institution, and that for such an institution, even if it were in operation, there would be very few students prepared by previous study to profit from its courses. In his opinion the immediate wants of the country would be better served by a high-class school than by a university. Hence his proposal to reform the Royal Grammar School at York and incorporate it with King's College. The Assembly of 1829 contained many eminent men, of whom it is sufficient to mention Marshall Bidwell (the Speaker), William Lyon Mackenzie, W. W. Baldwin (father of Hon. Robert Baldwin), and John Rolph, the latter a graduate of the University of Cambridge. The Assembly appointed a select committee on Education. This committee made an extensive report[33] upon both District Grammar and Common Schools. In regard to the former they were pronounced in their condemnation and recommended their abolition. The report claimed that the District or Grammar School Trustees, appointed by the Crown, were chosen to promote the interests of the Anglican Church; that in many cases the schools themselves were merely stepping-stones for the clergy of the Anglican Church; that they were under no efficient inspection; that they were quite as expensive to those parents who did not live immediately beside them as much better schools in the United States; and finally that as only 108 pupils in the whole Province were studying languages in these schools, that their work could be done equally well by really good Common Schools. The report lamented the low salaries of teachers in Common Schools and suggested that no Government grants should be given unless the managers of schools themselves raised by subscription equal amounts. The report also protested against the payment out of public funds of £300 a year to Rev. Dr. Strachan, as Chairman of the General Board,[34] and against his assumption that reports of District Schools should be made to him instead of to the Lieutenant-Governor. The report expressed a hope that something might be done to encourage the publication of textbooks in Canada, and concluded with expressing approval of the Governor's plan to found a seminary of a high class, which should be free from sectarian influences and afford advanced instruction to the youth of Canada. [33] See Report in Appendix to Journals of Assembly for 1829, p. 42. [34] The General Board of Education had been organized by Sir Peregrine Maitland wholly on his own authority and that of the Home Government. The Assembly naturally refused to acknowledge any obligation to support it with public funds. Later in the session of 1829 this select committee on Education prepared a series of resolutions which were adopted by the Assembly. The following are the chief points in the resolutions:--[35] 1. That the Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, not being amenable for his conduct to any tribunal, ought not to be Chancellor of King's College. 2. That it ought not to be required that the President of King's College be a clergyman of the Anglican Church, and that he ought to be elected or appointed for a stated term. 3. That the Archdeacon of York ought not by virtue of his clerical office to become President of King's College. 4. That the President and Professors of King's College ought not to be required to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles. 5. That the Degree of Doctor of Divinity ought to be conferred by King's College upon any professing Christian who passed the required examinations in Classical, Biblical, and other subjects of learning. 6. That wherever the charter of King's College is in any way sectarian it should be amended. [35] See Appendix to Journals of Assembly of U.C. for 1829, pp. 72 and 73. The Governor asked the Legislative Council to consider in what way the charter of King's College could be amended to make it more acceptable to the people of Upper Canada. The Council in reply recommended that instead of the Archdeacon of York any Anglican clergyman should be eligible for President. They also recommended that tests for the Council be dispensed with. Having the sanction of the Home Government, and feeling sure of the active support of the Assembly, Sir John Colborne immediately put in execution his plan of forming a high-class school to replace the Royal Grammar School at York. He caused advertisements to be inserted in the British papers for masters. The head master was to have a house, £600 per annum, and the privilege of taking boarders. The classical and mathematical masters were to receive £300 a year and similar privileges. The Assembly had suggested that the new school should be known as Colborne College, but the name adopted was Upper Canada College. The school opened in 1830 with a staff of seven specialists, nearly all chosen in England. The work was carried on in the buildings of the old Grammar School until handsome and elaborate buildings were erected on Russell Square, north of King Street. An endowment of some 60,000 acres from the School lands was given the new institution. It was generally felt that the new school would, for the present, supply the want of a university, and also make it unnecessary for Canadian youths to complete their education in the United States. Before Upper Canada College had been working a year a very numerously-signed petition was presented by some York patrons of the school praying for some modification of the exclusively classical nature of the programme for those boys destined for commerce and mechanical pursuits. The Governor's attempt to give Canadians a high-class collegiate school seemed only partially successful. The error was in attempting to adapt to a new country a form of school that suited the requirements of a select class in an old and highly civilized country. Latin and Greek must be crammed into boys whether or not they had any natural aptitude for language study, and quite irrespective of their future occupations in life. The founding and liberal equipment of Upper Canada College had one effect that might easily have been foretold. Petitions came from almost every Grammar School District praying for endowed and well-equipped schools similar to Upper Canada College. The petitioners resented the concentration at York of two important institutions, Upper Canada College and King's College, deriving support from an endowment originally set aside to give educational facilities to the whole of Upper Canada. The Assembly of 1833, through a select committee, made a minute examination into the affairs of Upper Canada College, and passed a resolution recommending that it be incorporated with King's College. I give here quotations from two writers on Upper Canada College, showing how differently things appear when viewed through different eyes. The first is from a letter written in 1833 by Rev. Thomas Radcliffe.[36] "Future generations will bless the memory of Sir John Colborne, who, to the many advantages derived from the equity and wisdom of his government, has added that of a magnificent foundation [in Upper Canada College] for the purposes of literary instruction. The lowest salary of any of the professors of this institution is £300 per annum, with the accommodation of a noble brick house and the privilege of taking boarders at £50 per annum." [36] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 120 and 121. The next is from "Sketches," published by William Lyon Mackenzie, London, 1833. "Splendid incomes are given to the masters of the new [Upper Canada] College, culled at Oxford by the Vice-Chancellor, and dwellings furnished to the professors (we may say) by the sweat of the brow of the Canadian labourer. All these advantages and others not now necessary to be mentioned, are insufficient to gratify the rapacious appetite of the 'Established Church' managers, who, in order to accumulate wealth and live in opulence, charge the children of His Majesty's subjects ten times as high fees as are required by the less amply endowed Seminary at Quebec. They have another reason for so doing. The College (already a monopoly) becomes almost an exclusive school for the families of the Government officers, and the few who, through their means, have, in York, already attained a pecuniary independence out of the public treasury. The College never was intended for the people, nor did the Executive endow it thus amply that all classes might apply to the fountain of knowledge."[37] [37] See volume in Library of Parliament, Ottawa, pp. 190 and 191. As time passed the College founded by Sir John Colborne did good work as a secondary school for people of wealth, but all attempts to make it popular with the mass of the people proved ineffective. The Legislature gave it an annual grant somewhat unwillingly.[38] The buildings were erected, and part of the annual expenses paid from advances made by the King's College Council. [38] See D. H. E., Vol. III., p. 123. By an Act passed in 1839[39] there was an attempt made to raise the College to the dignity of a temporary university. This action displeased the Council of King's College because it tended to delay the opening of lectures in that institution. In 1849, when the Baldwin University Bill made an independent corporation of Upper Canada College, that institution was indebted to the University for nearly $40,000, which was never repaid.[40] [39] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 170 and 171. [40] For the later history of Upper Canada College see "History of Upper Canada College," by Principal George Dickson. In 1831 the Methodists began to build at Cobourg the Upper Canada Academy, which was to be open to all religious denominations. They felt that although Upper Canada College was non-sectarian in a legal sense, yet, inasmuch as the principal and professors were Anglican clergymen, the institution was essentially an Anglican College. At this time the Rev. Egerton Ryerson was editor of _The Christian Guardian_ newspaper, the official organ of the Methodist Conference. In an editorial, April, 1831, he thus refers to the proposed Upper Canada Academy: "It is the first literary institution which has been commenced by any body of ministers in accordance with the frequently expressed wishes of the people of Upper Canada. The Methodist Conference have not sought endowments of public lands for the establishment of an institution, contrary to the voice of the people as expressed by their representatives.... Desirous of promoting more extensively the interests of the rising generation and of the country generally, we have resolved upon the establishment of a Seminary of Learning--we have done so upon liberal principles--we have not reserved any peculiar privileges to ourselves for the education of our children; we have published the constitution for your examination; and now we appeal to your liberality for assistance.... On the characteristics of the system of education which it is contemplated to pursue in the proposed Seminary, we may observe that it will be such as to produce habits of intellectual labour and activity; a diligent and profitable improvement of time; bodily health and vigour, a fitness and relish for agricultural and mechanical, as well as for other pursuits; virtuous principles and Christian morals. On the importance of education generally we may remark, it is as necessary as the light--it should be as common as water, and as free as air.... Education among the people is the best security of a good government and constitutional liberty; it yields a steady, unbending support to the former, and effectually protects the latter. An educated people are always a loyal people to good government; and the first object of a wise government should be the education of the people. An educated people are always enterprising in all kinds of general and local improvements. An ignorant population are equally fit for, and are liable to be, slaves of despots and the dupes of demagogues; sometimes, like the unsettled ocean, they can be thrown into incontrollable agitation by every wind that blows; at other times, like the uncomplaining ass, they tamely submit to the most unreasonable burdens.... Sound learning is of great worth even in religion; the wisest and best instructed Christians are the most steady, and may be the most useful. If a man be a child in knowledge he is likely to be tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, and often lies at the mercy of interested, designing men; the more knowledge he has the safer is his state. If our circumstances be such that we have few means of improvement, we should turn them to the best account. Partial knowledge is better than total ignorance; and he who cannot get all he may wish, must take heed to acquire all that he can. If total ignorance be a bad and dangerous thing, every degree of knowledge lessens both the evil and the danger."[41] [41] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 7 and 8. Ryerson wrote this when he was only twenty-eight years of age, but it foreshadows the fundamental principles upon which he later attempted to base a national system of education. It is interesting to note that in this same year the United Presbytery of Upper Canada were discussing the establishment of a Literary and Theological Seminary at Pleasant Bay, in Prince Edward County. This seminary never was established, but the agitation for it led to the founding of Queen's University, at Kingston. While Methodist and Presbyterian clergy were forming plans for academies, the members of the Legislative Assembly were debating a series of resolutions on the School Reserves and the failure of the people of Upper Canada to secure the free Grammar Schools for which the Crown Lands were appropriated in 1798. Several things are made plain in these resolutions regarding the attitude of the popularly elected branch of the Legislature. The following stand out prominently:-- 1. That the existing Grammar Schools were wholly inadequate to perform the work for which they were created. 2. That the real intentions of the Crown in setting apart the immense School Reserves in 1798 had never been carried out. 3. That the successive Canadian Administrations had been largely concerned in appropriating the lion's share of these Reserves for University education. 4. That the School Reserves of 1798, with proper management, would be now (1831) sufficiently productive to give great assistance to education if applied in accord with the real wishes of the people. 5. That the money received from these School lands from time to time ought to be paid in to the Receiver-General and disposed of only by vote of the Legislature. Further protests were made against the exclusive nature of King's College charter, and the Assembly was assured by Sir John Colborne that some changes would be made. As a matter of fact, on the 2nd of November, 1831, Lord Goderich, the British Colonial Secretary, in a lengthy communication to Governor Colborne, showed that His Majesty's Government was fully seized of the situation in regard to the charter of King's College. Lord Goderich said,[42] "I am to convey through you to the Members of the Corporation of King's College, at the earnest recommendation and advice of His Majesty's Government, that they do forthwith surrender[43] to His Majesty the charter of King's College of Upper Canada, with any lands that may have been granted them." Lord Goderich then proceeds to intimate that a new charter will be granted by the Legislature of Upper Canada. Lord Goderich further proceeds to give some very sound advice concerning the necessity of mutual forbearance among a people of diverse religious creeds. [42] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. II., p. 55. [43] This the College Council positively refused to do. In the Assembly there was shown an intelligent grasp of the educational needs of the country and a determination to secure better schools. Had the Executive Council and Legislative Council been equally zealous in the cause of education, the fathers and mothers of the generation which profited from Ryerson's reforms might themselves have had the advantage of good schools. The following extracts from an address to His Excellency, Sir John Colborne, will show the temper and wishes of the Assembly: "We, His Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Upper Canada in Provincial Parliament assembled, most respectfully beg leave to represent that there is in this Province a very general want of education; that the insufficiency of the Common School fund [the total Government grant for schools in 1831 was $11,200] to support competent, respectable, and well-educated teachers, has degraded Common School teaching from a regular business to a mere matter of convenience to transient persons, or common idlers, who often teach the school one season and leave it vacant until it accommodates some other like person to take it in hand, whereby the minds of our youth are left without cultivation, or, what is still worse, frequently with vulgar, low-bred, vicious, or intemperate examples before them in the capacity of monitors."[44] The address proceeded to state that there was urgent need of a Government fund to secure larger grants for teachers' salaries, and asked His Excellency to lay before the Colonial Secretary a plan to set aside one million acres of waste land in Upper Canada for the support of Common Schools. [44] See Journals of Assembly, U. C., 1831, p. 40. In this Address the Assembly virtually said to the Crown, "Give us some fixed capital as a source of revenue and we will speedily reorganize our schools." The Assembly knew what was needed and knew how to remedy the existing conditions, but was powerless because the Crown revenue was subject only to the control of the Executive Council. The session of 1832-33[45] was very active from an educational point of view. The Assembly was informed by His Excellency that the Crown had consented to give over to the Legislature, for the support of Grammar Schools, control of the 258,330 acres of School lands, being the balance of the original grant of half a million acres made in 1798, and from which had already been made extensive grants to endow King's College and Upper Canada College. Much of the remainder of this land, which was now vested in the Legislature, was not of a superior quality. It had also been selected in township blocks and naturally had very little value until settlements were made in surrounding townships. [45] The previous session, William Lyon Mackenzie had been expelled from the Assembly because of his criticism of the Governor, in his newspaper, the _Colonial Advocate_. It is interesting to note that Mackenzie's criticisms of the Governor were largely based on His Excellency's actions in regard to education. The Assembly prepared an Address to His Majesty praying for a grant of one million acres of Crown lands for the establishment and support of Township Common Schools. As a measure of immediate relief for these schools, a bill was passed by the two branches of the Legislature, and assented to by His Excellency, providing for two years an additional grant of $22,000. This sum was allotted to the several Districts, approximately in proportion to population, but no Board of Trustees was to receive any of this grant unless they secured for their teacher a sum equal at least to twice the Government grant. The most significant feature of the session, however, was a Common School Bill, introduced into the Assembly by Mr. Mahlon Burwell, and read a first time. The bill proposed to repeal all previous Common School legislation; to establish a General Board and also District Boards of Education; to grant £10,000 to Common Schools as a Legislative grant and to assess a further £10,000 on the rateable property of the Districts. This bill, had it become law, would have anticipated Ryerson's legislation by nearly twenty years, and it is interesting to note the comments made upon it by that gentleman, who was at this time editor of the _Christian Guardian_. The _Guardian_ of January 15th, 1834, expressed a general approval of the plan of taxation but was totally opposed to the _appointment_ of Boards of Education. After showing that the principle of local taxation was borrowed from the New England States, where it was working satisfactorily, Ryerson says: "The next leading feature of the bill is the appointment of a General Board of Education and also District Boards of Education. This is proposed to be left to the Governor, or person administering the Government, a proposition, in our opinion, radically objectionable. It makes the system of education, in theory, a mere engine of the Executive, a system which is liable to all the abuse, suspicion, jealousy and opposition caused by despotism; and it withholds from the system of Common School education, in its first and prominent feature, that character of common interest and harmonious co-operation which, as we humbly conceive, are essential to its success, and even to its acceptance with the Province. Education is an object in which the Government, as an individual portion of the Province, and the people at large possess, in some respects, a common interest, consequently they should exercise a joint or common control.... And in an equitable and patriotic administration of Government, the more its agents and the people's agents are associated together in promoting the common weal, the more strongly will mutual respect and confidence and co-operation between the people and the Government be established, the less room there will be for Executive negligence, or partiality, or popular or local abuse; and the less opportunity there will be for either despotic oppression or demagogue misrepresentation." In 1834 there was a General Election, which resulted in the return to the Assembly of a large majority in favour of reform principles, and wholly opposed to the arbitrary and aristocratic ideas of the Legislative Council. Bidwell, Rolph, and William Lyon Mackenzie were three leading spirits in the new House. When the Assembly opened the Governor laid before the members a despatch from the Colonial Office, stating His Majesty's readiness to transfer 240,000 acres in the settled townships in return for the School lands which were in township blocks and not then saleable. A bill was passed by the Legislature renewing for two years, 1835 and 1836, the increased grant of £5,650 for Common Schools. A grant of £200 was also made to Mechanics' Institutes at York and a grant of £100 to one at Kingston. Considerable time was spent in the Assembly upon two bills which were rejected by the Executive Council. One was a bill to regulate Common Schools which would have given them a thorough organization and made them subject to popular control by elected Boards and Superintendents. The Executive Council had no faith in control by the people. They doubted whether "the respectable yeomanry of the country" were capable of choosing suitable Superintendents. The other was a bill to amend the charter of King's College. These amendments were designed to remove all religious tests and to have the College governed by a Council, half of whom were to be appointed by the Assembly and half by the Legislative Council. The only reasons given by the Council for rejecting these amendments were that they knew of no university so governed and that a university must have as a basis some established form of religion. In the meantime, while the hide-bound worshippers of European traditions who made up the Council were delaying the active work of King's College, the youth of Upper Canada, preparing for the learned professions, were compelled to seek university advantages in the United States or Great Britain. More than this, owing to the lack of advantages in their own country, many who could otherwise have afforded it were wholly deprived of the higher education and training necessary for the professions they had in view. The Legislative Council at this time, and for many years afterwards, made boasts of their loyalty to the Crown, and upon some occasions arrogated to themselves and their friends a monopoly of all loyal spirit in Upper Canada, and yet they firmly refused to surrender the charter and endowment of King's College when requested and even urged to do so by His Majesty's Colonial Secretary[46]. From 1831 to 1835, the Council refused to accept any substantial amendments made in that charter suggested by the Assembly, although Lord Goderich had, in 1831, made it quite clear that His Majesty's Government wished the question of the charter to be settled by the Upper Canada Legislature. [46] See letter of Lord Goderich of Nov. 2nd, 1831, to Sir John Colborne. When, upon the 6th of May, 1835, Sir John Colborne sent to the Colonial Secretary the King's College Charter Amendment Bill passed by the Assembly, he urged the immediate opening of King's College, although he had declared to the College Council that "not one stone should be placed upon another" until the charter was amended. It may also be gathered from this despatch to Lord Glenelg[47] that Sir John Colborne accompanied it with a draft of amendments which he thought would be acceptable to both branches of the Legislature of Upper Canada. His Lordship was too astute a politician and too thoroughly informed concerning Canadian public opinion to be easily misled. Sir John Colborne, as a concession to the Assembly, proposed that five out of seven of the governing body should be permanently of the faith of the Church of England. The other two members were to be the Lieutenant-Governor and the Archdeacon of York! Lord Glenelg, in reply, says: "I cannot hesitate to express my opinion that this plan claims for the Established Church of England privileges which those who best understand and most deeply prize her real interests would not think it prudent to assert for her in any British Province on the North American Continent.... I would respectfully and earnestly impress upon the Members of both these Bodies [Assembly and Council] the expediency of endeavouring, by mutual concessions, to meet on some common ground. Especially would I beg the Legislative Councillors to remember that, if there be any one subject on which, more than others, it is vain and dangerous to oppose the deliberate wishes of the great mass of the people, the system of national instruction to be pursued in the moral and religious education of youth is emphatically that subject."[48] Lord Glenelg concludes by referring the question of amending the charter back to the Legislature of Upper Canada and states that His Majesty will act as mediator only if the two branches of the Legislature fail to agree and then only upon their presenting a joint Address. [47] See D. H. E., Vol. II., p. 214. [48] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 213 and 214. CHAPTER IV. _EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844--(Continued)._ During the Legislative session of 1836, Sir John Colborne was replaced by Sir Francis Bond Head as Lieutenant-Governor. It would seem that the difference of opinion between Sir John Colborne and Lord Glenelg of the Colonial Office was responsible for the former's asking to be recalled. His last official act as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, and one intimately connected with educational controversy at a later date, was to sign patents for the endowment of forty-three Anglican rectories out of the Clergy Reserve lands. In the Legislature no real progress was made in education, although a lengthy report[49] and a draft School Bill were presented by a member of the Assembly, Doctor Charles Duncomb. This report was based on a visit paid by Doctor Duncomb to the Eastern, Middle and Western United States. It is interesting and emphasizes the importance of a suitable education for women. [49] See Appendix to Journals of Assembly of U.C., 1836. See also Assembly Journals for 1836, pp. 213 and 214. The most important event of the year in its after effects upon education in Upper Canada was the formal opening of Upper Canada Academy[50] at Cobourg, under a Royal Charter secured by Egerton Ryerson. [50] See Chapter I. In resigning his position as editor of _The Guardian_, the official organ of Methodism, Ryerson referred to the condition of education in Upper Canada, emphasizing the supreme importance of elementary instruction for every child in the country. It is also interesting to note that at this date, when he had probably never dreamed of having any official connection with elementary education, he should have touched the very root of the problem by pointing out the utter impossibility of making any real progress without a body of educated and trained teachers. The Legislature of 1837 set at rest for a few years the vexed question of an amendment to King's College charter. The majority of the Legislative Council were stoutly opposed to any modifications that would lessen the control of the Anglican Church, but they saw that public opinion was strong enough to prevent the opening of the college until amendments were made. They also saw that they were running a risk of having the charter cancelled and a new one granted by the Crown. They accordingly accepted certain amendments proposed by the Legislative Assembly. These amendments[51] gave _ex-officio_ seats on the College Council to the Speaker of the two branches of the Legislature and to the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General of Upper Canada; they removed from members of the Council and from professors every semblance of a religious test except the following declaration: "I do solemnly and sincerely declare that I believe in the authenticity and Divine Inspiration of the Old and New Testaments and in the Doctrine of the Holy Trinity"; they removed absolutely from religious tests all students and candidates for degrees; they made the Judges of His Majesty's Court of King's Bench visitors instead of the Lord Bishop of Quebec, and vested the appointment of future presidents in His Majesty instead of conferring that office _ex-officio_ upon the Archdeacon of York. [51] See Journals of Assembly of Upper Canada for 1837, Legislative Library, Toronto. Steps were taken at once to place the college in a position to begin work. A very able and comprehensive scheme[52] of studies and courses was drawn up by the President, Dr. Strachan, and everything promised favourably, when the Rebellion broke out and all operations were suspended. [52] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 93-98. The following sketch of the Common Schools of this period, written by Mr. Malcolm Campbell, an old teacher of Middlesex, is inserted because it is believed to be typical of Upper Canada conditions. Mr. Campbell began to teach in 1835:-- "The School Houses, during the time I taught, were built of round logs about 14 × 16 ft., with clapboard roofs and open fireplaces. A window sash on three sides for light, a board being placed beneath them, on which to keep copies and slates. There were long hewn benches without backs for seats. There were no blackboards or maps on the chinked walls. There was a miscellaneous assortment of books, which made it very difficult to form classes. Cobb's and Webster's Spelling-books afterwards gave place to Mavor's. The Testament was used as a Textbook, a supply of which was furnished by Rev. Benjamin Cronyn, afterwards Bishop of Huron. The English Reader, and Hume and Smollett's History of England were used by the more advanced classes. Lennie's Grammar, and Dilworth's and Hutton's Arithmetics, and the History of Cortez' Conquest of Mexico were used, also a Geography and Atlas, and a variety of books. Goose-quills were used for pens, which the teacher made and mended at least twice a day. The hours of teaching were somewhat longer than at present, and there was no recess. The number of scholars varied from 15 to 30, and school was kept open eight to ten months in the year with a Saturday vacation every two weeks. Teachers, after having taught school for some months, underwent a pretty thorough oral examination by the District Board of Education, and were granted First, Second, or Third Class certificates according to their merits, real or supposed. They had the Government grant apportioned to them according to their standing. Mr. Donald Currie, in the section west of me, drew annually $120 on the ground of his high qualifications as well as his teaching Latin. My share of the grant was $80. Mr. Benson east of me drew $50.... The Government grant was what the teacher mainly depended on for cash. The rest of his pay, which varied from $10 to $16 a month, Government grant included, was mostly paid in "kind," and very hard to collect at that. "The Trustees in these early days assumed duties beyond what they now possess. In engaging a teacher, they examined him as to his qualifications in the three R's and as much farther as any of themselves knew. They fixed the rate bill which each scholar should pay, usually at a dollar and fifty cents a quarter; and any family sending more than three scholars should go free, as well as the children of widows.... The teacher was expected to 'board round' at that rate of pay. He usually boarded in one or two houses near the school, doing chores morning and evening. The Trustees assessed each scholar with half a cord of wood during winter, which was scantily supplied; sometimes the teacher and bigger boys went with an axe to the woods to make up the deficiency. The trustees were to examine the school quarterly, and sign the Quarterly Reports so that the teacher might draw the Government grant."[53] [53] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 131, 132. The following "Rules for the Government of Common Schools" prescribed by the Board of Education for the Niagara District is taken from Gourley's "Statistical Account of Upper Canada, 1817-1822," Vol. II.; Appendix, pp. 116-119:-- "1. The Master to commence the labours of the day by a short prayer. "2. School to commence each day at 9 o'clock and five hours at least to be given to teaching during the day, except on Saturdays. "3. Diligence and Emulation to be cherished and encouraged among the pupils by rewards judiciously distributed, to consist of little pictures and books, according to the age of the scholar. "4. Cleanliness and Good Order to be indispensable; and corporal punishment seldom necessary, except for bad habits learned at home--lying, disobedience, obstinacy and perverseness--these sometimes require chastisement; but gentleness even in these cases would do better with most children. "5. All other offences, arising chiefly from liveliness and inattention, are better corrected by shame, such as gaudy caps, placing the culprits by themselves, not permitting anyone to play with them for a day or days, detaining after school hours, or during a play afternoon, or by ridicule. "6. The Master must keep a regular catalogue of his scholars and mark every day they are absent. "7. The forenoons of Wednesday and Saturday to be set apart for Religious Instruction; to render it agreeable the school should be furnished with at least ten copies of Barrows' 'Questions on the New Testament,' and the Teacher to have one copy of the key to these questions for his own use; the teacher should likewise have a copy of Murray's 'Power of Religion on the Mind,' Watkin's 'Scripture Biography,' and Blair's 'Class Book,' the Saturday Lessons of which are well-calculated to impress religious feeling. "Note.--These books are confined to no religious denomination, and do not prevent the Masters from teaching such Catechism as the parents of the children may adopt. "8. Every day to close with reading publicly a few verses from the New Testament, proceeding regularly through the Gospels. "9. The afternoons of Wednesday and Saturday to be allowed for play. "10. A copy of these Rules to be affixed up in some conspicuous place in the School-room, and to be read publicly to the Scholars every Monday morning by the Teacher." No doubt much good teaching was done in schools nominally governed by similar codes of instruction. The teacher is always the real force in a school and good teachers are never slaves to mechanical rules. These "rules," however, suggest a form of punishment that was largely used in those days even by good teachers and has not yet been wholly banished from the schoolroom--ridicule. Here we see it offered as an improvement upon corporal punishment. It may have had its advantages over the brutal punishments sometimes inflicted in the old days, but I think Dr. Johnson was right in saying that a reasonably severe corporal punishment was better for both teacher and pupil than either "nagging" or ridicule. No doubt the systems of Bell and Lancaster were responsible for the use recommended of ridicule in the Niagara District in 1820. One important Bill, "An Act to Provide for the Advancement of Education,"[54] became law during the session of 1839. This Bill set apart 250,000 acres of waste lands for the support of District Grammar Schools, made provision for additional schools in districts where they were needed, and provided for the erection of new buildings and assistant masters. The Bill also placed the revenue and management of these schools under the Council of King's College. In this way King's College, Upper Canada College, and the District Grammar Schools--all the machinery of higher education--were brought under central authority. [54] See Journals of Legislature of Upper Canada for 1839. Legislative Library, Toronto. See also copy of bill in D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 170, 171. From a careful reading of a despatch[55] sent by Sir George Arthur to the Colonial Office, in connection with the Act referred to above, it seems quite clear that the land grant of 250,000 acres now set apart for District Grammar Schools was the balance of the original 549,217 acres granted by the Crown in 1798 for the endowment of Free Grammar Schools and a University. Thus, after forty years, the intentions of the Crown regarding Grammar Schools were to be realized. But only in part, because the Act of 1839 did not make the Grammar Schools free. [55] Reprinted in D. H. E. See Vol. III., pp. 173-183. It was confidently hoped by many of the King's College Council, and especially by the President, Rev. Dr. Strachan, that when the college charter was amended in 1837 nothing would interfere with the immediate execution of plans for building and opening King's College. Elaborate plans and models of a building were prepared and sent out from England, an architect was employed, advertisements for tenders for a building were inserted in various newspapers, and the contract was about to be awarded, when Sir George Arthur hurriedly convened the Council and ordered an investigation into the finances of the College. His suspicions had evidently been awakened by some returns on College affairs presented in response to an Address by the Assembly. The report of the special audit committee[56] appointed by the Council revealed a startling condition of affairs and incidentally a strong argument against allowing any body or corporation to handle public funds without an annual audit by someone responsible to Parliament. [56] See proceedings of King's College Council, 1837-1840. The Bursar, the Hon. Joseph Wells, a prominent member of the Legislative Council, had diverted to his own use and that of his needy friends some £6,374, and the sum of £4,312 had been loaned to the President, Dr. Strachan. There was in use a very primitive system[57] of book-keeping, and on the whole just such management as might have been expected from the close corporation which had, up to 1837, made up the King's College Council. There was also much mismanagement of the financial affairs of Upper Canada College. These revelations delayed building operations until 1842. [57] See Report of T. C. Patrick, Vol. II., manuscript Minutes King's College Council, pp. 68-73. On December 3rd, 1839, the last session of the Legislature of Upper Canada was opened by Charles Poulett Thompson, afterwards Lord Sydenham. A Bill was passed granting a charter to the "University of Kingston." When the Bill was introduced into the Assembly, the name was to be the "University of Queen's College."[58] Why the change was made does not seem very clear, but perhaps it was because the promoters of the Bill were not certain that Her Majesty had given her consent to the use of her name in the Act. The Act placed the College largely under the control of the Presbyterian Church and wholly under control of Presbyterians, but no religious tests were to be exacted from students or graduates except in Divinity. The 15th section of the charter authorized the representative of Her Majesty in Canada to pay from the revenues of King's College a sum sufficient to establish a Chair in Divinity. This arrangement doubtless was the result of a despatch from the Colonial Office some years previous to the effect that any modification of King's College charter should provide for a Divinity Professor of the Church of Scotland. Some readers of the present day may ask, Why not also for other religious denominations--Methodists, Baptists, and Congregationalists? The answer is simple. The Churches of England and Scotland were national churches in Great Britain and Ireland. The Anglican Church in Canada in 1840 claimed to be an Established Church, and as the Clergy Reserve controversy was then unsettled, her claim had reasonable expectation of realization. Had her claim been allowed, it would have strengthened any claim the Presbyterian Church might have made also to rank as an Established Church. [58] See D. H. E., Vol. III., Chap. XVI., pp. 284-299. This Canadian charter to the "University of Kingston" was cancelled by the Crown with the consent of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, and a Royal Charter issued to the "University of Queen's College." By this Royal Charter, Queen's lost the Divinity Professorship which, by the Canadian charter, was to be established out of King's College foundation. The Crown had power to grant a charter but no power to interfere with the funds of King's College, which were subject to the Canadian Legislature. The Commission[59] appointed by the Legislature in 1839 to prepare a report[60] on education gave a comprehensive account of the condition of schools, but without throwing much new light upon them. The total number of pupils in the District Grammar Schools was still about 300, but the number in the Common Schools was estimated at 24,000, or about one in eighteen of the total population. As to the nature of the schools attended by these 24,000, there is abundant evidence to prove that they were very inefficient. The Rev. Robt. McGill, of Niagara, says: "I know the qualifications of nearly all the Common School teachers in this district, and I do not hesitate to say that there is not more than one in ten fully qualified to instruct the young in the humblest department." The London District Board for 1839 says: "The Masters chosen by the Common School Trustees are often ignorant men, barely acquainted with the rudiments of education and, consequently, jealous of any school superior to their own."[61] [59] The members were: Rev. John McCaul, Rev. Henry Grasett and Secretary Harrison. [60] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 243-283. Also Appendix to Journals of Assembly for 1840. [61] See D. H. E., Vol. III., p. 266. The Grammar Schools had been gradually improving since their establishment, but were still very far from supplying the real needs of the people. They had no uniformity in course of study or textbooks, and were under no inspection. In fact, lack of supervision was the weakest spot in the whole school system. Lord Durham, in his famous Report,[62] refers to education in Upper Canada thus: "A very considerable portion of the Province has neither roads, post offices, mills, schools, nor churches. The people may raise enough for their own subsistence and may even have a rude and comfortless plenty, but they can seldom acquire wealth; nor can even wealthy landowners prevent their children from growing up ignorant and boorish, and from occupying a far lower mental, moral and social position than they themselves fill.... Even in the most thickly peopled districts there are but few schools, and those of a very inferior character; while the more remote settlements are almost entirely without any." [62] See Lord Durham's Report, p. 66. The Committee recommended better salaries, normal schools for training teachers, British textbooks, an Inspector-General of Education, and a Provincial Board of School Commissioners. Looking at the matter three-quarters of a century later, we can see that really good schools were not then immediately possible. Schools, like everything else, cannot be created at command. They are the result of evolution. Upper Canada College illustrates this. Expensive buildings were erected and capable masters secured in England, and yet the school was not really efficient for many years. The country was largely a wilderness. The people were comparatively poor and their first care was to provide the necessities of life. The sad side to the picture is that there was among the mass of the people so little real interest in education and so little appreciation of its worth. People will never struggle to acquire that of which they feel no need. It seems quite clear, too, that the struggle for civil and religious freedom and equality hindered the development of a good school system. The latter could scarcely be possible before the former had triumphed. The natural leaders of the people and those who by superior attainments and education were fitted for leadership were straining every nerve and mustering every known resource to overthrow a corrupt oligarchy. Even among the spiritual leaders of the people there was no unity of purpose. Instead of working shoulder to shoulder with one another for the moral and intellectual growth of their people, they were in many cases sapping their strength through acrimonious and recriminating discussions of state church, sectarianism, Clergy Reserves, endowment and grants. When once it was finally settled that Upper Canada was to have responsible government and that all races and all creeds were to enjoy equal civil, religious and political rights, it was much easier to lay a solid foundation for the development of efficient schools. To this nothing contributed more than the Municipal Act of 1841. It supplied the necessary local machinery, working in harmony and in close connection with a central government. It seemed to leave almost everything to local initiative and local control, thus appealing to local patriotism. In reality it gave a central authority power to direct by laying down broad general principles, and it stirred up a maximum of local self-effort by distributing Provincial grants. Sydenham's first Speech from the Throne to the Legislature of the United Canadas in 1841 referred to the necessity of a better system of Common Schools. During the session the Legislature passed an elaborate Act for this purpose, and although it proved not to be of a practical nature it showed an earnest desire on the part of the Legislature to improve the Common Schools. The Act appropriated £50,000 per year to be distributed among the Common Schools in proportion to the number of pupils between 5 and 16 years of age in each district. It provided a Superintendent of Education for the United Canadas and prescribed his duties. It established popularly-elected Township Boards and passed certain rates to be assessed on the ratepayers. The most significant feature of the Bill was that it contained the germ which later developed into our elaborate system of Separate Schools. Early in the session, forty petitions were presented asking that the Bible be used in the schools. There was also a petition from Rev. Dr. Strachan and the Anglican clergy asking that Anglican children be educated by their own pastors and that they receive a share of public funds for support of their schools. The Roman Catholics also petitioned against some principles of the Common School Bill then before the House. These things will probably explain why the Bill as passed contained a clause allowing any number of dissentients (not necessarily Roman Catholics) in Township Schools to withdraw and form a school of their own, and also a clause which created for cities and incorporated towns a School Board, half of whom were Protestant and half of whom were Roman Catholic. The Catholics and Protestants might work together and maintain schools in common, or they might constitute themselves into separate committees, each committee virtually controlling its own schools. Thus we see that while the Assembly were fighting to break down a system of sectarianism in university education, they were introducing into the Common Schools a policy that led to divisions on account of religion. During the session of 1841, the Upper Canada Academy at Cobourg secured incorporation as Victoria College with university powers, and also a grant of £500, which later was made annual. Here, too, the Legislature was granting public money to a sectarian institution, although it should be noted that no religious tests were to be exacted of any students, and that five public officers, the President of the Executive Council, the Speakers of the two branches of the Legislature, and the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General for Canada West were to be _ex-officio_ visitors and members of the Victoria College Senate. Early in 1842, Queen's University was opened for the reception of students. Later in the same year the corner-stone of King's College was laid with imposing ceremony by Sir Charles Bagot, the Governor-General. In 1843 the King's College professors began lectures. This gave three colleges with university powers in active operation in Upper Canada in 1843. In May, 1842, the Governor-General appointed the Hon. Robert Jameson, Vice-Chancellor of Upper Canada, to be Chief Superintendent of Education, and the Rev. Robert Murray, of Oakville, to be Assistant Superintendent for Upper Canada. Mr. Murray was a scholarly gentleman, but possessed no special qualifications for so important an office. It seems probable that as early as 1841 Sydenham had some thought of giving the position to Ryerson. It also seems probable that Sir Charles Bagot knew of this and had some communication with Ryerson in respect to it. It is more than likely that Ryerson had been too active, both in opposing the arbitrary acts of the Legislative Council and in promoting the interests of his own Church, to be readily acceptable to His Excellency's Council, nearly all of whom were Churchmen. It was soon discovered that the Common School Act of 1841 could never be put into operation. It had only a single merit--good intentions. In 1843 it was decided to amend it and enact a separate Bill for Upper and Lower Canada. That for Upper Canada was introduced by Hon. Francis Hincks. Speaking of the Bill[63] he says: "The principle adopted in the School Bill of 1843 is this: The Government pays a certain amount to each Township--the property in that Township pays an equal amount; or if the Councillors elected by the people choose it, double the amount. This forms the School Fund, which is divided among the school districts, the Trustees of which raise the balance of the teacher's salary by a Rate Bill on the parents of the children. The system is as simple as it is just.... In framing this system, gentlemen, you will observe that, as in all other instances, the late Ministry have divested the grant of all local patronage. Everything has been left to the people themselves; and I feel perfectly convinced that they will prove themselves capable of managing their own affairs in a more satisfactory manner than any Government Boards of Education or visiting Superintendents could do for them. [63] See "Reminiscences of His Public Life," by Sir Francis Hincks, pp. 175-177. Library of Parliament, Canada. "The new School Act provides also for the establishment in each Township of a Model School--the teacher of which is to receive a larger share than others of the School Fund, provided he gives gratuitous instruction to the other teachers in the Township, under such regulations as may be established. "There is also provision for a Model School in each county, on a similar plan, but, of course, of a higher grade. It is left to the people themselves or their representatives in the several municipalities, to establish these Model Schools or not, as they deem expedient. But it is provided that as soon as a Provincial Normal School shall be in operation (and the system will never be complete without one) the teachers of the Model Schools must have certificates of qualification from the professors of the Normal School." This Act of 1843 is much more elaborate in its provisions than any preceding legislation affecting Common Schools in Upper Canada. It provided for county superintendents appointed by wardens and for township, town or city superintendents appointed by the municipal council. It would seem that in many points the duties of these two classes of superintendents would conflict, as both were allowed to examine and appoint teachers, and both were to visit schools. Every section was to have a Board of Trustees elected by ratepayers, and to these trustees was given charge of school property and the regulation of course of study, including choice of textbooks. It would seem that full local control was given except in the matter of certificating teachers and regulating the government grant. Either Protestants or Roman Catholics might petition for a Separate School on the application of ten or more resident freeholders, but such schools when established were maintained and controlled by the same machinery as other schools. Model Schools were to receive a larger grant from the Legislature. A county superintendent could issue unlimited or limited certificates, but all certificates issued by a township, town, or city superintendent were limited to the division in which they were issued and were valid for one year only. The marked weaknesses of the Act may be summed up as follows:-- 1. Possible conflict of authority between county and local superintendents. 2. No uniformity of course of study or textbooks. 3. No accepted standard of qualification for teachers. 4. No method provided for training of teachers, as a Normal School was merely suggested, and Model Schools were optional. 5. No provision made to secure competent local superintendents. Any man might be appointed. But with all its deficiencies the School Bill of 1843 was a proof that the Legislature earnestly desired to promote elementary education. It was, no doubt, felt by many public men, and especially by the Governor, that no man was so well qualified as Ryerson to direct that system at headquarters. To pave the way for Ryerson's appointment, Rev. Robert Murray was made Professor of Mathematics in King's College, and in September, 1844, Ryerson became Assistant Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada. He was to have leave of absence for travel and for investigation into the school systems of Europe. As events proved, Ryerson's appointment as Superintendent of Education soon bore fruit in a more efficient system of Common Schools. But university affairs were still in a state of chaos. The amendments to the charter of King's College made in 1837 were disappointingly unfruitful of any practical changes. The College remained in charge of Anglicans, and was in reality, if not in a legal sense, a Church of England institution. The question may naturally be asked, why did the legislation of 1837 not effect greater changes? The answer is simple. In 1837 the seat of government was at Toronto, and the five _ex-officio_ Government officers could easily attend meetings of King's College Council. But after the Act of Union in 1841 the seat of government was moved first to Kingston and later to Montreal. It then became wholly impossible for the five lay members of King's College to attend regular meetings in Toronto. The result was that the affairs of King's College remained practically in the hands of the president and professors, who made no real efforts to adapt the College to the needs of the people of Upper Canada. Bishop Strachan, the President, could not forget his original plans in securing the charter, and was still trying to realize them as far as possible. In a petition which he presented to Parliament in 1845 against the Draper University Bill, he makes his real object very clear. He says: "Above all things, I claim from the endowment the means of educating my clergy. This was my chief object in obtaining the Royal Charter and the Endowment of King's College; ... and was indeed the most valuable result to be anticipated by the institution.... This is a point which never can be given up, and to which I believe the faith of Government is unreservedly pledged."[64] As time went on and the history of the Royal grant of 1798 came to be more fully discussed and understood, the determination of the people grew more and more fixed to secure such modifications in the King's College Charter as would make it a national instead of a sectarian institution. [64] See D. H. E., Vol. V., p. 137. The proposal of Baldwin, introduced in 1843, was statesmanlike, and although it failed to pass owing to the early resignation of his Ministry, it is interesting because it outlined in part the principles upon which the University question was finally settled. The Bill proposed to create a University of Toronto, and leave King's College as a theological seminary without power to confer degrees. Queen's, Victoria, and Regiopolis[65] were to become affiliated in connection with Toronto University, and were to surrender their powers to confer degrees. In return they were to receive certain grants from the King's College endowment. Toronto University was to become the only degree-conferring power in Upper Canada. Baldwin had the Governor's consent to bring in this Bill, and had his Ministry remained in power it would doubtless have passed. The Bill had the active support of Queen's and Victoria, and the bitter opposition of Dr. Strachan.[66] [65] Regiopolis, a Roman Catholic college incorporated by the Legislature in 1837, had not, at this time, degree-conferring powers. [66] See his petition presented to House of Assembly, 1843, against Bill. Dr. Ryerson summed up the whole situation in a reply to an eloquent and very able argument of Hon. W. H. Draper, who appeared at the Bar of the House of Assembly as Counsel of King's College Council, in opposition to the Bill. Dr. Ryerson concludes as follows: "The lands by which King's College has been so munificently endowed, were set apart nearly fifty years ago (in compliance with an application in 1797 of the Provincial Legislature) for the promotion of Education in Upper Canada. This was the object of the original appropriation of those lands--a noble grant, not to the Church of England, but to the people of Upper Canada. In 1827 Doctor Strachan, by statements and representations against which the House of Assembly of Upper Canada protested again and again, got 225,944 acres of these lands applied to the endowment of the Church of England College. Against such a partial application and perversion of the original Provincial objects of that Royal grant the people of Upper Canada protested; the Charter of King's College was amended to carry out the original object of the Grant; the general objects of the amended Charter have been defeated by the manner in which it has been administered, and the University Bill is introduced to secure their accomplishment; and the Council of King's College employ an advocate to perpetuate their monopoly. The reader can, therefore, easily judge who is the faithful advocate and who is the selfish perverter of the most splendid educational endowment that was ever made for any new country.... I argue for no particular University Bill; but I contend upon the grounds of right and humanity, that Presbyterians, Methodists and all others ought to participate equally with the Episcopalians in the educational advantages and endowments that have been derived from the sale of lands, which, pursuant to an application from the Provincial Legislature, were set apart in 1797 by the Crown for the support of Education in Upper Canada."[67] [67] See D. H. E., Vol. V., pp. 49-59. In looking back upon the situation from our vantage-ground, covering a lapse of nearly three-quarters of a century, we may marvel that all parties were not ready to compromise upon the basis of a purely secular and national university. But secular, state-owned colleges are a very modern growth, and few men among our grandfathers had the courage to champion such institutions. An educational institution without some religious basis had uncanny associations. Therefore, it is not a matter for surprise that many good men were prepared to mutilate the University Endowment of Upper Canada, and dissipate it among sectarian colleges. Such, to a large degree, would have been the result had the Draper Bill of 1845 become law. The Draper Government made a further attempt to settle the vexed question in 1846. John A. Macdonald (afterwards Sir John A. Macdonald) made another unsuccessful attempt in 1847. The Hon. Robert Baldwin then became Premier, and after securing the Report of a Commission on University Affairs, he introduced and passed a University Bill in 1849. This Act has been many times amended, but the final result has been to preserve for the people of Upper Canada the University Endowment, and to remove from the management every semblance of sectarian control. The University has become the property and the pride of all classes, irrespective of race, politics, or religion. CHAPTER V. _RYERSON'S FIRST REPORT ON A SYSTEM OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION._ "The true greatness of a people does not consist in borrowing nothing from others, but in borrowing from all whatever is good, and in perfecting whatever it appropriates."--_M. Cousin._ This quotation from the eminent Frenchman admirably illustrates the spirit of Ryerson's first Report[68] and the draft of proposed legislation accompanying it. His Report contains comparatively little that is original, being made up of ninety per cent. of quotations from Horace Mann's Report and from reports of eminent European statesmen and educators. And yet the Report is none the less valuable because of the quotations, nor does a reading of it tend to lessen one's respect for the writer. On the contrary, the aptness of the quotations and the skilful way in which Ryerson marshals his proofs, show his statesmanship and genius for organization. He saw enough during his European and American tours of investigation to convince him that Canada could, with profit to herself, borrow many things from other peoples. His shrewd common sense and intimate first-hand knowledge of Canadian conditions told him exactly what ought to be done, and he wisely allowed others to tell in his Report their own stories. His position was that of a skilled advocate bringing forth witness after witness to give evidence to the soundness of his theories. [68] See "Report on a System of Public Elementary Instruction for Upper Canada," by Egerton Ryerson, published 1847, consisting of 191 pages. _Note._--Unless otherwise specified, all quotations in this Chapter are from the above report. He sets out by defining education, and although his definition is not scientific in a psychological sense, it is essentially correct--it points to the school as an agency to promote good citizenship. "By education I mean not the mere acquisition of certain arts or of certain branches of knowledge, but that instruction and discipline which qualify and dispose the subjects of it for their appropriate duties and employments of life, as Christians, as persons of business, and also as members of the civil community in which they live." Ryerson then points out that in Upper Canada the education of the masses has been sacrificed to the education of a select class. He wishes to see a system of universal education adapted to the needs of the country. "The branches of knowledge which it is essential that all should understand should be provided for all, and taught to all; should be brought within the reach of the most needy and forced upon the attention of the most careless. The knowledge required for the scientific pursuit of mechanics, agriculture, and commerce must needs be provided to an extent corresponding with the demand and the exigencies of the country; while to a more limited extent are needed facilities for acquiring the higher education of the learned professions." The Report sets forth a great array of proof drawn from the United States, Britain, Switzerland, Germany, and other European countries, to show that the productive capacity of the people, their morality and intelligence, are in direct proportion to their schools and institutions of learning. Ryerson lays down as fundamental that any system adopted for Upper Canada must be universal in the sense of giving elementary instruction to all and practical in the sense of fitting for the duties of life in a young country. He goes to considerable trouble to show that in his view the practical includes religion and morality, as well as a development of the merely intellectual powers. Ryerson was no narrow ecclesiastic, but still he could conceive of no sound system of elementary instruction that did not provide for the teaching of the essential truths of Christianity. He was decidedly not in favour of secular schools or secular colleges. And yet he believed that religious instruction in mixed classes was possible, and pointed out in his Report how it might be conducted. He made a very sharp distinction between religion and dogma, between the essential truths of Christianity and sectarianism. Dogma and sectarian teaching, in his opinion, had no place in schools except in those where all the pupils were of a common religious faith. What he pleads for in his Report is the recognition of Christianity as a basis of all instruction, and the teaching of as much of the Bible as could be given without offending any sectarian prejudices. "To teach a child the dogmas and spirit of a Sect, before he is taught the essential principles of Religion and Morality, is to invert the pyramid, to reverse the order of nature,--to feed with the bones of controversy instead of with the nourishing milk of Truth and Charity.... I can aver from personal experience and practice, as well as from a very extended enquiry on this subject, that a much more comprehensive course of Biblical and Religious instruction can be given than there is likely to be opportunity for doing so in Elementary Schools, without any restraint on the one side or any tincture of sectarianism on the other,--a course embracing the entire history of the Bible, its institutions, cardinal doctrines and morals, together with the evidences of its authenticity." The Report goes on to show how from Ryerson's viewpoint the absence of religious teaching in the schools of the American Union was having a damaging effect upon the moral fibre of the national life. He further illustrated by reference to what he saw in France, Germany, and Ireland, how religious instruction might be given without causing any denominational friction or unpleasantness. After defining the aim and scope of a national system of education, and giving it a religious foundation, the Report outlines the subjects that should be taught in Elementary Schools, and illustrates in almost every case how these several subjects should be presented. While the basis of the instruction proposed is the three R's--reading, including spelling; 'riting, and 'rithmetic--yet it is remarkable to what an extent Ryerson proposed to go in "enriching" the Common School programme. Indeed, as one reads the Report he is inclined to repeat the old adage: "There is nothing new under the sun." Almost every subject introduced into Ontario schools during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and many which yet, in the twentieth century, seem to have an insecure foothold, and are by many denominated "fads," were included by Ryerson in his memorable Report of 1846, and the arguments he uses in favour of their adoption would not seem out of place if used by an advanced educator of the present day. He pleads for music, drawing, history, civics, inductive geography, inductive grammar teaching, concrete number work, oral instruction, mental arithmetic, nature study, experimental science, book-keeping, agriculture, physical training, hygiene, and even political economy. He illustrates some German methods of teaching reading that many Ontario teachers fondly think were originated in their own country. Ryerson from Canada, Horace Mann from Massachusetts, Sir Kay Shuttleworth from England, besides many others, about this time paid visits to Prussia, and went home to recommend the adoption of much that they saw. These men were acute observers. They recognized that the Germans had learned something that was not generally known by other teachers. How are we to explain it? Had the German teachers by accident blundered upon better _methods_ of teaching than were practised by other nations? Not so. The German methods were the natural result of the German philosophy. The work of Herbart, Froebel, and other thinkers, was bearing its natural fruit, and many of the improvements introduced into the Canadian schools by Ryerson and practised by Canadian teachers, perhaps in an empirical way, were far-away echoes of principles laboriously worked out by German scholars. Ryerson's remarks on teaching Biography and Civil Government seem almost like an echo from some modern school syllabus. "Individuals preceded nations. The picture of the former is more easily comprehended than that of the latter, and is better adapted to awaken the curiosity and interest the feeling of the child. Biography should, therefore, form the principal topic of elementary history; and the great periods into which it is naturally and formally divided,--and which must be distinctly marked,--should be associated with the names of some distinguished individual or individuals. The life of an individual often forms the leading feature of the age in which he lived and will form the best nucleus around which to collect, in the youthful mind, the events of an age, or the history of a period.... Every pupil should know something of the Government and Institutions and Laws under which he lives, and with which his rights and interests are so closely connected. Provision should be made to teach in our Common Schools an outline of the principles and constitution of our Government; the nature of our institutions; the duties which they require; the manner of fulfilling them; some notions of our Civil, and especially our Criminal Code." The second part of Ryerson's Report is wholly concerned with the machinery of a System of Public Elementary Instruction for Upper Canada. The Report, after giving an outline of the various classes of schools in France and Germany, recommends for Canada a system as follows:--Common or Primary Schools for every section of a township; District Model Schools, which would correspond with the German Real or Trade Schools; District Grammar Schools, which would correspond with the German Higher Burgher Schools and Gymnasia; and, completing all, one or more Provincial Universities. The Report also suggested that as Districts became more populous each would in time be able to support, say three Model Schools, and these might specialize, one training for agriculture, another for commercial life, and a third for mechanical or industrial life. Normal Schools were also recommended for the training of teachers, and elaborate arguments set forth showing their benefits. The example of France, Germany, Ireland, and the United States is quoted to show how these schools would secure better teachers, and that better teachers would mean better schools. Ryerson believed that Normal Schools would elevate teaching to the rank of a profession. He believed that the people were intelligent enough to choose good teachers in preference to poor ones if the good ones were at hand. He also pointed out how a good teacher would be able to economize the child's time and advance him much faster than an indifferent teacher. The Report then deals with the subject of textbooks. We need to remember that in Upper Canada at this time there was no control of textbooks. Each local Board or each teacher made a selection. In the majority of cases the matter regulated itself. Pupils used what they could get. With many of the people, a book was a book, and one was as good as another. The utmost confusion prevailed. There had been many complaints that some of the books used were American and anti-British in tone. By 1846 the enterprise of Canadian publishers had driven out many of the American texts, but in some districts they were still in common use.[69] In reference to this, Ryerson says: "The variety of textbooks in the schools, and the objectionable character of many of them, is a subject of serious and general complaint. All classification of the pupils is thereby prevented; the exertions of the best teacher are in a great measure paralyzed; the time of the scholars is almost wasted; and improper sentiments are often inculcated." The Report suggests that this matter must be under central control and not left to any local board or district superintendent. To fully appreciate the importance of this matter we need to remember that books meant more sixty years ago than they do to-day in any system of instruction. The better the teacher the less he is dependent upon a book, especially in such subjects as arithmetic, grammar, geography, or history. But in 1846 the teachers were in many cases wholly helpless without books. A boy went to school to "mind his book." Rote learning, working problems by a rule laid down in the book, studying printed questions and answers, were largely what was meant by "schooling." Bad as such a system was, its evils were increased when the books were especially unsuitable. Ryerson praised very highly the series in use in the National Schools of Ireland, and later he introduced them into Canada. [69] A Report made to the Education Office, for 1846, shows that there were in use in Upper Canada schools 13 Spelling, 107 Reading, 35 Arithmetic, 20 Geography, 21 History, and 16 Grammar texts, besides 53 different texts in various other subjects. Public men in Upper Canada who took an interest in education had long recognized that the Common Schools were sadly in need of a stronger central control, and some system of inspection. But how to secure these safeguards and yet not destroy the principle of local control was no easy problem to solve. The township superintendents were not educators. They often were intelligent men, but as a class were without any knowledge of how to guide schools or inspire teachers to nobler things. They received from £10 to £20 a year for their services, which sum was as good as wasted. The Act of 1841, and that of 1843, had made provision for local superintendents of education, and had also defined their duties, but the Act had made no provision to secure the due performance of their orders. They were without power except such as the District and Township Boards voluntarily allowed them to assume. They might make suggestions and give advice, but with that their legal functions were at an end. When M. Cousin, in 1836, visited Holland to examine into the system of primary instruction in that country, the Dutch Commissioner who had founded the system said to him: "Be watchful in the choice of your inspectors; they are the men who ought to be sought for with a lantern in the hand." Ryerson recognized the truth of this, and in his Report laid it down as essential to any efficient system. His report on the control that should be exercised directly by the Government I shall quote entire. "(1) To see that the Legislative grants are faithfully and judiciously expended according to the intentions of the Legislature; that the conditions on which the appropriations have been made are in all cases duly fulfilled. "(2) To see that the general principles of the law as well as the objects of its appropriations are in no instance contravened. "(3) To prepare the regulations which relate to the general character and management of the schools, and the qualifications and character of the teachers, leaving the employment of them to the people and a large discretion as to modes of teaching. "(4) To provide or recommend books from the catalogue of which Trustees or Committees may be enabled to select suitable ones for the use of their schools. "(5) To prepare and recommend suitable plans of school-houses and their furniture and appendages as one of the most important subsidiary means of securing good schools--a subject upon which it is intended by me, on a future occasion, to present a special report. "(6) To employ every constitutional means to excite a spirit of intellectual activity and enquiry, and to satisfy it as far as possible by aiding in the establishment and selection of school libraries and other means of diffusing useful knowledge. "(7) Finally and especially, to see that an efficient system of inspection is exercised over all the schools. This involves the examination and licensing of teachers, visiting the schools, discovering errors and suggesting remedies as to the organization, classification and methods of teaching in the schools, giving counsel and instruction as to their management, carefully examining the pupils, animating teachers, trustees and parents by conversations and addresses, whenever practicable, imparting vigour by every available means to the whole school system. What the Government is to the system and what the teacher is to the school, the local inspector or superintendent of schools should be within the limits of his district." This plan made the Local Superintendent responsible for the examination and licensing of teachers according to regulations laid down by the Department. With this important exception it will be seen that the functions of the Government as exercised through the Department of Education are substantially the same to-day as they were outlined in Ryerson's first report. The concluding part of the report dealt with what Ryerson called "Individual Efforts," and under this heading he said some very sensible things. He emphasized the importance of parents taking an interest in the school, of clergymen and magistrates visiting the school, of good school libraries, of Teachers' Institutes, of debating clubs, and of every agency that would assist in stimulating intellectual life. CHAPTER VI. _RYERSON'S SCHOOL BILL OF 1846._ The year 1846 will ever be memorable in the annals of school legislation in Upper Canada, because it established the main principles upon which all subsequent school legislation was founded. As already pointed out, the Act of 1843 was largely a failure because it did not provide adequate machinery for the enforcement of its provisions. No important school legislation was undertaken during 1845 in anticipation of Ryerson's report. After making his report, Ryerson drafted a Bill which, with a few trifling emendations, became the Common School Act of 1846. It will assist us to an intelligent grasp of future legislation if we examine this Act with some care. It first defined the duties of the Superintendent of Schools. He became the chief executive officer of the Government in all school matters. He was to apportion among the various District Councils (there were twenty at this time) in proportion to the school population, the money voted by the Legislature for the support of common schools (the total Legislative grant for 1846 was £20,962 to 2,736 schools) and see that it was expended according to the Act; he was to supply school officers with all necessary forms for making school returns and keep them posted as to school regulations; he was to discourage unsuitable books as texts and for school libraries and to recommend the use of uniform and approved texts; he was to assume a general direction of the Normal School when it became established; he was to prepare and recommend plans for school-houses, with proper furniture; he was to encourage school libraries, and finally he was to diffuse information generally on education and submit an annual report to the Governor-General. The Act established the first General Board of Education.[70] It was to consist of the Superintendent of Education and six other members appointed by the Governor-General. This Board was to manage the Normal School, to authorize texts for schools and to aid the Superintendent with advice upon any subject which he should submit to it. [70] The one in existence from 1823 to 1833 was not established by Parliament but by the Lieutenant-Governor by the authority of the Imperial Government. The Act provided for a Normal and Model School. It required each Municipal District Council to appoint a Superintendent of Schools. No qualification was fixed for the District Superintendent. It would have been useless to do so, because there were no men technically qualified for such positions. The only thing to do was trust to the District Council to choose the best man available. The District Municipal Council was also instructed to levy upon the rateable property of the District a sum for support of schools at least equal to the Legislative grant. They were to divide each township, town or city into numbered school sections. They were also given power by by-law to levy rates upon any school section for the purchase of school sites, erection of school buildings or teachers' residences in that section. The District Superintendents became very important officers, and upon their learning, zeal, integrity and tact must have depended much of the success or failure of the schools of this period. They were required to apportion the District School Fund, consisting of the Legislative grant and Municipal levy, among the various school sections in proportion to the number of children between five and sixteen years of age resident in the section, and pay these sums to the teacher on the proper order being presented; to visit all schools in their Districts[71] at least once a year and report on their progress and general condition; to advise trustees and teachers in regard to school management; to examine candidates for teachers' certificates, and grant licenses, either temporary or permanent, to those who were proficient; to revoke licenses held by incompetent or unsuitable teachers; to prevent the use of unauthorized textbooks; and finally, to make an annual report of the schools in their districts to the Chief Superintendent. [71] Five Districts had, in 1846, more than 200 schools each, the average for the Province being 155 schools for each District. The Act declared that all Clergymen, Judges of the District Court, Wardens, Councillors and Justices of the Peace were to be school visitors, with the right to visit any school or schools in their districts except Separate Schools. They were given authority to question pupils, conduct examinations and advise the teachers, or make reports to the District Superintendent. They were especially charged with the duty of encouraging school libraries. One remarkable power was conferred upon them. Any two school visitors of a district were allowed to examine a candidate for a teacher's license and grant such license if they saw fit for a term not exceeding one year in a specified school. There are two simple explanations[72] of this clause in Ryerson's School Act. He may have wished to interest school visitors in the schools by giving them some power. He may have wished to create a local power to act in an emergency if a school became vacant through any cause during a school term. In many cases the Superintendent lived fifty to seventy-five miles from the remote corners of his District, and with the primitive means of communication in use at that time, it was an advantage to have some local body with authority to license teachers. [72] Ryerson also gives as a reason his desire to make a gradual transition from the old system of license by Township Boards to the new plan of granting licenses only by the District Superintendent. See D. H. E., Vol. VII., P. 155. It is a matter for regret that at the present time the various officials mentioned here as school visitors, as well as parents generally, are so seldom seen inside the public schools. True, we now have trained teachers, and teaching has so far become a profession that few school visitors would care to question pupils, but the very presence in the school-room from time to time of educated men and women, and especially those occupying public positions, has a beneficial effect upon both teachers and pupils. Pupils feel that the work of the school must be important if it is worthy of the attention of busy and successful men. Teachers are encouraged to make a good showing and are often hungry for the few words of sympathy and encouragement that would naturally accompany such visits. The school can never fully realize its function as a social institution unless the best citizens take an active interest in it. This was uppermost in Ryerson's mind when he penned that part of his report relating to individual efforts in promoting the welfare of the school.[73] [73] See Report in D. H. E., Vol. VI., p. 208. The Act of 1846 defined in detail how school trustees were to be elected. In all previous Acts the whole Trustee Board was elected annually. This gave to the Board no continuity of corporate life. One Trustee Board might have certain plans and make a certain bargain with a teacher. The new Board might have different plans and repudiate the contracts of its predecessor. Ryerson's Bill solved the difficulty by having trustees elected for three years, one to retire annually. Trustees' duties were not materially different from those of trustees to-day except in one or two particulars. They had to raise by a rate bill upon parents of pupils attending school such sums as were required over and above the two school grants for payment of the teacher's salary and the incidental expenses of the school; they were required to make provision by which the children of indigent parents were exempted, wholly or in part, from school rates; and they were required to select school books from a list sanctioned by the Department of Education. In Ryerson's draft bill he proposed that the rate bill should be levied upon the property of the section. This would virtually have given free schools. The Legislature of 1846 amended this clause and made the rate bill assessable only upon parents of children in actual attendance. Ryerson says of these rate bills:[74] "The evils of the present system of school rate bills have been brought under my notice from the most populous townships and by the most experienced educationists in Canada. When it is apprehended that the rate bill in a school section will be high, many will not send their children to the school at all--then there is no school; or else a few give enough to pay the teacher for three months, including the Government grant; or even after the school has commenced, if it be found that the school is not so large as had been anticipated, and that those who send will consequently be required to pay more than they had expected, parents will begin to take their children from school in order to escape the rate bill as persons would flee from a falling house! The consequence is that the school is either broken up, or the whole burthen of paying the teacher falls upon the trustees, and often as a consequence a quarrel ensues between them and the teacher. I have been assured by the most experienced and judicious men, with whom I have conversed on the subject, that it is impossible to have good schools under the present rate bill system. I think the substitute I proposed will remedy the evil. I know of none who will object to it but the rich and the childless and the selfish. Education is a public good; ignorance is a public evil. What affects the public ought to be binding upon each individual composing it. In every good government and in every good system the interests of the whole society are obligatory upon each member of it." [74] See D. H. E., Vol. VI., p. 76. This rate bill, as authorized in 1846, was, however, an improvement on the old one which was levied upon parents according to the actual time of the child's attendance, whereas the Bill of 1846 levied a tax upon the parents of children in actual attendance for at least two-thirds of the whole school term, whether the children attended regularly or irregularly. Teachers' duties were defined by the Act much as they are to-day. District Model Schools were authorized on the same condition as in the Act of 1843. The clauses in the Act of 1843 relating to the formation of Separate Roman Catholic or Protestant schools were also embodied in the Act of 1846. Now, what are the distinguishing features of this School Act that reflect credit upon its author? It would be idle to pretend that there were not in Upper Canada many able men who saw the weaknesses of the school system as clearly as Dr. Ryerson. Ryerson's claim to distinction rests upon the fact that he organized a system that _worked_. He not only co-ordinated the several parts of the system, but put life into it. This was no easy task. The people were very jealous of their power of local control, and yet unless this local control could be subjected to some central control, improvement was hopeless. It was here that Ryerson did what no other man had done. He lessened local, and strengthened central, control, and did it so gradually, so wisely, and so tactfully, that local prejudices were soothed and in many cases the people scarcely recognized what was being done until the thing was accomplished. We must not suppose that all this was completed by the legislation of 1846. It began then, but its complete evolution was the work of a quarter-century. If we ask through what agency Ryerson was enabled to secure this gradual executive strength that makes our educational machinery so effective the answer must be--the Legislative grant. The Legislature placed the grant at the disposal of the Superintendent for him to apportion among the Districts. Here was a lever of wonderful power, and Ryerson was quick to perceive its possibilities. If Districts wished a grant they must conform to certain requirements. If school sections wished a grant from the District Superintendent, they, too, must satisfy certain requirements as to textbooks, qualified teachers, building and equipment. No doubt the Prussian system gave Ryerson many hints on this subject, but he knew that the Canadian spirit was very different from the docile German spirit fostered by generations of benevolent paternalism. I think, too, there can be no reasonable doubt that he received many practical hints on this point from the workings of Her Majesty's Committee on Education formed by the Imperial Parliament. The history of the world presents no more significant illustration of how an outside body may come to exercise an effective control over various kinds of schools than is presented by the history of the schools of Great Britain and Ireland and their control by Her Majesty's Government through parliamentary grants. That the leaders of Canadian public opinion in the years following 1846 saw all that was involved in Ryerson's gradual strengthening of central control of educational affairs is made abundantly clear by the leading editorials in the press of that period. The Toronto _Globe_, which had been established in 1844 by the Browns, was already in 1846 the leading exponent of advanced liberal ideas in Upper Canada. As the _Globe_ had been bitterly opposed to Lord Metcalfe, and had resented Ryerson's defence of him, it was not to be expected that Ryerson's appointment as Superintendent of Education would be satisfactory to that journal, or that his educational plans would be leniently criticised. Indeed, the _Globe_ editor's first objection to Ryerson's Bill of 1846 was to the great powers conferred upon the Superintendent and to the irresponsible nature of his Commission. The following is from a _Globe_ editorial of April 14th, 1846;[75] "We have read a draft of the new School Bill for Upper Canada brought in by Mr. Draper. We have not been able to go over all its claims, but it contains one objectionable principle, viz.: the appointment and dismissal of the Superintendent is vested in the Governor-General personally and not in the Governor-General with the advice of his Council, as it ought to be. The whole funds from which the school system is to derive support are raised by the people of Canada, and the disposal of them should be subjected to the control of the House through the Executive Council.... The powers of the Superintendent are very great and embrace many points such as the selection of proper books, etc. A Board of seven Commissioners to assist the Superintendent is named, but the Governor may appoint them, or not, and the Superintendent may take their advice, or not, and he has also power to prevent interference at any time, for he is only to receive advice on all measures which he may 'submit to them.' The whole of this extensive institution, if the Bill passes, will be lodged in the Governor-General personally and in the Superintendent, and they may work it for any purpose that suits their views." On July 14th, 1846, the editor of the _Globe_ again criticises the School Bill, because the Superintendent reports to the Governor and not to the Governor-General-in-Council. [75] See bound volume of _Globe_ in Legislative Library, Toronto. These articles are interesting and important. Why was Ryerson's appointment vested in the Governor and not in the Executive Council? The answer not only throws valuable light upon the way that Ryerson himself viewed his office and its relation to the public, but it incidentally shows how imperfectly responsible government was established in Upper Canada in 1846. We should gasp with astonishment in Canada to-day if it were proposed to vest the appointment of any public officers in the Governor-General personally. We allow our Governors no personal freedom in the conduct of public affairs. But in 1846 that idea was not wholly accepted. There still lingered a feeling that the Crown had certain vaguely-defined prerogatives, which might be exercised without let or hindrance from Councillors. And many who recognized that the British Crown had little individual freedom of action in public affairs in Britain could not see that the same status ought to be established for the Crown's representative in a colony. Or, to put it in another way, the people did not see how a colony could be self-governing without being wholly independent. Ryerson wished his appointment to be vested in the Governor, rather than in the Executive Council, because he thought that by such an arrangement he was a servant of the country and not of any political party. He thought that a Superintendent of Education ought, like a judge, to be placed beyond the accidents and turmoil of politics. No doubt that was an illogical position. Indeed, time showed it to be so, and that full recognition of the principle of responsible government required a Minister of Education responsible directly to the Legislature. We can only speculate as to what would have been the effect upon our schools had Ryerson's position been looked upon as political and had he been forced to vacate his office with every change of government. It seems doubtful whether our schools would have improved as rapidly as they did under the conservative, but truly progressive, policy of Ryerson. There is abundant evidence that there were many in Upper Canada who wished to see the position of Superintendent closely connected with politics. A _Globe_ editorial, Jan. 6th, 1847, commenting on Ryerson's report, says: "We expected that when our new Superintendent stepped into his ill-gotten office he would immediately take measures to make himself acquainted with the replies to such questions as the following: First, the situation, condition and number of schools and school-houses of all kinds in the Province. Second, the manner in which school trustees, town, county and district Superintendents had discharged their several duties. Third, the desire manifested by parents generally for the education of their children. Fourth, the competency and efficiency of the teachers, their salaries, etc. Fifth, the kind of school books used, the school libraries and other apparatus for teaching. Had such questions been proposed and answered, the Superintendent would have had something to base a report upon. It was but natural to suppose that an officer whose sole prospects of success are in the confidence and co-operation of the people would have taken some steps to gain that confidence and co-operation, that he would have been desirous by direct communication with superintendents, trustees, experienced teachers and influential persons in the Province of ascertaining their views and of obtaining their suggestions as to the best means of promoting the interests of the noble department over which he had been called to preside. But no, it is true he was devising a system of education for Canada, but what had the wants or wishes of the people to do with it? The serfs must receive anything I, their lord and master, may import from the cringing subjects of despotic monarchies. We are more and more convinced from the examination of this report that Mr. Ryerson is not competent for the situation which he occupies." This is manifestly unfair. Ryerson knew from previous experience and without any further special investigation, the answer to every one of the five questions propounded above. In 1848, just after the Baldwin-Lafontaine administration was formed, and before the newly-formed ministry had met Parliament, there was more or less discussion about dismissing Ryerson from his position as Superintendent of Education. The _Globe_ of April 29th, 1848, says: "Will any man, except a few of his own clique, say that Egerton Ryerson should be Superintendent of Education under a Liberal Government? We apprehend none. He has done nothing wrong since his appointment, it is said. We say he has. He spent many months on the Continent of Europe and in Britain in amusement or recreation, professing to get information about things which every person knew already.... We have had hints of the Prussian system being applicable to Canada and we feel convinced that he, who sold himself to the late Administration, would have readily brought all the youth of Canada to the same market and placed them under the domination of an arbitrary and coercive power. He had sold their fathers for pelf, why not sell the sons also? Was he not in league with that party which would retain the Province in vassalage to the old Compact which he had so heartily denounced in former times? Is he not a member of that Methodist Committee which bargained away to a worthless Ministry the Methodist votes for £1,500 to Victoria College? These are most memorable events in the annals of political corruption.... But we care not if there had been no ground for complaint since 1844. We know that Egerton Ryerson sold himself body and spirit to Lord Metcalfe and that he broached doctrines of the most unconstitutional kind, threatening those who were but asking the common rights of British subjects with the vengeance of the whole Empire. The man who holds such views is unfit to be at the head of the country's education. He would convert the children of the Province into the most pliable tools of an arbitrary system." These articles show clearly that the party press was not disposed to judge Ryerson by his work as Superintendent of Education. They claimed that because he championed Lord Metcalfe in 1844 he was a partizan, and if a partizan in 1844 he must still be one in 1848. Besides a certain amount of political prejudice, Ryerson had to overcome the many points of friction caused by an attempt to work the Bill of 1846, and when we consider the ignorance and incompetence among those upon whom the administration of the Act rested, and the prejudices against the Act by many who were supremely selfish, we have to admit that a less courageous man would have utterly failed. Many trustees could neither read nor write. In some cases the District Municipal Councillors who were parties to school administration were equally ignorant. District Superintendents of schools were not always fitted for such a responsibility. Perhaps half the whole body of teachers made up a motley assortment of impecunious tramps. The Superintendent's report for 1847 shows that out of 2,572 schoolhouses only 133 were of brick or stone, and that 1,399 were made of logs; 1,378 had no playground, and only 163 were provided with water-closets. With many superintendents, trustees, and teachers miserably incompetent, with buildings and equipment woefully inadequate, it required a stout heart to undertake a reformation. Ryerson had two temperamental qualities that stood him in good stead; he had an idealist's faith in humanity, believing that men would choose the higher if it could once be shown them; he had besides an infinite capacity for hard work and for taking pains. This is fully shown by the way he met the many objections to his Bill of 1846. The bitterest opposition came from the Council of the Gore District, now the County of Wentworth, a District from which more progressive ideas might have been expected. On the 10th November, 1846, this Council[76] petitioned the Legislative Assembly against Ryerson's Bill. They objected to a Provincial Board of Education and to a Chief Superintendent. They wished to have re-enacted the School Bills of 1816 and 1820. Among other things the petition says: "With respect to the necessity of establishing a Normal, with elementary Model Schools in this Province, your memorialists are of opinion that however well adapted such an institution might be to the wants of the old and densely populated countries of Europe, where service in almost every vocation will scarcely yield the common necessaries of life, they are altogether unsuited to a country like Upper Canada, where a young man of such excellent character as a candidate is required to be to enter a Normal School and having the advantage of a good education besides, need only turn to the right hand or to the left to make his service much more agreeable and profitable to himself, than in the drudgery of a common school, at an average of £29 per annum [the average in Upper Canada for 1845]; nor do your memorialists hope to provide qualified teachers by any other means in the present circumstances of the country than by securing as heretofore the services of those whose physical disabilities from age render this mode of obtaining a livelihood the only one suited to their decaying energy, or by employing such of the newly-arrived immigrants as are qualified for common school teachers, year by year as they come amongst us, and who will adopt this as a means of temporary support until their character and abilities are known and turned to better account for themselves." [76] See copy of petition in D. H. E., Vol. VII., pp. 114-116. This petition was sent to every District Council in Upper Canada. Some districts agreed with it, some were indifferent and some wholly opposed its spirit. Colborne District Council took a very different attitude. They praised the Chief Superintendent, warmly approved of a Normal School, and found much to admire in the legislation of 1846. The following from their report will serve as an illustration:[77] "As the Normal and Model Schools begin to yield their legitimate fruits, and as the blighting effects of employing men as school teachers who are neither in manners nor in intellectual endowments much above the lowest menials, shall press less and less heavily upon the mental and moral habitudes of the rising generation, the great benefits to be derived from the present Common School Act, and its immense superiority over all former school laws of Upper Canada, will become more and more confessed and appreciated. Already that public apathy which is the deadliest enemy to improvement is slowly yielding to the necessity imposed by the present school law upon the trustees and others of acquiring extended information, of entering with a deeper interest into all matters connected with Common Schools and of joining with school visitors, superintendents and municipal councillors in a more active and vigilant oversight of them." [77] See copy of memorial in D. H. E., Vol. VII., p. 117. Ryerson saw that public opinion must be educated. The problem was a wider one than the education of the rising generation in the schoolhouses. The fathers and mothers and all who made public opinion must be awakened. This work Ryerson did in a characteristic manner. He had been a missionary preacher of the Gospel; he now became an educational missionary. He sent carefully-prepared circulars to Municipal Councils, to District Superintendents, to school trustees and to teachers. He established at his own financial risk, and without accepting a penny of the profits for his labour, an educational journal as a means of communication with the general public. In the autumn of 1847 he spent ten weeks in visits to the twenty-one Districts into which Upper Canada was at that time divided. He called District Educational Conventions, lasting each two days. To these were invited teachers, District Superintendents, School Visitors, Municipal Councillors and the general public. The Warden was generally secured as chairman. During the day, Ryerson discussed the School Act and its operation. He found that often the people had been misled and that trustees who had never made any attempt to enforce the Act had laid the blame for their poor school upon the Act of 1846. In almost every case a frank discussion face to face with the parties concerned removed unreasonable prejudices and made friends for the new Superintendent. In the evening, Ryerson gave a public lecture. His subject in 1847 was "The Advantage of Education to an Agricultural People." No subject could have been more appropriate to secure the sympathy of the mass of the people and to give the lecturer an opportunity to show what he hoped to do for Upper Canada. CHAPTER VII. _THE RYERSON BILL OF 1850._ The Act of 1846 provided that the Municipal Councils of Toronto and Kingston were to have the same powers in school matters as the District Councils. Toronto had at this time twelve school sections, each with its own Trustee Board, and each fixing its own textbooks and course of study. Such a system was cumbersome, wasteful, and inefficient, and the practical mind of Ryerson devised a remedy. In 1847, the Cities and Towns Act was passed. This Act required the Municipal Councils of cities and towns to appoint a School Board of six members. These six, together with the Mayor of the Corporation, had full control of all schools and school property. They could determine the number and kind of schools and the texts to be used, but they had no power either to levy an assessment upon property or to collect rate bills from parents. Any funds needed by the School Board in addition to the Legislative and Municipal grants were to be levied upon the taxable property of the city or town by the Municipal Council. But the Act did not say that the Municipal Council must grant the sums asked for by the Board of Trustees. In Toronto the Council of 1848 refused to levy the necessary assessment, and the School Trustees were compelled to close the schools from July to December. The Toronto _Globe_[78] declared that Ryerson was introducing a Prussian despotism into Canada. Ryerson said that he desired nothing Prussian in the Canadian schools except the method of schoolroom instruction, and claimed that his new School Bill was almost a literal transcript of that in force in the State of New York. Ryerson then set forth the chief advantage of the new Bill, viz.: that it gave to the poor man the _right_ to have his children, however numerous, educated, whereas the rate bill system compelled him in many cases to claim free schooling only on the ground of his poverty. The new School Act was to enable a poor man to educate his children and still maintain his self-respect. The school tax was to be levied not upon the children of the section, but upon the real property. Ryerson concluded as follows: "Wealthy selfishness and hatred of the education of the poor and labouring classes may exclaim against this provision of the law, but enlightened Christian philanthropy and true patriotism will rejoice at its application." [78] See editorial, Toronto _Globe_ of May 8th, 1848. Commenting on Ryerson's letter, the following issue of the _Globe_ said: "The Doctor makes a great fuss about the cruel position of a man who cannot 'brook to say he was a pauper' under the old system and the delightful and 'enlightened Christian philanthropy' of his new system which 'places the poor man and his children upon equal footing with the rich man and his children.' All bunkum, Dr. Ryerson. If it is hard to have ten or fifty or one hundred scholars as paupers at present, will it improve the matter to make the children of the common schools all paupers? If one class keep their children away now because the schools are above their means, and pride won't let them submit to state the fact to a trustee, will there not hereafter be a much larger class whose pride will prevent them sending their children to what even Dr. Ryerson admits will be pauper schools?... Is it not melancholy that so crooked, so visionary a man as this should be at the head of the literary institutions of the country?" But Ryerson was fighting for free schools. He knew that thousands of children were growing up ignorant, especially in the large towns. He was able to show that in the city of Toronto, out of 4,450 children of school age in 1846, only 1,221 were on the common school registers and that the average attendance was scarcely one thousand. Even if it were granted that another thousand were in attendance at private and church schools, the fact remained that not more than half the children in Toronto were being educated. In October, 1848, Ryerson submitted to the Government a draft School Bill, designed to remedy the defects in the legislation of 1846-1848. In a report[79] which he submitted with his draft Bill he says: "No law which contemplates the removal of grovelling or selfish ignorance and the elevation of society by means of efficient regulations and general taxation for schools ever has been, or ever will be, popular with the purely selfish or the listlessly ignorant. All such laws must be sustained for a time at least by the joint influence of the Government and the intelligent and enterprising portion of the community." [79] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. VIII., p. 85. The outcry against free schools and taxation of property to educate the children of the poor showed clearly that the time had not yet come for the realization of his plans, and Ryerson in his draft Bill restored to towns and cities the right to impose rate bills upon parents, at the same time declaring his faith in the ultimate triumph of free schools. In February, 1849, Ryerson submitted additions to his draft Bill of the previous October. Among other changes he recommended additional Superintendents for Districts of more than 150 schools; District Boards of Examiners who would replace the District Superintendent and school visitors[80] in issuing teachers' certificates; Teachers' Institutes for lectures and professional training of teachers; provision for separate schools for coloured children; school libraries for each section, and also township libraries; township School Boards; a School of Art and Design, connected with the Normal School; provincial certificates for Normal School graduates; making trustees personally responsible for a teacher's salary; the distribution of school funds on a basis of actual attendance, rather than on the number of children in the section; better provision for fixing school sites; more equitable division of the $200,000 legislative grant between Upper and Lower Canada, and provision for the admission into the common schools of pupils from sixteen to twenty-one years of age. [80] The report of the Bathurst District Superintendent for 1848 showed 82 teachers certificated by School Visitors and 42 by the District Superintendent. See Report of Chief Superintendent for 1848. The Baldwin Government entrusted the handling in the Legislature of the School Bill of 1849 to the Honourable Malcolm Cameron. It should be borne in mind that the Legislature met in Montreal and that the Education Office for Upper Canada was in Toronto. Dr. Ryerson was, therefore, not in direct communication with the Government, nor was he officially informed from day to day as to the progress of the Bill. It should further be borne in mind that during this session the Parliament Buildings were burned, the Governor-General mobbed, and party feeling strongly aroused, thus creating conditions favourable for hasty and careless legislation. It seems to have been taken for granted by the Legislature that the Bill as brought in was prepared by Ryerson. As a matter of fact, Ryerson's Bill had, with Cameron's assent, been so mutilated by an enemy of the Superintendent that its essential provisions were destroyed. As soon as Ryerson learned its real nature, he protested on several grounds, but especially because it aimed to destroy the usefulness of the Chief Superintendent; excluded clergymen from being school visitors; destroyed the provincial nature of the school system; injured the prospects of a Normal School; would subject teachers to serious loss in collecting their salaries; re-established school sections in towns and cities; made no provision for uniform textbooks, and because it was cumbersome and unworkable. After an elaborate analysis of the Bill, Ryerson intimated that he would not attempt to administer the law as passed and that sooner than do so he would resign. The Government soon ascertained that the Bill was unsatisfactory to everybody and intimated to Ryerson that it would not be brought into operation. This course was followed, and in the meantime Ryerson perfected his plans for a new Bill to go before the Legislature in 1850. As the Cameron Act of 1849 was never given effect, it has no interest for us, except in so far as it shows the evolution of the Act of 1850. During the Parliamentary recess, 1849-50, the Government issued circular letters to School Superintendents, ministers and other official persons, to secure suggestions as to school legislation. The replies were handed to Dr. Ryerson by the Hon. Francis Hincks, who had charge of the School legislation for 1850. Ryerson's draft of the Bill of 1850 is a tribute to his practical common sense and is sometimes called the Charter of the Ontario School System. Ryerson knew the people of Upper Canada as few knew them, and he was quick to see the dividing line between that which seemed highly desirable and that which was possible. He moved steadily toward a distant goal, but was ever educating public opinion to move with him and seldom showed impatience over the slow pace of travel, so long as there was actual progress. He wished to see free schools, but in this Act contented himself with securing permissive legislation, which he believed would soon lead to the adoption of a free system. The outstanding feature of the Act was the strengthening of Trustee Boards by recognizing them as corporate bodies with full power to manage schools under Government regulations and full power to levy taxes or rates upon the District which they represented. In case the Municipal Council collected school money, they did it only as a matter of convenience. Provision was made for securing school sites, erecting and furnishing new buildings, electing trustees, holding board meetings, keeping schools accounts, appointing collectors for school moneys, providing books and apparatus, educating indigent children and forming school libraries. Teachers' duties and responsibilities were not materially altered. They were, however, effectually secured against loss of the full amount of salary promised them by trustee boards. Adequate provision was made for school sections composed of adjoining parts of two or more townships. Provision was made for Township Boards of Trustees on the request of a majority of the school supporters, to manage all the schools of a township. County Boards of Public Instruction were formed, consisting of the County Superintendent and the Trustees of the District Grammar School. These boards were to meet four times a year, to hold examinations and license teachers. They were to use their influence to establish school libraries and promote the cause of education. District superintendents were limited to one hundred schools each, and were to receive one pound per annum for each school, besides necessary travelling expenses. The Superintendent was no longer the custodian of school money, but gave orders to the Township Treasurer to pay to teachers their proper allowances. The Superintendent was to visit every school in his District once each quarter, and to deliver a public lecture in every school section once each year. Thus the way was open for the District Superintendent to become an expert, giving a minimum of time to clerical work and a maximum to the encouragement of pupils and teachers. He was to become a link between the Department of Education on the one hand and the District Council and Trustee Boards on the other. He was a local officer, but his duties were definitely prescribed by a central authority. Through him the Chief Superintendent and the Council of Public Instruction were able to keep in touch with pupils, teachers, school visitors, trustee boards, county boards, and district councils. School visitors were given the same privileges as by the Act of 1846, except the right to grant licenses to teachers. The General Board of Education was merged into the Council of Public Instruction, with duties substantially the same as those assigned the former body in 1846. Incorporated towns and cities were no longer to have school sections, but instead a Board of Trustees to manage school affairs. Town and City School Boards were allowed three ways of securing the money necessary, in addition to the school fund, for common school purposes. The Board might ask the Municipal Council to levy an assessment for the required sum, in which case the said Council were bound to comply with its wishes; the Board might levy a rate bill upon the parents of pupils attending school; or they might raise the required funds partly by a rate bill and partly by an assessment levied by the Municipal Council. The only real difference between the methods of raising money in towns and cities on the one hand and rural sections on the other, lay in the plan of deciding how the money was to be raised. In rural sections the ratepayers assembled at the annual meeting, made the decision, and the trustees carried out their wishes; in towns and cities the trustees had full power to decide upon the method of taxation without consulting the ratepayers. School trustees in incorporated villages were governed by the same rules as trustees of towns and cities, except in the manner of the annual election. One very important feature of the new Act was the setting apart of £3,000 a year for the establishment and support of school libraries, and £25 a year for each District Teachers' Institute. A sum was also set apart for procuring plans and publications for the improvement of school architecture. The Chief Superintendent was authorized to issue provincial certificates to Normal School graduates. The Act of 1850 also made some important changes relating to Separate Schools, which will be noted in another chapter. Dr. Ryerson always felt that he owed much to the Governor-General, Lord Elgin, for helping him to form a public opinion which made possible the legislation of 1850. That distinguished nobleman was a graduate of Oxford, and he never lost an opportunity of helping forward any movement designed to raise the intellectual status of the people. But it was largely Ryerson's unaided efforts that gave Upper Canada in 1850 such a splendid educational machinery. It was no factory-made plan, but a system developed step by step out of partial failures into something better. It was, like all English law, the result of applying a common-sense remedy to a clearly proved weakness. During the passage through the Legislature of the Bill of 1850, a debate arose about Ryerson's salary, and the value of his services to the country. The following condensed account of a speech delivered in Parliament in July, by Hon. Francis Hincks, makes clear the attitude finally adopted by the Liberal Government toward Ryerson, and for that reason has some historical interest: "The member for Toronto, Mr. Boulton, had charged the Administration with buying the support of the Superintendent of Education with an increased salary. He had desired, in bringing forward this question, to make it as little a political question as possible. He thought that the great question of education might be treated without reference to party differences. He thought it his duty, considering the position which the Reverend Superintendent of Education occupied towards the party with whom he acted, to state his whole course of conduct towards that gentleman since he had taken office. It was well known to the House that the reverend gentleman was engaged, before accepting the office which he now held, in very keen controversy with the members of the present ministry; he had taken a course decidedly hostile to them. As writer for the public press at that time, he had himself engaged in that contest, though without personal feeling, as he trusted he had engaged in every contest of the kind. But there was undoubtedly on his own part, and on that of his colleagues, a strong political feeling of dislike to the reverend gentleman, on account of the formidable opposition with which they were met by him. He was appointed to the office of Superintendent by the late Government, and he did not blame that Government for so appointing him; for, if anyone ever established strong claims upon a party, it was the reverend gentleman by his defence of that administration. The present ministry again assumed the duties of the Government, and undoubtedly there was a general feeling among their supporters that one of the first measures expected of them was to get rid of the reverend gentleman in some way or other, and in that feeling most certainly he sympathized. He had found, however, bye-the-bye, that those who were most eager to recommend the Government to dismiss officials, when they were put into similar situations, into the municipal councils for instance, that they did not carry out those views, that they did not turn out their opponents without a reason for it. There were two or three ways of removing the Chief Superintendent; one was to make the office a political one; but after the best consideration being given to the question, it was not considered advisable to do that, and the proposition to abolish the office altogether, he was satisfied would have had the worst possible consequences on the educational interests of the country, after observing the benefits of active superintendents in New York, and our own Province. The only other mode then, if these two were resisted, was to remove the incumbent altogether, and then the question came, whether he had acted in such a manner as to justify his dismissal. He had often asked this question of the persons who urged his dismissal, and they had never given one good reason to support the affirmative. He was not one of those who thought that because a person supported one Government that he was therefore incapable of serving faithfully those who succeeded them, whom he had formerly opposed, always supposing, of course, that his office was not a political one. He could not find that the reverend gentleman had entered in the slightest degree into the field of politics, and as he had discharged his duties with great zeal and ability, they had no reason to interfere with him. Then the point was, how they were to act towards him in his position, and his (Mr. H.'s) determination was to give him the most cordial support; as a member of the Government he considered it his duty to do so. He felt it his duty to give the same support to officers who came oftener into contact with him, the officials of the Custom House, and he defied anyone to say that any political opponent of his had received less cordial support in the discharge of the duties of his office than his friends had; the efficiency of the service absolutely required that he should do so. He put himself in communication with the reverend gentleman in reference to this Bill, and as he (Mr. H.) believed that Doctor Ryerson possessed a more complete knowledge of the school system than any other person, he thought that any Government would have done very wrong not to have availed themselves of that knowledge. He deeply regretted the course which some gentlemen with whom he generally acted had taken on this matter. "He would only say now, that he considered he should be paid the highest salary given to any officer, for the duties of none were more onerous or more important. He might remark that he had not found lawyers in the House very anxious to reduce the salaries of the judges, but when it came to civilians, to superintendents of schools, then five hundred pounds a year was far too much. Now he considered the duties of that office as quite equal in importance, and requiring equal talents to those of a Collector of Customs, and thought that he should not be placed in an inferior position to them."[81] [81] See issue of Toronto _Globe_, July 11th, 1850, p. 331. * * * * * The Toronto _Globe_, of July 16th, 1850, speaking on the debate in the Assembly, said: "The debate on Egerton Ryerson's salary was, we think, just another instance of pandering to the cry of the moment. His salary was sought to be made the same as the Lower Canada Superintendent's. Well, the Lower Canada Superintendent's salary is five hundred pounds, but it would not do to name that sum for Upper Canada until the retrenchment committee had operated upon Lower Canada. Now, why not say at once that five hundred pounds is the proper salary for the Superintendent of Education of nearly a million people, and stick to it? We are no admirers of Egerton Ryerson, and we have always thought, and we think still, that the present ministry should have turned him out neck and crop the moment they got into power; but we are free to admit that he is a man of very great talent, who, at any mercantile or professional business he might engage in, would readily make five hundred pounds a year, and we do think that this sum is as little as could be assigned to an office of such high public importance." This article clearly shows that the _Globe_ recognized Ryerson's talents and his professional ability, while objecting to him on political grounds. Mr. George Brown, the _Globe_ Editor, was too shrewd a man, and had too strong an interest in popular education, not to see that Ryerson was working a reformation in school affairs. The following from a _Globe_ editorial of September 14th, 1850, is really a tribute grudgingly paid to Ryerson's efforts:-- "While other professions, the clergy, the lawyers, the physicians, have long gained a certain position and influence in society, and have assumed the management of their own affairs, teachers, as a class, have, until lately, stood alone, disregarded by the community, and in many instances treated as beneath the notice of men infinitely their inferiors in mental acquirements, and engaged in pursuits certainly not more important to the well-being of the community. While others were improving their circumstances and acquiring wealth and power, the schoolmaster alone appeared stationary, doomed to drag on a life of poverty and contempt, and looked upon by parents as a sort of nurse for their naughty children, who received their wages for their services, and not to meddle with the affairs of the world. We but repeat what we wrote some years ago, prior to any of Egerton Ryerson's schemes, when we say that it is a reproach to the Christian world, that those who prepare the rising generation for entry into business life, should have been left so long to poverty, and to have occupied so low a place in society. Only conceive a schoolmaster--profoundly versed in the vast variety of knowledge which the human mind can master, a man who can solve the most difficult problem in mathematics, and take the highest flights in astronomy--rarely reaching beyond the mark of a person to be patronized. To such a man, the constant toil and drudgery of a school, the annoyance of unruly children and unreasonable parents, and above all the pinching poverty to which he is too often subject, present a life of hardship which it is difficult to conceive. The smith, or the carpenter of the village, may by industry realize something for the wants of a surviving family, and the shopkeeper, or the baker, may perhaps become wealthy; but the idea of a schoolmaster having any other position than poverty, would be thought the height of absurdity." Ryerson believed that if school trustees were given the option of free schools and power to enforce taxation for their support, they would soon abolish rate-bills upon parents. Public sentiment was rapidly changing. This was fairly shown by the city of Toronto, where there were many wealthy men who objected to free schools, and where private and denominational schools were more popular than in any other part of Upper Canada. In March, 1851, a committee of the Toronto Board submitted to the Chairman a special report showing that 3,403 children who should be in the schools of that city were roaming the streets and growing up without educational advantages of any kind. The report ascribed this condition of affairs mainly to two causes, rate-bills and lack of school accommodation, and concluded by making a strong stand for free schools. The Toronto _Globe_ had scoffed at free schools in 1848. The rapid change that took place in the views of this journal is a fair index of the change that was taking place among the people of Upper Canada in regard to free schools. I shall, therefore, quote from the _Globe_ to show the trend of public opinion on free schools during the early fifties. As early as January 30th, 1851, the _Globe_ said editorially: "We are glad to observe that the plan of free common schools has been adopted at the recent annual meetings in very many school sections throughout Upper Canada. The best gift the people of Canada can confer on their children is education, sound, practical education available to all. Public money employed in educating the masses is a most profitable investment, and we hope the day will soon be when a good education is open to every child in the country." On January 5th, 1852, the _Globe_ expressed itself as follows:-- "The most important change proposed in our present system of common schools, is the abolition of all direct charges against the parents of the children attending, and the support of these institutes by direct tax on the whole body of the people. We trust the day is not far distant when the Reserve and Rectory lands will be devoted to the support of the common schools of Upper Canada, the school tax abolished, and the unspeakable advantages of a sound education placed without any charge within the reach of every child in the Province. Every effort should be put forth to effect this, but meantime let us seek to obtain the best system which our position admits of, and that, we believe, is an entirely free system supported by a direct tax. There are many reasons urged against this proposed change by sincere friends of education, which are not without weight. It is said to be unjust and tyrannical to make people who are childless pay for those who are blessed with a numerous progeny; it is urged that parents will value the blessing of education more, when they are compelled to pay for it; it is alleged to be a weakening of the parental tie, to take the expense of the education of the child from the shoulders of the parent. These arguments will have more or less influence according to the position and character of the individual who considers them, but we assert without fear of contradiction that all the evils which our warmest opponents anticipate from the introduction of free schools sink into insignificance beside the frightful consequences of our children growing up in the blindness of ignorance, the result which a free system is designed to avert. No reasonable disinterested man would place the one class of evils in comparison with the other.... "Many opponents of free schools, however, are willing that the children of the poor should be educated without charge, as they are at present. Most parents, however, would be, and are, prevented by their pride from taking advantage of this favour, and we think it highly desirable that the idea of begging education, or anything else, should be set as far as possible from the mind of every Canadian. The children of the poor should look to the common schools as a place to which they have a right to go, having paid a quota of the expense in proportion to their means, in the same way that they claim the right to walk the pavement, and on the same grounds. It is indeed a noble thought to place the education of the people in the same position as the protection of the people and the government of the people, to make it one of the necessaries of the existence of a state in peace and security, and to provide it at the expense of all, for the benefit of all. With a Government formed as ours is by the people, and entirely under its control, our only safeguard against anarchy and confusion is the intelligence and right of the people. A thorough system of common school education is the only means which can ensure these high advantages. Education ought to be universal, and to be so, it must be entirely free from all expense; there must be inducements held out to the short-sighted, unwilling parent." As I have already shown, free schools had stronger opposition in Toronto than at any other point, yet at a large public meeting held in January, 1852, in St. Lawrence Hall,[82] there were only twelve people who opposed a motion for free schools. Later in the same month Doctor Ryerson himself attended a public meeting in Toronto and discussed the free school issue. I shall quote from his speech[83] to show how skilfully he could use a concrete illustration to influence public opinion. "Speaking of free schools he said he well remembered how he went to visit one of the public schools of Boston, the High School, where boys were prepared for College, yet as free of expense to all classes as the lowest, and the Mayor of the city, who accompanied him, wishing to give a lesson in aristocracy, probably, pointed out two lads who occupied the same seat. He told him that one of these was the son of Abbot Lawrence, the great manufacturer, and now American minister in England, and the other was the son of the doorkeeper of the City Hall, which they had just left. They were enjoying the same advantages, the son of the millionaire and the son of the doorkeeper; that was what he wished to see in Canada, the sons of our poor have the same opportunity of educational advancement as those of the rich. Did it appear from this that the rich did not attend the common schools of Massachusetts? The Governor of that State, in a speech which he made lately at Newbury Port, said that if he had as many sons as old Priam, and was as rich as Astor, that he would send them to the free school. There were rich and proud men in Massachusetts, undoubtedly, who would not send their children among the poor, and rich stingy men who objected to be taxed for other people's children, but they were the exceptions to the rule. There was one fact that he wished to mention in connection with the free schools of Massachusetts. A body of European clergy belonging to the Catholic Church had gone to their Bishop in Boston to request him to use his influence against the free school system. He returned for answer that he knew the character of the schools, having been educated in them, and having owed to them his position in the Church and the world, and would do nothing to impair their usefulness." [82] See report in _Globe_ of January 10th, 1852. [83] See report in _Globe_ of January 13th, 1852. * * * * * It would be a mistake to suppose that there were not valiant champions against the free school principle, and it would be a worse mistake to suppose that all the sound arguments were on the side of free schools. The following letters from the Reverend John Roaf, a Toronto clergyman (Congregationalist), will give a fair idea of the stand taken by those who favoured rate bills upon parents. The first letter, published in the _Globe_, January 31st, 1852, is as follows: "I am happy to inform you that school section No. 1, Township of York, including the village of Yorkville, have this day negatived a proposal to have a free school, preferring to give the teacher £60 from the Public funds, and a right to charge 1s. 3d. per month for every child attending the school. The mechanics and labourers here have thus discharged the power, for there cannot be any such right, so wrongfully given them by the School Act, to educate their own children at the expense of their more wealthy neighbours. All praise to their honesty. Thus they will escape from the pauperizing tendencies of the free school system. They encourage their schoolmaster with the hope of being rewarded for making a good school. They suffer the proprietors of private schools to maintain a useful competition with the common school teacher; they keep up valuable select schools, and yet in return for the public fund, they will get free education for the children whose parents need exemption from the school fees. "May we not hope that the city of Toronto will next year follow this honourable example, and spurn the unrighteous counsel which is introducing communism in education to the undermining of property and society? The French people and the Normans ought to serve as warnings of the abyss to which this plausible socialism is enticing us." The second letter was published in the Toronto _Globe_, February 5th, 1852: "The idea of the outlay for education being profitable for the holders of property, and thus justifying the impost, is much like a joke; for surely no one thinks it necessary to force upon men of property so great a gain, as they seldom need be convinced by their poor neighbours where their true interests lie. Gain indeed; why, probably three-fourths of the children now in the Toronto common schools will carry their education away to the West, and here be succeeded by others who will similarly want to use our property for their own benefit. Besides we might give free education to those who otherwise would be destitute of it, but make those purchase it who have the means. "While I thus dwell on the injustice of the arrangement, I do so because what is unjust cannot be wise, and not because the futility of the system is not otherwise apparent. The free system divests the teacher of all proprietary and personal interest in his school, and will speedily render him sycophantic and servile to his trustees, but haughty and negligent towards his pupils and friends. It will throw education into the hands of an electioneering party, and what kind of party that will be in such places as Toronto, need not be said. It will destroy all the confidence and love felt towards the teacher as the employee and friend of the child's parents, and substitute for them a cold respect due to the public official. It will render school attendance desultory and variable, because unpaid for, and always to be had for asking. Instead of the soft, familiar, and refined circle in which wise parents like to place their children, it will drive gentle youths and sensitive girls into the large herds of children with all the regimental strictness and coldness and coarseness by which such bodies must be marked, and thus, while the child asks bread you will give him a stone." The opposition to free schools did not all come from wealthy property-owners who objected to educating the children of the poor. Voluntary schools, wholly independent of Government control and closely allied with some church, were already in operation in populous centres in Upper Canada. The managers of these schools had to depend wholly upon subscriptions and fees. So long as all schools were supported mainly from rate bills upon parents the purely voluntary schools were not at a serious disadvantage. But if free common schools were established, then all patrons of voluntary schools must submit to be taxed twice for the education of their children. The following from a _Globe_ editorial of February 14th, 1852, shows that the effects of free schools upon voluntary schools were fully appreciated: "The _Patriot_ of Tuesday gives us the real reason for his opposition to free schools. Formerly he talked of pauperizing the whole people, of socializing them, of a number of other direful evils to be dreaded as consequences of all free schools. In his last article, however, he admits that his main objection is, that denominational schools can never be supported beside those entirely free. We commend this fact to our friends who are sincerely opposed to sectarian education, and yet are not prepared to accept the principles of entire freedom. It is undoubtedly true what the _Patriot_ says, denominational schools cannot exist beside free schools. So long as we continue to exact payment from parents, so long will efforts be made by the sects to obtain aid from the public funds and private support in order to weaken the common schools, draw away scholars from them, and destroy their efficiency. When the schools are supported entirely by taxation, no such attempts can be met with success. No sectarian school only partially supported by the State can compete with the free institution, and no one would be foolish enough to propose to endow more than one entirely free school. The people would not stand the taxation. The free principle is a deathblow to the attempts of the priests to get the education of the people into their own hands, to train up the children in classes and denominations, to shut them out from free knowledge, and to give them just what pleases their prejudiced views. The _Patriot_ thinks it would be tyrannical to prevent the establishment of sectarian schools by means of a free system. We cannot see it in that light. The denominational plan has been tried in England, but it has failed. The schools were never established in sufficient numbers to educate the people. It is not reasonable to expect that sects managed by cliques of clergymen in the large towns should be able to manage a complete system of education for the people. The very idea is absurd. Are we then to give up our efforts for the education of the people, because these efforts would interfere with the small, ineffectual endeavours these denominations might make to secure proselytes to their churches through secular schools? Certainly not; the greatest friend to sectarian education could not admit that; and we who oppose that system rejoice that free schools, which are spreading so fast, will effectually put down the endeavours of the sects after educational influence which has produced both in Ireland and England such a scarcity of knowledge, and which have not been without their ill-effects in Canada." These quotations will for us serve two purposes. They give a fair picture of the free school movement, and they sum up the arguments for and against State education. No thoughtful person in this age can observe the apathy of thousands of people in regard to the education of their children without at times feeling that these people would appreciate schools much more if they had to make some personal sacrifice to secure their advantages. But further thought is almost certain to convince us that free schools are the natural support of a democratic government, and that without their socializing influence a self-governing people would always be more or less at the mercy of demagogues. CHAPTER VIII. _RYERSON AND SEPARATE SCHOOLS._ The purpose of this chapter is to set forth as briefly as possible the origin and development of Separate Schools in Upper Canada, showing incidentally the part taken in that development by Doctor Ryerson. If we seek to discover the primary cause of our Separate School system we undoubtedly find it in the almost unanimous desire of the pioneer settlers to have the Common Schools established upon a basis of Christianity, and to secure for their children some positive instruction in the Holy Scriptures. From their standpoint secular schools were of necessity godless schools. We need also to remember that sectarian prejudices were more bitter seventy years ago than they are to-day. Dogma and religion were thought to be inseparable. To-day the various bodies of Christians throughout the world make much of what they hold in common; seventy years ago their grandfathers could not forget the petty differences of doctrine that held them apart. If the schools were to give religious instruction, and if the adoption of some form of instruction acceptable to all was impossible, then separate schools were the logical outcome. And as separate schools for each one of the many sects into which the scattered population of Upper Canada was divided were clearly impossible it naturally followed that such schools were established for Roman Catholics who were comparatively few in number, and who differed in doctrine from Protestants more radically than the various Protestant bodies differed amongst themselves. No one of the Protestant bodies could object to the reading of the Protestant Bible in the schools, but the Roman Catholics naturally objected to their children taking any part in such an exercise. As pointed out in Chapter IV., the Common School Act of 1841 laid the foundation of Separate Schools. The provisions of that Act applied to the United Canadas. In any township or parish any number of dissentients might elect a trustee board and establish a school, receiving for its support public money in proportion to their numbers. It is clear that in practice under this clause a dissentient school could be established only where the dissentients were sufficiently numerous to furnish at least fifteen children of school age, and contribute a considerable sum for school purposes. Another clause in the Act of 1841 required the Governor to appoint, in towns and cities, school boards made up of an equal number of Protestants and Roman Catholics, the Protestants to manage schools attended by Protestant children and the Catholics to manage schools attended by Catholic children. But this clause made no provision for Roman Catholics from two or more city school sections combining to form one school for their children, and as Catholics in a single city section were seldom if ever numerous enough to form a school the Act was practically inoperative in securing separate Roman Catholic schools. The Bill of 1841, as introduced into the Assembly, contained none of the above provisions for Separate Schools, and the question naturally arises, why were they inserted? Several petitions were presented from Boards of Education, and some from Synods of the Presbyterian Church, praying that the Bible be made a textbook in the schools. Bishop Strachan and the clergy of his diocese petitioned "that the education of the children of their own Church may be entrusted to their own pastors, and that an annual grant from the assessments may be awarded for their instruction."[84] The Roman Catholic Bishop of Kingston also petitioned against the Bill as brought in, but did not expressly ask for Separate Schools. It seems natural then to infer (and the Journals of the Assembly for 1841 bear out this inference), that the amendments granting Separate Schools were a compromise. [84] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. IV., p. 20. Another amendment authorized Christian Brothers to teach even if they were not naturalized British subjects. In 1843 the Act of 1841 was repealed in so far as it related to Upper Canada. The new Act made it unlawful in any common school to compel the child to read from any religious book or join in any religious exercise to which his parents or guardians objected. It also provided that if the teacher of a school were a Roman Catholic, then any ten householders or freeholders might petition for a Separate School with a Protestant teacher or, in the same way, Roman Catholics might form a Separate School if the teacher were a Protestant. The grants to these Separate Schools were to be that proportion of the total school fund in any Municipal District that the children in actual attendance at the Separate School bore to the total number of children of school age in the district, and they were subject to the same rules and regulations regarding courses of study and inspection as the Common Schools. In 1847 an amendment to the Common School Act was passed known as the Towns and Cities Act. This Act gave the Trustee Boards of towns and cities full power to determine the number of, and regulate, denominational schools. An extract from Ryerson's Annual Report for 1847 as presented to the Provincial Secretary will make clear the nature of the Act and the Chief Superintendent's views of it. Speaking of the provision for Separate Schools in the Act of 1843 he says: "I have never seen the necessity for such a provision in connection with any section of the Common School Law, which provides that no child shall be compelled to read any religious book or attend any religious exercise contrary to the wishes of his parents and guardians; and besides the apparent inexpediency of this provision of the law it has been seriously objected to as inequitable, permitting the Roman Catholics to have a denominational school, but not granting a similar right or privilege to any one Protestant denomination ... nor does the Act of 1847 permit the election of any sectarian school trustees nor the appointment of a teacher of any religious persuasion as such even for a denominational school. Every teacher of such school must be approved by the town or city school authorities. There are, therefore, guards and restrictions connected with the establishment of a denominational school in cities and towns under the new Act which did not previously exist; it, in fact, leaves the applications or pretensions of each religious persuasion to the judgment of those who provide the greater part of the local school fund and relieves the Government and Legislature from the influence of any such sectarian pressure. The effect of this Act has already been to lessen rather than to increase denominational schools, while it places all religious persuasions on the same legal footing, and leaves none of them any possible ground to attack the school law or oppose the school system. My Report on a system of Public Elementary Instruction for Upper Canada, as well as various decisions and opinions which I have given, amply show that I am far from advocating the establishment of denominational schools; but I was not prepared to condemn what had been unanimously sanctioned by two successive Parliaments."[85] [85] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. VII., p. 178. During the Legislative Session of 1850, and while the School Bill was under discussion, a petition was presented by prominent Roman Catholic authorities praying for some modifications of the provisions for Separate Schools in the Bill then before the House. The result was that the 19th clause of the Act of 1850 made it compulsory upon the Municipal Council of any township or the School Board of any city or town or incorporated village, upon the written request of twelve or more resident heads of families, to establish one or more Separate Schools for either Protestants or Roman Catholics. At this time only fifty-one Separate Schools were in operation in the whole of Upper Canada,[86] of which nearly one-half were Protestant. [86] See circular, issued by Ryerson, of April 12th, 1850, to Municipal Councils on Act of 1850. According to a letter written by Ryerson to Hon. George Brown[87] there was a movement among certain Anglicans to secure Separate Schools for their children. Had Roman Catholics and Anglicans[88] both secured Separate Schools, it would have wrecked the Common School system, and these two denominations acting in concert were strong enough to defeat the Baldwin-Lafontaine Government. Acting on Ryerson's suggestion, the Government conceded in the main the Roman Catholic claim and secured their support to the Bill. This Bill gave Separate Schools one distinct advantage over the Act of 1843. It made their share of the Separate School fund that part of the total fund which the Separate School attendance bore to the total school attendance. But Separate School supporters were still far from having their schools recognized as a right and placed on an equality with Common Schools. Separate Schools were granted as a privilege or concession, but not as a right. Let me quote from Ryerson's circular to town reeves on the Act of 1850: "But, notwithstanding the existence of this provision of the law since 1843, there were last year but 51 Separate Schools in all Upper Canada, nearly as many of them being Protestant as Roman Catholic; so that this provision of the law is of little consequence for good or for evil.... It is also to be observed that a Separate School is entitled to no aid beyond a certain portion of the School Fund for the salary of the teacher. The schoolhouse must be provided, furnished, warmed, books procured, etc., by the persons petitioning for the Separate School. Nor are the patrons or supporters of a Separate School exempted from any of the local assessments or rates for common school purposes."[89] [87] See D. H. E., Vol. IX., p. 25. [88] It is not meant to suggest that even a majority of the Anglicans would have done anything to wreck the Common School System. As a matter of fact, only a few of the Anglican laity sympathized with the extreme views of Bishop Strachan, either in Common School or University affairs. [89] See D. H. E., Vol. IX., p. 208. This makes it clear that Separate School supporters were liable to be taxed by the municipality for the support of Common Schools; they might be called upon to pay an assessment to build, repair or furnish a Common School, or to pay a part of the teacher's salary. On the other hand, the only aid they received in support of their own school was a share of the legislative and municipal grants which together made up the school fund.[90] It will at once be seen that every step toward free Common Schools placed the Separate School supporters at an increased disadvantage because it made them contribute more and more toward the Common School. [90] It was long a favourite argument of those opposed to Separate Schools that inasmuch as the bulk of the property was owned by Protestants, the Roman Catholics were not entitled to a share of the school fund reckoned on the basis of the pupils' attendance. The Act of 1850 caused some friction in Toronto, where the Roman Catholics asked for a second Separate School. The Trustee Board refused on the ground that they were not legally compelled to establish more than one Separate School in the city and the Court of Queen's Bench upheld their decision. By the old Act, under which cities were divided into school sections, there was no legal bar to the establishment of a Separate School in every city school section. Ryerson thought the Roman Catholics had a grievance and consented to recommend the Bill giving a Separate School in each city ward or a Separate School for two or more wards united for such purpose. This amendment was passed in 1851 and caused considerable discussion. A large party in Upper Canada were opposed to Separate Schools on principle and objected to any legislation that would multiply them, make them more efficient and popular, or grant them more favourable financial support. The attitude of the out-and-out opponents to Separate Schools was very well expressed by the following Bill,[91] introduced in 1851 by William Lyon Mackenzie:-- "Whereas the establishment of sectarian or Separate Schools, upheld by periodical grants of money from a provincial treasury and placed under the control of the Executive Government through its Superintendents of Education and other civil officers, is a dangerous interference with the Common School system of Upper Canada, and if allowed to Protestants and Roman Catholics cannot reasonably be refused to Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Quakers, Tunkers, Baptists, Independents and other religious denominations; and whereas if it is just that any number of religious sects should have Separate Public Schools it is not less reasonable that they should have separate Grammar Schools, Colleges and professorships in the Universities; and whereas it is unjust for the State to tax Protestants in order to provide for the instruction of children in Roman Catholic doctrines or to tax Roman Catholics for religious instruction of youth in principles adverse to those of the Church of Rome; and as the early separation of children at school on account of the creeds of their parents or guardians would rear nurseries of strife and dissension and cause thousands to grow up in comparative ignorance who might under our Common School system obtain the advantages of a moral, intellectual and scientific education, be it enacted therefore that the nineteenth section of the Act of 1850 be repealed." [91] See Journals of Canadian Assembly for 1851. Mackenzie's Bill was defeated by 26 to 5. It lays down broad general principles that are not easy to overthrow, and no doubt several who voted against it would have been glad to see all young Canadians educated together. But if the right to have Separate Schools be granted, and it had been granted by successive School Acts for Upper Canada, then it seems naturally to follow that the Legislature was bound to place no obstacles in the way of their formation and to make them efficient. Separate Schools were at first grudgingly granted as a privilege, but not as a right. Naturally, every extension of the privilege was used by the supporters of these schools as a vantage-ground from which to secure further privileges and gradually convert these into rights. At first the parties seceding from the Public Schools shared only in the school fund made up of the legislative grant and an equal sum levied by the district, town or city council--the whole being available only for the payment of teachers' salaries. Supporters of Separate Schools were liable to be taxed for the building and equipment of Public Schools in addition to the support of their own. They claimed a _pro rata_ share of all moneys levied by taxation, and in some cases the law was invoked in an attempt to secure such share. In 1853, a radical amendment was adopted by which Separate School supporters received a _pro rata_ share of the legislative grant only, and upon subscribing for school purposes a sum equivalent to the grant secured were relieved of all taxation for Common School purposes. The Act of 1853 also gave the Separate School trustees power to issue certificates to the teachers employed by them, and the same power of levying rates upon the supporters of their schools as that exercised by trustees of Common Schools. While the Separate School Bill of 1853 was before the Legislature, there was an attempt to introduce a clause establishing a general Board of Trustees for Separate or sectarian Schools in towns and cities. Ryerson went to Quebec to confer with the Attorney-General and vigorously opposed the Bill. His correspondence shows that he had no wish to place Separate Schools on an equality with Public Schools. In fact he wished to do nothing that would encourage or make easy their formation. The law as it stood allowed Separate Schools only when the teacher was of a different religious faith from those wishing the Separate School. A general Board of Separate School Trustees for every town or city would have greatly increased the number of Separate Schools. Ryerson says: "This is placing Sectarian Schools upon a totally different foundation from that on which they have always stood; it is the introduction of a system of sectarian schools without restriction and almost without conditions.... If there are city and town Boards of Sectarian School Trustees they will claim the right of appointing their own local superintendents, and thus their schools will be shut up against all inspection except that they themselves may please to require or permit.... Thus such a Board in Toronto might recognize and claim public aid for every child taught in convents and by other private teachers of the same religious persuasion.... If provision be made in each city and town to incorporate into one Board one religious persuasion, exempting it from the payment of school rates and authorizing it to tax and collect from its own members to any amount for school purposes, the application of any other religious persuasion in any such city or town cannot be consistently or fairly resisted.... The effect of all this would be to destroy the system of Public Schools in cities and towns and ultimately perhaps in villages and townships, and to leave all the poorer portion of the population and that portion of it connected with minor religious persuasions without any adequate and certain means of education. I think the safest and most defensible ground to take is a firm refusal to sanction any measure to provide by law increased facilities for the multiplication and perpetuation of sectarian schools."[92] [92] See D. H. E., Vol. X., pp. 172 and 173. * * * * * The attitude of the extreme opponents of Separate Schools may be made clear from the editorials of George Brown in the Toronto _Globe_. On April 2nd, 1853, he says:-- "But under the new Bill the taxation of the Roman Catholic parents and the whole charge of the Separate Schools are to devolve on the Popish authorities. The schools are to become henceforth distinct, not only in their mode of tuition, but in the machinery by which they are to be conducted. They are to retain no vestige of connection with the general educational system, which is the pride and glory of the Canadian people. Any Roman Catholic has only to declare himself a supporter of a Separate School and straightway he is relieved from taxation for the maintenance of the general system. As at present constituted, there is a kind of guarantee that Roman Catholics are educated, that they are not left entirely in ignorance, but under Mr. Richards' Bill there would be none.... The plain and obvious intention of the Bill is the still further development of the sectarian element in our Common Schools. The Roman Catholics were not satisfied with what they had already gained. They wished to obtain their share of the annual Parliamentary grant, paid out of the revenue, which is made up almost exclusively from Protestant money. They wished to have their schools altogether free from the supervision of the general trustees. Their bishops went down to Quebec, the _Mirror_ announcing their departure, and hinting at the object of their journey, and straightway we have the Bill from Mr. W. B. Richards, granting to them all they had demanded. If they had asked much more it would have been granted to them by the present Government. If this Bill passes into law, the sectarian system will be fully and thoroughly introduced, and must be carried out to its utmost extent. The Roman Catholics say that they are not satisfied to send their children to the Common Schools, and they are free from taxation. The Episcopalians are ready to say the same, and we ask whether in fairness we can refuse to one what we grant to the other? And then the Methodists will demand separate schools, and the Presbyterians, and all hopes of the education of the people may be abandoned. Yet this Bill has been introduced by a Government raised to power upon the principle that our school system should be free from clerical control. 'No sectarian schools' was the watchword at the last election among Reformers, yet one of the first measures introduced by the Reform Government is to establish sectarian schools more thoroughly than before. We look to them to abolish, and behold! they ratify and confirm the evils of their predecessors. Where is this to stop? When is the measure of the iniquity of this Government to be filled up?... Let our school system, the source of light and intelligence, be destroyed, and what remains to us of hope for the country? They, as it were, would go gradually back to the darkness of ignorance and superstition. We shall consider no institution safe from priestly encroachments if this Bill is carried. There is no point upon which the people of Upper Canada can be more severely wounded than their common schools. Every true patriot has fondly looked to them as the safeguards against the despotism of priestcraft, and against violence of an ignorant and, therefore, vicious populace. If they are sacrificed, if their noble endowment is scattered among the sects, frittered away on a dozen different school systems, if the priests are to take possession of all the avenues of knowledge, what will be the fate of this Province? Will it rise in the scale of nations, ever to be distinguished for the intelligence of its people, for its prosperity and advancement?"[93] [93] See bound volumes of _Globe_ in Legislative Library, Toronto. The following from the Toronto _Examiner_, reprinted in the _Globe_ of April 7th, 1853, shows that the _Globe_ was not alone in its opinions:-- "We are reluctantly forced to the conviction that the rupture, complete and final, of the Common School system of Canada is only a question of time. We were among those who looked anxiously to the Government for a liberal and decided policy on this momentous question. An examination of the supplementary School Bill which we give in other columns will bear us out but too fully, we fear, in pronouncing its liberality exceedingly questionable.... How different in Canada. Reformers have been bidding for Roman Catholic votes until they are likely to bid away every distinctive principle which they hold, and when this is done will it satisfy the ends of men whose mission is to establish in the place of free institutions the domination of priestcraft?" The following from the Roman Catholic _Mirror_, quoted in the _Globe_, April 9th, 1853, shows that the Roman Catholics were well pleased with the Bill: "We freely admit that we had certain misgivings respecting the amount of relief which might be expected from the measure proposed, which from the haughty and dictatorial tone assumed by the Chief Superintendent of Schools for Upper Canada, in his late perambulations, we were prepared at least to regard with suspicion. The terms on which justice has been hitherto meted out in stinted and niggard instalments, under the existing law, and the many instances in which it has been withheld or contemptuously refused, may have rendered us over-sensitive; but we must acknowledge that when we observe Dr. Ryerson publicly promulgate the conditions on which he would concede to Catholics the privilege of directing the education of their own children, we were prepared to expect a reiterated legislative insult and a gross injustice, not a measure restrictive, partial and oppressive. We have been most agreeably disappointed; the Bill of the 'Honourable Attorney-General West,' with some slight modifications which can be readily introduced in committee, will form the basis of an educational system of sound principle, particularly calculated to do justice to all classes of the community." The following resolutions of the Synod of the United Presbyterian Church, printed in the _Globe_, June 30th, 1853, shows the opinion of that body on the Common School question:-- "Resolved. I. That this Synod approve of a national system of education, placing all the members of the community upon a level, and encouraging, as that now in force in this Province does, the use of the Scriptures under certain reasonable regulations, as are also prescribed therein. "II. Holding these views, we deeply regret to perceive the principle of sectarian schools, so distinctly recognized in the latest amendments of the Provincial School Act, and do strongly testify against such a principle as impolitic and mischievous, recognizing as it does the right of the Government to take the moneys of the public and appropriate them for the purpose of sustaining and extending religious distractions, and thereby continuing to stimulate the elements of discord throughout the community and mar greatly social interests. "III. That this Synod recommend to those under their care the use of every proper and constitutional means to secure the repeal of all such statutes as recognize the principle of sectarian schools." The movement for extended Separate School privileges was being championed by Bishop de Charbonnel, of Toronto. During 1852 he had a long controversy with Ryerson on the school question.[94] Ryerson's letters during this controversy make it quite clear that he thought Separate Schools a huge blunder, and that while he had honestly attempted to give Roman Catholics all the law allowed them he hoped and expected to see their schools die a natural death. [94] See appendices to Journals of House of Assembly, 1852-1853. In his Report for 1852, the Superintendent points with pride to the fact that Separate Schools are not increasing. Indeed, he congratulates himself that the provision in the law allowing them is really a good thing, since it is not very effective in practice but yet acts as a safety valve to prevent violent opposition to the school system. He believed that the Roman Catholics themselves would ultimately see that a policy of isolation of their children would have the effect of cutting them off from many of their natural privileges as Canadian citizens. And had the Separate School Act of 1853 remained unaltered, events would likely have shown Ryerson to be correct in his views. He believed the Act of 1853 was final, and that without any municipal machinery for collecting their taxes Separate Schools would never become numerous. In this he was greatly mistaken, as events proved. In 1854, the Roman Catholic Bishops of Toronto, Kingston and Bytown, drew up a Separate School Bill which they wished should become law. This Bill would have forced all Roman Catholics to support Catholic Separate Schools wherever such were established. It also had other provisions which Ryerson thought objectionable. In 1855 a Separate School Bill, known as the "Taché Bill," was introduced into the Legislative Council, and after some amendments adopted by both branches of Parliament. This Act differed from all previous Acts in that its provisions were exclusively for Roman Catholic Separate Schools. It repealed all previous legislation for Separate Schools in so far as Roman Catholics were concerned. It made possible the establishment of a Roman Catholic Separate School in any school section or any ward of a town or city on petition of ten Roman Catholic ratepayers and gave them a Separate School Board with their own Superintendent in towns and cities. Such Roman Catholic ratepayers were relieved from all municipal rates for Common School purposes, and received for their own school a _pro rata_ share of the Legislative grant if they had an average attendance of 15 pupils. The Act also made possible general Boards of Separate School Trustees in towns and cities and gave all Separate School Boards power to license their own teachers and levy rates for Separate School purposes upon the supporters of those schools. The Act was in principle a distinct gain for the champions of Separate Schools, but it led to no rapid increase in the number of such schools. In 1858, only 94 Separate Schools were in existence with an enrolment of less than 10,000 children, as compared with an enrolment of 284,000 in the Public Schools. The Act of 1855 was really forced upon Upper Canada by the votes of members from Lower Canada, there being a majority of Upper Canada members against the Bill. It would seem that the Roman Catholics did not gain by the Taché Bill as much as they expected. The following letter written to Dr. Ryerson from Quebec, on June 8th, 1855, by John (afterwards Sir John) A. Macdonald, Attorney-General for Upper Canada, who had charge of the Bill in the Assembly, shows that political exigencies played no small part in school legislation: "Our Separate School Bill, which, as you know, is now quite harmless, passed with the approbation of our friend, Bishop Charbonnel, who, before leaving here, formally thanked the administration for doing justice to his Church. He has got a new light since his return to Toronto, and he now says the Bill won't do. I need not point out to your suggestive mind that in any article written by you on the subject it is politic to press two points on the public attention: 1st, That the Bill will not, as you say, injuriously affect the Common School system. This for the people at large. 2nd, That the Bill is a substantial boon to the Roman Catholics. This to keep them in good humour. You see that if the Bishop makes the Roman Catholics believe that the Bill is no use to them there will be a renewal of an unwholesome agitation which I thought we had allayed."[95] [95] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. XII., p. 40. That Sir John A Macdonald was largely in agreement with Dr. Ryerson on the Separate School question is the opinion of Sir Joseph Pope, his biographer, who says on page 138 of his Memoirs: "Mr. Macdonald said that he was as desirous as anyone of seeing all children going together to the Common School, and if he could have his own way there would be no Separate School. But we should respect the opinions of others who differed from us, and they had a right to refuse such schools as they could not conscientiously approve of." From 1855 to 1863, no important changes took place in the law governing Separate Schools. These schools were increasing very slowly, not so fast as the natural growth of the Roman Catholic population. In 1860, there were only 115 Separate Schools with an enrolment of 14,708 as compared with some 325,000 in the Public Schools. In 1860, Mr. (afterwards Honourable) R. W. Scott introduced a Bill planned to give Separate Schools additional privileges. Substantially the same Bill was introduced annually by Mr. Scott until 1863, when it passed with amendments, some of which were suggested by Dr. Ryerson. As a matter of fact, the Taché Act of 1855, which was suggested partly by the status of Protestant dissentient schools in Lower Canada, had imposed some useless but vexatious restrictions upon Separate School supporters. In 1862, Ryerson proposed to satisfy what he called the reasonable demands of Roman Catholics by making four changes, as follows:--[96] 1st. To allow the formation of Separate Schools in incorporated villages and in towns (the Taché Act allowed a Separate School only in the ward of a town and not a school for the town as a whole); 2nd. To allow a union of two or more Separate Schools; 3rd. To make it unnecessary for a Separate School supporter annually to declare himself such; and 4th. To exempt Separate School trustees from making oath as to the correctness of their school returns. [96] See D. H. E., Vol. XVII., pp. 192 and 193. The Scott Bill of 1863[97] as finally adopted by the Legislature, embodied all these provisions and some others of importance. Separate School teachers were to submit to the same examinations and receive the same certificates of qualification as Public School teachers, but all teachers qualified by law in Lower Canada were to be qualified teachers for Separate Schools in Upper Canada. This provision was to allow the teachers of religious orders[98] recognized by law as qualified in Lower Canada to teach in Separate Schools in Upper Canada. The Act also made taxpayers who withdrew their support from Separate Schools liable for their share of debts incurred while Separate School supporters in building or equipping Separate Schools. On the whole, the Scott Bill, while in its unamended form it aroused great opposition in Upper Canada, as finally adopted, tended to bring the Separate Schools into closer harmony with the principles governing Public Schools. The feature of the Bill that aroused most opposition was its being forced upon Upper Canada by votes of Lower Canadian members--there being a majority[99] of ten Upper Canada members against the third reading of the Bill in the Assembly. Such well-known men as John A. Macdonald, John Sandfield Macdonald and Wm. Macdougall supported the Bill, while George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie and Oliver Mowat opposed it. [97] The Scott Bill, as originally introduced, made any Roman Catholic priest an ex-officio trustee of a Separate School in his parish; made all the property of a Separate School supporter exempt from taxation for Public School purposes, even though some of the property was outside a Separate School district; gave Separate School trustees unlimited power to form union sections; created a separate County Board of Examiners to license Separate School teachers, and gave the Superintendent of Education little or no power to control textbooks, holidays or inspection of Separate Schools. [98] The Report of the Chief Superintendent for 1871 shows 70 teachers in Separate Schools belonging to religious orders out of a total of 249. [99] See Journals of Canadian Assembly for 1863. Ryerson claimed[100] that he agreed to the amended Scott Bill only on the distinct understanding that it was to be a finality in Separate School legislation. He also claimed that the Roman Catholic Bishops of Quebec, Kingston and Toronto accepted the Bill as a final settlement. But nothing is final in legislation, and Dr. Ryerson ought to have known this. Legislation is as much the result of a process of evolution as any other institution of human society, and no three or four men, whether priests or laymen, could speak authoritatively and finally for the thousands of Roman Catholics in Upper Canada. [100] See D. H. E., Vol. XVII., p. 219. Separate Schools increased slowly. In 1863 they numbered 115, with 15,000 pupils, the Public Schools having during the same year 45,000 Roman Catholic pupils. In 1864, Separate Schools had increased to 147 with 17,365 pupils. In 1871, the number was 160, with 21,000 pupils. Almost immediately after the Scott legislation of 1863, an agitation began for further amendments to the Separate School Act. Ryerson made strong objections partly on the ground of the alleged compact of 1863, and partly on the ground that no legislation could possibly make Separate Schools really popular and efficient outside of large towns and cities. In 1865, the school administration was attacked by James O'Reilly, of Kingston, and, in a memorandum prepared as a reply to these attacks, Ryerson goes into some detail to justify his Separate School policy and reiterates his firm belief that sectarian schools must ever be relatively inefficient. He concludes as follows: "The fact is that the tendency of the public mind and of the institutions of Upper Canada is to confederation and not isolation, to united effort and not divisions. The efforts to establish and extend Separate Schools, although often energetic and made at great sacrifice, are a struggle against the instincts of Canadian society, against the necessities of a sparsely populated country, against the social and political interest of the parents and youth separated from their fellow-citizens. It is not the Separate School law that renders such efforts fitful, feeble and little successful; their paralysis is caused by a higher than human law, the law of circumstances--the law of nature, and the law of interest. "If, therefore, the present Separate School law is not to be maintained as a final settlement of the question and if the Legislature finds it necessary to legislate on the Separate School question again, I pray that it will abolish the Separate School law altogether; and to this recommendation I am forced after having long used my best efforts to maintain and give the fullest effect and most liberal application to successive Separate School acts--and after twenty years' experience and superintendence of our Common School system."[101] [101] See copy of Memorandum, D. H. E., Vol. XVIII., pp. 304-316. When the Confederation resolutions adopted at Quebec in 1864 were being discussed in the Canadian Assembly in 1865, an extended debate arose over the clause which secured for the minorities in Upper and Lower Canada the privilege of Separate Schools. Men like George Brown and Alexander Mackenzie, who had opposed the Scott Bill of 1863, defended the minority clause on the ground that it would place Upper Canada in no worse position than she already was in regard to sectarian schools, and that privileges given ought not to be withdrawn. The Assembly were almost unanimous in supporting the Separate School clause which was incorporated into the British North America Act. No changes in Separate School legislation were made after Confederation until 1886, and the only events of passing importance in Separate School affairs were the objections raised in Kingston in 1865 and in Toronto in 1871 to visits of inspection by the Grammar School Inspector, who had been appointed to make these visits by the Council of Public Instruction. When Dr. Ryerson pointed out that these visits were authorized by the Scott Bill of 1863, the Bishops very gracefully waived their objections and the principle of Separate School inspection by Government officers was established. In 1874, the three High School Inspectors made a general inspection of Separate Schools. In their report to the Government they say: "The inspection of the Separate Schools derives an additional interest and importance from the peculiar position they occupy in our educational system. Among them we have found both well-equipped and ill-equipped, both well-taught and ill-taught schools. On the whole we regret that in the majority of cases the buildings, the equipment, and the teaching are alike inferior. There are but few Separate School teachers whose school surroundings are such as to make their positions enviable, and accordingly a large measure of approbation is due to those who have succeeded in doing good work. We have pleasure in stating that in many places the Separate School Boards are beginning to see that they must either make the schools under their charge more efficient or close them altogether. There are many things connected with the operation of the Separate School Act which invite comment; but we think it best to postpone the expression of our views until they are matured by the experience of another year." Some years after this, in 1882, the Education Department adopted the plan of appointing special Roman Catholic Inspectors of Separate Schools. No doubt regular inspection of these schools has done much to increase their efficiency, but it is to be regretted that the plan of inspection adopted tends to widen still further the breach between them and the schools of the mass of the people. Four years after Ryerson's death, the Act relating to Separate Schools was revised and amended. No new principles were introduced, but every amendment made tended to place Separate School supporters on an equality with supporters of Public Schools. The number of schools has gradually increased owing to the rapid increase in our urban population. In 1884 there were 207 Separate Schools, with 27,463 pupils; in 1894, 328 schools with 39,762 pupils; and in 1906, 443 schools with 50,000 pupils. Perhaps the most important event connected with the history of Separate Schools since 1886 was the decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in November, 1906. This decision made it clear that the clause declaring persons qualified as teachers in Quebec at the time of Confederation to be qualified teachers of Separate Schools in Ontario applied only to individuals and not to religious corporations as such. The result will be that the Separate Schools ought soon to have a body of teachers with the same academic standing and the same normal training as the Public Schools. CHAPTER IX. _RYERSON AND GRAMMAR SCHOOLS._ As already shown in the chapters on the early history of schools in Upper Canada, Grammar Schools were provided for before any provision was made for Common Schools. In fact the chief nominal purpose of the large grant of public land in 1799 was to endow Grammar Schools, and in 1807 schools were opened in each of the eight Districts into which Upper Canada was then divided. These schools were supposed to be classical schools, fashioned upon the model of the great English Public Schools. As a matter of fact they had no uniform standard of equipment, staff, course of study or graduation. A few schools, such as Cornwall, Kingston, York, and Niagara, were famous and turned out many able men. Some of the schools received pupils who could not read, and were in no sense secondary schools. As the population increased, new schools were opened. Although originally intended to be free schools, they all charged fees. The public grant, which was paid direct to the principal, was one hundred pounds for each school. As the population increased, new schools were opened, and by 1844, when Ryerson became Superintendent of Education, twenty-five Grammar Schools and Academies were in operation. These schools were managed by trustees appointed by the Crown, but were under no proper Government control. They were never really inspected. Each school was a law unto itself. All were supposed to teach Latin and Greek, but in many of them there was not a single pupil studying either of these languages. They were handicapped in many ways. For years there were no good elementary schools from which they could draw pupils with a foundation for a secondary education. During the same long period there were in Upper Canada no colleges to which graduates of Grammar Schools might go for professional training. This gave these schools a wide scope and great opportunities, but few seized the opportunities. The poverty of the people and the natural apathy of many in regard to education also prevented the development of good schools. Good schools are possible only with good teachers, and good teachers in Upper Canada were not easily secured. The professions of law and medicine then, as now, were much more attractive than teaching for men of ability and education. Mercantile life also offered great opportunities. The result was that the Grammar Schools were often in charge of incompetent teachers. Ryerson's commission gave him no control over Grammar Schools. But his first Report in 1846 recommended a graded, unified system of schools from the Common School to the University. He also pointed out that these Grammar Schools which were intended for a special work were teaching everything taught in a Common School. In his Report for 1849 he recommended a commission of inquiry into the state of Grammar Schools and showed that the whole thirty or forty schools had matriculated only eight students into the University during that year. He suggested a fixed course of studies, a minimum qualification for entrance, and Government inspection. "Surely," he says, "it never could have been intended that the Grammar Schools should occupy the same ground as Common Schools, should compete with them, thus lowering the character and efficiency of both.... I am far from intimating an opinion that there are no efficient Grammar Schools in the Province, even under the present system or rather absence of all system. There are several instances in which separate apartments for different classes of pupils are provided and assistance employed to teach the English branches, but such examples are rather exceptions to the general rule than the rule itself. The general rule is whether there be an assistant or not to admit pupils of both sexes and all ages and attainments for A B C and upwards into schools which ought to occupy a position distinct from and superior to that of the Common Schools. Equally far be it from me to intimate that there is any deficiency of qualifications on the part of masters of Grammar Schools. But I doubt not that they will be the first to feel how much the efficiency and pleasures of their duties will be advanced by the introduction of a proper and uniform system as they will be the first to confess, '_non omnia possumus omnes_.'"[102] [102] See extract from Report of 1849, published in D.H.E., Vol. VIII., p. 291. After the Common Schools had been brought under the rule of law it was inevitable that the Grammar Schools should be reorganized. In 1850, Francis Hincks introduced a Grammar School Bill prepared by Doctor Ryerson. This Bill aimed at bringing the schools under popular control and administering them on lines similar to those governing Common Schools. Trustees were to be appointed by County Councils; Trustee Boards were to have power to levy rates for buildings, equipment and apparatus; the Legislative grant was to be distributed to the several Districts on the basis of population, but only when local contributions made up a sum equal to the grant exclusive of pupils' fees; the programme of studies was to be broad enough to prepare for matriculation; the Council of Public Instruction was to fix Grammar School programmes, prescribe texts and appoint inspectors. A meteorological station was to be established in connection with one Grammar School in each District. This Bill was withdrawn, but a similar one[103] became law on January 1st, 1854. The new Act, as amended in 1855, also provided for uniting Grammar Schools with Common Schools and provided that a Grammar School master, unless a university graduate, must secure a certificate from a Board of Examiners appointed by the Council of Public Instruction. This Act also authorized an annual appropriation of £1,000 to establish a Model Grammar School in connection with the Normal School, authorized the Council of Public Instruction to appoint Grammar School inspectors, and made up a liberal grant to secure libraries and apparatus. After this legislation, the Council of Public Instruction drew up regulations governing the curriculum of Grammar Schools and took steps to bring about the use of uniform texts. From the first there were two courses of study, a general English course and a classical course leading to matriculation. The head master of each Grammar School was required to conduct an examination of candidates for admission, the requirements being intelligible reading from any common reading book, spelling, writing, elementary arithmetic, and the elements of English grammar, with definitions of geography. [103] This Act did not give trustees power to levy assessments, but they might ask municipal councils to do so. The distribution of the Legislative grant did not, as in the Bill of 1850, depend upon the raising of any fixed amount by the local Board. In the autumn of 1855, the Grammar Schools were inspected, those in the east by Thomas Jaffray Robertson and those in the west by William Ormiston. Their reports show that many of these schools were indifferent and a few hopeless. Perhaps half of them were doing fairly well. The attendance averaged about thirty, of whom nearly one-half were studying Latin. Half of the schools admitted female pupils. The highest salary paid a head master was $1,200, while the average for head masters was $700. Few of the schools had two masters. Half the total number of head masters were graduates of British or Canadian universities. In some cases the teachers were paid a fixed salary, and in some cases they got the Government grant and the school fees. These fees averaged about three dollars per quarter. In a few cases the head master had a dwelling in connection with the school. The inspectors criticised the buildings, equipment and grounds severely, as the following extracts will show:-- "Of the Grammar School houses seventeen were originally built for school purposes and several of them, which were spacious and substantial buildings, may be classed as good; ten were somewhat inferior; and one, a very old wooden building, could scarcely be considered habitable. Nine schools were carried on in premises rented for the purpose and were in most instances totally unfit. In many cases the grounds attached to the schoolhouses were partially or entirely unfenced, and the sheds or outhouses were in a shameful state of neglect. Even in the neatest premises I saw no attempt at ornament; not a tree, shrub or flower to awaken or cultivate a taste so simple and natural in itself and so easily gratified as it could be in rural districts.... Very many of these houses are inferior to the Common Schools. In most cases the premises present a dull, unthrifty and unattractive appearance, destitute alike of ornament and convenience, without fence, shed, well, tree, shrub or flower, while within an entire lack of maps, charts and apparatus is with too few exceptions the general rule."[104] [104] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XII., p. 81. Two years later the same inspectors made another general report on Grammar Schools. They found some improvements but many weak schools doing the most elementary Common School work. They deprecated the practice, then becoming somewhat common, of establishing new Grammar Schools in small villages. It is abundantly clear from Ryerson's Reports, 1856-58, that he was dissatisfied with the progress being made in Grammar Schools and eager to attempt their improvement by means of further legislation. The most serious problem was that of providing an adequate and certain financial support for these schools. The schools were managed by trustee boards appointed by County Councils, but were attended largely by pupils of towns and cities. The people using them and contributing largely to their support were not given the power to manage them. Ryerson was also very doubtful about the result of the experiment authorized in 1854, of uniting Common and Grammar Schools. The union gave trustee boards increased freedom of management, but in many cases the union school became, for all practical purposes, a common school, having, perhaps, three or four senior pupils studying Latin and Greek. Such schools brought all Grammar Schools into contempt. The report of the Grammar School inspector on the schools of Eastern Ontario, for 1860, shows that things were far from satisfactory: "With the exception of two or three really good schools our Grammar Schools in the extreme East are in a very low state. Some of them I can only designate as infant schools. Nor do I see anything from the localities in which they are placed or the present state of the Grammar School law which gives me any hope of amelioration. Advancing civilization and the material growth of the country in time may act upon them, but immediate remedies and those of a stringent nature are imperatively needed.... The want of a class of specially trained Grammar School masters who have taken this as a permanent profession for life is a great drawback to the efficiency of our schools. The supposed inferior social status of the Grammar School master and the larger rewards held out for superior mental activity in the other professions turn aside most of those who are most eminently qualified for the scholastic office. Of the twenty-two schools mentioned in my report six were in the hands of persons who avowedly were making teaching the stepping-stone to the attainment of other professions, as law, medicine, or the church. Several were evidently conducted by persons who had taken to teaching after having failed in other walks of life. Comparatively few were held by those who were fitted for their office by previous training, or were devoting themselves entirely to their work as the main business of their lives."[105] [105] See D. H. E., Vol. XVI., pp. 148, 149. There seems also to have been a disposition to unduly multiply Grammar Schools because they were supported so largely by the Legislative grant. The Rev. Dr. Paxton Young, Inspector of Grammar Schools, in his report for 1864, says: "The too free and inconsiderate exercise by County Councils of the large power thus entrusted to them has led to a heedless and most unfortunate multiplication of the Grammar Schools, and the evil instead of showing any symptoms of abatement appears to be growing worse from year to year. In 1858 the number of the schools was seventy-five; in 1860 it was eighty-eight; in 1863 it had risen to ninety-five; and the number of recognized schools is now as high as one hundred and eight. Not a few of the schools thus hastily established are Grammar Schools in name rather than in reality, the work done in them being almost altogether Common School work, which, as a rule, would be much better performed in a well-appointed Common School. I believe that County Councils are often led to establish Grammar Schools in localities where they are not needed under the idea that if the schools should be productive of no good at any rate they can do no harm. There could not be a greater mistake. Men ought to be wise enough by this time to understand that all public institutions, especially if forming parts of a great plan, must, where unnecessary, be positively bad. Needless and contemptible Grammar Schools are a blot upon the whole school system, the sight of which is fitted to shake the confidence of the country in the administrative wisdom or firmness of those to whom the direction of educational matters is committed. When it is considered that the apportionment from the Grammar School fund to a particular county is divided according to certain fixed principles between the different schools in that county, it will be seen that the disposition manifested by some councils to secure the largest number of schools for their county, is practically a disposition to secure quantity for quality, for as the number of schools is augmented the salaries of the masters are diminished, the tendency of which is, of course, to throw the schools into the hands of a lower grade of teachers.... About three out of every five Grammar Schools in Upper Canada have Common Schools united with them, and, in not a few instances, where unions have not yet been formed, I found a strong disposition existing to enter into such an arrangement. I made it my business to inquire particularly into the benefits supposed to result from the union of the Common with the Grammar Schools. The chief advantage was in almost every case admitted to be a pecuniary one. By the existing law Grammar School trustees have of themselves no power to raise money for Grammar School purposes, but in case of the Common and Grammar Schools becoming united the joint boards may levy money for the support of the united schools. This being so, it is easy to comprehend how strongly the trustees of a Grammar School who feel their hands tied up from doing anything to put the school in an efficient state may be tempted to make with the Common School Board a league which will give them a voice in the important matter of taxation.... But of nothing am I more convinced than that as a rule such a union is undesirable. In a large number of instances it throws upon the Grammar School master the necessity of receiving into his room, and personally instructing, Common School pupils, as well as those whom it is his more particular duty to attend to. A consequence of this is that he cannot afford the Grammar School pupils the time that is necessary for drilling them in the subjects that they are studying."[106] [106] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XVIII., pp. 199-205. * * * * * But Doctor Young saw much promise in the schools, as the following from the same Report will show: "Leaving out of view schools of this sort, I do not hesitate to say that the Grammar Schools of Upper Canada are, as a class, not only in the promise of what they may become, but in what they actually are at the present moment, an honour to the country. We must not look for too much. It would be preposterous to expect at this early period in the history of our Province, that its Grammar Schools generally should be able to bear comparison with the better classical and mathematical schools of Great Britain and Ireland. To this Canada does not pretend, but she has begun well, and appears to be steadily, if not rapidly, progressing." In June, 1865, Ryerson went to Quebec to press upon the Government the necessity of a new Grammar School bill. As the Confederation scheme was approaching maturity he found the Government unwilling to embark upon any legislation that might prevent an early prorogation. Mr. John A. Macdonald suggested that the difficulty might be met by a regulation issued under the authority of the Council of Public Instruction. This was accordingly done, and the Council immediately framed regulations as follows: First, the Legislative grant was to be apportioned on the basis of the attendance of those learning Greek and Latin, as certified by the Grammar School Inspector. Second, no school was to receive any portion of the Legislative grant unless suitable accommodations were provided, and unless there were an average of at least ten pupils learning Latin and Greek, nor were any pupils to be admitted or continued in a Grammar School unless they were learning Latin and Greek. This absurd regulation never went into effect, as the Legislature passed a Grammar School Bill in the latter part of 1865. The new Bill made each city a county for Grammar School purposes; it allowed County Councils to appoint half the Grammar School trustees, the other half being appointed by the village or town council where the school was situated. This latter provision was planned to give increased local control and thus create a stronger interest in the management of the schools. The distinction which had so long existed between senior and junior county Grammar Schools[107] was abolished and the Legislative grant was apportioned solely on the basis of attendance, but no school was to share the grant unless there was raised from local sources, exclusive of pupils' fees, a sum equal to half the grant. It was made more difficult to establish new schools. Only graduates of universities in British dominions were to be eligible for head masters' positions. On the suggestion of the Hon. William Macdougall, a clause was inserted providing for a grant of fifty dollars a year to those Grammar Schools giving a course of elementary military instruction. [107] This senior Grammar School, being the one first established in each county, had drawn a larger Legislative grant than the others. The Report of Rev. Geo. Paxton Young on the Grammar Schools in 1865 is of great interest, read in the light of nearly half a century's progress in the higher education of women. I shall quote his exact words: "I have frequently been asked whether I considered it desirable that girls should study Latin in the Grammar Schools. It is, in my opinion, most undesirable; and I am at a loss to comprehend how any intelligent person acquainted with the state of things in our Grammar Schools can come to a different conclusion.... Since I became Inspector, I have not met with half a dozen girls in the Grammar Schools of Canada by whom the study of Latin has been pursued far enough for the taste to be in the least degree influenced by what has been read. Aesthetically, the benefits of Grammar Schools to girls are _nil_.... It may perhaps be said that although they have for the most part made but little progress in Latin up to the present time, a fair proportion of them may be expected to pursue the study to a point where its advantages can be reaped. I do not believe that three out of a hundred will. As a class, they have dipped the soles of their feet in the water, with no intention or likelihood of wading deeper into it. They are not studying Latin with any definite object. They have taken it up under pressure at the solicitation of the teachers or trustees to enable the schools to maintain the requisite average attendance of ten classical pupils or to increase that part of the income of the schools which is derived from public sources. In a short time they will leave school to enter on the practical work of life without having either desired or obtained more than the merest smattering of Latin, and their places will be taken by another band of girls who will go through the same routine. It may perhaps be urged that these remarks are as applicable to as large a number of the Grammar School boys as they are to the girls. I admit that they are; and I draw the conclusion that such boys, equally with the girls in the Grammar Schools, are wasting their time in keeping up the appearance of learning Latin. It would be unspeakably better to commit them to first-class Common School teachers, under whose guidance they might have their reflective and aesthetic faculties cultivated through the study of English and of those branches which are associated with English in good Common Schools. This would, of course, diminish the number of the Grammar Schools in the Province; but it might not be a very grievous calamity, especially if it led to the establishment of first-class Common Schools in localities where inferior teachers are now employed."[108] [108] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XIX., pp. 96, 97. It was a part of a Grammar School inspector's duty to examine the pupils who had been admitted by the Grammar School masters and reject any who were too immature or were insufficiently prepared. Dr. Young complains strongly in his Report of 1865 of the poor teaching of English grammar. In some cases he had to reject more than half those admitted. He found pupils wholly unable to parse such easy sentences as: "The mother loved her daughter dearly," "John ran to school very quickly," "She knew her lesson remarkably well." It is doubtful whether the Grammar School Bill of 1865 made any real improvement in the schools. Without denying that some of them were doing a good work, and that as a force in the national life they were fostering some love for higher education, it is safe to assert that they were not very closely related to the real needs of the people. Their aim was narrow. Their very name shows this. There was a crying need in the country for schools that would give an advanced English and scientific education with classic and modern languages to those who wished to pursue university studies. But the most of the Grammar Schools aimed only at a study of Latin and Greek, and indeed the Grammar School legislation and the regulations of the Council of Public Instruction had made a certain number of Latin pupils one of the conditions upon which a Grammar School might receive a public grant. The Act of 1865 soon showed some disastrous tendencies. It did not check the desire to form unions between Grammar Schools and Common Schools, as such unions made it easier to levy a rate in support of the union schools, and thus comply with the conditions upon which Grammar Schools received grants. The clause in the new Act making average attendance the basis of attendance, together with a regulation of the Council of Public Instruction which counted only Latin pupils in making the grant, led the head masters of union schools to draft every available pupil into the Grammar School departments[109] and put them all, boys and girls, into Latin. Often they were not prepared for such work and got no real benefit from it. They wasted their time and lost the benefits of a sound English education which a good Common School would have given them. Hundreds of boys and girls who had no foundation for a classical education, and who had no prospect of ever advancing far enough to receive any solid knowledge of Latin, were making a pretence of studying it in order that the school might draw a Government grant. Ignorant parents raised no objections, thinking perhaps that Latin possessed some charm which would be an "open sesame" for the future advancement of the boys and girls. [109] It should be remembered that while a Public School pupil drew less than one dollar per year Legislative grant, the moment this pupil was enrolled in a Grammar School he drew from $20 to $35 yearly. In 1872, the average Legislative grant to a Public School pupil was 40 cents, and to a Grammar School pupil $20. See D. H. E., Vol. XXIV., p. 302. Dr. Ryerson was not the man to diagnose the case. But the hour brought forth the man, and that man was George Paxton Young, one of the Inspectors of Grammar Schools. In two very able Reports[110] presented in 1867 and 1868, he sets forth clearly and convincingly the defects of the system then in operation and suggests the direction that reforms should take to make the Grammar Schools serve a useful purpose. He wished to see their character wholly changed. He did not undervalue classics, but he believed that a smattering of classics was of no benefit, and that it caused a waste of time that might be given to subjects of real value. He wished to see High Schools that would give an advanced English training, together with natural science, mathematics, and history. He did not believe in forcing all to study Latin, nor did he believe in apportioning grants to High Schools on the basis of the number of pupils studying Latin. He wished to see better Common Schools and objected to the plan of union which robbed the Common School of its older pupils and degraded its function. Speaking of this, he says: "The number of union schools is increasing and is likely to increase. In many of the schools of this class all the Common School pupils, boys and girls alike, who have obtained a smattering of English grammar are systematically drafted into the Grammar School. The consequence is that in localities where such a system is followed there is no mere Common School education (observe I say mere Common School education) given to any pupils, boys or girls, which is not of the most elementary description; and not only have the Grammar Schools thus become to a great extent girls' schools as well as boys' schools, but--what is especially noteworthy--the girls admitted to these schools are in a majority of instances put into Latin as a matter of course; in other words, the study of Latin is made practically a condition of their admission into the Grammar School. Will any man say that this state of things is satisfactory, a state of things in which the Common Schools are degraded by being suspended from the exercise of all their higher functions? Unless I misunderstand the object of the Common School law, the Common Schools are designed to furnish a good English and general education to those desiring it. But how can this end be accomplished where the Common Schools are subject to arrangements under which the highest stage of advancement ever reached by the pupils is to be able to parse an easy English sentence? ... Children under thirteen years of age who do not mean to take a classical course of study have no educational wants which the Common Schools, properly conducted, are not fitted to supply. For children of thirteen and upwards who have already obtained such an education as may be got in good Common Schools, it would, I think, be well to establish English High Schools--a designation which I borrow from the United States although, unfortunately, I have only a very vague idea of what the High Schools in the United States are." [110] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XX., pp. 98-128. Dr. Young strongly urged a more rigid inspection of Grammar Schools and the apportioning of the Legislative grant upon the basis of Inspectors' reports. As so many girls had been drafted into Grammar Schools and put in grammar classes apparently to increase the school grant, it was proposed during 1868 to allow only fifty per cent. of girls' attendance to count in apportioning the grant and even to make no allowance whatever for attendance of female pupils in future years. This opened up the whole question of co-education of the sexes in Grammar Schools and caused lively debates in the Legislature and in Teachers' Institutes. The general opinion seemed to prevail that girls should have equal rights with boys but that the law should be so amended as to remove all pressure upon girls to study Latin. After one or two abortive attempts, a Bill reorganizing Grammar Schools was passed in 1871. This Bill abolished the term "Grammar School," and substituted that of "High School." Adequate provision was to be made in each High School for an advanced English education, including natural sciences and commercial subjects. The study of Latin, Greek and modern languages was to be at the option of the pupils' parents or guardians. Provision was made for a superior class of High School, to be known as Collegiate Institutes. These schools were required to have at least four masters and an average of not less than sixty boys studying Latin or Greek, and were to receive a special grant of $750 a year. County Councils were empowered to form High School districts and provision was made by which the High School Board could levy an assessment upon the district. High School vacations were extended from July 1st to August 15th. A very important feature of the new Bill was the provision for the admission of pupils. The county, city or town Inspector of Schools, the Chairman of the High School Board and the head master of the High School were constituted a Board with power to conduct a written examination and admit pupils according to regulations prescribed by the Council of Public Instruction. At first the local examining Board set the entrance papers, but this plan was soon superseded by one requiring uniform papers set by the High School Inspectors. This aroused a storm of opposition, and the resolution of the Council of Public Instruction requiring uniform papers was set aside by an Order-in-Council. But the plan of uniform papers was so sensible, and so much chaos resulted from the other plan, that by 1874 the Government authorized a uniform entrance examination which shut out immature pupils and those insufficiently prepared. It raised the status of High Schools, enabling them to begin advanced work, and indirectly increased the efficiency of the Public Schools by fixing a standard of attainment. The Legislature also made further provision for High Schools by appropriating an additional $20,000 a year, exclusive of the grants to be given to Collegiate Institutes. The Act of 1871 provided for a minimum Legislative grant[111] for each High School, and made the maximum grant depend upon average attendance. The Rev. George Paxton Young had, in his last Report as Grammar School Inspector, strongly recommended the adoption in a modified form of the English system of payment by results. He wished to see the High Schools graded by the Inspectors according to their general efficiency and the grant based upon this grading. In 1872 the High School Inspectors, Messrs. McKenzie and McLellan, urged the adoption of a similar plan and showed how it would serve as a stimulus to better work in all the schools. They also pointed out how such a plan would encourage Boards to employ good teachers, since they would have a pecuniary interest in keeping up a good school. [111] The minimum grant per school was $400. The High Schools of the Province had, in 1872, from Legislative grant and County Councils, $105,000. This was more than $1,000 per school and about $30 per pupil. Many of the High Schools charged no fees. The Act of 1871 gave the Council of Public Instruction a large measure of control over textbooks to be used in High Schools. The Council issued lists of those authorized, and this did much to bring about uniformity in courses of study. Previous to 1871, many High Schools had only one teacher, but the new legislation required at least two for High Schools and four for Collegiate Institutes. To secure this required much firmness on the part of Dr. Ryerson. Even two teachers were wholly unable to do efficient work in large High Schools, and there was no easy way to force School Boards to employ more. The Superintendent had steadily to oppose a tendency to form weak High Schools, and in some cases Grammar Schools which had been able to exist in a sickly state under the old law were wholly unable to meet the requirements of the Act of 1871, which threw some of the burden of support upon the local municipality. The Inspectors' Reports for 1874 emphasize the need of additional teachers, the poor quality of work done in English literature, and the necessity of increased provision for natural science. Referring to the latter, the Inspectors' joint Report speaks as follows: "In regard to the direct utility of the knowledge imparted, the physical sciences are equalled by few subjects of study. We regret to report that the teaching of science is not making progress in the schools. For this there are many reasons, of which perhaps the most important are the lack of apparatus and the impracticable character of the prescribed programme of studies. All places might advantageously follow the example of Whitby and fit up a science room, that is, a room to be devoted to the teaching of science and furnished with the necessary appliances and apparatus. It cannot too often be inculcated that there can be no effective teaching of chemistry without experiments. Effective teaching implies first of all a qualified teacher, and few of our masters consider themselves well qualified to teach any of the physical sciences. Yet the number of masters qualified to teach in this Department is increasing every year and it is much to be regretted that where the master is qualified he is often compelled, if he wishes to teach chemistry, to provide the apparatus at his own expense. The public indifference to the claims of physical science is greater than the indifference of the masters. Besides, three-fourths of High School Boards either are so poor, or believe themselves to be so poor, that they will grumble if asked to spend $10.00 annually for chemical purposes."[112] [112] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XXV., pp. 244-245. Progress on the whole was rapid. Several weak schools were closed,[113] but they were schools which should never have been opened. Fees were either abolished or lowered.[114] The standard for pupils' admission was gradually raised and the old "Grammar Schools" were truly doing the work for which they were established in 1807. [113] About fifteen in all. [114] Out of 106 schools in operation in 1875, no less than 81 were absolutely free. Fees in the others varied from 75 cents to $6.00 per quarter, the average being $2.70. Much was yet to be desired in the qualifications of High School masters. In 1874, one hundred out of one hundred and six head masters were university graduates, but forty-five assistants held only Second Class Normal School Certificates, or County Certificates, and twenty-three schools had to employ teachers for a whole or a part of the year without any legal qualifications. The average salary of head masters was $930.00, of male assistants $664.00, and of female assistants $416.00. The following extract from the Inspector's Report is interesting in the light of what has since been accomplished: "In the absence of any special training college or chair of pedagogy in the University, we would suggest that as so many men are pursuing a collegiate course, with a view to becoming High School masters, it would be well for the Government to establish a lectureship in Education. It would not, we think, be difficult if proper encouragement were given to secure the services of several experienced and skilled educationists, one of whom might deliver a short course of lectures on the above subjects during each college session." Perhaps no part of our school system has developed more since Ryerson retired in 1876 than our High Schools. But this development has been almost wholly a natural growth. True, there has been much legislation and many changes in departmental regulations, but nothing of a revolutionary character. The opening of the doors of the universities to women and their increased employment as teachers has led to their being placed on an absolute equality with men in the High Schools and in all graduating examinations. The number of schools has almost doubled and the teaching of every department has been improved; incompetent teachers have given place to those having high academic and professional training; natural science has been greatly strengthened and the teaching of languages much improved; good laboratories have been built; spacious buildings with fine grounds have become the rule; the number of students preparing for university matriculation has multiplied many times; the average salaries of teachers have more than doubled, and finally the High Schools are so adapting themselves to the social needs of the people that they are becoming as much the schools of the people as are the Public Schools. CHAPTER X. _RYERSON AND THE TRAINING OF TEACHERS._ Normal Schools were mooted in Upper Canada before Ryerson became Superintendent. As early as 1843, Sir Francis Hincks said that the school system would never be complete without them.[115] In his Report on a System of Education made in 1846, Ryerson made it clear that any system of education must have as its basis trained teachers, and to secure trained teachers was almost impossible without Normal Schools. His report gives details of the Normal School systems of Great Britain and Ireland, France, Holland, Germany, and the United States. One or two schools had just been established in Massachusetts and one in Albany. Ryerson visited these, but was most favourably impressed with the Dublin Normal and Model Schools, as managed by the Commissioners of the Irish National Board of Education, and our first Normal School was modelled largely after the Dublin type. [115] See extract from his speech, Chap. IV., pp. 101, 102. The legislation of 1846 appropriated £1,500 for fitting up a Normal School building and made an additional appropriation of £1,500 per annum for maintenance. The School Bill of 1846 created a Council of Public Instruction to work with the Chief Superintendent, and placed the proposed Normal School under its management. The Council of Public Instruction lost no time in beginning work. As early as May, 1846, they were planning an early opening of the Normal School, and were in communication with John Rintoul, of the Dublin Normal School, about accepting the head mastership of the proposed Normal School at Toronto. It was proposed to give Mr. Rintoul £350, Halifax currency, and £100 for moving expenses. Mr. Rintoul accepted the appointment, resigned his position in Dublin, and was about to leave for Canada when, owing to some domestic affliction, he had to abandon his plans. The Commissioners of the Irish National Board then selected Thomas Jaffray Robertson to take Rintoul's place and the Council of Public Instruction chose as his assistant Mr. Henry Hind, of Thorne Hill. Robertson sailed from Ireland in July, 1847, and in November of the same year the Normal School was opened. It was a part of Ryerson's plan that the several District Councils of Upper Canada should choose two or three promising young men and send them to the Normal School, paying at least part of their expenses. The following extract from the Regulations issued by the Council of Public Instruction in 1847 will illustrate the requirements for admission to the first Normal School in Upper Canada: "1st. That the Provincial Normal School shall be open about the 1st of July next, and the first session shall continue until the middle of October, 1847. 2nd. That every candidate for admission into the Normal School, in order to his being received, must comply with the following conditions: He must be at least sixteen years of age; produce a certificate of good moral character signed by a clergyman; be able to read and write intelligibly and be acquainted with the simple rules of arithmetic; must declare in writing that he intends to devote himself to teaching (other students not candidates for school teaching to be admitted only on paying fees and dues to be prescribed). 3rd. Upon the foregoing conditions candidates for school teaching shall be admitted to all the advantages of the Normal School without any charge either for tuition or for books. 4th. Candidates shall lodge and board in the city under such regulations as shall from time to time be approved by this Board."[116] [116] See Report of Superintendent of Education for 1848. The school was formally opened by Dr. Ryerson, November 1st, in the presence of a distinguished company. The Model School was opened the following February. The Normal School pupils were, many of them, poorly equipped for a course of training. They had received no adequate secondary education. In fact, many of them were direct from the Common Schools. A few were mature men who had a considerable teaching experience.[117] [117] Women were not admitted until the opening of the second term in 1848. It was necessary to give a broad academic course and judiciously interweave some professional training. Grammar and mathematics received much greater attention than their importance merited. Physical science and natural philosophy, together with some agricultural chemistry, received a prominent place on the programme. Geography was also made much of, but it was largely mathematical and political and elaborately illustrated with globes and maps. Literature and history were taught, but not in a way to arouse much enthusiasm. Pupils were supposed not to learn by heart what they did not understand, but there was in practice much memory work and repetition of rules. On the whole, the Normal School was approved by all classes of people, and the teachers trained there were in great demand. But there was some criticism, especially of the provision by which four shillings a week was granted to students to aid them in paying their board. Inasmuch as this money was deducted from the school grant, it was argued that the teachers in service were actually educating in the Normal School others who would displace them. Exception was also taken to granting aid to students who had no intention of making teaching their life work. To meet this difficulty, students accepting public money towards their expenses were required to give assurance that they would teach a stated time, and others, called private pupils, were charged fees for tuition. In 1849 the experiment was made of a nine months' session, but the country was not yet ready for this step and the attendance was so reduced that the plan was abandoned. In 1850, the Council of Public Instruction attempted to widen the influence of the Normal School by sending the Normal School masters to attend Teachers' Institutes throughout the Province. In this way many earnest teachers who had received no training were given suggestions that bore much fruit. When the Normal School was established, it was held in the old Legislative Buildings of Upper Canada. After the riots in Montreal, in 1849, Toronto again became the seat of Government and the Normal School had to move. Temporary quarters were obtained while the Council of Public Instruction took steps to secure a permanent home, not only for the Normal School, but for the Education Department. The present site was secured and Parliament made an appropriation of £15,000 to provide for it and for a building. In July, 1851, Lord Elgin laid the corner-stone.[118] [118] See D. H. E., Vol. X., pp. 5-14. The address of Dr. Ryerson, in introducing the Governor, shows that he had no thought of divorcing the Common Schools from agriculture, the backbone industry of the people. He says: "The land on which these buildings are in course of erection is an entire square, consisting of nearly eight acres, two of which are to be devoted to a botanical garden, three to agricultural experiments, and the remainder to the buildings of the institution. It is thus intended that the valuable course of lectures given in the Normal School in vegetable physiology and agricultural chemistry shall be practically illustrated on the adjoining grounds, in the culture of which the students will take part during a portion of their hours of recreation.... There are four circumstances which encourage the most sanguine anticipations in every patriotic heart in regard to our educational future. The first is the avowed and entire absence of all party spirit in the school affairs of our country from the Provincial Legislature down to the smallest municipality. The second is the precedence which our Legislature has taken of all others on the western side of the Atlantic in providing for Normal School instruction, in aiding teachers to avail themselves of its advantages. The third is that the people of Upper Canada have during the last year voluntarily taxed themselves for the salaries of teachers in a larger sum in proportion to their numbers and have kept open their schools on an average more months than the neighbouring citizens of the old and great State of New York. The fourth is that the essential requisite of a series of suitable and excellent textbooks has been introduced into our schools and adopted almost by general acclamation, and that the facilities of furnishing all our schools with the necessary books, maps, and apparatus will soon be in advance of those of any other country."[119] In November, 1852, when the buildings[120] were formally opened, the Honourable John Beverley Robinson, Chief Justice of Upper Canada, said: "Without such a general preparatory system as we see here in operation, the instruction of the great mass of our population would be left in a measure to chance. The teachers might be, many of them, ignorant pretenders without experience, without method, and in some respects very improper persons to be entrusted with the education of youth. There could be little or no security for what they might teach, or what they might attempt to teach, nor any certainty that the good which might be acquired from their precepts would not be more than counterbalanced by the ill effects of their example. Indeed the footing which our Common School teachers were formerly upon in regard to income gave no adequate remuneration to intelligent and industrious men to devote their time to the service. But this disadvantage is largely removed, as well as other obstacles which were inseparable from the conditions of a thinly-peopled and uncleared country traversed only by miserable roads, and henceforth, as soon at least as the benefits of this institution can be fully felt, the Common Schools will be dispensing throughout the whole of Upper Canada, by means of properly-trained teachers and under vigilant superintendents, a system of education which has been carefully considered and arranged, and which has been for some time practically exemplified. An observation of some years has enabled most of us to form an opinion of its sufficiency. Speaking only for myself, I have much pleasure in saying that the degree of proficiency which has been actually attained goes far, very far, beyond what I had imagined it would have been attempted to aim at."[121] [119] See D. H. E., Vol. X., p. 6. [120] These included what is now the main Departmental building and the Model School to the north. The present Normal School building was erected later. [121] See D. H. E., Vol. X., pp. 278-283. The following from Honourable Francis Hincks leaves us in no doubt as to Ryerson's part in securing the building. He says: "With regard to this institution, so far it has been most successfully conducted, and I feel bound to say that we must attribute all the merit of that success to the reverend gentleman who has been at the head of our Common School system. It is only due to him that I should take this public opportunity of saying that since I have been a member of the Government I have never met an individual who has displayed more zeal or more devotion to the duties he has been called upon to discharge than Dr. Ryerson. A great deal of opposition has been manifested both in and out of Parliament to this institution, and a good deal of jealousy exists with regard to its having been established in the city of Toronto. I can speak from my own experience as to the difficulties experienced in obtaining the co-operation of Parliament to have the necessary funds provided for the purpose of erecting this building. I will say, however, that there never was an institution in which the people have more confidence that the funds were well applied than in this institution. There is but one feeling that pervades the minds of all those who have seen the manner in which this scheme has been worked out. In regard to the Normal School itself, the site has been well chosen, the buildings have been erected in a most permanent manner, and without anything like extravagance, and I have no doubt there will be no difficulty in obtaining additional Parliamentary aid to finish them."[122] [122] See D. H. E., Vol. X., pp. 282-284. In his report for 1853, Ryerson suggests Normal training for Grammar School teachers. I shall give his own words: "The Provincial Normal and Model Schools have contributed, and are contributing, much to the improvement of our Common Schools by furnishing a proper standard of judgment and comparison as to what such schools ought to be and how they should be taught and governed, and by furnishing teachers duly qualified for that important task. There is equal need of a Provincial Model Grammar School, in which the best modes of teaching the elements of Greek and Latin, French and German, the elementary mathematics and the elements of natural science, may be exemplified, and where teachers and candidates for masterships of Grammar Schools may have an opportunity for practical observation and training during a shorter or longer period. Such a school would complete the educational establishments of our school system and contribute powerfully to advance Upper Canada to the proud position which she is approaching in regard to institutions and agencies for the mental culture of her youthful population."[123] [123] See Superintendent's Report for 1853. The Legislature voted £1,000 for a Model Grammar School, and in 1855 plans for a building were prepared under direction of the Council of Public Instruction. The estimate exceeded the means at the disposal of the Council and nothing was done until 1856, when Ryerson wrote the Executive Council as follows: "There is no branch of our system of Public Instruction so defective as our Grammar Schools, and the 'Model' for them as to both structure and furniture, discipline, modes of classification and teaching is of the utmost importance.... I am persuaded that a saving of one-half of the time and expense usually incurred in the Grammar School education of youth may be saved by improved methods in teaching and directing their studies, a result which will greatly increase the number of those who will aspire to a higher literary education apart from other advantages and intellectual habits and discipline. It is proposed to erect the Model Grammar School in the rear of the present Model School.... The proposed mode of admitting pupils will prevent the Model Grammar School from interfering with or being the rival of any other Grammar School. It is also intended to afford every possible facility and assistance to masters and teachers of Grammar Schools throughout the Province to come and spend some weeks in the Model Grammar School."[124] [124] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. XII., p. 321. The Government now authorized the Council of Public Instruction to proceed with the erection of a building to accommodate one hundred Grammar School pupils. The school was opened in 1858. It was the intention to give a preference to the two or three pupils from each county and city in Upper Canada who were recommended by the respective Municipal Councils. Ryerson's circular to these Councils will throw some light on the subject: "The object of the Model Grammar School is to exemplify the best methods of teaching the branches required by law to be taught in the Grammar Schools, especially the elementary classics and mathematics, as a model for the Grammar Schools of the country. It is also intended that the Model Grammar School shall, as far as possible, secure the advantages of a Normal Classical School to candidates for masterships in the Grammar School; but effect cannot be given to this object of the Model Grammar School during the first few months of its operation."[125] In 1859, in a report to the Government, Ryerson speaks further and says: "In regard to the Model Grammar Schools the buildings are completed and the school has been in operation several months and with the most gratifying success. Upwards of thirty masters of Grammar Schools have in the course of a few weeks visited and spent a longer or shorter time in the Model Grammar School with a view to improving their own methods of school organization, discipline, and teaching; and I have reason to believe that it has already exerted a salutary influence in improving the several Grammar Schools--an influence that will be greatly increased when we are enabled to form a special class consisting of candidates for Grammar School masterships."[126] [125] See copy of Circular in D. H. E., Vol. XIV., p. 65. [126] See Report of Superintendent for 1859. In 1861, Mr. G. R. Cockburn, Rector of the Model Grammar School, resigned to become principal of Upper Canada College. Ryerson wished to transfer the functions of the Model Grammar School to Upper Canada College. This was not agreed to, but the same year provision was made for admitting candidates for Grammar School masterships to a course in training in the Model Grammar School. Up to this time the School had been of professional service as a school of observation, the holidays being so arranged that its classes were in session while Grammar School masters were on holiday. In July, 1863, the Model Grammar School was finally closed. The following from a letter sent by Ryerson to the Provincial Secretary makes clear the reasons for this action: "When the Model Grammar School was established it was expected that nearly every county in Upper Canada would be represented in it and provision was made for that purpose. That important object has not been realized; and although the attendance at the school has been larger during the last year than during any previous year, reaching even to 100, the attendance as in former years has been chiefly from Toronto and its neighbourhood. I do not think it just to the General Fund to maintain an additional Toronto Grammar School. During the past year a training class for Grammar School masterships, consisting to a considerable extent of students in the University, has been successfully established. But it has been found that the instruction in all subjects, except Greek, Latin, and French, can be given in the Normal School to better advantage than in the Model Grammar School."[127] [127] See Ryerson's letter in D. H. E., Vol. XVIII, p. 69. Trained teachers for the Grammar Schools were much to be desired, and Ryerson deserves credit for his progressive ideas. But just at that stage in their evolution, although they contained many scholarly men, the Grammar Schools as a whole were more in need of teachers with sound scholarship than of teachers with a little professional training. There continued to be complaints that teachers trained in the Normal Schools did not continue to teach. In his Report for 1856, Ryerson makes clear that in his opinion these defections from the teaching ranks were no condemnation of Normal Schools. He says: "The only objection yet made to the training of teachers, as far as I know, is that many of them do not pursue that profession but leave it for other employments. Were this true to the full extent imagined, the conclusion would still be in favour of the Normal School, since its advantages are not confined to schools or neighbourhoods in which its teachers are employed, but are extended over other neighbourhoods and municipalities.... In all professions and pursuits there are changes from one to another. I do not think it wise, just, or expedient to deny to the Normal School teacher the liberty, if opportunity presents itself, to improve his position or increase his usefulness.... In whatever position or relation of life a Normal School teacher may be placed, his training at the Normal School cannot fail to contribute to his usefulness."[128] [128] See Report of Chief Superintendent for 1856. See copy in D. H. E., Vol. XIII., p. 51. Nor was all the criticism of Normal School affairs directed towards the teachers who left the profession; those who remained in it were emissaries of evil. Then, as now, there were croakers who thought that a boy born on a farm naturally belonged there, and that any enlightenment which tended to make him dissatisfied with his surroundings was an evil. One, signing himself Angus Dallas of Toronto, wrote several pamphlets attacking the school system. Speaking of the Normal School, he said: "The young men who have attended six months at that institution and leave it with certificates to teach, go forth into the country with the most mistaken estimate of their own importance. They open schools wherever accident places them, and by teaching and familiar intercourse, combined with the example of nomadic habits, for they seldom remain longer than twelve months in one place, they soon contaminate the minds of the older pupils and also of young men who may reside in the neighbourhood, by their doctrines of enlightened citizenship; and thus these pupils soon learn to disdain honest labour."[129] [129] The Toronto schools were at this time very expensively managed as compared with schools in other cities of Upper Canada. This could not be attributed to the expense of Normal-trained teachers. In 1858, ten years after the Normal School was established, no Common School in Toronto was in charge of a Normal-trained teacher, and only two or three such teachers had ever been employed there. See D. H. E., Vol. XIII., p. 299. In 1855, the Legislature had authorized a museum and library in connection with the Department of Education. These were formally opened in 1857 and the library contributed much to increase the efficiency of the Normal School by widening the scope of the students' reading. In the following year the Council of Public Instruction revised the Normal School Regulations. Qualifications necessary for admission were accurately set forth and the course of study defined for both second and first-class certificates. There continued to be two sessions a year, but students who entered to qualify for a second-class certificate spent two or more sessions before reaching a standard entitling them to a first-class certificate. An interesting sidelight is thrown upon the nature of the instruction given in the Toronto Normal School by the Report for 1868 of George Paxton Young, Inspector of Grammar Schools. Young was trying to raise the standard of the Grammar Schools, and shows how their improvement would affect the Normal Schools. He says: "I suppose there can be no doubt that if High Schools like those which I have described were established, it would be necessary to modify the work of the Normal School considerably. Teachers who would have to perform different duties from what have hitherto been expected at their hands would need a different training from what has hitherto been given. The instructions in English in the Normal School would require to be raised to a far higher level than is now aimed at. Much of the elementary drilling which Normal School students at present receive might be dispensed with. Our institution for the training of teachers ought not to be a school for teaching English grammar. In the same way I would lighten the ship of such subjects as the bare facts of geography and history; not rejecting of course prelections on the proper method of teaching geography and history. The English master in the Normal School might thus be enabled to devote a portion of his time to lessons in the English language and literature of a superior cast--lessons which he would have a pride in giving and on which the students would feel it a privilege to wait. Such lessons would be immensely useful even to those young men and women who might only desire to qualify themselves for becoming Common School teachers. In the department of physical science, it is plain that if the views which I have expressed in regard to the way in which science should be taught in the High Schools be just, the object of the prelections in the Normal School should not be to cram the students with a mass of facts but to develop in them a philosophic habit of mind and to make them practically understand how classes in science ought to be conducted in the schools."[130] [130] See D. H. E., Vol. XX., p. 127. No man in Canada was better qualified to estimate the real work of any educational establishment than Young, and although he was not closely connected with the Normal School, we may assume that his analysis was essentially correct and that the study of formal grammar and the acquisition of scientific facts bulked large in the Normal School programme. In his report for 1867,[131] in speaking of the Normal and Model Schools, Ryerson says: "They are not constituted as are most of the Normal Schools in both Europe and America to impart the preliminary education requisite for teaching. That preparatory education is supposed to have been attained in the ordinary public or private schools. The entrance examination to the Normal School requires this. The object of the Normal and Model Schools is, therefore, to do for the teacher what an apprenticeship does for the mechanic, the artist, the physician, the lawyer--to teach him theoretically and practically how to do the work of his profession." [131] See D. H. E., Vol. XX., p. 139. A little consideration will show us that a school trying to realize such an aim and attempting to teach only the rudiments of the science of education, upon which the theory of teaching is based, must become empirical and rule-of-thumb in its methods. The real difficulty lay in the inadequate preparation with which the teachers in training entered upon their work. The Normal School could not improve until an improvement should be effected in the Grammar Schools. During the first nine sessions of the Normal School no certificates were granted which entitled the holder to teach. The Normal School graduates simply received certificates of attendance and had to submit to examination by a County Board before securing a license. It almost invariably happened that Normal School graduates were able to take a high standing at these examinations, and hence Ryerson met with no serious opposition from County Boards when in 1853 he proposed to issue Provincial certificates to Normal School graduates upon the recommendation of the Normal School masters. From 1853 to 1871 a dual system of granting certificates was in operation. Normal School graduates received Provincial certificates of various grades, and County Boards issued certificates valid only in the county where issued. In 1871 a radical change was made, by which County Boards were allowed to issue only third-class certificates valid for three years in the county where given, and renewable on the recommendation of the County Inspector. Second and first-class certificates were granted only by the Department of Education and valid during good behaviour, and in any part of the Province. A first-class certificate of the highest grade (Grade "A") was made the qualification for County Inspectors. It should also be noted that the third-class certificates referred to above were granted after 1871 only upon the passing of a written examination upon papers prepared by a central committee chosen by the Council of Public Instruction. This was a radical change from the old method, which allowed each County Board to fix its own standard, a plan which necessarily led to many certificates being granted to wholly incompetent persons. The change of 1871, which virtually established a Provincial system of licensing teachers, brought upon Ryerson's head much abuse from incompetent teachers and their friends. The Superintendent stood firmly by his guns, knowing well that his act was in the best interests of the Province. A few words from his reply to those who objected that old teachers were being set aside because of failure to pass the Provincial examination is worth mentioning. He says: "I answer, as government exists not for office-holders but for the people, so the school exists not for the teachers but for the youth and future generations of the land; and if teachers have been too slothful not to keep pace with the progressive wants and demands of the country, they must, as should all incompetent and indolent public officers, and all lazy and unenterprising citizens, give place to the more industrious, intelligent, progressive, and enterprising. The sound education of a generation of children is not to be sacrificed for the sake of an incompetent although antiquated teacher."[132] [132] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. XIII., p. 131. Having secured the adoption of a system by which all licensing of teachers was under Departmental control, Ryerson next turned his attention to an extension of facilities for training teachers. His plans were comprehensive and had to wait thirty-five years for complete realization. In 1872[133] he reported to the Provincial Treasurer as follows: "I desire to state in reply that last year I thought and suggested to the Government that two additional Normal Schools were required, one in the eastern and the other in the western section of the Province, but I am now inclined to think that three additional Normal Schools will be required to extend the advantages of a Normal School training to all parts of the Province--one at London, one at Kingston, and one at Ottawa. If provision be not made to establish them all at once, I think the first established should be at Ottawa--the centre of a large region of country where the schools are in a comparatively backward state, and where the influence of the Normal School training for teachers has yet been scarcely felt except in a few towns, and which is almost entirely separated from Toronto in all branches of business and commerce, and therefore, to a great extent, in social relations and sympathies.... As the whole Province east of Belleville is less advanced and less progressive in schools than the western parts, I think a second Normal School should be established at Kingston. The whole region of country from Belleville, on the west, to Brockville, on the east, has very little more business or commercial connection with Toronto than the more eastern parts of the Province. Although London is not so remote from Toronto as Ottawa or Kingston, yet it is the centre of a populous and prosperous part of the Province from which an ample number of student teachers would be collected to fill any Normal School.... With the establishment of these three Normal Schools I am persuaded there would still be as large a number of student teachers attending the Toronto School as can advantageously be trained in one institution.... I think all the Normal Schools should be subject to the oversight of the Education Department and under the same regulations formally sanctioned by the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council. This I think necessary on the grounds of both economy and uniformity of standard and system of instruction. As to the extent of accommodation in each Normal School, I think that provision should be made for training 150 teachers in each school." [133] See D. H. E., Vol. XXIV., p. 22. In the meantime, while negotiations for more Normal School accommodation were in progress, an attempt was made to give some professional training through teachers' institutes. As far back as 1850 the Legislature had made a grant for such meetings, and they had been conducted by the Normal School masters. In 1872 the plan was revised and some very successful institutes held. The movement is important because out of it grew County Model Schools, and the adoption of a principle which meant some professional training for every teacher. In 1875, a Normal School was opened at Ottawa, but the plan of having schools at Kingston and London was abandoned largely because of the apathy of the Legislature in regard to the expense. In fact it is doubtful if any Government could have forced through the Legislature a vote for such a purpose. Ryerson found the schools in 1844 taught by teachers without certificates and without professional training; he left them in 1876 with teachers, all of whom were certificated under Government examinations, and many of whom were Normal-trained. More important still, he had, by his lectures at County Conventions and by his writings in the _Journal of Education_, created a sentiment throughout the Province in favour of trained teachers. He thus made easy the pathway of his successors in securing increased efficiency; but it may be doubted whether any of his immediate successors achieved results in keeping with the material advance of the Province. CHAPTER XI. _RYERSON SCHOOL BILL OF 1871._ From 1850 to 1871 no wholly new principles relating to the Common Schools were adopted by the Legislature, although some changes were necessarily made. The legislation of 1850 had, from time to time, to be supplemented by amendments in order that the spirit of the previous legislation should be made applicable to the needs of a rapidly growing community. An Act passed in 1853[134] provided further machinery for the working of Trustee Boards; gave a liberal annual grant for an educational museum; set apart £500 a year toward teachers' pensions, and increased by £1,000 a year the grant to Normal Schools. [134] See copy of Act reprinted in D. H. E., Vol. X., p. 133. An Act passed in 1860[135] more clearly defined the powers of trustees, the manner of conducting elections, and auditing school accounts. The same Act made Saturday a school holiday. [135] See copy of Act reprinted in D. H. E., Vol. XV., pp. 45-49. The Act of 1871[136] was the last important school legislation prepared by Ryerson.[137] The important features of the Act may be summed up under four headings, viz., compulsory and free education, efficient inspection, teachers' pensions, and the licensing of teachers under Government direction.[138] [136] See copy of Act reprinted in D. H. E., Vol. XXII., pp. 213-222. [137] The Act of 1874, in as far as it contained new principles, was forced upon Ryerson by the Government of Sir Oliver Mowat. [138] For changes made in Grammar Schools by Act of 1871, see Chapter IX. The free school was the natural complement of the Act of 1850. The permissive legislation then enacted allowing trustee boards and ratepayers to establish free schools had been so generally acted upon[139] that by 1871 the abolition of all rate bills upon parents seemed to come as a matter of course. The logical corollary of free schools is compulsory attendance, and the Act of 1871 fixed penalties to be imposed upon parents and guardians who neglected the education of their children. It may be doubted whether this compulsory clause has ever been of any real advantage to the cause of education. The real forces that move human beings are always moral forces. Many a man has unwillingly sent his children to school because of public opinion, but few because of fear of the law. [139] Only some 400 schools out of 4,000 were levying rate bills in 1870. These 400 were chiefly in towns and cities. The total rate bill levy for 1870 was about $24,000. See Superintendent's Report for 1870. The Act provided for county inspectors who should be experts and devote their whole time to the work of inspection. Ryerson's first Report had foreshadowed such action, and the fact that he had to wait a quarter-century to realize his plan shows how impossible it is to legislate much in advance of public opinion. The County Inspector, together with two or more qualified teachers, were to form a County Board, with power to license second and third-class teachers upon examinations prescribed by the Council of Public Instruction. In this way the Superintendent had at last secured a uniform standard of qualification for teachers throughout the whole Province. The small annual grant made for teachers' pensions in 1853, and increased a few years later to $4,000 per annum, had enabled the Superintendent to dole out pittances[140] to a few score of worn-out teachers whose need was most pressing. Ryerson wished to establish a system such as was in operation in Germany--a system of compulsory payments by teachers in service sufficient to give a substantial pension for old age. He hoped by this means to secure a body of teachers with a professional spirit, and to enable them to spend their declining years in independence. [140] See D. H. E., Vol. XX., p. 143. The Act of 1871 required compulsory payments from male teachers of four dollars per year.[141] At a later date County Inspectors and all first-class teachers were required to pay six dollars a year. This payment guaranteed an annual pension upon retirement of four or six dollars for every year's contribution. Female teachers were allowed, but not forced, to support the Pension Fund. The compulsory payments aroused much opposition from some teachers, especially those who were making temporary use of the teachers' calling as a stepping-stone to some other profession.[142] Ryerson thought that this class might very properly be taxed a trifle for the general cause of education. [141] No doubt this seems a ridiculously small contribution, but we must remember that teachers received very small salaries. The Pension Fund clause was repealed in 1885 on request of the teachers of Ontario, and since that date no names have been added to the list. The payments by teachers provided only a small proportion of the annual charge upon the Pension Fund. The present annual charge (1910) upon the Fund is $55,926. [142] See D. H. E., Vol. XXIII., pp. 253-256. Minor provisions of the Act of 1871 gave trustee boards power to build teachers' residences and to secure land for school sites by arbitration. The Act also authorized the creation of Township Boards of Trustees, where public opinion favoured them. During its passage through the Legislature the Bill of 1871 was severely criticized by Hon. George Brown, in the Toronto _Globe_, and by Edward Blake, on the floor of the Assembly. Perhaps neither of these gentlemen had any love for Ryerson, but they represented a new spirit which Ryerson scarcely understood, and with which he certainly had no sympathy. Mr. Blake opposed the Bill upon several grounds, but especially upon the abolition of rate bills and the irresponsible nature of the Council of Public Instruction. As regards the former he expressed himself heartily in favour of free schools, but since they were gradually becoming free without compulsion he wished to let them alone. His objection to the Council of Public Instruction[143] is worthy of note because it brings out in a strong light the real bone of contention between Ryerson and the Ontario Liberals, and enables us to understand why at a later date it was impossible for Ryerson to work in harmony with a Liberal Executive Council. The Council of Public Instruction was an irresponsible body appointed by the Crown and dominated by the Chief Superintendent. It had extensive powers. It might act arbitrarily, and yet there was no way by which the members of the Legislature could call it to account or insist upon explanations. Mr. Blake and his colleagues argued that this was not compatible with representative government. Doctor Ryerson insisted that the Education Department must be wholly removed from party politics. Conscious of purity of purpose and personal integrity, he was ever more desirous of giving the people what he thought they needed than of giving them what they wanted. [143] See Pamphlet in Parliamentary Library, Ottawa, addressed by Edward Blake to the electors of South Bruce. Although Ryerson had taken a partisan's part in politics before his appointment as Superintendent, he wisely tried to administer his Department upon a non-partisan basis. And he met with a large measure of success because all sensible men realized that education ought not to be a topic for partisan bickerings. For many years it was so arranged that the leader of the Government introduced educational bills and the leader of the Opposition seconded them. Such a procedure was possible only so long as both political parties had more confidence in the wisdom of the Superintendent to deal with education than they had in the educational foresight of their own leaders. But such a confidence could not be indefinitely retained by any Superintendent, and certainly not by Ryerson, who was very sensitive to criticism of his administration, and always ready to challenge any layman who had the temerity to express an opinion upon education contrary to his. It was inevitable that a clash should come, and it was a great tribute to Ryerson's wisdom in gauging public opinion that the clash was so long delayed. It was also quite to be expected that the Liberal leaders should be the ones to precipitate the shock, seeing that Ryerson had ridden into office upon a wave of Tory reaction. Mr. Blake and Hon. George Brown could, however, make little headway against Ryerson in connection with the School Bill of 1871. Except in regard to the irresponsible nature of the Council of Public Instruction, the Act was progressive and truly liberal. Ryerson had discussed every clause in the Bill at County Conventions, and had behind him the support of all actively engaged in the work of education and in the other learned professions. CHAPTER XII. _CONCLUSION._ How are we to sum up the work of this man who moulded the schools of Ontario during a period as long as the life of a single generation? Would the schools of 1876 have been what they were had there been no Ryerson? We think not. No doubt the people of Upper Canada would, without Ryerson, have worked out a good school system, because a school system must in the end reflect the average intelligence and the fixed ideals of a people. But in Ryerson, Upper Canada had a man who, by his dogged determination and his hold upon the affections of the people, was able to secure legislation somewhat in advance of a fixed public opinion. To a considerable extent he created the public sentiment which made his work possible. He knew what the people needed and persuaded them to accept it. This we conceive to be the work of a statesman. Ryerson was neither a demagogue nor a constitutionalist. He had none of the arts of one who wins the populace by flattering its vanity. He was too sincere and too deeply religious to appeal to the lower springs of human action. On the other hand he had no real sympathy with popular government. He would let people do as they wished, only so long as they wished to do what he believed to be right. He never could believe that he himself might be wrong. Even had he wished to do so, he never could have divested himself wholly of the character of priest and pedagogue. He was always either shouting from the pulpit or thumping the desk of the schoolmaster. His environment after 1844 strengthened and developed his natural tendency to be autocratic. He worked like a giant. He created the Education Department, appointed his subordinates, was his own finance minister, established a Normal School and appointed its instructors, nominated members of a Council of Public Instruction who often did little more than formally register his decrees, organized a book and map depository and an educational museum, edited an educational journal in which he published his decrees, and prepared legislation for successive Legislatures having comparatively few members competent to criticize school administration. He administered one of the largest spending Departments of Government, and ruled somewhat rigorously a score of subordinates, and yet, for many years, was not subject to any check except the nominal one of the Governor-General, and later of the Governor-General-in-Council. When he visited District or County Conventions he came as a lawgiver, either to explain existing regulations, promulgate new ones, or obtain assent to those for which he wished to secure legislation. Only after the Grammar Schools had become efficient did Ryerson meet at Teachers' Conventions men who were intellectually his equals and who were ready to criticize his policy, and, when necessary, give him wholesome advice. Had Ryerson been a responsible Minister with a seat in the Legislature, either his nature would have been modified or he would have failed, probably the latter. This would seem to lead to the conclusion that Ryerson after all was not a statesman, since a statesman must, in our age, carry out his measures and at the same time retain the confidence of his colleagues and the electors. But this is just what Ryerson did, although he did not do it directly through the Legislature. He appealed to a Court beyond the Legislature--the whole body of intelligent men and women of Upper Canada--and this Court sustained him in his work for thirty-two years, during which time it is doubtful if any single constituency in the country would have elected him to two successive Parliaments. If this be true we may safely assume that it was a happy chance which gave us a non-political Education Department during our formative period. Ryerson's greatest admirers can scarcely claim that he was a scholar. This was his misfortune and not his fault. He never failed to embrace whatever opportunities for intellectual improvement came in his way. His reading of history was broad and discriminating. He had little interest in anything that did not bear somewhat directly upon the problem of human virtue. Consequently his interests centred largely in civil government and theology. Nor can we claim for Ryerson that he introduced original legislation. Hardly anything in our system of education was of his invention. New England, New York, Germany, and Ireland gave him his models, and his genius was shown in the skill with which he adapted these to suit the needs of Upper Canada. Even in the details of his school legislation, especially that relating to High Schools, Ryerson adopted suggestions of men more competent than himself to form a judgment. To say this in no way detracts from the man's greatness. Little after all in modern legislation is actually new, and to say of a man that he is successful in using other men's ideas is often to give him the highest praise. In one department of work Ryerson stood in a class by himself. He was without a peer as an administrator. His intensely practical mind was quick to discover the shortest route between end and means. His energy, his system and attention to details, his broad personal knowledge of actual conditions, his capacity for long periods of effort, his thrift, his courteous treatment of subordinates, and even his sensitiveness to criticism were factors which enabled him to administer the most difficult Department of the Government with ease and smoothness. The history of Upper Canada during a period of nearly sixty years is as much bound up with the labours of Egerton Ryerson as with the work of any other public man. He gave us lofty ideals of the meaning and purpose of life, and he had an abiding faith in the power of popular education to aid in a realization of these ideals; he fought for free schools in Upper Canada when they needed a valiant champion. Let the present generation of men and women honour the memory of the man who wrought so faithfully for their fathers and grandfathers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Documentary History of Education in Upper Canada. 28 vols. Dr. J. Geo. Hodgins. Story of My Life. Egerton Ryerson. Edited by Dr. J. Geo. Hodgins. Egerton Ryerson. Chancellor Burwash. Loyalists of America. 2 vols. Egerton Ryerson. Ryerson Memorial Volume. Edited by Dr. J. Geo. Hodgins. History of Upper Canada College. Principal Dickson. Journals of Assembly of Upper Canada, Legislative Library, Toronto. Journal of Education, 1848-1876. 29 vols. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Ryerson's Special Reports on European Schools. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Ryerson's Annual School Reports, 1845-1876. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Gourlay's Statistical Account of Upper Canada. 3 vols. Published by Simpkins and Marshall, London, Eng., 1822. Sketches of Canada and the United States. William Lyon Mackenzie. Published by Effingham & Wilson, London, Eng., 1833. Reminiscences of His Public Life. Sir Francis Hincks. Ryerson's Controversy with Rev. J. M. Bruyère on Free Schools. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 50. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Ryerson's Letters to Doctor Strachan, on Education. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 83. Ryerson's New Canadian Dominion. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 418. Ryerson's Defence Against Attacks of Hon. George Brown. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 418. Ryerson on the Separate School Law of Upper Canada. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 416. Ryerson on a Liberal Education in Upper Canada. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 416. Ryerson on the School Book Question. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 416. Ryerson, a Review and a Study. J. A. Allen. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 667. Bishop Strachan, a Review and a Study. Rev. Doctor Scadding. Canadian Pamphlets, vol. 169. Report on Grievances in Upper Canada. William Lyon Mackenzie. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Bound Volumes of Toronto _Globe_, 1844-1876, in Legislative Library, Toronto. _British Colonist._ Published by H. Scobie, 1838-1854. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. _Kingston Chronicle and Gazette_, 1840-1842. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Courier of Upper Canada, 1836-1837. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. _Weekly Colonist_, 1852-1855. Library of Parliament, Ottawa. Ryerson's Correspondence with Provincial Secretaries, 1844-1876. Canadian Archives, Ottawa. Transcriber's Note: Inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation (e.g., school-houses/schoolhouses) have been resolved in all cases where it was possible to divine the author's intent with a reasonable degree of certainty. 
40380	----	THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF NORWAY DAVID ALLEN ANDERSON, Ph.D. RICHARD G. BADGER THE GORHAM PRESS BOSTON _Copyright, 1913, by Richard G. Badger All rights reserved_ _The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A._ AUTHOR'S PREFACE This account is a descriptive statement of the organization, management, operation, and efficiency of the public school system of Norway. The intent has been to consider only the more vital features, those essentials which definitely shape the products of educational endeavor. Many topics of interest have been touched but briefly while others have been omitted altogether. Some attention has been given to pointing out good qualities of the Norwegian schools and to indicating wherein we might improve our own. The materials entering into the make-up of this dissertation were gathered during a summer and autumn devoted to travel and study in Norway. Much time was spent in study at the University Library in Christiania and still more in the visitation of schools. It was with pleasure that I availed myself of the opportunity to see the schools in operation. I observed recitations throughout the entire program of study in every grade from the kindergarten to the University. I also visited many special schools and other educational institutions both public and private. Further than this, I was benefited by frequent conferences with the leading educators of the country and by almost constant associations with schoolmen, patrons, and students. These personal investigations enabled me to become familiar with the spirit and work of the schools, and they furnish background for a large part of the content of this treatise. Since no adequate account of the schools of Norway is in print, the authority for this work has been gained chiefly from school laws, annual reports from the Department of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs (chiefly statistical), and the individual research referred to above. It was my good fortune to be provided with official credentials as holder of a Traveling Fellowship for study in Norway from the State University of Iowa; a commission to study the school system of Norway from His Excellency, B. F. Carroll, the Governor of the State of Iowa; and a letter of introduction to Norway's educational executives from Hon. Elmer Ellsworth Brown, at that time Commissioner of Education for the United States. These credentials had the effect of intensifying the already superior courtesy and obliging disposition of the Norwegian officials and schoolmen, who gave me free access to every facility for the pursuance of my work within the state and voluntarily offered their cooperation whenever I might desire it. Their gracious exemplification of the spirit of brotherly kindness made my work among them a constant delight. I desire to express my gratitude to the Norwegians wherever I traveled for the rare cordiality characterizing my reception among them and to acknowledge my obligations to J. K. Qvigstad, _chef for Kirk-og Undervisningsdepartmentet_; Knut Johannes Hougen, _byraachef for Undervisningsvaesen_; A. H. Raeder, _Undervisningsraadets_ formand; Johan Andreas Johnsen, _Skoledirektoren i Kristiania stift_; Otto Andreas Anderssen, _Bestyrer og forstelaerer i det Paedagogiske Seminar for Laerere red hoiere Almenskoler_, for valuable suggestions and careful reading and criticism of the entire work in manuscript; further to Iowa's Board of Education and the Graduate Faculty of the State University of Iowa for the appointment which made possible the investigation; to Professor F. E. Bolton, who first suggested that I make the study and who has constantly been to me a wise counsellor and a willing co-operator; and finally to my wife who, through all, has been both critic and companion. DAVID ALLEN ANDERSON. _The State University of Iowa, Iowa City, May, 1912._ REVIEWER'S PREFACE Kristiania den 16 februar 1912. Jeg har med stor fornoielse gjennemlaest Mr. David A. Andersons fremstilling av Norges Undervisningsvaesen og fundet den i all vaesentlige ting korrekt, fuldstaendig og oplysende. Gjennem personlig iagttagelse, samtale med kompetente maend og studium av den vigtigste litteratur er det lykkes forfatteren at danne sig en klar og noiagtig forestilling om de norske skolers ordning og saeregne arbeidsformer i deres historiske tilblivelse og nuvaerende vilkaar. Hans reflektioner og domme vedner om paedagogiske indsight og uavhaengig opfatning. Det er mulig at han nu og da er noget tilboielig til at domme vel gunstig om vore skoleinstitutioners effektivitet og vort folks interesse og offervillighed for at gjorc denne saa stor some mulig, men dette for haenge sammen med at han ser tingene mot en bakgrund av amerikanske forhold, som han onsker reformeret. Jeg har ikke havt anledning til at kontrollere i det enkelte de statistiske opgaver forfatteren meddeler, men da disse er hentet ut fra officielle kilder tviler jeg ikke paa at de er rigtige. PROFESSOR DR OTTO ANDERSSEN, _Principal of the Pedagogical Seminary annexed to the University of Christiania._ REVIEWER'S PREFACE (Translation) Christiania, February 16, 1912. I have, with great pleasure, read through Mr. David A. Anderson's presentation of Norway's school system and found it in all essentials correct, complete and illuminating. Through personal observation, conversation with competent men and study of the most important literature, the author has succeeded in getting a clear and exact view of the Norwegian school methods and characteristic forms of work in their historical development and present condition. His reflections and judgments testify to pedagogical insight and independence of views. It may be that now and then he is somewhat inclined to judge too favorably as to the efficiency of our institutions and the interest of our people and their readiness to sacrifice in order to make this efficiency as high as possible, but this may be due to the fact that he views it against a background of American conditions, which he desires to improve. I have not taken occasion to verify in detail the statistical tables the author includes, but since they have been gathered from official sources I do not doubt that they are correct. PROFESSOR DR. OTTO ANDERSSEN, _Principal of the Pedagogical Seminary, affiliated with the University of Christiania._ EDITOR'S PREFACE The most pressing problems of education at the present time are those of organization and administration of educational forces. Problems of method of instruction though important are entirely subsidiary, for if all the people can be aroused to a desire for education and then be shown ways and means of attaining it the very desire for education will be the most important factor in learning. No means of studying questions of organization and administration are so valuable as the comparative. Various studies of education in foreign countries have been made, but there still exists a need for many more investigations. Norway has furnished a great many illustrious statesmen, scientists and literary masters, and is also a country abounding in men of a high type of valor, physical prowess, honesty and industry, and consequently the educational ideals and practices which prevail there should be worthy of most careful consideration. Heretofore, only fragmentary accounts of Norway's educational system have been available in the English language. At the writer's suggestion, Mr. Anderson made a trip abroad for the purpose of studying the system at first hand. His intimate acquaintance with the language was a prime essential in acquiring an understanding through observation and reading. That he has made an accurate interpretation is attested by the foreword of one of Norway's eminent scholars and that he has made an interesting account will be conceded by all who peruse the pages. It is hoped that many more studies of a similar nature will follow in the near future. FREDERICK E. BOLTON, _State University of Washington, Seattle, April 8, 1913._ CONTENTS CHAPTER I _Background and Organization_ I. INTRODUCTION 19 1. History of Norway (brief sketch) 19 2. Geographical features 22 3. National characteristics, aims and ideals 25 II. DIFFERENTIATION OF SCHOOLS 28 1. Primary school--rural and city 28 2. Secondary 30 3. The University and other schools 32 III. DISTRIBUTION OF SCHOOLS AND PUPILS 34 1. Primary--rural and city 34 2. Secondary--middle school and gymnasium 41 3. Teachers' Seminaries 41 4. The University 41 5. Private schools 43 IV. PUPILS 44 1. Age in primary schools, secondary schools and teachers' seminaries 44 2. Comparisons with America in equipment and time spent in school 50 3. Specialization 51 V. ORGANIZATION--Relation to state, commune and city 51 1. The state department and its divisions 51 2. Units of organization 53 3. The school board and school committees 56 4. City superintendent (_Inspector_) and ward principles (_Overlaererer_) 60 5. Private citizens a factor 61 6. Financial support of schools 62 VI. BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS 64 1. General character of buildings 64 2. Equipment 64 3. Playgrounds 69 4. Homes for principals and teachers 70 VII. GENERAL FEATURES OF INNER ORGANIZATION 71 1. The teaching staff 71 2. Plan of instruction 72 3. Gymnastics 74 4. Lunches 75 5. School discipline 76 6. Attendance 77 7. Health 77 CHAPTER II TEACHERS I. QUALIFICATION AND CERTIFICATION OF TEACHERS 79 1. General situation and tendencies 79 2. Special teachers 80 II. TRAINING OF TEACHERS 81 1. Introductory 81 2. Seminaries--establishment and work 83 III. TEACHERS' OFFICIAL TITLES 85 1. In the several schools--significance 85 IV. TEACHERS' TENURE OF OFFICE 86 1. Positions--Permanent and temporary 87 2. Comparisons with conditions in America 89 3. Changes in teaching staff (with tables) 89 V. TEACHERS' SALARIES 91 1. General statement 91 2. Additional benefits 92 3. Schedules (with tables) 94 CHAPTER III COURSES OF STUDY IN STATE SCHOOLS I. INTRODUCTORY--Rise, development, and present form of the curriculum 96 1. Origin and evolution of the course of study 96 a. The early schools; their work, influence, and development in Norway 97 2. Three sections of schools 99 II. THE PRIMARY SCHOOL 101 1. Rural and city 101 2. Schedules of courses 104 a. Comparisons 106 b. Subjects emphasized 107 3. Outline of subjects of instruction 108 a. Religion 108 b. Norwegian 118 c. Mathematics 125 d. Geography 129 e. History 134 f. Nature study 139 g. Other subjects: writing and drawing, vocal music, manual training, gymnastics 146 III. THE MIDDLE SCHOOL 149 1. Its standard, aim, and method 149 2. Outline of subjects of instruction 151 IV. THE GYMNASIUM 162 1. Outline of subjects of instruction 162 CHAPTER IV INTERPRETATIVE CONCLUSIONS 1. The people and their ideals 181 2. Facilities for education 184 3. Directing authority and management of schools 187 4. Teachers' training 191 5. The teacher's life 195 6. The curriculum 197 a. Religious instruction and education 198 b. The classics 201 c. Physical culture 204 d. Vocal music 206 7. Lines of instruction in the gymnasium 207 8. Co-education 210 9. The school year 214 10. School lunches 215 11. Comparative attainments 217 12. Methods of instruction 220 13. Continuity of effort 222 Bibliography 225 Index 229 THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF NORWA _Chapter I_ BACKGROUND AND ORGANIZATION I. INTRODUCTION The history of mankind in Norway covers a period of at least five thousand years and includes a great variety of interesting incidents and conditions. The accounts of the earlier ages may be read only in archaeological formations, while for more recent times, these silent records are supplemented and enriched by traditions. All such accounts are of deep interest and significance but only in a measure reliable. We have no really authentic information regarding Norway's political history until the reign of Harald the Fair Haired (860-930). We do know, however, that, previous to his establishment of the sovereign state of Norway in 872, the people had known only the rule of numerous petty, warring earls and kings. Besides this, the entire country had been subjected to the devastations of the vikings. These sea robbers were the terror of all the coast countries in western Europe and the British Isles until about the year 900 when sea robbery at home was abolished, and the Norsemen became colonizers, migrating to surrounding islands, the west and south of Europe, and probably America. Now when piracy began to decline the people rose to a higher plane of living, and the prosperity attained through peace and industry was found to be the more desirable. A long succession of kings, some good and some evil, ruled the land. Paganism was gradually overcome, and about the year 1,000 Christianity was established. From this time on, for several centuries, the country experienced only moderate visible progress though large gains were made in potential powers. In 1381, Norway entered into a union with Denmark and remained in large measure subject to her power until 1814. This period of more than four hundred years was a season of little good and of great hardships to the people. Their development received little attention, the resources of the country and the cause of education were neglected, and the masses were not recognized in a way that would tend to their enlightenment and progress. The entire nation suffered from international difficulties as well as from oppression at home. Conditions remained unimproved and the latent powers of the people, which had been accumulating for generations, found no adequate means for expression. When in 1814 the treaty of Kiel, sanctioned by the European powers, forced Norway into an unwilling union with Sweden, the Norwegians revolted; and, in their attempt to liberate themselves, adopted a constitution for their government.[1] Their revolt created ill feelings on the part of the Swedes while the demands for complete sovereignty by Sweden were resented by the Norwegians. The adoption of this constitution by the people of Norway and their standing so tenaciously for its recognition are manifestations of the spirit which had been developing among them for centuries. They believed that they were being imposed upon and stood firm for their rights. They had felt the crushing hand of foreign rule, they had observed the benefits of independence, they had developed confidence in their own powers, and now they were converted to the idea that the time for home rule was upon them. Civil liberty was their dream. State rights came to be demanded. Their time to act in a decisive manner had come. The people had grown into a nation deserving and in need of larger powers, and their best advancement was in great measure dependent upon the exercise of these powers. Conditions then justified their demands and Sweden, appreciating the situation, yielded, acknowledged the independence of Norway, and agreed to govern in accordance with the newly adopted constitution. On the other hand, Norway acceded to the demands of Sweden in accepting the King of Sweden as theirs also. Now for nearly one hundred years this union was maintained. Comparative peace and prosperity prevailed and the outlook seemed favorable for both nations. Sweden profited because of the new relations, and Norway gained in strength and power through her experience in individual initiative and governmental duties generally. While the relations between the two countries were in the main friendly, on various occasions Norway felt that her rights were not always respected. The people craved larger privileges, more recognition among the nations of the world, and the exercise of greater authority. The functioning of capacities that had long lain dormant revealed to her the powers that were still latent. Norway became eager for absolute independence and these feelings rose to larger and larger proportions until desires became demands. All the people were ready and offered their services, their fortunes (whether large or scant), and their lives in the cause of freedom. Finally, formally, and without bloodshed, the bonds uniting the two countries were severed in 1905 and Norway became an independent nation. Having briefly sketched the history of the country let us now turn our attention to its geography. Norway, as we all know, lies in the northwestern part of Europe, and measures over one thousand one hundred miles from north to south and from two hundred to nearly five hundred miles from east to west. Politically it is divided into eighteen counties (_Amter_) and the cities of Christiania and Bergen. These counties are subdivided into six hundred sixty-six townships or communes (_Kommuner_) which are again divided into school districts or circles (_Kredser_) numbering in all five thousand nine hundred seventy.[2] The area is approximately one hundred and twenty-five thousand square miles. Nearly all of it is made up of mountains which have no regularity in distribution, a large portion of them being merely heaps of barren rock thrown up in conglomerate masses. The valleys are as numerous and irregular as the mountains. In them are lakes, rivers, and waterfalls, their waters pure and clear as crystal. The lakes differ greatly in outline and size. The rivers in their windings dash furiously through precipitous, rugged, rocky channels, or glide murmuringly through quiet valleys until they reach the fjords which appear like huge arms of the sea, reaching deep into the earth and extending far inland. The waterfalls vary from mere threads tinkling into tiny pools to great torrents gushing over dizzy precipices. Viewed in combination these features present an infinite variety of exquisitely beautiful scenes. The climate of Norway is greatly diversified owing to the wide range in latitude and the influence of the Gulf stream. In the northern part and on the highest mountains there are vast fields of snow during the entire year, while in some of the sheltered portions along the western coast, the climate is well adapted to the cultivation of some of the tropical plants. It is, of course, essential that all plants that are cultivated be of rapid growth and of quick maturity, since their seasons are quite short. The atmospheric conditions are excelled nowhere. Few locations on the earth enjoy such freshness or provide so much mental and physical invigoration. Just the joy of living is more than recompense for all one's expense and trouble in going for a season into this summer home or nature. Being situated so far to the north the days of summer are very long while those of winter are extremely short. This is noticeable even in the southern part of the country, and as one goes farther north it is more and more striking until upon reaching the arctic circle the summer traveler has the unique experience of seeing the sun at midnight. It is visible for weeks or months at a time, according to whether one is near the circle or farther toward the pole. For corresponding periods during the winter seasons the sun does not appear at all. It should not be inferred that these sunless days are intensely dark and gloomy. On the contrary, they, as well as the midnight sun, have fascinations peculiar to themselves and are of deep interest, especially to the novice in that latitude. The glitter of the stars, the glow of the moon, and the palpitating brilliance of the northern lights, combine with the light reflected from the vast snow fields and compensate in part for the absence of the direct rays from the sun. The industries and occupations of the Norwegians are dependent in large measure upon environing conditions. Nearly one-fourth of the country is covered with a heavy growth of timber; hence, lumbering affords a large part of the most profitable employment. Much of the mountainous land can be used only for pasturage and, as a result, dairying claims considerable attention. Only a very small portion of the area (about four per cent) is suitable for agriculture and owing to this limitation of opportunity, comparatively few of the people are farmers. Their numerous fisheries supply cargoes, and train loads of fresh and cured fish to the markets of the world. Fishing is, in fact, one of the most important industries, and a large percentage of the wage earners of the country engage in it. Since the bulk of their travel and transportation is by water, a great many become sailors. A certain amount of manufacturing also is done, and this provides another means of earning a livelihood. The fact that nearly all of the people are gathered into cities, towns, and settlements along the coast, is explained by a consideration of the activities and conditions herein set forth. The people of Norway are large of stature, vigorous, and alert in mind and body. They have ever been undaunted in their efforts to overcome the great, natural barriers to progress and to secure what they believed would be for their well-being. Toiling patiently and persistently, suffering hardships on land and perils at sea, they have developed the well-known characteristics of their sturdy race. The long, rigorous winters taught the people to provide amply for the needs of the future, and they learned also the economy of making every endeavor count for permanency. It has been and is still their aim and intent to so direct their efforts that their citizens may experience and enjoy not only in the present the best conditions made possible by the world's highest attainments, but that later generations also may reap valuable benefits therefrom. They realize that it is easily possible for today's provisions to supply the best for the present, and at the same time to bless tomorrow and the next day and all the coming years. The Norwegians are as democratic in mind and disposition as any people of the earth. They demand that the masses shall receive whatever benefit may come from prosperity at home, from their relations with other nations, or from legislation. They advocate further that right now is the time to increase opportunities, to multiply privileges, to raise standards of living, and to insure through conservative action a substantial basis on which the coming generations may safely build. In accord with their aims and ideals they study the questions of education, labor and capital, and many others of vital interest to the people. They seek out sources, eliminating the undesirable and cultivating those of favorable growth and fruitage. Recognizing their own resourcefulness and ability, the Norsemen strive to gain for themselves and for their descendants material prosperity and true culture. To these ends they foster educational advantages for all, the development of the arts and sciences, and the elevation of labor. Educationally, they have ever been desirous of providing the best possible advantages. During the latter part of the nineteenth century and the few years of the present one, they have been in a position to put into execution a number of advance ideas which they have done without hesitation. Being observant of what other nations provide they have been ready to select from various sources whatever good they found, to eliminate any undesirable features which revealed themselves, and to strengthen the weaker points. Though they have been forced by conditions to assume and maintain a conservative attitude toward every new project or attempt at reform, they have been also too democratic to permit tradition or precedent to bind them down or to hinder them in making changes in their school system, which they were convinced by experience or study would be for their good. In harmony with this they have been eager to make revisions where necessary; to introduce new features, which had been tested at home or abroad and found successful; and to cast aside relics of the past, unnecessary phases of work, and those things which might be supplanted by materials of superior advantage or value to the people served. They have become habituated to examining the new from every conceivable viewpoint, to finding its foundations, to testing its values, and to weighing its effects. When a thing has been thoroughly studied it is accepted or rejected according to whether it is adjudged desirable or undesirable for their use under existing conditions. In their effort to answer the demands of the people and to supply their needs, schools have been established according to local requirements. That is to say, every community enjoys school advantages, and every child in the entire state is privileged to receive instruction for a certain number of weeks each year at the expense of the state. All children are required to attend the schools of the state at least twelve weeks each year for seven years, or to receive instruction elsewhere which is equivalent to the amount required. In the more populous places higher schools also are provided for those who desire to take advantage of the opportunities afforded in them. II. DIFFERENTIATION OF SCHOOLS. It was early recognized by the Norwegians that through the means of education, better than any other way, they could develop a people qualified to pursue the arts, to cultivate the sciences, to appreciate and enjoy the highest culture, and to maintain and develop their noblest ideals of citizenship and richest conceptions of statehood. Having these objects in mind they endeavored to establish schools of instruction and training along every legitimate line. Beginning with the most essential they worked unceasingly, providing additional worthy kinds of instruction as rapidly as possible, until their efforts resulted in their present school system. Perhaps the most important feature of their work was the establishment of primary schools, which furnish general education. These schools provide seven years of elementary instruction for children between the ages of seven and fourteen years, and are literally the people's schools (_Folkeskoler_). The law requires that pupils must be regular in attendance, and that parents, who fail to have their children in school in harmony with the provisions of the law, be fined according to the seriousness and extent of the offense. It is further provided that these schools shall be in operation for at least twelve weeks in the year, and that this time may be extended according to local demands or needs. As a matter of fact, nearly all of them in the cities and many of them in the country operate forty weeks per year. As a consequence of liberal provisions and enforced regulations, Norway has achieved an eminent place educationally among the nations of the world. In the rural sections primary schools are held in comfortable, well equipped, and conveniently located schoolhouses and are taught by competent teachers who live near by in homes provided for them. In a few remote, rugged sections of the country, where children are few and scattering or where locations accessible to all cannot be found, they have no fixed schools, but instead what are termed ambulatory schools (_Omgangskoler_). There are no schoolhouses in these districts but the officials designate certain houses[3] as the places where children go at stated times to receive instruction. The teacher meets the children of the neighborhood in a given home and teaches them for a specified time, passes to the next designated place, and continues until his rounds are completed. Formerly, a very large number of these schools existed, but as roadways were extended or improved and the people became able to erect and maintain schoolhouses, the demand for ambulatory schools decreased until now nearly all of them are supplanted by fixed schools. In 1837, ninety-two per cent of the children attending school in the country were taught in ambulatory schools, while in 1907 this was the case with less than one per cent of them. In all the cities and towns excellent educational advantages are provided. Usually their school year consists of forty weeks of six days each. Every provision is made for the welfare of the children; excellent instructors are secured, and the equipment for teaching purposes is of the best procurable. Furthermore, no pains are spared in guarding the children from physical discomfort and immoral conditions or associations. Simultaneously with the development of the elementary schools secondary education moved along advance lines. In 1814, when Norway became an independent state there were but four of the higher classical (_laerde_) schools within her borders. These were the historic cathedral schools (_Kathedralskoler_) which had been established for centuries. As time passed, other secondary schools were organized. Higher education was reorganized in 1869 and again in 1896, when by act of the Storthing secondary education was made to include the middle school and the gymnasium. The enactment defines these schools and states their aim as follows: "The middle school is a school for children, which, in union with the primary school, gives its pupils a complete, thorough, general education, adapted to the receptivity of childhood. The gymnasium is a school for young people, which on the foundation of the middle school, leads on to a complete, higher, general education, which may also serve as a basis for scientific studies. Both middle school and gymnasium shall contribute to the religions and moral training of the pupils, and it should also be their common aim to develop the pupils both mentally and physically into competent young people."[4] The act requires that the middle school shall be no longer than four years, and that the gymnasial courses shall be of three years' duration. The gymnasia of Norway take up the work where the middle schools leave off, and provide three years of instruction which concludes with the _examen artium_. The passing of this examination entitles the individual to become a student in the university. Previous to the time of entering the gymnasium the subjects of instruction are uniform for all; here they branch into two or three lines, any one of which may be selected by the pupil and followed to its completion. The main divisions of the work are represented in the names of the courses--the _Real_ and the Linguistic-Historical. The latter of these is again divided in some schools, one of its two lines including Latin. The _Real_ course of instruction is largely scientific while the Linguistic-Historical, true to its name, embodies a large amount of language and history. In case the course including Latin is offered, Latin replaces some of the work in modern languages and history. The middle school, then, is the second step in the educational ladder and builds upon the work previously done in the primary school. No middle school is privileged to include work lower down than the sixth grade. In other words, the primary schools are the only ones which are authorized to present the work of the first five grades or years of school instruction. The courses of study are so arranged that a child may pass from the primary school after completing the fifth grade and enter directly upon the studies in the regular four year course of the middle school. On the other hand a pupil may continue in the primary school until its completion--seven years--and then enter a middle school and finish its requirements in three years. While nearly all middle schools present a four year course there are a few which offer only three years of instruction. In order to enter these latter schools the child must have finished the seven years of instruction in the primary schools. Middle schools are under the inspection of state officials and a uniform standard of work is required of all of them. The middle school examination which marks the completion of the middle school course is exactly the same for all pupils in the state. In any given year all who take the examinations write on exactly the same questions on a specified hour of a certain day. The Royal Frederik University, established by King Frederik in 1811, furnishes the summit of educational endeavor. Its five faculties--(1) theology, (2) law, (3) medicine, (4) mathematics and science, and (5) history and philosophy--represent the best products of the country and maintain standards of efficiency paralleling the achievements of the day. Besides the five faculties already mentioned there are (1) The Practical Theological Seminary for the training of ministers and (2) The Pedagogical Seminary (affiliated) for special training of teachers. Through the endeavors of the faculties and seminaries enumerated, the necessary professions, scientific organizations, and philosophic societies are supplied with men of eminent qualifications. The state also is supplied from the same source with individuals capable of attending to the affairs of state in a dignified and competent manner. To aid prospective teachers and to maintain high professional standards, Norway early established a Teachers' Seminary in each of its six dioceses (_Stifter_). Having made this ample provision for the training of teachers, they were in a position to require a certain amount of professional preparation of all candidates for appointment to teaching positions. Adherence to this laudable principle has saved the state from an overflow of incompetent instructors. While requirements were very low for a long time, the increasing supply of qualified candidates for positions warranted successive shiftings of them to higher and higher standards. At present, the teachers of Norway, as a body, rank among the best in educational equipment, professional training, and morality. Technical, agricultural, military, and naval schools have been established in order to keep pace with the world's developments along these lines. The technical school in Trondhjem opened in 1910, sets the requirements for admission as high as those at the university. Its work promises to be of unquestioned quality and its prospects are very bright. The students at this school come chiefly from the scientific course offered in the gymnasia or from the several preparatory technical schools of Norway. There are many of these lower technical schools doing excellent work and some of them are modeled after American schools. The work of the agricultural college and of the military and naval schools is more or less technical along their respective lines and meets certain requirements not elsewhere provided for. When one notes the variety of schools maintained by the Norwegian state, it is evident that it is the intent to provide for its citizens a very wide range of educational advantages, and at the same time to develop the capacities of young people until they are able to perform the offices of state and nation. III. DISTRIBUTION OF SCHOOLS AND PUPILS The laws of Norway are specific in their requirements regarding education, and the people are at hand to provide the essential means for carrying out the demands. It is required that in each city or district in the entire realm there shall be the necessary number of schools to provide instruction for all children of school age. This is in answer to the law which makes a requirement of a certain minimum amount of education of all such children. The primary schools are distributed in the cities, villages, and rural communes to suit the convenience of pupils attending. Other and higher schools are provided where most needed. As is true everywhere the bulk of work is done in the primary schools. Rural and city schools have their own laws and government, and are admirably adapted to the needs of their respective constituencies. As would be expected, the rural schools and the pupils attending them far outnumber those in the cities and towns. There are in the country five thousand, nine hundred and seventy schools attended by two hundred seventy-five thousand, one hundred and fifty-five pupils, while there are but sixty-one city school systems having an enrollment of ninety thousand, one hundred and twenty-nine pupils.[5] It is seen that there are about three times as many pupils in the rural primary schools as are found in the city primary schools. The distribution and care of the city school pupils are, however, much larger tasks than providing for those in the rural sections. In order to show conditions in a given city we insert Table I which indicates the number of classes and pupils in the several grades in the nineteen primary schools of Christiania, and also gives the totals for the entire city. Boys and girls attend the same school, but in this particular city they are generally separated into different rooms where they are taught by themselves. The schools are co-educational but not generally coinstructional. As the table will show, some of them are coinstructional through a part of the course while only one follows this plan throughout its work. TABLE I Pupils in the Primary Schools of Christiania in the month of April, 1908 NUMBER OF CLASSES AND PUPILS IN THEM --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1st Grade 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th Schools Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. Cl. Pu. A. {Boys 3 112 3 99 3 114 4 136 3 115 3 96 3 95 {Girls 3 107 3 113 3 116 3 105 3 111 3 191 2 83 B. {Boys 5 183 5 194 4 157 4 160 5 199 5 177 4 144 {Girls 5 178 5 184 5 196 4 140 5 188 4 151 4 149 C. {Boys 2 89 2 90 2 100 2 98 2 98 2 79 2 64 {Girls 2+1 99 2+1 96 2+1 101 2+1 95 2+1 97 2+1 89 2 77 D. {Boys 3 139 3 123 4 140 3 127 3 108 3 103 3 93 {Girls 3+1 119 3+1 132 3 117 3+1 139 3 028 3 110 3 101 E. {Boys 3 121 4 149 3 113 2 77 2 74 2 72 2 65 {Girls 3 115 4 152 3 101 3 116 3 115 2 77 2 60 F. {Boys 3 138 2 93 2 83 2 67 3 98 3 107 1 37 {Girls 3+1 122 2+1 102 2+1 104 3 104 2 77 2 79 2 65 G. {Boys 4 151 3 140 2 119 4 138 3 121 3 99 3 105 {Girls 4 147 4+1 157 4+1 148 4 134 3 106 2 80 3 93 H. {Boys 4 142 4 136 3 119 3 115 4 139 3 109 2 66 {Girls 3 131 3 136 4 131 4 142 3 102 2 80 2 69 I. {Boys 3 96 3 96 3 86 2 73 2 77 2 68 3 102 {Girls 2 79 2 68 2 82 2 79 2 68 2 71 3 102 J. {Boys 2 95 2 91 2 90 2 80 2 81 2 70 2 641 {Girls 2+1 87 2+1 109 2+1 98 3 93 2 66 2 68 2 661 K. {Boys 4 153 4 145 4 143 3 118 3 120 3 121 3 84 {Girls 5 170 4+1 153 4 139 4 154 3 123 3 103 3 93 L. {Boys 4 143 4 145 4 134 4 144 4 129 4 132 2 75 {Girls 4 158 4 148 4 141 4 132 4 136 4 157 4 131 M. {Boys 7 133 6 111 5 91 2 99 2 102 2 70 2 74 {Girls 136 108 115 2+2 124 2+2 115 3 97 2 72 N. {Boys 4 151 1 106 1 108 2 113 2 85 2 105 2 72 {Girls 3 109 1+4 125 1+3 127 2+2 108 2+1 100 2+2 106 2 64 O. {Boys 111 98 128 118 102 95 57 {Girls 5 90 5 98 7 126 6 104 5 88 5 98 4 73 P. {Boys 3 126 2 83 3 116 3 103 3 103 2 68 3 96 {Girls 3 113 3 117 3 105 3 113 3 99 2 80 3 100 Q. {Boys 4 155 5 192 5 168 4 158 4 155 4 149 3 116 {Girls 4 154 5+1 189 4 163 5 171 4 144 3 118 2 111 R. {Boys 154 159 131 112 3 107 2 83 3 104 {Girls 186 128 141 115 3 110 3+1 131 2 77 S. {Boys 5 185 4 151 4 139 4 135 3 111 2 75 {Girls 4 159 5 172 4 146 3 108 4 148 2 79 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Total (Classes) 134 131 126 122 115 104 91 2 ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- -- (Pupils) 5036 4878 4676 4458 4235 3753 3099 43 Average number of pupils per class 37.6 37.3 37.1 36.5 36.8 36.1 34.1 Schools for Abnormals {Boys 47 54 57 46 66 65 30 19 4+1 7 5+1 6+1 2 {Girls 18 53 41 37 47 33 18 9 Cl.--Class. Pu.--Pupils. 1.--Classes made up of children requiring individual attention. Total Condensed table Total Classes Pupils of all groups Schools Boys' Girls' Coeds. Boys Girls Classes Pupils Average for class. A. 22 20 767 736 42 1503 35.8 B. 32 32 1214 1195 64 2409 37.6 C. 14 14 6 618 644 34 1262 37.1 D. 22 21 3 833 840 46 1679 36.5 E. 18 20 671 736 38 1407 37 F. 16 16 3 623 653 35 1276 36.5 G. 22 24 2 873 865 48 1738 36.2 H. 23 21 826 781 44 1607 36.5 I. 18 15 598 549 33 1147 34.8 J. 15 16 3 595 606 34 1201 35.3 K. 24 26 884 935 50 1810 36.4 L. 26 28 902 1003 54 1905 35.3 M. 8 9 22 680 767 39 1447 37.1 N. 14 13 13 740 789 40 1479 37 O. 37 709 677 37 1380 37.5 P. 19 20 695 727 39 1422 36.5 Q. 29 28 1093 1050 57 2143 37.6 R. 8 8 31 850 888 47 1738 37 S. 22 22 796 812 44 1608 36.5 Total number --- --- --- ----- ----- --- ----- ---- of Pupils 352 353 120 14967 15209 825 30176 36.6 Schools for Abnormals 3 39 384 256 42 640 15.6 In addition to the special features in this table, to which we have already called attention, it may be observed that the total number of boys', girls', and co-educational classes; the total number of boys and of girls in attendance at each school; and the average number of pupils per class in each school are also included. The law limits the number of pupils in a class to thirty-five, except temporarily or in case of stringency in financial conditions, and in no case must there be more than forty.[6] It is seen in the table that the average is above thirty-five in all but one school, but it has been exceedingly difficult in the rapidly growing city of Christiania to avoid congestion in the schools. In only one of the nineteen schools does the general average come within the rule. If they plead economic stringency then the averages of all fall within the limits. Now a large percentage of children continue their education after the completion of the elementary course. In 1907, there were nine thousand, eight hundred and ninety-five pupils in the accredited middle schools,[7] and one thousand, five hundred and ninety-three in the gymnasia. About eighteen thousand others attended non-accredited secondary schools and those of still lower standards--evening schools, continuation schools, and various preparatory schools. Approximately two thousand were in technical schools and about one thousand in teachers' seminaries. Nearly every town of any considerable consequence has a middle school where pupils from the town and surrounding territory may receive its benefits. The larger cities have, in addition to a liberal supply of middle schools, one or more gymnasia, according to their size. The gymnasia draw from a wider territory than do the middle schools because they are fewer and farther apart. In addition to the six teachers' seminaries maintained by the state, there are four private ones--ten in all. Table II indicates the aggregate attendance at these institutions and the number of those who passed the advanced examinations during the years designated. The university, of course, draws its students from all over the State. It has an attendance of one thousand, three hundred or more, about five hundred and fifty of whom are annually enrolled direct from the gymnasia. These students represent the best products of the country and generally they work with earnestness and zeal. TABLE II Table Giving Attendance at Teachers' Seminaries and the Number Passing Advanced Examinations. Took Examination. Year. Attendance. Male. Female. Total. 1901-02 755 204 135 339 1902-03 980 192 129 321 1903-04 953 216 184 400 1904-05 902 174 119 293 1905-06 955 208 147 355 --- --- ----- Totals 994 714 1,708 Annual Average 199 143 342 Private schools have played an important role in Norway. They have had a long and interesting history. A number of them do part or all of the work represented by the state primary and secondary schools and teachers' seminaries. Most of them are located in the larger cities and receive recognition and patronage from some of the best homes in the land. Their influence upon education generally has been wholesome. The valuable and attractive features introduced by them have operated like spurs on those under state direction. The cooperative activity which has characterized the relationship between the two kinds of schools has resulted in the betterment of both and in the rapid advancement of educational ideals and activities throughout the state. There are, of course, some fundamental differences existing between them. The private schools charge a regular tuition in every grade of primary and secondary work. The state primary schools are free and the tuition in its secondary schools is less than that charged in the private schools. It is self-evident that private schools are dependent upon tuition receipts for both running expenses and profits, while the state and communal schools are supported largely by public taxation.[8] Paralleling so nearly the work of the state schools, yet being more expensive, the private schools have been under the necessity of offering certain inducements in order to secure pupils. They have been made attractive in location, in buildings, in equipment, in the personnel of their faculties, and in other ways, and their efforts have been richly rewarded as a rule. All classes of schools are subject to state regulations and inspection. Certain definite requirements must be met before a private school may even begin to operate, and still higher standards must be maintained in order for the work to be accredited by the state. Standards of excellence are naturally set by state schools and the requirements fixed by the state inhibit the starting of inferior schools under the pretense of offering something "just as good." During recent years some of the private schools--those well-known and respected because of the nature of work and high standards of excellence maintained--have been given special recognition by the state, and a few of them receive annuities. When advancement in nature or improvement in quality of school work is rewarded by increase in patronage from the state, zest is furnished in the contest for first recognition. Though the history of the rise, development and influence of the private schools of Norway, together with a discussion of their present status and worth, might furnish an interesting chapter, it becomes necessary to let this slight mention suffice and to confine this work to a treatise of the schools instituted and directed by the state. It may be added, however, that the work of the accredited private schools equals in quality and receives the same recognition as that done in state schools. For example, all graduates from the private gymnasia pass the same examinations for _artium_ as those who complete the work of the state gymnasia and enter the university on exactly the same footing. IV. PUPILS The compulsory school laws which operate in Norway determine the age (seven years) at which children shall enter school and the regularity of their attendance. With this in mind, it is readily understood that as a rule each class marches steadily forward, one grade each year, until the completion of the school life. As a consequence there is but little variation in the ages of pupils doing the work of any certain grade, and the proportion of pupils of normal age in the several grades is very large. In order to illustrate definitely, a concrete situation is presented in Table III, which shows the exact conditions existing at a certain time in one of their representative cities. TABLE III [Transcriber note: table split to fit] Table showing the age of pupils on April 30, 1908, in the several grades, also the number in each Grade and relation to normal age. Age and year of birth. Grade No. of 6-7 7-8 8-9 9-10 10-11 11-12 12-13 13-14 14-15 15-16 16-17 Classes 1902 1901 1900 1899 1898 1897 1896 1895 1894 1893 1892 Total 1 134 27 3047 1790 164 10 5038 2 130 33 2730 1795 263 18 4839 3 126 22 2564 1730 319 36 5 2 4678 4 122 33 2287 1620 393 77 14 1 4425 5 115 32 2009 1528 511 136 6 4222 6 105 1 39 1856 1342 569 80 3878 7 90 28 1582 1129 231 3 3003 X[2] 2 20 22 1 43 T[1] 824 27 3080 4542 4556 4323 3996 3841 3537 1962 139 3 30186 Per ct. 1908 0.1 10.2 15.1 15.1 14.3 13.2 12.7 11.7 6.5 1.1 ---- 1907 0.1 11.3 15.3 15.0 13.5 13.1 12.6 11.9 6.2 1.0 -- --- 1906 0.1 10.9 15.5 14.6 14.0 13.4 12.5 11.6 6.6 0.8 -- --- 1905 0.1 11.2 15.3 14.7 14.0 13.6 12.7 11.9 6.4 0.1 -- --- No. of Pupils of Per Cent. of Normal Age. Normal Age. Grade Under Norm. Over Under Norm. Over 1 27 4837 174 0.5 96.0 3.5 2 33 4525 281 0.7 93.5 5.8 3 22 4294 362 0.5 91.9 7.6 4 33 3907 485 0.8 88.3 10.9 5 32 3537 653 0.8 83.8 15.4 6 31 3198 649 0.8 82.2 17.0 7 28 2801 234 0.9 91.1 8.0 X[2] 42 1 --- 97.7 2.3 T[1]. 206 27141 2839 Per ct. 1908 ---- ---- ---- 0.7 89.9 9.4 1907 ---- ---- ---- 0.8 90.9 8.3 1906 ---- ---- ---- 0.9 91.8 7.3 1905 ---- ---- ---- 1.1 91.7 7.2 1. Primary schools of Kristiana exclusive of schools for abnormal children. 2. Classes requiring special individual attention. This table speaks for itself and needs no explanation. It is worthy of note, however, that in comparatively few instances do the ages vary more than two or three years, and that six years is the widest difference in age to be found among all the pupils of any given grade of work. Furthermore, we call attention to the fact that those above normal age in no year aggregated as much as ten per cent of the entire number in attendance. 10.1 per cent represents the entire number outside the normal age--those above plus those below--for the year 1908. During the three former years the percentage was still smaller. The reduction in numbers of pupils in the sixth and seventh grades is due in large part to the fact that so many pass from the fifth grade into the middle school. The same conditions of uniformity exist in the secondary schools. Having entered at the age of seven and having spent five or more years in the primary school, the pupils upon entrance to the middle school are generally twelve or more years old. In some middle schools the average age of those entering will at times be less than twelve years. This latter condition is usually due to some local situation or rule regarding age at entrance upon school work. In order to follow the age question to nearer its limits we will present Table IV. TABLE IV Table showing the ages of pupils in State and Communal Secondary Schools. Middle School Gymnasium I. II. III. IV. I. II. III. Date Trondhjem(A) 12-1(C) 13-3 14-2 15-6 16-10 17-18 18-1 9-1-06 Kristiansand(A) 12 13-5 14-2 15-2 16-3 17-7 18-3 10-1-00 Kristiansund(B) 12-7 13-5 14-8 15-5 16-2 16-9 18-4 9-1-09 Fredrikkstad(B) 12-7 13-4 14-2 15-2 15-10 16-10 17-8 7-1-08 Lillihammer(B) 12-2 13-2 14 15-3 16 16-6 18-1 7-1-06 Larvik(B) 12-2 13-3 14-2 15-1 15-10 16-10 18-2 8-1-03 [Note A: State secondary school.] [Note B: Communal secondary schools.] [Note C: Age in years and months.] Attention is called to the step from the last year in the middle school to the first year in the gymnasium. In several instances there is considerably less than a year of difference in age. This is but another illustration of the tendencies of the sifting that goes on in the natural process of selecting the fittest. Those of keenest intellect are the ones who reach a specific requirement in least time and then proceed in the pursuit of advance education. The ones sifted out are more generally those whose advance has been more difficult, or those who have lagged behind others of their own age. The absence of these tends to lower the average age in the succeeding grade. Similar conditions in emphasized form are in evidence when we study the ages of those who enter the university from year to year. While the ages of those just entering the third and final year of the gymnasium are on the average more than eighteen, the ones who enter the university the following year in September average nineteen years of age or a little less. In addition to the tables showing the ages of pupils throughout the several grades of preparatory and secondary education, the following one is inserted to show the average age of those in attendance at four of the teachers' seminaries. The advance in age with advance of grade is not as regular here as in the other schools. TABLE V Table Showing Age of Pupils in the Teachers' Seminaries at the Beginning of the Year, 1906-7. Average age[A] in grades. I. II. III. Holmestrand 19-7 21-3 22-1 Levanger 20 19-8 21-4 Hamar 19-2 20-2 21-7 Stord 19-6 19-11 21 [Note A: Age in years and months.] There is not as close correspondence between age or grade and scholarship in the seminaries as we find in the other schools. The greater variation is due to several causes, among them are the following: (1) The law requires that a teacher must be at least twenty years of age.[9] (2) The previous education of those in attendance varies greatly. Many are desirous of getting as thorough and complete preparation as their circumstances admit, while others are seemingly anxious to enter on the lowest standard admissible. (3) Teachers who are eager to improve their qualifications frequently return to the seminary after a few years of teaching experience in order to complete the course and prepare for the better class of positions. Comparisons between the educational equipment of the American youth and that of his Norwegian cousin at any given age are exceedingly difficult to make. We have not yet established any specific units or norms by which education may be measured. We can make neither definite nor satisfactory quantitative or qualitative measurements of accomplishment. However, a careful analysis of the respective courses of study, the qualification of teachers, and plans of work, supported by the testimony of those who have been teachers in both countries, seems to warrant the statement that the completion of the gymnasial course of study in Norway is comparable to the completion of the sophomore year of work in our American colleges and universities. The average age of students is about the same in both instances. The American children spend a less portion of the year in school than do the children in Norway. While in our schools we generally have but thirty-six weeks of five days each in a year, inclusive of all regular and special holidays, the schools of Norway are in operation forty weeks of six days each, exclusive of holidays. Leaving out any consideration of holidays, the American school year usually amounts to one hundred eighty days, while in Norway they have two hundred and forty days of school. In other words, eight years of primary school and four years of high school in America represent only three-fourths as many days of instruction and study as are included in five years of primary school, four years of middle school, and three years of gymnasium in Norway. That is to say, to provide the same number of days of instruction it would take sixteen school years in America to equal twelve in Norway. The specialization which characterizes the work of the students upon entrance to the Norwegian university brings their study within much narrower limits than that of our ordinary juniors in college. Their general cultural education concludes with the taking of _artium_ while ours usually continues throughout the liberal arts course in college or until the degree of Bachelor of Arts has been received. A certain amount of specialization is common among our students during the later years of their college education, but it covers a wider range than in Norway and the greater portion of it is reserved for post graduate courses. In Norway the professional studies are taken up without any preliminaries immediately upon entrance to the university. In the better professional schools of America, one, two, or three years of collegiate work is required as a preparation for entrance. I. ORGANIZATION--RELATION TO STATE, COMMUNE, AND CITY The highest educational authority of Norway is vested in the Department of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs (_Kirke-og Undervisnings-Departmentet_), and the chief functionary in this department of government is a member of the King's cabinet (_Statsraad_). The work of the department is separated into two divisions, one of which supervises the ecclesiastical activities and the other the educational work of the country. This latter division is again separated into two bureaus, one having charge of primary education and the other being in control of secondary educational affairs. These bureaus perform the functions usually devolving upon such offices, the work being largely clerical. In addition there are the diocesan directors (_Stift Direktorer_) bearing the immediate responsibilities in primary education, and a state educational commission (_Undervisningsraad_) having large authority in secondary education. Next to the department itself the school directors have authority over primary education. In fact the director has all but complete control in his territory even though the department is recognized as having the higher authority or powers. The King's cabinet appoints seven directors for the six dioceses into which the state is divided; two for the most northern, because of its greater extent, and one for each of the other five. The directors are paid by the state and are amenable only to the state, hence they exercise their powers in an endeavor to effect the best possible results educationally without fear or favor of local influences. They act independently in their respective territories and do not constitute a committee in any sense whatever. The commission having chief oversight of secondary education consists of seven men appointed by the King's cabinet. They are chosen because of their efficiency in educational affairs without regard to the part of the country to which they belong.[10] They work always as a committee, and as experts serve the state for the general welfare of secondary education. The many privileges and duties exercised by this commission may be grouped together under the heads of inspection and supervision of secondary schools, and arrangements for having examinations. Several of the men constituting this commission are at the same time rectors of leading secondary schools in the country. In fact they are chosen because of their familiarity with and expertness in just such kind of work. When it becomes necessary to seek advice in hygienic questions a physician of recognized ability is added to the commission. His judgment and instruction are respected and adhered to very closely. The rural communes are divided into school districts or circles (_Skolekredser_). Each district supports and maintains a primary school with at least two divisions--an infant school (_Smaaskole_) for children from seven to ten years of age, and a higher one designed for children from ten to fourteen years of age. In districts where distances are great or roadways difficult, two or more infant schools are provided. Companies operating one or more manufacturing establishments or industrial concerns, and generally employing thirty or more laborers, are required to provide a primary school for the children of the men in their employ. When once started these schools are to be kept up unless the number of the employed is reduced below twenty. In case there are other children who desire to attend such school, they shall have the right to do so providing it does not interfere with the instruction of those for whom the school was established. In return for this the school treasury receives from the communal treasury a yearly amount proportioned to the total cost for all pupils in the school.[11] While the law requires that instruction shall be provided six days in the week for at least twelve weeks each year, it also grants to the communes the privilege of extending the time to fifteen weeks.[B] It further provides the right to maintain six weeks additional, voluntary instruction each year.[12] These privileges are generally taken advantage of by both communes and pupils. The communes desire the extension of time for school, and the pupils are very glad of the opportunity to attend the extra time, even though their presence is not compulsory. In fact the compulsory education law has been so rigidly enforced for so long a time that regular attendance has become habitual, and the exact provisions and requirements of the law are rarely thought of by the pupils. There is, in reality, no law requiring children to attend the schools provided by the state, but a certain amount of education is obligatory. It is mandatory that schools be maintained in all of the districts, but individual children may receive their instruction in private schools if they choose, so long as educational requirements are met from year to year. Pupils who belong to the schools are required to be in attendance regularly, and children who receive instruction elsewhere than in the state schools must meet the requirements calculated to bring them to a certain educational standard by the time they are fifteen years of age. Failure in this subjects parents, guardians, and those providing schools for children of laborers in their employ to fine or imprisonment.[13] The work in the infant school includes or amounts to thirty lessons per week while in the higher one there are thirty-six lessons. Accordingly, the pupils in the lower grades receive a minimum of three hundred sixty lessons a year, and this number may be increased to four hundred fifty or six hundred thirty. In the higher grades they have at least four hundred thirty-two lessons a year, and if the time is extended they have five hundred forty or seven hundred fifty-six lessons a year. Each rural commune has its own school board (_Skolestyret_) consisting of a priest; the chairman of the municipal council; one or two teachers[14] chosen by the body of teachers; as many other members (men or women) as the communal council deems it advisable to select; and the rectors of higher schools, if there be any, under the supervision and inspection of the school board. In the towns and cities the school board consists of at least one priest[15]; a member of the city's executive council;[16] as many other members chosen for three years as the municipal council deems it advisable to select, at least half of whom must be chosen from among parents who at the time of election have children in the city primary schools; one or two teachers;[17] and, wherever the school board controls higher schools, the rectors of such schools. The members of the school board select their own chairman and act together as a committee or board. Among its more important duties are appointment of teachers and special committees, provision of course of study with specific instructions regarding its presentation, and the estimation of sums of money necessary to meet demands in the maintenance of the schools for the year. This estimate of expenses is sent by the board each year to the communal council which has charge of the dispensing of finances for the commune. The course of study, including the plan of instruction and directions regarding the supervision of the schools as given by the board, is minutely detailed and specifically stated. It includes a list of studies to be pursued, the manner and order of their presentation, and the number of hours per week to be devoted to each subject; an outline of arrangements for entrance, promotion, and leaving examinations, with provisions for exemption therefrom wherever such is deemed advisable; all necessary arrangements for vacations; and other matters considered essential in the maintenance and carrying on of a school. For each primary school, or for the several schools, using the same building, the board appoints a committee of inspection (_Tilsynsutvalg_). This committee consists of a member of the school board (chosen by the board), who is chairman of the committee, and three other members. These latter members are chosen in the city by the parents of children attending the school, and in the rural districts by such parents and other taxpayers. A priest appointed by church authority is added to committees serving town or city schools. This committee of inspection exercises constant oversight of the school, keeping the board informed with reference to all matters requiring attention by that body. By the consent of the communal council this committee may have an amount provided from the school funds for its use in carrying out its work. The inspection is with special reference to the physical and moral well-being of those connected with the institution. Among the special objects of its endeavors may be enumerated the solving of all hygienic questions, regular attendance, good discipline, and proper moral conduct. The committee must also see to it that children of school age, not in attendance at the state primary schools, receive instruction in such quantity and of such quality as to meet all state requirements. In general it is an outstretched arm of the school board, feeling after the betterment of the common schools in every possible direction. Another committee (called the school committee--_Skoleraad_) is appointed by the school board for each of the primary schools in the city. The duties of the two committees are in a way complementary. While the committee of inspection is occupied in matters external in large measure, the school committee exercises functions more pedagogical in nature, though it also has general watch care over the affairs of the school. If there be a superintendent of schools (_Skoleinspektor_), he is a member _ex officio_ of the school committee, and its chairman. Under other conditions the school board designates which of the appointed members of the committee shall be its chairman. In towns where the number of teachers exceeds sixty, the school board may direct that the school committee shall consist of the superintendent and the principals of the several schools as _ex officio_ members and any determined number of other teachers selected by the body of teachers. The elected members are to be male and female in proportion to their respective numbers on the teaching staff, exclusive of those who are _ex officio_ members of the committee. The sexes separate into special meetings for the purpose of election, each choosing its allotted number of representatives. Election is for two years, one-half retiring each year, the first time according to lot. Members whose terms expire are required to serve longer in case of re-election. This school committee holds regular meetings, according to its own appointment, at which the members are required to be present. Furthermore, the chairman may call additional meetings in cases of necessity, and he is required to call special meetings when requested by the school board to do so. A majority vote of the members is sufficient for the passage of any proposition. While the duties of this committee are not specifically outlined, it is intended that its work shall concern chiefly the internal workings of the schools. Its functions are mainly pedagogical in character as already stated and as evidenced in the following provisions in the law. "The school board shall permit the school committee to voice its opinions in every affair which concerns: (1) the general supervision of primary schools, (2) general provisions concerning regulations and discipline, and (3) text books and outlines of instruction." In addition the committee is required to express itself regarding any matter relating to the good of the school when asked by the board for advice. The school board may also order that there be a teachers' commission (_Laererraad_) for each school or for the several schools using the same buildings, consisting of the teachers in the school. The chairman of this committee is the superintendent of schools, a school principal, or other member, according to the determination of the board. The duties devolving upon this commission are in each case outlined by the board. The superintendent of schools (_Skoleinspektor_) has general direction of all the primary schools in the city system. His duties are similar to those of the superintendent in American towns and cities. He takes the lead in directing the policies of the schools and exercises large powers in making them efficient. He is provided with well-equipped offices, generally in one of the school buildings, where he and his clerks, supplied by the school board, do the greater portion of their work. A principal or headmaster (_Overlaerer_) is generally placed in charge of each school. His duties are comparable to those performed by ward principals in the United States. While the superintendent is the superior officer and exercises general control and authority, the principal has immediate charge of the work of the school. He controls its activities in harmony with and under the direction of the superintendent, consulting the wishes of the higher official and respecting his opinions. The superintendent recognizes that for the one in immediate charge of a school to have his hands tied or his liberties too circumscribed means the hampering of the work; hence, he gives to the principals working under him wide latitude in carrying out their ideas. For example, if the principal is a believer in coeducation or, on the other hand, a staunch advocate of segregation of the sexes for instructional purposes, he is usually privileged to carry his policy into execution in his school, even though the views of the superintendent are not wholly in accord therewith. Throughout their work they seek each other's counsel and advice, and cooperate successfully. The private citizen in Norway plays only an indirect part in school affairs, yet his interests are conserved in various ways. The local pastor, who is a member _ex officio_ of the school board, generally guards the interests of the masses. His influence and vote may be regarded usually as a reflection of the popular mind. The chairman of the municipal council, who also is a member of the board by virtue of his position, is indirectly the choice of the people. The teacher or teachers chosen to occupy on the school board nearly always work in harmony with the public will. The committee of inspection has a majority of its members chosen directly by vote of the people immediately concerned. The press is free and educational movements are continually discussed in the leading papers. Further than this, educational affairs are common topics of conversation, being talked of on all occasions under various circumstances and conditions. It may be said to their credit that those discussing these subjects do so intelligently and critically. The masses are alive to the educational situation, are intensely interested in their schools, and are acquainted with the provisions of the law concerning them. The people being so democratic in tendency and so very frank in the expression of their feelings and opinions, naturally reflect public sentiment; which because of being understood has more weight and is correspondingly a greater factor in legislative activities. The primary schools receive their financial support from the state, county, and commune. The state provides for city schools one-third of straight salaries, which range between twelve hundred and fourteen hundred crowns for men, and between eight hundred and nine hundred crowns for women; two-thirds of additional salary paid because of long service to the limit of eight hundred crowns per year for men and five hundred crowns per year for women; and one-third of salaries paid for positions requiring only part time, for teaching by the hour, and for teaching in continuation schools. In certain cases where the treasuries are depleted the state treasury furnishes as high as forty-five per cent of teachers' salaries within the fixed limits mentioned above. In the rural communes the grant received from the state amounts to forty-five per cent of the teachers' salaries, and where finances are low this amount may be increased to sixty per cent. The amount of this state grant is figured on the basis of salaries that do not exceed twenty-four crowns per week in the second or higher division, and nineteen crowns in the first or infant division of the primary school, except in the county of Finnmarken where the bases may be respectively twenty-eight crowns and twenty-two crowns per week. In each county (_Amt_) the county council provides funds for the following purposes: raising teachers' salaries in case of long service, erecting school buildings, supplying teachers' homes, paying substitute teachers, purchasing apparatus, relieving communes and municipalities where school expenses are disproportionately high, and maintaining continuation and artisan schools. Whatever is required to defray the expenses of the primary schools, in addition to state and county grants, tuition, receipts from school lands or holdings, etc., is furnished by the commune or municipality through its council. The secondary schools are either state or communal. The state schools are provided with grounds, buildings, and equipment by the communes in which they are located; the remaining expenses are met by state grants, tuition fees, etc. The expense of maintaining communal schools falls largely upon the communes. The state furnishes one-third of the salaries in both classes of schools, and all additional amounts paid to teachers because of long service. While most of the secondary schools charge regular tuition fees, all of them have funds which supply free scholarships to a number of pupils each year. In some communes they have been able already to provide free middle schools, and it appears at least possible that all state and communal schools may sometime be free. The aim in financing the school system is to equalize the burden of expense as far as possible, and to recognize, at the same time, the efforts of those directly concerned. In order to obtain the best results, authority has been strongly centralized; school boards, communal and county councils, and state officials exercise large discretionary powers. VI. BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS The school buildings of Norway are justly reputed to be the most magnificent, best located, and finest edifices of the country. They are built of substantial materials according to attractive architectural designs, and are provided with liberal equipment. The larger buildings are usually constructed of stone, brick and stone, or brick and cement; while the smaller ones are built of lumber and stone. In the erection of buildings, great care is exercised to make them spacious and permanent. All materials used are selected because of their durability and suitability to purpose. In order to guarantee the best hygienic conditions, the law provides that buildings must meet the approval of experts in hygiene before they can be used for school purposes. This means that the services of these experts must be secured in getting out designs for school buildings, whether in the erection of new or the remodeling of old ones. The school buildings are heated by furnaces or stoves. The newer ones are modern in every respect and, of course, have excellent heating systems. Those which have done service for several decades are usually heated by stoves. The buildings are divided into rooms in such a manner that the daylight nearly always enters from the left or the rear of the pupils when they are seated at their desks. This rule is disregarded only in rare cases. During the short days of winter it is essential to provide artificial light. In cities and large towns they use electricity for lighting the school buildings; in the country or in small towns, where the municipalities do not maintain any central lighting plant, various devices are installed. Sometimes gasoline is used and again ordinary oil lamps are common. An abundance of light of the best procurable quality is generally provided. Besides admitting light the outside windows are of use in providing ventilation for the school rooms. They are opened wide during intermissions between classes, so that when the children come in from their exercise on the play grounds they enter an atmosphere nearly as pure and fresh as that out of doors. In addition, many schoolhouses, especially those built recently, have regular ventilating devices. The class room furniture in Norway, like that used in many other European schools, is about as primitive in design and lacking in attractiveness as anything found in the whole country. Its evolution surely has been greatly retarded. In each room there is a small platform high enough to enable the instructor to see all his pupils with ease. On this platform is a desk and a high chair in which the teacher sits most of the time while giving instruction. The pupils' seats and desks are made of heavy lumber and attached to a common base. This makes them clumsy, and they appear very queer to one accustomed to the better designs now in use in some countries. Those of recent make are for but one pupil, though older ones, some of which are still in use, accommodate three or four. In construction the seat is generally a solid flat bench with a low back. The desk has a slightly sloping top, a small inconvenient shelf for books, and a receptacle for pencils, pens, rulers, and other articles used by school children. The Norwegians deserve commendation for the care exercised in the arrangement of seats and desks. The distance and proportion between them are regulated according to scientific principles looking to the physical welfare of the occupants. The bodily posture of children in school determines in large measure what it will be out of school. Far too little attention has been given the physical side of education, and one of the important problems in connection therewith is the proper construction of schoolroom furniture. In the smaller buildings, classrooms have commodious cupboards for apparatus (maps, charts, globes, plates, etc.), and various things with which the children work (sewing materials, exercise books, etc.). While they have a liberal supply of excellent illustrative material and teaching apparatus and the best of facilities for storing it, mechanical appliances for its display and devices for its convenient use are woefully lacking. Maps and charts are held in the hand or hung on a nail or other fixture in the room; while globes and the like are placed on chairs or improvised stands. In general the apparatus is awkward to manipulate and as a result much of its value is lost. Blackboards of proper size are very rare in the schools of Norway. As a rule the board is about three by five feet in size and fastened to a clumsy easel which elevates it so high that it is out of reach of the pupils. To enable the children to use such a board a small platform is provided. The child mounts the platform by means of a few steps and there stands and does his blackboard work. In only one instance did the writer during his visits to the schools find what appeared to him to be an adequate amount of blackboard space. This exceptional condition was in one of the primary schools where special equipment was installed for the instruction of children below normal intelligence. The ample provision of blackboard here is proof of a recognition of its value, and the situation may also be regarded as an indictment against the prevalent neglect in this line. School room decorations are not as prominent as might be expected. Despite the facts that the whole of Norway is picturesque, that her artists are quite numerous, and that the masses of her people are more than ordinarily appreciative of the finer phases of life, very few paintings or pieces of sculpture adorn her schools. True, exceptions as to this rule of scant provision of the artistic may be found; but, as in all countries, they quite generally fail to appreciate the educative values of art. While, traditionally at least, the study and recitation rooms have been considered of prime and greatest importance in school buildings, there are others, accessory to them, which in their effects are productive of quite as good results. Among them may be mentioned: offices, teachers' rooms, libraries, laboratories, and other rooms for special purposes. Some of these are not provided in all schools, but commonly all of them are found in the city school buildings. The offices for rectors, inspectors, head masters, etc., are admirably arranged and handsomely appointed. They are provided with desks, cabinets, chairs, settees, tables, and other furnishings which add to convenience and comfort. The rooms for teachers are equipped and furnished in a way just as suitable to their purpose. In these they spend their vacant periods in study, reading, or in leisure, according to their choice. Here, too, officers and teachers are served with luncheons in the middle of forenoon and afternoon sessions. There are libraries in nearly all school buildings. While many of them are small some are of large consequence. The one in the Christiania Cathedral School numbers thirty thousand volumes. This is one of the oldest and perhaps the largest library in any school of the country, and it is regarded with considerable justifiable pride. The laboratories are furnished in harmony with their traditional plan of instruction. Instead of having a supply of apparatus so that most or all of the pupils may be occupied simultaneously in laboratory experimentation, they have but one set of instruments. However, they do furnish liberal quantities of materials for laboratory experimentation. The teacher is the chief operator, one or two pupils assist in the work, and the other members of the class are onlookers. Where domestic arts are taught, rooms are fitted up especially for the purpose. Stoves, cooking utensils, and many other necessary articles are at hand ready for use. The efficiency of the work is in no wise hindered by lack of supplies. In many instances teachers go themselves to the markets and purchase provisions needed for the day. An earnest effort is made to combine theory and practice in proportions suitable to obtaining the best possible results. Some of the larger buildings have special rooms for the storing of apparatus and illustrative materials (_Anskuelsesmidler_). Racks, cupboards, cabinets, drawers, cases, and the like provide convenient means for preserving these supplies and of rendering them easily accessible. Gymnastic halls and lunch rooms will be discussed in another section. The playgrounds are generally small, but some of the schools have, in addition to the grounds immediately surrounding the buildings, athletic parks of considerable proportions. The grounds about the school buildings are arranged with a view of securing from them maximum returns. They are enclosed by high board or wire fence, or by stone or brick and cement walls. A heavy coating of gravel is usually placed on the ground in order to avoid the growth of vegetation or an accumulation of dust. "Keep off the grass" signs are not in evidence, for rarely do they attempt to have grassy lawns. They recognize the need and value of physical exercise in the open, and provide means for it in connection with every school. It is specifically required that all pupils go on to the playgrounds during the intermissions (_fri Krarterer_) which come between all lessons. While the children are at play one or more of the teachers are detailed to supervise the grounds, while others are to patrol the hallways. Large roofs are put up under which the children play when the weather is not favorable to being in the open. On rare occasions when the weather is bitter, pupils may be permitted to remain indoors. Children whose health is extremely delicate are dealt with in leniency, and some of them are permitted to remain inside regularly. Near to the school buildings, generally on a corner of the grounds, homes are provided for the head master or principal and the janitor (_Vagtmester_). Sometimes the janitor and his family live in an apartment in the school building. Generally, however, a double house is erected, one part for the principal and the other for the janitor. These homes are furnished rent free to these men. Teachers in rural districts, as a rule, are supplied with a house and sufficient ground for garden and the pasturage of two or three cows. These provisions materially reduce living expenses, and, in a way, recompense for the low salaries received. In one rural school the writer found three hundred and fifty pupils taught in two divisions--forenoon and afternoon sessions--by six teachers. The principal had been in charge of the school forty-three years. One portion of the school building provided a residence for him and his family. They had a small garden; a fruit orchard; a few acres of land for pasturage and hay; and a barn and sheds for cow, pig, and chickens. There are many similar situations throughout the country. This particular one lay just outside a small city, and this fact accounts in part for the large number of pupils in attendance. As a rule the homes for rural school teachers compare very favorably with the better class of homes in the surrounding neighborhood. They have sufficient room, are comfortable, and generally satisfy the occupants. The majority of rural teachers have such homes provided, though only a few city teachers enjoy this favor. In 1905, two thousand, eight hundred and twenty-six rural teachers had homes furnished them free of cost. VII. GENERAL FEATURES OF INNER ORGANIZATION Most of the teachers in the rural primary schools are men, while the majority of them in the city are women. During the year 1907 there were four thousand, one hundred and twenty-three male and one thousand, four hundred and seven female teachers occupying regular positions in the rural schools, and in the city their numbers were respectively eight hundred and twenty-eight and one thousand, six hundred and six. Although the law makes no requirements as to sex, except that in city schools there must be at least one master and one governess, there are certain forces operative which almost equal edicts of law. Traditionally, teachers in the rural schools are men and, as previously stated, homes are provided for them and their families. Appointments to teaching positions are permanent. Teachers remain in their places until death removes them or until they choose to retire on pension, which is, all too often, long after they pass the time of their efficiency. It is difficult to break with the old customs and hence the entrance of women teachers into the rural school positions has been slow. In the cities the conditions are different. There only a small percentage of the teachers have homes furnished them, the number of teaching positions without supervising responsibility is large, and the salaries paid to women are lower than those paid to men. As a consequence the female teachers have found easy entrance into the city schools, and at present they outnumber the men two to one. Women have been teaching since 1869, and the people are convinced that their ability as teachers is equal to that of the sterner sex. In the secondary schools, also, the majority of the instructors are men. In the gymnasia practically all of them are men, but in the middle schools there are many women teachers. Even though the Norwegians recognize woman's ingenuity and efficiency in teaching small children, they have not yet become converted to the idea that she is man's equal in the more advanced educational fields. It seems probable that tradition is the chief hindrance to the entrance of women into teaching positions in the gymnasia. In their plan of instruction there is much to commend and some things to criticise. The teachers do a large amount of teaching, but they also provide opportunity for the children to do a great deal on their own initiative, so that they too may know the joy of discovery and feel the triumph of mastery. The Norwegian pedagogue uses the recitation period, nearly always fifty minutes, in an endeavor to impart information, both directly and indirectly; directly by straightforward giving, and indirectly through cooperative mental activities. While they feel the importance of direct instruction, they see, also, the advantage in shifting a part of the responsibility to the pupils. They recognize the fact that the child has ability, and that by himself he is capable of finding and recognizing problems, and of working them out to satisfying conclusions. They appreciate that even a small child is able to carry out many educative activities with a minimum of direction from the teacher, and that the development which comes from this self-direction and initiative is one of the most valuable ends of education. The intent is that the class period shall be devoted to exercises which will furnish information and, at the same time, make the children independent and able to direct themselves. Though the ideals and aims are excellent, the means for attaining them are not the best. There is a certain inherited aloofness on the part of the instructor which robs both teacher and pupils of some of the values which come from closer association. During the recitation hour the teacher nearly always occupies the high chair on the elevated platform, except while using the blackboard or doing other demonstrational work. My observations convince me that the teachers, especially the men, do not get down and work among and with the children as much as seems essential to the accomplishment of the greatest good. Now the discipline and character of recitations also deserve attention. When a pupil is called upon to recite, he is expected to pass to the aisle and there stand erect until the recitation is completed. Only in rare cases are children allowed to sit while reciting. I have seen children only eleven or twelve years of age called to the front of the room to analyze and develop a problem. The smallest children are required to give only short answers to questions, but responses rapidly increase in length, as age advances, until they amount to minute and extended discussions of topics. Recitations lasting ten to fifteen minutes are not uncommon, and the children become quite expert in the relation of facts and in the development of problems presented. This method of procedure is perhaps all right for a certain class of children, but timid boys and girls are sometimes embarrassed to the extent that they are unable to do credit to themselves, their teachers, or the lessons. On one occasion I saw a boy who was so frightened in an attempt to stand and recite, being required at the same time to look into the face of a complaining teacher, that he was unable to say anything whatever. The teacher, a man of advanced age, finally awoke to the situation, and placing his hand on the boy's head, talked to him about the lesson until he calmed the lad's fears and obtained a very satisfactory response from him. In addition to classroom activities connected with mental growth, considerable work is done looking to physical development. Gymnastic exercise is required of all children in primary and secondary schools, excepting those in first and second grades and a few who are physically disqualified for it. To provide for this work, the city schools furnish large halls with excellent equipment, and special teachers to give instruction. A Swedish system of gymnastics is in vogue throughout the country. There seems to be no criticism against the system, and the benefits testify emphatically to its efficiency. The apparatus is simple and inexpensive, but the variety of movements and the numberless combinations of them seem to answer every demand. Certain conditions and customs prevailing in Norway make it necessary to serve lunches at the school buildings. The morning sessions are long and the dinner hour is far later than noon--generally two or three o'clock. Furthermore, many children of poor parentage come to school underfed. Opportunity to obtain a light lunch of nourishing food and a warm drink at about 10:30 or 11 o'clock is an appreciated necessity. Hence most buildings have lunch rooms arranged and equipped according to local demands. Here, in the secondary schools, the family of the janitor furnishes rolls, buns, cakes, cocoa, coffee, milk, etc., at a reasonable rate. As stated before, the teachers have lunches served in their own rooms. Some cities provide children in the primary schools with one meal of wholesome food each day of school during the winter months--generally from the middle of October until the first of May. This is free to the needy children, and others obtain it at first cost. In Christiania they have a central kitchen from which the city primary schools receive supplies. This kitchen has a capacity for steam cooking, ten thousand liters at a time. Only the best food is purchased. This is carefully prepared and delivered every day in tightly sealed cans to the several schools where it is served hot. The maintenance of this kitchen is in answer to recommendations made by a committee, appointed by the school board, after visiting various similar European institutions and studying carefully into their operations. In equipment, management, and good results it is not surpassed in any city in Europe or America. In some of the schools, hundreds of free meals are dispensed every day throughout the long winter. During the year 1908-1909, from October 19, 1908, to April 30, 1909, (one hundred and thirty-two days), the Christiania central kitchen furnished 616,821 free meals and 77,733 meals which were paid for by children in the schools. This work stands as a testimonial to the beneficence of the people whose circumstances enable them to maintain it. The discipline of the school borders on the military order. The pupils form in line and march in passing to and from classrooms and playgrounds. While the work of instruction proceeds strict discipline is maintained. Before entering a classroom where a recitation is in progress, one invariably knocks at the door, whoever he is and whatever his errand, and by the time he enters teacher and pupils are on their feet. Turning to the one entering, they bow and continue to face him until he is seated, which is a signal to them to sit. Should the visitor withdraw before the class is dismissed, the pupils again rise to their feet and bow him out; but, if he remains until they are dismissed, they bow to him before taking their departure. Every activity indoors and out of doors is closely supervised, and the control exercised over the pupils is praiseworthy. Attendance at school is regular in all grades. When children are absent for any reason the case is inquired into without delay, and, unless satisfactory excuse or explanation is forthcoming, the truant officers are on hand to enforce regulations. Failure to comply with the laws regarding absence from school, subjects parents or guardians of children to a fine of from one to twenty-five crowns.[18] Very rarely is an enforcement of these laws necessary, for the people are generally law-abiding and peace-loving. Being eager for development, they gladly comply with educational provisions without any compulsion, and regularity in attendance is the universal practice. Sickness is perhaps the most common excuse given for absence and, since excellent health is characteristic of the people, this is infrequent. Pupils are nearly always healthy, vigorous, and robust. One of the chief points calling attention to this is the rarity of cases where glasses are worn. In visiting schools I noticed that spectacled children were very few. I was at first inclined to criticise what I interpreted to be neglect of the eyes, but soon found that eyesight, as well as the general health of the children, was being carefully guarded. Every school has its physician whose duty it is to regulate sanitation and to remedy physical defects of children. I ascertained that in some schools special examinations had been conducted for the testing of eyesight, and results showed that very few of the pupils were under the necessity of wearing glasses. Among the causes contributing to this favorable situation may be mentioned a healthful climate, regular drill in gymnastics, proper lighting of school rooms, good ventilation, physical exercise in the open between successive classes, and, in general, the maintenance of a high state of physical vigor. The Norse take justifiable pride in their physical development, and they pay considerable attention to this phase of education. Consequently the children are able to attack the strenuous activities of school life with vim, and mastery of the course of study is not a hardship. Chapter II TEACHERS I. QUALIFICATIONS AND CERTIFICATION Teaching is a profession in Norway. Those following it have chosen it as their life work. The people thus engaged deserve and receive the recognition, confidence, and esteem of the masses, and they maintain the dignity of their calling. As a class they rank high educationally, morally, and professionally. With the advance in social ideals it has been necessary to raise the standards of preparation for teaching, and, as the years pass, further changes will be required. For a long time, professional training has been demanded of every appointee to a teaching position, and indications point to a rapid development of the quality of this training until every resource is operative. The law requires that to be eligible for appointment to a regular teaching position in the secondary schools (middle school and gymnasium), one must have had a course in the university and special training provided in the pedagogical seminary. This means that the candidate has completed: (1) the twelve years of work in the primary and secondary schools, where a wide range of instruction and general culture are provided; (2) a course in the university (four to seven years in length), devoted to exhaustive research in the particular branches of study which are subsequently to be taught; and (3) the course of training given in the pedagogical seminary. It is the aim and function of this seminary to provide for the university graduates who are to become teachers the most practical and complete professional training possible within the limits of time (six months). It is readily evident that excellence in educational equipment and intelligent insight into the business of teaching are among the accomplishments of the profession. In fact, mastery of the field to be taught and professional training in its presentation are requisites. The certificates or diplomas issued upon completion of the preparatory work just outlined are the only credentials required of the Norwegian teachers. Being issued by the state they have a standard of value which is uniform, recognized, and honored throughout the realm. Without these papers it would be folly to seek appointment to a fixed (permanent) post. Besides the regular corps of instructors occupying on full time in the general lines of instruction, there are many special teachers devoting their energies along particular lines of work, such as home economics, drawing, music, gymnastics, and manual training; and still others who teach some of the regular branches of study only part time, whose positions are not permanent. Special preparation is required in order to obtain positions in these specific lines of work. II. TRAINING OF TEACHERS Norway early recognized the value of specific training for the work of the teacher. The experiences of other nations served as object lessons illustrating the good coming from the services of properly equipped teachers and the dangers of proceeding without such. The state was eager to lay substantial foundations, to conserve and develop every resource, to build permanently and economically, and to profit by the experiences of other systems. Consequently, the people moved forward in a conservative manner and planned for the future as well as for immediate needs. Utilizing the strong points of other systems and adapting them to local conditions, the state established six teachers' seminaries, locating one in each of the six dioceses into which the country is divided, so that they would be within easy access of the people attending them. Besides these state seminaries, four private institutions, having almost identical functions, have been established and are flourishing. The private seminaries are located at vantage points not too close to the State Schools yet where they will be within reach of a large number of people. The favorable location of these schools makes it possible for a large number of the attendants to live in their own homes, while the large majority need be but a short distance from their homes. The work of the teachers' seminaries is, of course, to provide special preparation for teaching in the schools throughout the nation. Their curricula are similar to those used in the secondary schools. The chief point of difference between them is the attitude taken toward the subjects of instruction. In the secondary schools the aim is general and in a large measure cultural, while in the seminaries the attempt is always to present the lesson or subjects of instruction in such a manner that the pupils shall get both intellectual development and the correct method of presentation. It is the intent that this experience shall help to qualify for the successful teaching of the subjects studied. The work corresponds closely with that done in the normal schools of America or similar teachers' schools in other lands. It is everywhere true that teachers teach as they have been taught. The principle of imitation is illustrated clearly every day in every school room. Teachers, like pupils, follow example more closely than precept. Providing schools designed to fit people for the teaching profession have ideal teachers, they will be able to turn out from year to year groups of teachers, who, imitating their masters, both in the application of scientific principles of method and in the exercise of individuality, will in turn become ideal teachers. If the curriculum and teaching of the training college are rich and varied, its products will be characterized by efficiency and resourcefulness. On the contrary, should the work of the school be narrow because of a cramped curriculum, or on account of biased and shrunken ideals of the faculty, the results will be unsatisfactory. The teachers who go out from such an institution will be unequal to the tasks awaiting them--they will be unable to meet the situation in the educational field. Since it is a chief occupation of the training school to instill methods of presentation, there is great danger of becoming mechanical, machine-made, or stilted in one way or another. Quite the opposite must be the nature and work of the teacher. The teacher should be able to come down from the high platform and cooperate with the children; to find the individual child and his interests and, in a genuinely sympathetic spirit, to direct those interests; to discard set rules, hard and fast lines, and pet theories; and to open up to each child a vision of the fields before. In order to do these things the instructor must be thoroughly familiar with child life: its nature, mental and physical make-up, processes of development, conditions of growth and activity, instincts, and hopes. He must also cherish and manifest a sympathetic attitude towards youthful tendencies and aspirations, and be able to inspire the pupils to noble purposes. The seminaries of Norway, like those of other nations, fall short of some of the conditions of excellence that we yearn for. They do not include a sufficient amount of professional training nor is that which is provided always the ideal type. Nevertheless, an earnest effort is being put forth to approach these higher conditions as rapidly as possible. The course of three years, besides furnishing a valuable fund of instruction, provides a large amount of work in observation and extensive experience in teaching. The training in observation generally consists of work in connection with the state schools (primary and secondary) in the immediate vicinity of the seminary. Into these state schools the seminary pupils are permitted to go and observe the teaching of the regularly employed instructors as they present the different subjects in the curriculum. After having observed teaching for some time and having carefully discussed class room procedure with their own teachers, they are required to specially prepare and present some lessons under the close, yet sympathetic scrutiny and supervision of their masters. As time passes, more and more of this practice teaching is assigned until proficiency is attained in the presentation of subjects to be taught in subsequent years. While these schools do not incorporate into their activities all things that seem important, it must be said to their credit that they have done a great service in qualifying teachers for the class of instruction which has already raised the masses to their present place of literary distinction. Besides the institutions providing teachers' training above referred to, there was established in 1907 the Pedagogical seminary. This seminary is affiliated with the university in Christiania but is not an organic part of it. It was founded by act of the Stortbing and is supported by the state. The function of the Pedagogical Seminary is to provide professional training of an especially practical type for graduates of the university who intend to make teaching their profession. The length of the course is six months. Instruction and training provided in this institution includes: (1) lectures in hygiene, psychology, history of education, and principles of education; (2) observation of class instruction by masters, whose teaching is the highest representation of the art in the city; (3) discussions, formal and informal, general and analytic, with the headmaster of the seminary concerning methods of instruction, class conduct, and school management; and (4) practice teaching under the supervision of masters whose criticisms are given in such frank and sympathetic manner as to make them invaluable. As a rule, those trained in the teachers' seminaries are employed in the primary schools. The students who avail themselves of the advantages of a university education and follow it by the training provided in the Pedagogical Seminary generally become teachers in the secondary schools. The seminary training in general is of such character that it may be put into use immediately upon entrance into the work of teaching. It also renders vital and usable for purposes of instruction the information and intellectual development gained during the long-continued and intensive schooling preceding such training. III. TEACHERS' OFFICIAL TITLES Throughout the school system of Norway teachers are given titles according to the nature of the positions occupied. In the primary school the man who does the supervising work (in America known as superintendent) is called the _Inspektor_; the head teacher or principal is termed the _Overlaerer_; and the other teachers, male and female, are spoken of respectively as _Laerer_ and _Laererinde_. In the middle school and gymnasium the titles are _Rektor_, _Overlaerer_, and _Adjunkt_. The _Rektor_ has the supervisory work and some teaching to do; the _Overlaerer_ is one of the principal teachers who has been given the title and ranking, chiefly because of fitness and long service; and the _Adjunkt_ is a regular teacher who has served the school for five years or more and has received permanent appointment. Titles do not correspond strictly to educational equipment nor do they depend wholly upon term of service, though both of these may be and generally are contributory factors. For example: positions in the middle schools and gymnasia are open only to those who have certain educational fitness; the teachers with especially strong qualifications and superior ability are the ones most liable to receive early promotion to the higher class positions; and, when promotions are made, the persons who have taught for a long time enjoy some advantage over those with but slight experience. Titles correspond more definitely to classes of positions occupied than to any other thing that can be named. When an individual is appointed to a position carrying a title, that designation is invariably used in connection with his name. He is no longer John Johnson or Herr Johnson, but _Rektor_ Johnson, _Overlaerer_ Johnson, _Inspektor_ Johnson, etc. IV. TEACHERS' TENURE OF OFFICE The teacher's tenure of office in Norway is very different from what we are accustomed to in America. Positions are of two kinds--permanent and temporary. Nearly all appointments in the past have been to permanent posts. This means that the individual occupies his place without molestation or any hint of insecurity until he chooses to resign or until he reaches the age of retirement.[19] Some appointments now are to temporary positions though generally they lead to permanent ones. Rarely, if ever, does a person who makes reasonable success in a temporary position fail to secure an appointment to a permanent post. Permanency in position has a number of well-recognized advantages. Security of situation gives to the teacher a release from the uncertainty which constantly harasses the minds of so many where frequent change of position is the rule. A lasting appointment enables one to get a firm grasp on the local situation, and to utilize without waste all the momentum accumulated while occupying in a particular place. Furthermore, the teacher who feels settled in a position is able to establish a home, and to become identified with the community and its interest. Since teachers continue for so long a time in a position, they and their pupils become as well acquainted with each other as with members of a common family. It is interesting to note how minutely a teacher knows the daily life and habits of his pupils. While the relations are not always the most congenial, they are known to be practically inevitable and impossible of escape so they each make the best of the situation and get the most out of it. Again, when children know that it will be their lot to come under the tuition of a certain instructor who occupies a permanent post under state appointment, they work faithfully and usually eliminate any criticising attitude. In fact, long terms of service tend to inhibit the criticisms of both children and parents which sometimes attend teachers who occupy positions but for a short time. The situation conduces to a condition of harmony and cooperative activity. The children instinctively feel the authority of the teacher. They know that he has the support of local and state authorities, and that they will cooperate with him in carrying forward his projects. The teacher, in turn, recognizes his responsibilities in the premises and endeavors to occupy acceptably. Now it is just as true that there are some disadvantages to permanency of positions. Teachers are apt to become non-progressive and in some cases, little more than fixtures. Change of environment stimulates progress and development. Variety in teaching experience broadens the capabilities and increases the usefulness of teachers. In addition, children need the touch and influence of many lives. They receive greater inspiration because of coming in contact with the personality of a large number of teachers. However, too frequent change is wasteful. It dissipates the energy of teachers and breaks the continuity of the work of the children. Where the permanency of positions is absolutely uncertain, the teaching profession is transitory and dwindling. Only a few remain for long time in the work under such conditions. Many efficient school men leave the profession annually because of this discouragement. At present, the feeling appears to be general that permanency in position should be conditioned upon improvement in efficiency. Evidently a recognition of this principle is a basic cause underlying the increase in number of appointments to temporary teaching positions. This procedure affords an excellent opportunity for weeding out the unfit. At the same time it acts as a spur inducing growth and development. Progressive tendencies, along with other qualifications, are regarded necessary to appointment even to temporary posts, and, as implied before, success in such positions is a prerequisite to appointment to permanent ones. In America, teacher's tenure of office is very short. Each year there are many changes in the personnel of teachers throughout the country. Here we have the extreme of uncertainty, while in Norway they go to the limits of certainty in teaching positions. Both these extremes are unfortunate. Could a golden mean be reached which would include proper incentives to and recognition of continuous self-improvement and a reasonable sense of security in permanent occupation, the profession would call into its ranks a large and more efficient body of men and women, and the schools would make greater and more substantial progress. In order to illustrate the permanency of positions in Norway Table VI has been arranged. TABLE VI Table indicating Retirement from Teaching Staff and Reasons for Retirement. Year | 1890 1895 1900 1905 Sex | Male Female| Male Female |Male Female| Male Female ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Total number of | | | | positions | 3941 1187| 4402 2116| 4670 2613| 4865 2885 Total number leaving | 117 17| 88 22| 106 89| 110 90 Vacated after a period | | | | of service from | | | | 1 to 10 years | 19 11| 21 13| 24 65| 20 53 10 to 20 years | 26 4| 10 7| 10 13| 19 19 20 to 30 years | 38 1| 18 | 16 5| 13 10 Over 30 years | 34 1| 39 2| 56 6| 58 8 Reasons for leaving | | | | Death | 30 1| 24 2| 30 6| 32 11 Retirement on pension| 39 3| 48 3| 53 21| 59 22 Change in position | 9 | | 3 2| 4 4 Marriage | 9| 11| 47| 48 Various others | 39 4| 16 6| 20 13| 15 5 It is immediately apparent that the changes in the body of teachers are rare. It is also evident that nearly all who leave the profession do so on legitimate grounds. A few changes result from transfers in position, a large per cent of withdrawals are retirements after extended periods of service, and many vacancies are due to death. Fifty per cent or more of the women who retire do so on account of marrying, a few die at their posts, and many retire on pensions. Very few of the women teachers retire to enter other lines of work. While the table does not indicate how much longer than thirty years some teachers remain in the service, it may be added here that examples are not rare where individuals continue teaching for more than half a century. In most cases teachers occupy the same position throughout their teaching experience. V. TEACHERS' SALARIES The salaries received by teachers do not average high in Norway. Many provisions are made, however, for the reduction of their living expenses. All those who serve the school authorities in Norway receive certain benefits appertaining to the positions they hold. For example: There is advance in salaries on promotions and after specified periods of service; teachers are exempt from expense incident to particular offices; school authorities send all official communications through the mail free of postage; teachers receive pensions on retirement from positions; the rural school teachers frequently receive, in addition to their salary, a house to live in and sufficient land for the pasturage of two or three cows, and in towns and cities some of the teachers have homes provided, or are allowed a certain amount per year for living expenses. These and similar concessions and provisions are extended to the teachers according to enactments of the state, individual communes, or municipalities. Generally, a regular schedule is made out by which salaries are governed. Table VII indicates the salaries for different positions in eight cities of Norway: The table is made up from the salary schedules of typical cities of various sizes. The values are in _kroner_ (one _krone_ is practically the equivalent of twenty-seven cents in United States money). We note that salaries are medium in the beginning, and that they increase at regular intervals until certain limits are reached. When we consider these limiting salaries, the long service generally rendered at the highest rate, certainty of position, and the pension to be received upon retirement, we are prone to admit that the advantages are not altogether in favor of the higher salaries paid in our American schools. True, the American teacher generally receives larger returns in dollars and cents, but the Norwegian pedagogue is less mercenary than his American cousin. He is satisfied when his wants and those of his family are liberally provided for. His life is not strenuous. It is happy and filled with the joys of service and the companionship of youthful souls. Anxieties are in large measure overcome by the assurance that the state will provide necessities when the time for retirement comes. Pensions are graduated according to individual necessity as well as with reference to position, term of service, and salary at the time of retirement. TABLE VII Schedule of Salaries paid to Teachers in the Primary Schools of eight cities in Norway.[20] ------------------------------------------------------------------------- Salary After (in Kr.) ---------------------------------- Begin'ng 3 5 6 9 10 12 15 City Position Salary yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. Christiania Overlaerer 3000 3400 3700 4000 Laerer, h.g. 3000 Laerer, l.g. 1600 1800 2100 2400 2700 3000 Laererinde, h.g. 1700 Laererinde, l.g. 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1700 2. Fredrikshald Laerer, h.g. 2200 Laerer, l.g. 1300 1450 1650 1750 1900 2000 Laererinde, h.g. 1250 Laererinde, l.g. 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 3. Sarpsborg Laerer, h.g. 1800 2000 Laerer, l.g. 1200 1400 1600 1700 1800 Laererinde, h.g. 1150 1250 Laererinde, l.g. 900 975 1050 1150 4. Fredrikstad Laerer, h.g. 2100 Laerer, l.g. 1400 1550 1700 1850 2000 2100 Laererinde, h.g. 1200 Laererinde, l.g. 1000 1100 1200 5. Drammen Overlaerer 2600 Laerer, h.g. 2300 2400 Laerer, lg. 1400 1600 1800 2000 2100 2300 Laererinde, h.g. 1300 1400 Laererinde, l.g. 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 6. Horten Laerer, h.g. 2000 2200 Laerer, l.g. 1300 1500 1700 1850 2000 Laererinde, h.g. 1100 1200 Laererinde, l.g. 900 950 1000 1050 1100 7. Tonsberg Overlaerer 2500 2650 2800 Laerer, h.g. 2400 1600 1800 2000 2200 2400 Laerer, l.g. 1400 Laererinde, h.g. 1300 Laererinde, l.g. 900 980 1060 1140 1220 1300 8. Kongsberg Laerer, h.g. 1800 Laerer, l.g. 1300 1450 1600 1700 1800 Laererinde, h.g. 1100 Laererinde, l.g. 700 800 900 1000 1100 Chapter III COURSES OF STUDY IN STATE SCHOOLS I. INTRODUCTORY--RISE, DEVELOPMENT, AND PRESENT FORM OF THE CURRICULUM We come now to a consideration of the course of study in the school system as it has evolved and is now operative. As was true throughout other parts of Europe, so in Norway, education during the middle ages issued almost exclusively from the cloister and cathedral schools (_Dom-og Kathedral Skoler_), and in them are found the germs of most modern courses of study. Inasmuch as the successive steps in the evolution of the recent schools of Europe from the earlier forms vary but little in the several countries, and since the subject is already familiar to nearly all students of education, we omit any technical discussion of that interesting feature of history, and refer the reader to any of the several works treating it fully. Suffice it to say, the aim of the church in maintaining these earlier schools centered in the development of a qualified clergy about whom should be gathered a loyal following, well-trained in the dogmas, doctrines, and traditions of the organization. At this time the monk and a small company of disciples constituted the school. The little group studied together from day to day in and about the cloister or cathedral. Among them, very naturally, certain new thoughts and ideals sprung up. The masters saw the new developments if they were not themselves parties to them. As the newer thoughts became fixed in the youthful minds, individual interests pressed harder and harder still until provision was made for extending the work of instruction as well as for widening the scope of activities within the schools. While the aim was at first to give instruction and discipline in lines necessary to a clerical career, it changed by degrees until it included branches useful in legitimate occupations other than that of the clergy. However, the diversifying of school activities and the enrichment of the program of study did not keep pace with the changes that were taking place in other phases of the social cosmos. A spirit of unrest grew to proportions almost ungovernable until the middle age renaissance in learning removed the fetters and brought relief by effecting systems of education very fitting to the requirements. Great credit is due to the leaders in the Reformation for the part they played in placing means for instruction and education upon a more secure and permanent basis, and for the service they rendered in giving to the schools certain vitality that had rarely, if ever, been characteristic of any similar institution. The new type of school bore a stamp of general approval which enabled it to gain a momentum which was not soon to be overcome. In fact, the schools of all the more civilized countries are still largely dominated by traditions dating back to the epoch-making works of such men as Erasmus, Luther, Melanchthon, and Sturm. Now the ideas of these famous educators were less subjected to change in Norway than in the centers from whence they came. Until the union between this country and Denmark came to an end in 1814, very little thought was given to advancing educational interests in Norway. The work of her cathedral schools had been little improved during the centuries that had passed since their establishment. When at last Norway became a free constitutional state and these Norsemen breathed the air of freedom, felt the exhilaration of greater personal liberties, realized that their destiny was to be of their own making, and fully sensed their important responsibilities in the situation, they all, ecclesiasts and politicians, capitalists and laborers, combined in developing their schools in ways calculated to lift the masses to higher intellectual planes. The changes wrought were in relation to what was to be taught and to the extension of learning. An opportunity for instruction was given to every youth in the land. For a long time the ancient languages formed the bulk of higher learning, while in the primary schools only the rudiments of a few subjects were attempted. Social tendencies soon required an increase in the number of branches to be taught, and also laid added weight upon the importance of such study as would be of benefit in vocational activities. Accordingly, mathematics, history, geography, and nature study became more prominent features in all schools. One of the best characteristics of the work throughout is that the mother-tongue has been at all times a dominating factor through every grade of their schools. Later in the process a demand for the modern foreign languages was responded to favorably and they took places in the curriculum of the higher school. These changes bring us down through the last century to the recent forms in courses of study and we shall introduce the reader immediately into the present situation. Besides the institutions for higher learning there are now three distinct sections in the school system of Norway, viz.: Primary School, Middle School, and Gymnasium. The primary school is designed to provide education of an elementary type for every citizen of the country. By vital cooperation and the exercise of great care in organization, distribution, supervision, and inspection of these schools, the people have overcome illiteracy and have reduced truancy to a minimum--almost to a negligible factor. They are unitedly converted to the belief that an enlightened populace is a necessity to the continuity of desirable institutions, to the development of resources, and to the maintenance of worthy traditions. To secure for all the essentials of good and intelligent citizenship, an attempt has been made to have the curriculum for the primary schools include the branches of study which have meaning in every walk of life, and which enhance the efficiency of each citizen in his individual activities. In short, it is the intent that all the people shall have the more abundant life which comes with a thorough, general, elementary education; and, at the same time, that they shall be prepared for the higher schools which build on the broad foundation of the common school. Following the primary schools are the middle schools which lead still farther in the pathway of intellectual development those whose situation in life enables them to proceed with school work. Besides carrying forward the lines of study begun in the lower school with added vigor and exactitude, they include a large amount of work in foreign modern languages. Thus we see that this second section in the great institution of learning fills in the elementary framework, enriches the fund of information, adds a considerable amount of culture, and paves the way for the more liberal training to follow in the next section. The Gymnasium succeeds and builds directly upon the work of the middle school. Its function is to provide a liberal culture and education suited to the needs and desires of those who become in large part the leaders in all phases of political, professional, or other social careers. Thus we note that the succeeding steps taken in the educational ladder are in harmony with and dependent upon preceding work. While only a correspondingly small number pass to the summit, all the people enjoy the advantages of the broad fundamentals and generalizations which lie at the base of their educational system and equip very well for the common walks and vocations of life. In our discussion we shall separate the work of the three sections and consider them one at a time. It seems advisable to handle them in this way, and we believe that a more adequate conception of the work as a whole will be obtained by offering first the part affecting all the people and dealing with the primary schools. II. THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS The primary schools are of two kinds,--those specially designed for the rural sections of the country and others provided for the towns and cities, the latter being somewhat richer in curricula, more complete in organization, and more thorough in operation than the former. Considering the fact that such uniformity characterizes the courses of study in the various schools, it will be necessary to present but one outline for each class of schools. An effort has been made to select courses that are representative and which clearly set forth typical conditions. Table VIII gives the program of work offered in one of the rural communes, and shows the number of hours per week devoted to each branch of study for the seven years in the course. Just after the legislative act of 1889, the Department sent out a "normal plan" which served as a guide in arranging the time-tables for rural municipalities. As a result great uniformity exists. TABLE VIII Table Showing the Number of Hours per Week for Each Branch of Instruction in the Course of Study in Fredrikvaern Commune.[21] Year I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. Total Religion 7 7 5 6 6 6 6 43 Norwegian 10 8 8 8 8 6 6 54 Mathematics 6 5 4 6 4 6 6 37 Geography 2 2 3 3 3 13 History 2 2 3 3 3 13 Nature Study 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 14 Writing 5 5 4 4 2 2 2 24 Drawing 1 2 2 2 2 9 Vocal Music 2 1 2 2 2 2 11 Manual Training 2 2 4 6 6 20 Gymnastics 2 2 2 2 8 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --- Total 30 30 30 38 38 40 40 246 The program just above is normal and typical in every respect. The schools are very uniform in their work and, as previously stated, no further tables are necessary in order to give a concise idea of the work generally presented in the rural districts of the entire country. The second program selected is the one used in the primary schools of Christiania.[22] The schools of this city are among the best and are taken as models for a number in other cities and towns. TABLE IX Course of study showing weekly hours in Christiania Primary Schools. Division First Second Third Year I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. Total Sex[A] B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Religion 6-2 6-2 6-2 6-2 6-2 6-2 4 3 4 3 4 4 3 3 24 22 Norwegian 12 11 10 8 8 7 5 5 5 4 5 4 5 5 50 44 Mathematics 5 4 4 4 4 3 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 26 23 Geography 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 8 History 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 8 8 Nature Study 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 7 7 Writing 4 4 4 3 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 16 14 Drawing 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 8 6 Vocal Music 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 Manual Training 2 4 4 4 2 4 2 4 2 4 6 26 Gymnastics 2-2 0 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 9 5 Total 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 24 168 168 [Note: Year 1910-1911.] [Note A: _B_ refers to boys, _G_ to girls.] The comparative table on page 106 clearly evidences the similarities already referred to and, at the same time, serves to indicate all variations. However, in the making of comparisons, difference in the number and distribution of hours is more a matter of method or correlation between branches than an indication of actual difference in accomplishment. For example, a large number of hours for writing _may_ mean exclusively work in practice writing, but it is very probable that it will include a considerable amount of work in the mother-tongue or a definite correlation with nature study, history, or religion. The fundamental standard by which work is judged or measured is whether it prepares the pupil fully for work in the middle school. TABLE X Comparative table of Courses of Study in ten cities. Religion | Norwegian | | Mathematics | | | Geography | | | | History | | | | | Nature Study | | | | | | Writing | | | | | | | Drawing | | | | | | | | Vocal Music | | | | | | | | | Manual Training | | | | | | | | | | Gymnastics | | | | | | | | | | | |Total -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- City Sex(A) B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G B G -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Christiania 24 22 50 44 26 23 9 8 8 8 7 7 16 14 8 6 5 5 6 26 9 5 168 168 Bergen 21 21 55 53 29 28 8 8 9 9 8 7 10 8 9 8 5 5 8 24 10 7 172 178 Trondhjem 23 22 57 51 31 27 12 11 11 11 8 8 18 15 7 4 4 5 8 29 9 7 188 190 Stavanger 22 22 63 57 30 30 8 8 11 11 7 7 12 10 4 4 5 5 10 23 8 5 180 182 Drammen 24 24 52 47 29 25 8 8 8 8 6 5 17 13 5 3 5 5 6 25 8 5 168 168 Kristiansand 22 22 49 49 25 25 10 10 11 11 8 7 13 13 5 5 5 5 6 8 8 6 162 161 Aalesund 27 27 46 44 26 22 6 6 11 11 6 5 16 15 4 3 5 5 6 21 9 5 162 164 Fredrikshald 21 22 52 44 25 23 10 9 9 7 5 6 14 11 5 6 6 6 8 24 7 4 162 162 Skien 21 21 47 44 25 24 10 8 9 8 7 5 16 14 4 4 5 5 10 24 8 5 162 162 Kristiansund 24 24 50 47 27 26 8 8 9 8 8 7 18 15 3 3 5 5 6 20 10 5 168 168 [Note A: _B_ refers to boys, _G_ to girls.] RELIGION READING RECKONING RITING The four R's in Norway's educational system form the center of their educational endeavors. Only a superficial glance at the tables presented is necessary in order to notice their prominence throughout the course of study. While the amount of time devoted to them is in itself a sufficiently strong indication of their predominance, we must also carry in mind an allowance for closest possible correlation between them as constant and additional factors along the same line. Bearing these things in mind we enter at once upon the discussion of the course of study or school plan. Though the programs presented and digest of plans following or accompanying are taken from particular schools, the discussion throughout will be general unless otherwise specified. For varied reasons, but chiefly because they are typical, specific, and concrete, the courses of study used in Christiania--primary and secondary--are chosen as illustrations. The following is not a verbatim translation of Christiania's plan of instruction but an abbreviated statement of the work as outlined in their published school plan (_Skoleplan_). I have endeavored to select the more vital points throughout and to represent them as exactly as a condensed version renders possible. Where inaccuracies or omissions occur they are due to a demand for economy--the things omitted not being regarded as absolute essentials to a correct representation of the intent and spirit of the work as carried on. OUTLINE OF SUBJECTS OF INSTRUCTION _Religion_ _Aim._ The aims of instruction in religion are to develop the religious instincts of the children and to instill in them a recognition of Christianity, out of which may grow a healthy Christian life and a clear conception of the church. To attain these, an effort is made to impart the following fund of information: Definite acquaintance with the more important parts of Bible history, with the chief events in church history, and with the catechism according to the Evangelical Lutheran creed. _First Division_ _Class I._ (Six half hour periods weekly.) Instruction during the beginning weeks consists in simple stories, songs, hymns, prayers, and conversations designed to impart a knowledge of Christianity, ethics, and morals; to effect definite connections with previous home training; and to awaken and develop religious and moral attitudes in the children preparatory to the more direct instruction to follow. The real instruction in Christianity or religion begins with Bible stories selected from the Old and New Testaments and specially adapted to the understanding of the children and their ability to master the same. The following stories are among the ones used: The Story of Joseph, Samuel and Hannah, David and Goliath, The Birth of Jesus, The Three Wise Men, Jesus in the Temple, Jesus Feeding the Five Thousand, Jesus Raising the Widow's Son, Jesus Blessing the Children, Jesus Teaching the Disciples How to Pray. The stories are presented orally and explained and elucidated in such a way that the children may receive clear and vivid pictures of the persons and events referred to, appreciate their connections with the Holy Scriptures, and be able to rehearse the narratives in an intelligent manner. Whenever possible the religious or moral content of the conversation should be brought to a climax in a simple passage of Scripture, a response from the catechism, or a verse of some hymn, which should be memorized. _Class II._ (Six half hour periods weekly.) Bible stories from Old and New Testaments taken mainly from the time of the patriarchs and Moses. Among them are the following: _From Old Testament_: The Creation and Eden, The Fall, Cain and Abel, The Flood, The Call of Abraham, Abraham and Lot, The Birth and Offering of Isaac, The Marriage of Isaac, Esau and Jacob, Isaac Blessing His Sons, Jacob's Flight, The Birth and Rearing of Moses, The Call of Moses, Moses Before Pharaoh, The Exodus from Egypt. _From New Testament_: The Birth of Jesus, Jesus' Entry into Jerusalem, Jesus Suffering in the Garden of Gethsemane, Jesus' Death on the Cross, The Burial of Jesus, The Resurrection of Jesus, The Outpouring of the Holy Ghost. Instruction is exclusively oral. Historical references are disregarded. Historical situations are frequently clarified by references to the history of civilization and geography. New phases of God's dealings with men and their attitudes toward Him are singled out and presented for consideration. Passages of Scripture and others from the catechism or hymns are treated in connection with the Bible stories as they are told. _Class III._ (Six half hour periods weekly.) Biblical history up to and including the time of Solomon, characteristic stories from the prophetic period, and selections of Scripture from the New Testament designated officially for study in reference to certain church holidays. Among the topics included we find: The Tower of Babel, God's Covenant with Abraham, The Visit of the Three Men, The Lord Visits Sodom and Gomorrah, Jacob Serving Laban, Jacob's Return, The Travel to Sinai, The Giving of the Law, The Unfaithfulness of the People, The Travels from Sinai to Jordan, The Death of Moses, Joshua Leading the People into Canaan, Gideon, Ruth, Samuel, Saul Becomes King, Saul Rejected, God Chooses David to be King, David and Jonathan, Saul Pursuing David, The Death of Saul, David Chosen to be King by the People, The Fall and Restitution of David, Absalom, The Last Days of David's Life, Solomon, Elias, Jonah, Daniel. The matter covered in Classes I and II is again taken up, to which the above is added in historical connection. To this material Biblical geography and cultural history are added as needed, while hymns, passages of Scripture, or selections from the catechism are continually used. Through constant reviews the moral and religious contents from the various sources are connected into successive groups, each group centering around the life of some prominent Biblical character. Instruction is chiefly oral, though some reading from text is a privilege which may be indulged in as an aid. A certain amount of catechismal work may be assigned as home lessons. _Second Division_ _Class IV._ (Boys four hours, girls three hours, weekly.) New Testament history centering in the stories of Jesus' childhood, His miracles, and His easier parables. New stories taken up: The Birth of John the Baptist Foretold, The Birth of Jesus Foretold, The Birth of John the Baptist, Jesus Presented in the Temple, The Flight into Egypt, Appearance of John the Baptist, The Baptism of Jesus, Jesus is Tempted, The First Disciples Come to Jesus, The Marriage in Cana, Jesus Visits Nazareth, Jesus Choosing the Twelve Apostles, Jesus Heals the Centurion's Servant, The Death of John the Baptist, Jesus Healing the Palsied, Jesus Raising Jairus' Daughter, The Woman of Canaan, Parable of the Unmerciful Servant, The Good Samaritan, Jesus at the House of Martha and Mary, Parables of the Lost Sheep and the Lost Coin, Parable of the Prodigal Son, Dives and Lazarus, Healing of the Ten Lepers, Parable of the Publican and Pharisee, Parable of the Marriage of the King's Son, Easter, Pentecost. The extent to which details of stories, Biblical geography, cultural history, and passages of Scripture or catechism are included is governed by the maturity and education of the children. In this class considerable attention is given to the reading of hymns and New Testament Scriptures from the four Gospels (elucidating obscure passages and difficult sentences), to connections between Bible stories and history, and to chronological sequence. _Class V._ (Boys four hours, girls three hours, weekly.) Continued instruction in New Testament history, especially the parables of Jesus and the story of his passion and resurrection. To this is added the account of the founding of the first Christian church and its spread by the efforts of the chief apostles. The work includes the following new stories: Jesus and Nichodemus, Jesus and the Samaritan Woman, Jesus Commences to Speak in Parables, The Transfiguration of Jesus, Peter's Confession, The Man Born Blind, Jesus the Good Shepherd, The Raising of Lazarus, Jesus in the House of Zacchaeus, Jesus in Bethany, Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, Parable of the Ten Virgins, Washing of Feet, The Lord's Supper, Jesus in Gethsemane, Jesus Before the High Priest and the Sanhedrin, Jesus Before Pilate and Herod, Crucifixion of Jesus, Christ's Burial, The Resurrection, Jesus Appears to the Two Disciples on the Way to Emmaus, He Appears to the Disciples in Jerusalem, He Appears at the Sea of Tiberias, The Great Commission to the Disciples, His Ascension, The Outpouring of the Holy Ghost on Pentecost, The First Miracle and First Persecution, Stephen, The Ethiopian Eunuch, Saul, Cornelius, Paul Preaching the Gospel to the Gentiles. Bible reading, the catechism, Bible history, and hymns are studied as in former classes, but more intensively. Besides the catechism, passages of Scripture, containing great Christian and moral truths are to be impressed and memorized verbatim. Continuous reviews through the years enable the children to connect several stories into groups, and to acquire complete information regarding the life and work of Christ. A small instruction book is used. First part and Article I of the second part are studied. _Third Division_ _Class VI._ (Four hours weekly.) Bible history and Old Testament taken up simultaneously--Bible reading and ecclesiastical history alternating. A deeper knowledge of sacred history is sought. Striking illustrations of God's plan of salvation operating among the Jews are given, designed to enable the children to appreciate the redemptive meaning of Old Testament history. Emphasis is placed on the period just preceding the time of Christ. New stories introduced: The Division of the Kingdom, Elisha, The Downfall of the Kingdom of Israel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, The Fall of the Kingdom of Judah, The Jews under Babylonian Captivity, Their Return from Captivity, The Last Four Hundred Years. Familiarity with Old Testament Scriptures and history, Biblical geography, and cultural history is to be gained. Articles II and III of the second part, and the third, fourth, and fifth parts of the instruction book are taken up. _Class VII._ (Three hours weekly.) One Gospel--Matthew--is read connectedly and followed by a treatment of selected parts from the Acts of the Apostles in connection with the work of Biblical history in the fourth and fifth grades. All materials previously gathered from the various sources are again taken up, applied, and centered. Narratives relating to important periods of the church. Among them:--The Persecutions (under Nero, Polycarpus), The Victory of Christianity (Constantine), The Christian Ceremonies, Augustine, Hermits and Monks, The Spread of Christianity, The Popes, The Crusades, The Preparation for the Reformation, The Lutheran Reformation (Luther, the Jesuits, the Catholic Mission), The Lutheran Church in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, The Mission, Bible Societies. The aim in this division is to give information regarding the development of the church in general, and of the Lutheran church in particular. Narratives are grouped around great central characters--Christian personages. A realization of the lofty aims of Christianity on the part of the children together with an appreciation of their duties and responsibilities as members of the Christian church is the intent. By means of an instruction book the main divisions of church history, general history, and the history of Norway are correlated. Information contained in the hymn book acquaints the children with the ceremonial order of the ecclesiastical year as well as with the contents and order of the book itself. The study of previously memorized hymns and verses is emphasized and enlarged upon. It is to be remembered that in Norway church and state are united. Religious and scholastic interests are under the direction of the Department of Ecclesiastical and Educational affairs. The minister of this department of State is one of the King's cabinet. Here we find one of the numerous attempts at the solution of the vexing question of moral instruction, or, to be more exact, religious instruction in the public schools. While the provisions for this teaching are not faultless, and though their course of instruction could not be adopted for use in America with its medley of religious prejudices, yet we must acknowledge that they are well adapted to the needs and desires of the people served. The citizenship of the country is homogenous religiously, almost universally Lutheran, and their traditions militate against any change in religious creed. The teaching of religion in the schools has been the practice for generations, the instruction is taken as a matter of course, and it exerts its beneficient influences upon all. There are a number of important features of this moral instruction which press their claims for special mention, but we cannot discuss them all. A few, however, demand some attention. The statement of the proverb, that as the twig is bent so will the tree be inclined, has been borne out in practice times without number. Here, it seems to me, is one more illustration. Throughout their whole school life--that receptive, appropriating, formative period--the children have constantly before them ideals that are elevating, examples that are inspiring, and admonitions that tend to create and develop within them an ambition to excel in beauty of character. That the morals of society are not kept more nearly pure by this procedure seems a psychological impossibility. Again a rather successful attempt is made to have the home and school cooperate along the lines of personal purity. In fact the home, the school, and the church join hands and supplement each other in all efforts in religious and moral training. True it is that striking examples of nobility of character, high ideals, and moral worth abound in profane history as well as in sacred, in secular life as well as in religious, in living characters as truly as in those of past ages, but the school system of Norway provides ample opportunity for presenting all of these things in connection with their regular instruction in the various subjects taught, and, in addition, furnishes particularized instruction which makes a specialty of moral and religious development. It seems imperative that, when these ennobling lessons are thus vividly presented, the powers of imitation and habit should combine in the creation of stronger and nobler characters. Nevertheless, when religious instruction is made a requirement, it too frequently becomes formal and literal rather than spiritual and lifegiving. That this great misfortune is the case in some of the secondary schools of Norway is an indictment which cannot be denied. However, in the primary schools the instruction is fruitful and important. As a consequence of these conditions the statement is common among many that in looking back over the years of religious instruction they recall numerous happy instances of earnest, heartfelt prayer and Bible stories accompanied by intense feeling on the part of the teacher. Other experiences reveal the fact that some of the teaching profession had not the sincerity and feeling back of their instruction required in order to give vitality and meaning to the lessons presented. The entire question of instruction in morals in our public schools is one of pressing importance. It is being agitated in many lands today and a solution is sorely needed. Were all classes of society united as to what should be included in this instruction the matter would adjust itself very readily. However, social conditions in a single nation are more or less diverse, and between different nations still greater breaks are to be found. In fact the ideals and conceptions of society are so varied that no one present system would suffice for all. Could a code of ethics be formulated which would meet universal approval then its adoption and use might be hoped for. Until then each nation must necessarily follow the plan which seems best adapted to its social requirements. As already stated, the people of Norway are nearly all adherents to the Lutheran creed so there are very few dissenters from the common rule. Provision is made in the law that those who do not adhere to the state church and object to receiving instruction in this particular line may, upon request of parent or guardian, be excused from such instruction.[23] _Norwegian_ _Aim._ It is the aim of the instruction in Norwegian to further the mental development of children, especially their linguistic ability. In this course of activity they should acquire: (1) Efficiency in apprehending and assimilating what they hear or read, confident readiness in reading, plain articulation, and correct and natural accentuation. (2) Efficiency in expressing themselves orally and in writing without making any serious errors in the common usage of language or the rules of composition. (3) Efficiency in the use of the grammar of the mother-tongue which is necessary for the above measure of attainments. _First Division_ _Class I._ (Boys twelve hours, girls eleven hours, weekly.) A suitable number (twelve or fifteen) of interesting children's stories are told and utilized for the special purposes of widening the circle of the children's imagination and developing in them ability in observation, conception, and expression. An effort is made to render the general contents of the stories lucid through explanations, while the features arousing special interest in the minds of the pupils are made the objects of more detailed conversation. An effort is made to train the children in correct, free, and easy expression in connected sentences, and to develop in them the ability to rehearse their stories freely and connectedly. _Reading._ The aim is ability to read the primer (_ABC-en_) with assurance and in a clear tone, properly articulating and accenting each word and syllable. _Written exercises._ The object of the written work is to teach the children to write words and simple sentences which have just been read orally or have been seen in the primer or on the blackboard. _Class II._ (Boys ten hours, girls eight hours, weekly.) Twenty or thirty of the most interesting and valuable selections (prose and poetry) contained in the reader are made the objects of special and thorough treatment. Comments, questions, elucidating explanations, and conversations are means employed in securing a vivid appreciation of the contents and in developing ability in their easy rehearsal. The other pieces are treated in a more cursory manner, only the larger views and the more general understanding of them being attempted. Special attention is given to having all readings slow with loud, plain, and correct articulation and proper accentuation. Habitual mistakes are carefully eliminated. Story telling is also a feature of the year's work. _Written exercises_, made up of sentences and short parts of readings, conversations, or stories are given frequently and for short periods. Here the names of letters and spelling are attended to with great care. _Class III._ (Boys eight hours, girls seven hours, weekly.) Twenty or thirty paragraphs from the reader are given special attention--the remainder cursory. The plan of work is about the same as for Class II. Considerable attention is given to the rehearsing of the reading lesson by the pupils. Some reproductions are to be quite detailed and exact though they are not to be given in the exact words of the text. Still other selections receive more general treatment. A few of the most pleasing poems should be memorized. Greater readiness in slow and even reading with loud and clear expression and proper natural accentuation should be sought. _Written exercises._ Selections from the language work giving special and rather extended attention to spelling, punctuation, and grammatical constructions and forms. The teacher sets examples of correct punctuation, etc. _Second Division_ _Class IV._ (Five hours weekly.) A select number (20-30) of pieces from the reader treated as in the former classes, though more exhaustively; and, in addition, quite a wide range of selections chosen for more cursory reading. A considerable amount of information regarding the topics treated and explanations of literary expressions should form important parts of the instruction in this class. Here, as in both preceding and succeeding classes, it should be the aim to have the children make their meanings plain when conversing upon the selections read, at least to the degree of their ability and development. Parts of former conversations on various topics should also be recalled and woven into their discussions. _Written exercises._ These shall include features previously studied, and introduce more detailed and finer discriminations in grammatical usages and forms. _Class V._ (Boys four hours, girls five hours, weekly.) Exhaustive study of a few selections and cursory reading in large quantities as before. Careful and abundant training in oral expression. Specific and detailed rehearsal of topics discussed in which an increasing amount of knowledge gained through study, experience, and thought is utilized. Short stories are read. Poems are memorized. Progress in clear and distinct articulation and easy and natural emphasis in harmony with refined speech is continuously a requirement. _Written exercises._ A continuation of former exercises and a considerable amount of copying, or the writing of abstracts of lesson content, especially during the second half year. Orthographic, grammatical, and rhetorical forms are entered into more exhaustively and their niceties urged. Through continued practice in preparing and writing compositions, extra work in copying, and special study of orthography and punctuation, the children, by the close of this their fifth year of schooling, should be quite capable in punctuation as well as spelling, though they should not be expected to spell and punctuate independently with accuracy. _Third Division_ _Class VI._ (Boys five hours, girls six hours, weekly.) Reading from a selected portion of the reader. Conversations, information, explanations, and linguistic elucidations are to be entered into according to necessity. Increasing stress is here laid on the work of drawing out the thoughts, ideas, and knowledge of the pupils, and of inciting them to more independent, intellectual effort. _Written exercises._ Continued as previously though introducing larger amounts of independently selected forms of expression and insisting on greater accuracy in punctuation. Letter writing is added. _Class VII._ (Five hours weekly.) Selections from the reader and supplementary reading from recommended books calculated to awaken, develop, and educate. Special attention given to the most important authors. _Written exercises._ Compositions on topics of interest, letter writing, business correspondence including applications, invoices, advertisements, and telegrams. The methods employed in presenting the mother-tongue are quite plainly set forth in the foregoing outline. Though the content is not so specifically defined, the general lines are indicated in such a way as to give very adequate insight thereinto. Some of the methods of presentation seem somewhat cumbersome and rather antiquated. This impression is due chiefly to terminology. The actual work in the schoolrooms is flexible, free, and, as a rule, attractive. The latitude granted to the teachers in all their work admits of almost unlimited individual initiative. Many of their teachers are quite expert in the most modern methods. The utilitarian idea which pervades every phase of their school work is especially noticeable in the teaching of their own language. In harmony with this idea, let me call attention to the fact that, from the first, constant use is made of every attainment in both oral and written form. The oral work embraces the reading of the text, reading from the blackboard, and conversational exercises on the special topics being considered. Written work on the same lessons include copying of certain selections or parts of them and original expressions in regard to the contents of lessons read. In the advanced grades these written exercises become more and more extended and complicated until they amount to complete essays. Special attention is given to correct forms of expression and to the acquirement of habits of clear and distinct enunciation. The child, who from his earliest school days becomes habituated to exact pronunciations, is very liable--almost sure--to spell correctly; and, when constant use is made of the language in written exercises, the accepted and approved forms of expression become the fixed usages. Now their treatment of the mother-tongue is a combination of our reading, spelling, language lessons, grammar, rhetoric, and literature, all taught in their natural order as they arise through actual use. Incidentally, vast amounts of biography, history, geography, and natural science as well as writing are included. The richness of content and thoroughness of treatment deserve careful consideration in the writing of courses and still more in their application. Specialization in phases of a single subject in lower schools nearly always means waste of energy, scattering of forces, and disappointment in the end. On the contrary, unification and close correlation result in economy of time and effort, and issue in more worthy attainments. The several fields of thought are already too much isolated from each other, and unless some guards are erected the individual fields also will be broken up and their distinctive phases so divorced from one another that their cooperative tendencies and values will become void and their relationships will be lost sight of. Norwegian is easily the preponderant study in Norway's schools, but, since it is so inclusive, it probably deserves the large amount of time devoted to it. The long lists of supplementary readings now provided in our American schools exert a wholesome influence. Their constant revision and extension furnish materials which in the hands of skilled teachers, guarantee to the pupils sure knowledge and ability in the use of the mother-tongue. The limitless resources in English literature, America's lavish provision for higher education and professional training, and the freedom granted to our teaching profession leave the teachers of our language without excuse. The pupils studying English in America have a right to expect the best. One condition which frequently militates against first class work in this line is that school boards all too frequently fail to realize that being a teacher of English means more than merely hearing lessons so many times a week. A very large part of the most important work must be done aside from class exercises. If there be any teacher justified in asking a reduction in hours of instruction it is the teacher of the mother-tongue. _Mathematics_ _Aim._ Readiness in the four mathematical operations in whole numbers, decimal numbers, and simple fractions, written and oral. Ability to independently solve various examples in the forms in which they generally appear in practical life, also examples in proportion and examples in percentage, together with problems of planes and solids. Course and mode of its execution as given in a text--Instruction in Mathematics (_Regneundervisningen_)--followed in all essentials. _First Division_ _Class I._ (Boys five hours, girls four hours, weekly.) Through constant use of illustrative material (objects about the room, wooden pins, cubes, the children's fingers, etc.) the children are taught to gradually become acquainted with the numbers to ten, twenty, thirty, and on up to one hundred; and they are afforded continuous practice in reading, writing, and explaining the numbers, as well as in performing simple solutions in the four arithmetical operations. At the close of the year the children should be able to count to one hundred forward and backward. They must know how to manipulate the numbers from one to ten in adding to or subtracting from any number less than one hundred, and be able, by the assistance of the tables, to answer questions in multiplication (two's to five's). and some questions in division. Chief importance attaches to the ability of the children to use the numbers from one to thirty. _Class II._ (Four hours weekly.) Acquaintance with and ability to read and write any number up to one million. _Mental arithmetic._ Continuation of operations begun in Class I. When proficient in adding and subtracting units to and from one hundred, tens and units are taken up in the same way. Examples in easy multiplication, with occasional use of division, carried on throughout the year. _Tablet work._ Addition and subtraction of numbers up to one million. In the operations coin, measure, and weight denominations are used, and are illustrated by coins, measures, and weights. _Class III._ (Boys four hours, girls three hours, weekly.) Acquaintance with the numeral system up to and including millions. Continuous practice in reading, writing, and using numbers. _Mental operations._ Addition and subtraction of numbers up to one hundred continued. Thereafter extend the numbers as far as the children can use them with certainty and rapidity. Multiplication of numbers up to one hundred by units. _Tablet work._ More work in addition and subtraction going farther than to numbers with six ciphers. Multiplication of numbers with many ciphers by multipliers having one or more ciphers. _Second Division_ _Class IV._ (Boys four hours, girls three hours, weekly.) Division with divisors having one or more ciphers. Separation of numbers into their individual factors. Finding of the least common multiple. After this a thorough drill in the four arithmetical operations with whole numbers--old and new exercises. _Mental and tablet exercises_ in closest relation to each other. In all mental operations, here or later, rapid and positive use should be made of the easier examples before the harder ones are fumbled or handled with uncertainty. _Class V._ (Two hours weekly.) After the necessary preparation, practice in the three operations with decimal numbers. In connection with the consideration of plane surfaces the children should be given practice in measuring parallelograms, triangles, irregular quadrangles and many-sided surfaces--triangles should predominate. _Mental and tablet exercises_ parallel each other and are in intimate relation. _Third Division_ _Class VI._ (Three hours weekly.) Preparatory practice in common fractions together with addition and subtraction of fractions having a common denominator and others which can easily be reduced to a common denominator. Multiplication and division using or including fractions. Further development with mental operations growing out of and in connection with tablet work. _Class VII._ (Three hours weekly.) Percentage including interest, rebate, and discount. The calculating of cubes, prisms, pyramids, circles, cylinders, cones; also shortened pyramids, cones, and cylinders. After this a general review so far as time admits. Simple arithmetical operations occupy the entire field during the earlier years. The elementary algebraic forms and methods of solution are introduced relatively early, and minor geometric relations and operations are presented during the last (seventh) year of the lower schools. These latter features are radically different from our general procedure in the United States. We are in the habit of presenting the various mathematical subjects one at a time, completing one before another is considered to any extent whatever. For example, arithmetic is taken up and gone through, while parts of geometry and algebra which would be great aids in some of the arithmetical solutions are studiously avoided or excluded until the formal study of that particular subject is finally begun. The people of Norway, on the contrary, enter the larger field of mathematics and, in a more rational manner--a more psychological way--utilize available processes and forms at every opportunity. The phases of mathematics are not specialized into isolation but coordinated into a working unity. Instead of studying one subject throughout its intricacies and side issues before admitting consideration of other phases of mathematics, they make it the rule to utilize the elemental factors of the various mathematical subjects in every way possible. They give recognition to the simpler and more fundamental principles and operations regardless of the special phase of the subject to which they belong, and use the entire product as groundwork for succeeding steps in the science. In this way parts of algebra and geometry become valuable contributing preliminaries to higher arithmetical operations. The texts used by the pupils are little more than a series of exercises. All teaching is done by the teacher and the texts are arranged in such a way that the children may have opportunity to become skilled in the principles evolved in class through application of them in the long lists of problems in their texts. Very little blackboard is provided for the pupils' use, hence but little blackboard work is accomplished. Each room has a small board on which the teacher of a pupil may go through solutions. Never have I seen more than one at a time working at the blackboard. While the limited use of blackboards generally calls for an increased amount of dependence upon intellectual activity and consequent increase in mental alertness, the free use of blackboards relieves the mind of unnecessary burdens which may as well be borne by crayon, and thus provides for the higher centers a freer activity in pushing on the quest for the unknown. _Geography_ _Aim._ To obtain (1) A somewhat complete acquaintance with the fatherland; its conditions, commerce, manner of life. (2) Acquaintance with the geography of Europe, especially the countries to the north and the other longer civilized countries. (3) A view of the different continents and a closer acquaintance with lands and places which are of greatest importance to the fatherland. (4) Knowledge of the most important features of physical and mathematical geography. _First Division_ _Class II._ (Boys three hours, girls two hours, weekly.) With continuous reference to local geography and places known to the children, the pupils are brought to understand geographical forms and relations in general. Special attention is given to charts and maps. Instruction begins with drawings (on blackboard and tablets) of the schoolroom; then extends to schoolgrounds, to the immediate surroundings with streets and some of the more important buildings; and then to the entire city with its environs, etc., etc. The children should become acquainted with the more important features of topography, soil, valleys, plains, ridges, mountains, seas, fjords, rivers, brooks, seasons, day and night, rising and setting of planets (sun, moon, and stars), flora and fauna, altitude, sea level, etc. From familiarity with the city and its surroundings the work extends to the entire fatherland which is considered in an elementary fashion. Herein are included elementary studies of coast line, principal systems of valleys, and location and size of cities. Map drawing of small localities. _Class III._ (Two hours weekly.) The map of Europe. Beginning with the fatherland, including its location with reference to other lands and seas as well as its relations thereto, enter into a study of other European countries in the order in which they would naturally be entered if touring from the fatherland. Subdivisions of the sea and land, also cities, railways, canals, rivers, and mountains are to be studied. Pictures are to be used in illustration. By the use of globes and other illustrative material, the discussion may be extended to other parts of the world. Each of the several divisions of the earth is to be treated in an elementary manner. Everything is to be outlined or indicated on the maps and charts--first by the teacher and later by the pupils. _Second Division_ _Class IV._ (One hour weekly.) On the foundation of what was done in Class III the work shall be extended to the outlying divisions of Europe--Norway, Sweden, Denmark, The British Isles, France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Russia. The study of maps is emphasized both for review and new work. Every land is considered with reference to the fatherland, other known lands, the equator, and the poles. Attention confined to typical aspects: description of a typical city, a manufacturing center, etc., special variations in climate, flora and fauna, chief natural scenery, commercial activities, products and conditions of the citizens. Readings on geographical topics are correlated with picture illustrations. Details and illustrations utilized as in Class III. _Class V._ (One hour weekly.) Holland, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Hungary, and the Balkan peninsula are considered after the plan used in Class IV. After these European countries, foreign countries are discussed. Study and instruction in this class is in accord with the outlines of work in previous classes though more exhaustive and minute. India, China, the large islands in the Pacific Ocean, North Africa with its Sahara, Central Africa, The United States of America, Australia, etc., are also considered. _Third Division_ _Class VI._ (One hour weekly.) The geography of the fatherland is gone through thoroughly with the aim of imparting to the children a rather complete knowledge of their country's nature, commerce, and life in its various localities. The chief points considered are: coast line, surface, water channels, climate--east and west--boundaries, inhabitants, life of the people, political divisions. This is to be constantly correlated with what has been learned previously of other European countries. Map drawing in detail. Review of former work. _Class VII._ (One hour weekly.) The more important features of mathematical and physical geography are presented, being continuously illustrated by charts, maps, globes, astronomical plates, etc. The horizon, earth formations, zones, yearly and daily rotations, geographical breadth and length; the moon, its phases; the planets, etc., are important topics for study. Others are positions of continents and oceans with reference to each other, climate and physical features of the earth, the air, winds, changes in temperature, movements of the sea, the more important ocean streams (Gulf and Polar streams), etc. Throughout the study constant connections should be made between what is known in geography, natural history, and nature study. The outline indicates both thoroughness and a close correlation with related fields of work. Beginning with the well-known in geography they gradually widen their horizon and establish connections with the more remote parts of the earth until the children obtain a moderately accurate appreciation and knowledge of this branch of study and get a view of its intricate relations with life and human activity. While the work of the course is generally characterized by thoroughness, their study of localities outside of Europe is simply a skimming over or a skipping glance. To be sure time is insufficient to enable them to exhaust all opportunities; but, it would seem more consistent with their general idea of concentrating on matters which directly concern the fatherland and its subjects, did they bring the young into a more intimate acquaintance with America and a fuller appreciation of what America really means to Norway and Norwegians. Very few Norsemen are without vital interests here. Nearly all, it seems, have immediate relatives or very dear friends who have migrated from the native land and have established homes in the United States. It appears that it would be important for them to follow the path of their migrating brethren and acquaint themselves more fully with the geography of America. Its life, topography, commerce, and other distinctive features would add to their geography a chapter of unsurpassed values. The work which is done is commendable for many reasons. The many-sided views obtained by varied methods of attack are rich and meaningful. Every pupil is ready with a full discussion in response to a question relating to their own country. Furthermore, they are informed with reference to the relationships existing between each country studied and the fatherland. These have been clearly pointed out. The perspective obtained through the study of physical and mathematical geography affords richer meaning to every day of life as well as to all the phenomena of nature. _History_ _Aim._ The chief aim of instruction in history is to inspire the children's historic instincts and love for their country and people. In an effort to obtain this the following information is imparted: (1) A somewhat connected knowledge of the history of the fatherland together with the fundamental tendencies of the social order. (2) Acquaintance with the most significant incidents in general history. _First Division_ _Class III._ (Two hours weekly.) Selected narratives from the history of the fatherland. The collection of stories includes the following: Harald the Fair Haired, Haakon the Good, Haakon Jarl, Olaf Trygveson, Olaf the Holy, Sverre Sigurdson, Haaken the Aged, Margaret and Albert, Christian the Second, Christian the Fourth, Tordenskjold, The Years 1807-1814, The Time of Pirates, Kristian August, Norway in 1814, Kristian Fredrik, Eidsvold, 17th of May, Norway's decennial celebration. The stories are presented orally and are so detailed that the children get clear pictures of persons and incidents. The material of instruction is centered about particular and important persons and incidents in order to give them greater fixity. The pupils rehearse the stories they have been taught. Historic poems and songs of the fatherland which refer especially to people or incidents are studied in connection with the history. The material received through instruction in geography during the former year is utilized as groundwork in building up and enriching the historical ideas of the fatherland. The more important phases of social institutions are presented in a way suited to the capacity of the pupils. As the stories proceed, an attempt is made to awaken a degree of appreciation of their historical sequence. _Second Division_ _Class IV._ (Two hours weekly.) Stories and descriptions regarding general history centering about the following points or topics: Ancient world kingdoms, Greeks, Romans, Germans, Norse, Papacy, great discoveries and inventions. Treatment here is similar to that given in Class III. Stories, anecdotes and pictures add life to regular routine. Stories of the fatherland are presented in very brief form and are given in order to effect connection with general events in world history. Here again geography is made the groundwork of history. _Class V._ (One hour weekly.) Work carried on as previously. Narratives of events chiefly during the time from the Reformation to the French Revolution. Central features studied: Luther and the time of the Reformation (Luther's childhood and youth, Karl V., extension of the Reformation, and the Thirty Years' War), the period of absolute monarchy, the time preceding the Revolution, science and discovery. Presentation of topics the same as previously given. Here is included also a considerable amount of culture history, descriptions from which are given in such a way that life among the higher classes, as well as among the oppressed, may be presented and appreciated. _Third Division_ _Class VI._ (One hour weekly.) Work continued as heretofore. Stories from the time of the Revolution down to modern times. Among the materials used are the following topics: time of the Revolution, 1789-1800; Napoleon, 1800-1815; July and February Revolutions, Napoleon III., Germany's consolidation, discoveries and inventions, delineations of the history of civilization, and the advance of modern times in industries and means for communication. _Class VII._ (Two hours weekly.) The history of the fatherland gone through in great detail and in a definitely connected manner. All work based upon what has been learned in former classes. The following are among the more important points considered: Norway in ancient times, Norway organized into a Christian kingdom, Norway's time of prosperity, Norway under internal wars, Norway under later kings of Swedish family and descent, Norway in union with Sweden and Denmark, Norway united to Denmark until 1661, time of absolute monarchy (1661-1814), Norway in 1814, Norway since 1814. In addition, the chief features of social institutions, the condition of the state, rights and obligations of citizens, state administration, communal affairs, and similar topics are discussed at some length. By the assistance of a suitable text the presentation should impart to the pupils a moderately connected knowledge of the historical development of the fatherland up to the present time. The children should obtain clear insight into the inner historic situations; persons, events, and specific dates standing as contributors in the background. Historic sagas and related selections are used in connection. While attention centers in the history of the fatherland, important contemporary events in general history are kept constantly before the eyes, frequent reference being made to the studies in Classes IV-VI. The stated aims, enumerated means, and outlined methods of presentation afford a fairly good idea of the work done in the study of history throughout the primary schools. It has been observed, perhaps by many, that instruction in history has been preceded by one year's study of geography, that the geography of the several countries precedes the history of the peoples inhabiting them, and that geographical appreciation is utilized as a foundation for instruction in history. The main purposes of instruction in history are: development of patriotic and loyal citizens, intellectual training, and cultural information. The prized traits of citizenship are read, sung, and drilled into the daily life of every child in the entire country, and these impressions are fixed so definitely that they live through generations, even when the subjects are transplanted to foreign soils. Story telling in the beginnings of history instruction affords an immediate appeal both to the children's interest in personal activities and to their liking for that form of instruction. The characters whose biographies are delineated are the men around whom national activities have centered. The bits of history related are of epoch-making incidents from the earliest times down to the present. Being presented through biography they have a personal touch and flavor which secure vital and immediate responses from the children. There are still other features worthy of consideration. Incidents of historic interest are not only pointed out and studied but the scenes of these are actually visited. Here again we see the definite way in which history and geography are correlated. Too, since Norway has been favored by the gift of many literary geniuses, most historic characters and events have found place in literary classics. All along the way, songs, poems, and dramas having relation to national history are brought into the instruction in a living, real way. The children are given abundant opportunity to attain proficiency in relating historic events with information gained from the fields of geography, language, and literature. _Nature Study_ _Aim._ Instruction in nature study attempts to awaken the children's interest in and regard for nature in all its expressions, and to exercise their thought powers and judgment so as to enable them to find or make connections between cause and effect. In order that their attention be centered upon the suitability to purpose, conformity to law, harmony and beauty, the children should have their thought directed to nature's creation and maintenance. Finally, the children through this instruction should obtain a conception of how mankind attempts to control nature and to utilize its strength in the promotion of human welfare. _Materials for instruction._ Our bodily structure in the large or whole, as necessary to an understanding of the general conditions in man's physical life and as fundamental to instruction in health. The more important native and foreign animals and plants; their growth and life, together with their importance in nature's economy. The natural forces which have greatest significance for organic life and for man's efficiency. _Methods of instruction._ Natural objects or representations of them in model or drawing, and operations of natural forces illustrated by experiments observed and written up. The accuracy of observations are tested by the pupil's oral or written accounts of what they see. Conditions and things familiar to the children in common life are the ones to be used above all others. _Class IV._ (One hour weekly.) Short synopsis over our bodily structure (four hours). Present by oral instruction and through illustrative materials the skeleton, muscles, digestive organs, skin, circulation, respiratory organs. The same points may also be studied as they appear in the lower animals. _Mammals._ (Twenty hours.) Horse, ass, cow, sheep, goat, reindeer, deer, elk, camel, cat, wild-cat, lion, tiger, dog, wolf, fox, marten, bear, swine, elephant, seal, whale, hare, rabbit, squirrel, rat, beaver, anteater, bat, monkey. _Fowls._ (Ten hours.) Tame chickens, woodcock, sparrow, yellow hammer, bullfinch, lark, swallow, starling, dove, cuckoo, parrot, hawk, falcon, eagle, owl, heron, stork, duck, goose, swan, gull, ostrich, and others. Instruction begins with typical animal forms which are illustrated by charts or drawings when the stuffed or mounted specimens are not at hand. The children are required to depend upon themselves as much as possible in finding out individual characteristics in the bodily structures of the chosen forms. Then bodily structure and habits are related, as are also their homes, food, color, and environment. Finally, the animal's meaning in the economy of nature and its value to man are the points studied. Along with the careful study of a typical form, related animals are examined in a more general and cursory manner. The children are taught to remember that while they have dominion over the animals they are at the same time under obligations to them. Disregard of these duties is looked upon as rudeness. Animal stories form a part of the instruction. After studying the chosen types a review takes notice of common characters and separates animals into classes. Instruction is based on a text. _Class V._ (Two hours weekly.) _Plants._ (Forty hours.) _Dicotyledonous plants._ Bluebells, buttercups, strawberry, apple trees, pea, clover, beans, cherry, plum, dandelion, blueberry, heather, potato, tobacco, willow, birch, hazel, and others, studied under their regular headings or in their special families. _Monocotyledonous plants._ Rye, barley, wheat, oats, timothy, lily of the valley, pine, fir, juniper, in connection with respective families. _Flowerless plants._ Ferns, moss, mushrooms. _Foreign useful plants._ Coffee, tea, cotton, sugar cane, rice, maize, orange, palms, spices. All plants are studied carefully under their respective subdivisions. As in the consideration of animals, the growth, vital organs, habitat, and use of plants are studied, as are also their grouping, fruit, etc. About fifty plants are studied carefully and others are related to them. The children are taught not to injure plants or trees. _Animals._ (Twenty hours.) Adder, lizard, crocodile, turtle, frog, toad, mackerel, pike, salmon, trout, herring, haddock, flounder, eel, shark, cabbage butterfly, silk worm, moth, bee, bumble-bee, wasp, ant, fly, gnat, grasshopper, spider, lobster, crab, angleworm, leech, trichina, snail, mussel, star-fish, sea urchin, coral, sponge, etc. Instruction along same line as in Class IV. _Physics._ (Sixteen hours.) Based on a text. Instruction to be accompanied by experiments whenever possible--otherwise illustrated by drawings and models. _Solids._ Resistance to change in form: hardness, elasticity. Resistance to change of extensity: compressibility, porosity, adhesion, cohesion. _Liquids._ No fixed form, apparent unchangeability of extensity, adhesion to solids, solution of solids, mixing of liquids, endosmose. _Gases._ No definite form, attraction, diffusion, absorption. _Gravitation._ Weight, units of weight, weighing, relation between weight and size, force of weight as a cause of movement, hindrances to movement, forces in equilibrium. _The lever._ Balance, hand presses, on the principle of the lever. _Class VI._ (Two hours weekly.) _Liquids._ (Eight hours.) Distribution of pressure, Archimedes' law, specific gravity, communicating shaft. _Properties of air._ (Eight hours.) Archimedes' law, the atmosphere and its pressure, barometer, pumps and lifters, Mariotte's law. _Heat._ (Twelve hours.) Different temperatures, effects of heat, expansion of bodies, the thermometer, maximum density of water, melting and freezing, evaporation and condensation, boiling, degree of pressure at the boiling point. Transmission of heat by radiation and by conduction, good and poor conductors, temperature and humidity of the air, downward pressure, circulation of water, atmospheric currents, sources of heat, heat as force, steam pressure. _Sound._ (Eight hours.) Origin of sound, its transmission, rate of transmission, the ear, tones, reflection of sound. _Light._ (Ten hours.) Self-illuminating and dark bodies, transparent and opaque, straight path of light, shade, rate of transmission, reflection, refraction, diffusion of color, convex and concave lenses, microscope, telescope, camera, the eye, spectacles. _Magnetism._ (Five hours.) The magnet and its poles, their reciprocal relations, magnetizing, difference magnetically in iron and steel, horseshoe magnet, compass. _Electricity._ (Fifteen hours.) Electricity of friction, two kinds of electrical condition, conductors and insulators, communicating and distributing, electrical machines, lightning and thunder, lightning rods, electrical current, battery, electric light, electro-magnetism, telegraph, telephone, electricity which generates power. _Equilibrium and Motion._ (Ten hours.) Motion with uniform, increasing, or decreasing rapidity; combination of motion and force (the parallelogram of power, center of gravity, the three conditions of balance, the beam, the inclined plane); work and vital force; experiment with the pendulum. _Class VII._ (Two hours weekly.) _Physics._ (Sixteen hours.) Machines, block, tackle, windlass, the curved pivot, various driving forces (water wheel, steam engines, dynamos), application of machinery in the industries, railways and steamboats. _Chemistry._ (Sixteen hours.) Ingredients of water and air, coal, carbonic acid, burning and oxidation. Fundamental elements as material in all bodies. Examples of elements: oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, carbon, chlorine, sulphur, phosphorus, aluminum, iron, silver, and gold. Examples for combinations: water, ammonia, sulphuric acid, rust, soda, cooking salt, lime, chalk, clay, quartz, ores. Examples of organic matter: starch, sugar, albumen, alchohol, fats. Instruction in chemistry consists in illustrations and descriptions of materials and experiments. _Structure and life of the human body. Study of health._ (Thirty hours.) Based on text. Study of skeleton, muscles, nervous system, work and rest, sense organs and their use, digestive organs and processes, use of teeth, blood and circulation, breathing pure and impure air, kidneys, meaning of bodily exercise, structure and use of the skin, bathing, clothing, dwellings, foods and pleasures (under this intoxicating drinks, tobacco, etc.) Something regarding contagious diseases and help in times of accidents. Inject instruction on health when convenient in connection with the study of the organs of the body. Illustrate by experiment when possible. General review, especially the points concerning the nourishment and respiration of plants and animals. The outline in nature study impresses one with the inclusiveness of the course. The elementary phases of animal life, plant life, physics, chemistry, and human physiology and health are made the objects of careful consideration. True this study in some cases is stiff, formal, meaningless, and without spirit because of not being connected with the vital interests of the pupils, but on the whole the work is brought very close home to their daily life. Through it the children are able to see the contributions to life and human welfare made by the innumerable things in man's environment. Throughout the primary grades the work is mostly devoted to descriptive studies. Considerable attention is given also to the intrinsic value to man of animals, plants, and natural forces, and the means he has found for utilizing them in his struggle forward. The nature lessons throughout the grades are enriched and enlivened by the use of well selected and carefully prepared appliances and models for demonstration. Whenever possible the living animals and plants in their natural habitat, forces as applied in the machinery of neighboring institutions, and minerals in their successive processes of development and refinement are studied at first hand. Every school where the financial stringency is not too keen is provided with a liberal amount of apparatus for demonstrational purposes (_anskuelsesmidler_). As an instance, every primary school in the city of Christiania has at least one room of considerable size devoted exclusively to the storing of this material. Maps, charts, mounted specimens, plates, preserved articles, and accessory materials are there in abundance, and provide minute representations for most any point one might wish to make typical for illustration or study. The more genuine phases of laboratory work are not provided, though a considerable amount of crude experimentation is done in the grades. The teacher presenting this course must be capable for he is the authority and guide back of all work done. Text books (good ones though condensed) play a part, but a much smaller part than would be the case in our American schools were similar instruction approached in a formal way. In other words, their teachers furnish the course and _teach_ the subject, while too many of ours merely present the course provided in the adopted text book. Writing, drawing, vocal music, manual training, and gymnastics are also in the curriculum and each receives careful attention. Perhaps extended outlining of these courses and long discussions concerning them are unnecessary. Their importance and value are recognized. Their presentation in the schools of Norway is commendable, but some things must be passed without exhaustive treatment. Only general statements will be given. The results in some lines--writing and drawing in particular--do not justify the amount of time devoted to them. The writing is mechanical throughout, and in the lower grade the requirements are altogether too exacting. Drawing is required of all alike. Those who have ability in this line of work perhaps receive too little instruction; others, without talent or liking for it, regard it as a drudgery and, in the minds of some of their teachers, hinder the progress of the gifted. The finer coordinations required in both writing and drawing are frequently in advance of the development of the pupils and work injury rather than benefit. Vocal music is required of all and injures none. Probably each one reaps considerable benefit from the instruction. The class of music used in their teaching is very different from what is in vogue in our American schools. The church has exercised a great deal of influence in this respect. Since church and state are united the music of the church forms a predominating portion of the music of the state schools. Psalms, chants, and songs of stately dignity constitute the bulk of their selections, while those of lighter strain are interspersed at intervals not too close together. In America our children's songs are more attractive from the "jingle" point of view. Our children like them better and are more anxious to sing them. The little Norwegians, too, are delighted when permitted to swing into the lighter strains of music. They love to sing. Their faces fairly glow as their mellow voices swell out whether they sing in a jingle or in the rich harmonies of their psalms. Common use of the better quality of music cultivates their ability to appreciate and to render works of higher order than one usually finds in the schools of our own country. Manual and industrial training has had an important place in their schools for many years. Every hour spent at the bench is a delight to the boys, while the girls enjoy equally well the privilege of sewing or cooking. These activities are certainly valuable in the training of the young, and their influences extend into the homes of all the pupils. Gymnastics is the regular order for all pupils. A Swedish system of exercises is used which requires little apparatus but yields large returns. Abundant well-directed exercises of various kinds are provided for every pupil at stated periods and are entered into with zest. The regularity with which the gymnastic exercises are given doubtless has much to do in preserving the health of the children. As a class they are not only free from weaknesses but are vigorous and robust. Another part of their gymnastic work is the outdoor exercise which is required of all the pupils between the class periods. This doubtless adds much life and animation to the entire school program. The course as a whole includes the fundamentals and chief essentials to educational activity. Those who pass through the primary schools obtain an intelligent appreciation of life and its meanings. They are able to meet common needs successfully and to attend to general affairs in an approved manner. The masses feel the necessity of the fuller life thus provided and in turn the school is admirably fitted to the task of developing loyal and capable citizens. Furthermore, those who are so favorably situated that they may continue in school longer than seven years and desire fitness for entrance upon the work of higher education find in the primary schools every opportunity to gratify their desires. The connection between the lower and higher schools was not at all satisfactory until 1896, when the Storthing readjusted the system. Since then pupils may pass regularly from the fifth grade of the primary school into the four year middle school, or after the completion of the seven grades of the primary school they may enter either a three or a four year middle school and finish in three years. Since the number desiring entrance to the middle school from the fifth grade is larger than can be accommodated, those of highest ranking educationally are admitted. While the secondary school men claim perfect right to choose the fittest for entrance into their schools, the primary school men feel that their work in the sixth and seventh grades suffers injustice as a result of this selective process. The connection between the schools is not yet perfect and some unrest is evidenced in reference to the matter. The chief need seems to be an increase in the number of middle schools. III. THE MIDDLE SCHOOL The Storthing, in 1896, passed a law defining the limits and work of the middle school. According to the enactment this school builds upon the foundation laid in the primary school and secures to the pupils a thorough general education suited to the needs and receptivity of childhood. The course of study offered may be of varied length, but in no case shall it exceed four years in duration. The four year course aims at a very natural connection with the work done during the first five years in the common school. Where the connection can be made with the work of later grades in the primary school, the course of the middle school may be correspondingly shorter. The aim and methods are in general similar to those in the lower school; though, of course, higher, more thorough and inclusive, and such as give deeper insight into all subjects of instruction. It is required that instruction be given in religion, Norwegian, German, English, history, geography, natural science, mathematics, writing, drawing, manual training, and vocal music. Instruction in domestic economy may be provided for the girls. Formerly all of these schools charged tuition; but, as the conditions in the commune gradually improved, provisions were made in some of them for the issuance of a certain number of free scholarships. These were usually governed in such a way that those most in need were the first to receive the benefits. From time to time scholarship funds were increased until now some communes provide free scholarships to all resident children. The city of Christiania has a three-year middle school building upon the foundation of seven years of primary work and charging no tuition whatsoever. This provision together with the building up of scholarship funds are forerunners of free entrance, probably, to all of the state's middle schools. As already stated, the work of the middle school overlaps in part that of the primary school. The course of study for Classes I and II is in a large measure a duplication of that provided for Classes VI and VII in the lower school. However, to present the work of the middle school adequately, it is essential that the course for the entire four years be here included. The state adopts a curriculum which is used in all of its secondary schools. Minor details such as texts vary in the different schools. The following is an outline of the curriculum used in the Christiania Cathedral School. _Religion_ _Class I._ (Two hours.) Vogt's Bible History to the fall of the Kingdom of Judah. J. Sverdrup's Commentary to Article 2. Verses of hymns once each week. _Class II._ (Two hours.) Vogt's Bible History from "The Exile" to "The Story of the Passion." Commentary from Article 2 to "The Sacraments." Verses from hymns. _Class III._ (Two hours.) Bible History and Commentary completed and reviewed. Verses from hymns. Bible reading. _Class IV._ (One hour.) Y. Brun and Th. Caspari's Church History gone through and reviewed. Cursory study of the ecclesiastical year and the order of divine service. Here we note the beginnings of a more formal consideration of religion. A large part of the work is historical. Texts and lectures covering practically identical grounds form the basis of the work in this branch of study. The change to the more formal study of religion strikes the writer as a distinctive turn or transfer from moderately successful to useless endeavor. The personal touch and human flavor attending the informal telling of Bible stories afford some genuine inspiration. Life touches life. When character is exemplified in a living person or is shown through story once to have had expression in a fellow mortal, interest is awakened and the child instinctively imitates the vision before him. He transforms it into life. He enters into the spirit of the theme and the spirit giveth life. On the other hand, when religion is presented in a formal way, when an abstract view is taken, when the core of the subject is in the cold pages of texts,--then the letter killeth. Through force of habit the children retain some respect for the wishes of the teacher and do go through the motions of study and recitation, but the life of the subject is very soon extinguished and even respect for it vanishes in large measure. However, in rare instances good results are obtained through the efforts of teachers who are especially well qualified for this work. _The Mother-Tongue and Old Norse_ _Class I._ (Five hours.) Pauss and Lassen's Reader II. 2. Some of the Songs of the Fatherland learned by heart. Oral and written analysis. Hofgaard's Norwegian School Grammar, Paragraphs 1-31, 34-38, 41, 45, 48-59, 61, 65, 76-79. The more important part of Hougen's Rules for Correct Writing. Written work (dictation and composition) each week. _Class II._ (Four hours.) Pauss and Lassen's Reader II. 3. Poems--among them some of the Songs of the Fatherland learned by heart. Hofgaard's Grammar continued, also analyses. One written exercise each week (dictation and easy composition.) _Class III._ (Alternately three and four hours.) Pauss and Lassen's Reader III. Poems learned by heart--partly from Lassen's Poems for Middle Schools, partly from Songs of the Fatherland. Certain parts of the grammar reviewed. Analyses now and then. About twenty written exercises, among them some dictations. _Class IV._ (alternating three and four hours.) Pauss and Lassen's Reader III. That portion from which the examination is taken, gone through and partly reviewed. Several poems committed to memory. Fourteen written exercises. Among the topics used the following are typical: The summer vacation, the location of our city, Denmark, past and present lighting systems, animal life in our forests, reminiscences from my earlier school days, birds and why we protect them, the Norsemen as seamen, Christiania in winter garb, Europe's natural conditions in preference to those of other continents. In harmony with the indications of the plan of instruction, the early part of the work in the study of the mother-tongue is devoted to reading from selected texts. Simultaneously, grammar and rhetoric are carried along and put into use in written compositions which are frequent. Here, as in the primary schools, exact spelling, correct grammatical and rhetorical forms, and approved literary style are constant requirements. The child is expected not only to read intelligently, but to express himself orally and in writing in a comprehensive manner and in such form as to appeal to the intelligence of others. Thus both in oral speech and through written composition the pupil is privileged to put his attainments into continuous use. They acquire the tools of thought and skill in handling them. _German_ _Class I._ (Six hours.) Knudsen and Kristiansen's Reader from the beginning to the "Subjunctive." Written exercises. _Class II._ (Five hours.) Knudsen and Kristiansen's Reader from "Subjunctive" to close of book. Voss' Reader in section A, seventy-six pages, in section B, fifty pages; one-half of these shall be learned by heart. Hofgaard's Short German Grammar the most important forms. Written exercises. Rehearsals. Retroversions. _Class III._ (Five hours.) Voss' Reader, in section A, seventy-five pages, in section B, fifty-eight. Hofgaard's Short German Grammar, inflections. In section B besides the above, paragraphs 140-148, 156, 169, 179-181. In addition section B shall have thirty-six pages of O. Kristiansen's oral exercises and thirty-two compositions according to O. Kristiansen's exercises in written work. In section A, written exercises, partly according to Kristiansen's outlines for written work and partly reviews of the lessons in the reading book. _Class IV._ (Five hours.) Voss' Reader in section A, twenty pages, in section B, seventy-five. Repetition of the portion designated for minutest study. The grammar reviewed. One or two written exercises each week according to Kristiansen's outlines. The instruction in German proceeds in a very natural manner. The earlier lessons are devoted very largely to oral instruction in which the teacher takes the lead. Words, phrases, and sentences are given by the teacher for translation and concert repetition. Repetition and concert work are prominent in many places in the schools, but nowhere stressed to the same extent as in their language instruction. Concert work seems to stimulate to freedom in pronunciation, while repetition affords the drill which is necessary to the required accuracy. Having had at least five years of thorough instruction in the mother-tongue the children are able to appreciate in a measure the meaning and importance of verb forms and other features of inflection so that they are ready to do consistent work in this phase of their study. In addition to the translations referred to, conversational exercises are soon introduced, and at the end of the second year some facility in easy conversation is evidenced. Toward the close of the middle school the children are able to read the language with ease and to converse in it quite fluently. _English_ _Class II._ (Five hours.) Brekke's Elementary Reader to page seventy-four, studied and reviewed, besides the grammar in the back of the book. Conversational exercises and written work on the blackboard. During the last half year an occasional written exercise in a book. _Class III._ (Five hours.) Brekke's Reader for the Middle School, sixty-five pages read and reviewed. Knap's Grammar. One narrative per week. _Class IV._ (Five hours.) Brekke's Reader for the Middle School. Required portion read and reviewed, while the remainder of the book is gone through and in part read _ex tempore_. One narrative each week. The study of English proceeds along lines parallel to those followed in the German. The learning of the language is accomplished chiefly through its use. Explanations are made by using the more familiar words of the tongue studied, by circumlocutions, and by other similar practices. Grammar is resorted to as a means rather than an end. It is used only in facilitating the acquisition of the language, not as an end in itself. However, at the close of the course each pupil has become quite proficient in the grammar as well as in reading the language and in conversing in it. _History_ _Class I._ (Three hours.) Nissen's History of the World by Sehjoth, from the beginning until "Scandinavia in the Middle Ages." _Class II._ (Two hours.) Text as in Class I. From "Scandinavia in the Middle Ages" to "Modern Times." _Class III._ (Three hours.) Same Text. From "Charles V" to "The February Revolution." Review. _Class IV._ (Three hours.) Same Text. Reviewed in its entirety. The course in history is very rich and its study is entered into with animation. The teacher is usually a master in the subject and he makes the work of great profit. A considerable amount of the class period is devoted to a vivid and analytic introduction of the work to be done at the next meeting of the class, preparation for which shall be made in the meantime. Problems are presented and purposes are indicated so that the preparatory study may be done with some definite end in view. All facts of history are placed in appropriate settings and perspective, correlated into a unity, and given vital meaning. Maps, charts, and pictorial illustrations are provided in abundance and used constantly. Frequently historic scenes near at hand or known to the pupils are pointed out, minutely described, and visited. Teachers appeal to the sentiment of pupils with the aim of begetting loyalty for the fatherland in the hearts and minds of the young. I have heard instructors grow eloquent as they warmed up on phases of Norway's history, and have noted the flushed cheeks and snapping eyes of the children that bespoke the national pride of the young hearts as familiar words, slogans, and songs of their heroes were quoted. When given an opportunity--a common occurrence--the pupils enter into the rehearsal of historic events with enthusiasm. Every mind in the room is active. They are awake to the situations and are familiar with the scenes and literature connected with the several stages of development. Replies given in response to questions from the teacher are nearly always in the form of narratives, sometimes occupying ten or fifteen minutes. General history or history of any foreign country is entered into in a spirit similar to that characterizing the consideration of their own. On one occasion I listened to a review on American history. Among the characters taken up were Grant, Lee, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Lincoln. The pupils discussed Uncle Tom's Cabin with familiarity, Lee was considered as "The Napoleon of America," but Lincoln was the one to whom most of the class period was devoted. At the close of the hour the teacher announced a lecture on "Abraham Lincoln" for the following Sunday evening in the Working-Men's College (_Arbeiderakademi_)[24] of which he was the director. This incident illustrates the way in which they correlate the work of different educational organizations, and shows their interest in the important events connected with the history of other nations. _Geography_ _Class I._ (Two hours.) Arstal's Geography. Norway and Sweden. Review. _Class II._ (Two hours.) Arstal's Geography. From "The Central European Mountains and Rivers" to "Asia." Studied and reviewed. _Class III._ (Two hours.) Arstal's Geography. The foreign continents. Studied and reviewed. _Class IV._ (Two hours.) Arstal's Geography. Repeated or reviewed in its entirety. Two books are used in the study of this subject. One is made up entirely of well designed, carefully drawn, and thoroughly reliable maps, printed on a good quality of paper. The other is a text giving a good logical statement of what the course is calculated to include. The teacher must provide the major portion of the information by his own initiative and through cooperation of pupils. Illustrative material (_Anskuelsesmidler_) is provided in great abundance and in diversified variety. An effort is made to impart to the pupils a satisfactory appreciation of the conditions prevailing in the countries considered. Their colonization, commerce, products, topography, political subdivisions, cities, population, river and mountain systems, climate, etc., are all carefully studied. The course begins with the geography of Norway. Next foreign lands and conditions are taken up and compared to situations at home. When the various countries on the globe have been kept for a time before the eyes, a thorough review is given which occupies the greater portion of the last year in the middle school course. _Mathematics_ _Class I._ (Five hours.) Numbers resolved into factors. Fractions. Some Proportion. _Class II._ (Five hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Eliassen's text. From beginning to division. Geometry: Bonnevie and Eliassen's text. From beginning to right lines divided into equal parts. Arithmetic: Proportion and percentage. _Class III._ (Five hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Eliassen's text. From division to equations with two unknowns. Geometry: Bonnevie's text. From parallelograms to Book IV. Drill in percentage and interest. _Class IV._ (Five hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Eliassen's text. From equations with two unknowns to close of book. Geometry: Bonnevie's text. From Book IV to close of text. Review of entire text. Drill in computing solids and other miscellaneous problems. A few hours devoted to bookkeeping. One of the most favorable features of their instruction in mathematics is the intimate connection they make between the several phases of the subject. Arithmetic, algebra, and geometry are never wholly separated from each other. They are in reality interwoven and so definitely correlated that each contributes to the others. By constant use the several processes become familiar tools in the mental activities of the pupils. Mastery of the principles of the science and ability in their use are the ends to be attained. The outline of the course indicates the extent of the field receiving attention. It is sufficient to say that the topics are all made to appear plain, definite, and vital; and that they are assimilated, and do become parts of the growing life. _Nature Study (Natural Science)_ _Class I._ (Three hours.) Botany: Sorensen's text. Written descriptions of about twenty-five plant forms. Zoology: Vertebrates according to Sorensen's text. _Class II._ (Two hours.) Botany: Sorensen's text. From "The Sunflower Family" to "Plant Structure." Plant analysis. Zoology: Sorensen's text. "Invertebrates." Review from treatise on insects to close of book. _Class III._ (Two hours.) Zoology and botany reviewed. Plant analysis. Henrichsen's Physics. From beginning to "Properties of Air." _Class IV._ (Three hours.) Henrichsen's Physics studied through and reviewed with related laboratory work. Knudsen and Falch's The Human Body I studied and reviewed. The plan of work, as noted, includes botany, zoology, physics, and human physiology. Each subject is taken up and pursued in a consistent manner. In botany plant analysis and structure form the important part of the work. A herbarium is made by each pupil. The study is brought very definitely into the daily lives of the children with the intent of opening their eyes to the conditions in nature about them and of developing in them an appreciation of the almost unlimited provision made for man's welfare. Zoology and physiology are treated in a similar way. They are calculated to enrich the life of the individual by bringing him into more sympathetic relations with all living forms. In physics the child does some experimental work and thereby gets first hand experience to accompany, clarify, and assist in evaluating the elaborated instruction of the teacher regarding forces, phenomena, and laws. It was interesting to note in a recitation chiefly devoted to experimental work that the language used in conversation was carefully scrutinized and that errors were corrected. Throughout the curriculum a very definite effort is made to utilize every phase of information possessed by the pupils. IV. GYMNASIUM _Religion_ _Class I._ (One hour.) Selected hymns, and chapters from the prophet Isaiah. _Class II._ (One hour.) Short survey of church history. Brandrud's text used by some of the pupils. _Class III._ (Two hours.) Short presentation of the Christian faith and ethics, without text. Survey of designated portions of John's Gospel, the Epistle to the Romans, and Revelations. The instruction in religion is commonly given by the city pastors. While all of these men are highly educated, many of them lack the ability to awaken the minds of the pupils to an active interest in the subject. No examination in religion is required in the gymnasium. As a result of the formality in this teaching and the lack of incentives generally, the members of the classes are listless and inattentive. I insert a note that I made in reference to one class in which I was a visitor. "Most of the class was listless all of the time and all of them most of the time." I have on a few occasions heard short and irrelevant remarks made by pupils in response to direct questions by the instructor, and among the pupils it is accounted no reflection whatever if any of their number states that he knows nothing regarding the situation under discussion. The work appears altogether void of interest and without profit. It seems almost pathetic that a subject of such importance should have its richness of content dissipated and wasted through lack of incentives or by reason of unsuccessful methods of presentation. My observation of the work from the beginning of the primary school through all the classes up to the completion of the gymnasium convinces me that the personal and concrete presentations in the lower grades are very successful but that the formal, authoritative work in the secondary schools is little more than failure. _Norwegian_ _Class I._ A and B (Four hours.) Pauss and Lassen's Reader IV. 1. Njael's saga. Holberg's The Busybodies and Peter Paars. Part of Ohlenschlager's Aladdin. Baggesen's Noureddin to Aladdin. Hertz's Svend Dyring's House. Also in A, Ibsen's Vikings at Helgeland; in B, Ibsen's The Feast at Solhaug; Bjornson's Synnove Solbakken. Landsmaal. Garborg and Mortensen's Reader for Higher Schools. About forty pages from Aasen, Janson, Sivle, etc. Fourteen compositions in each class. Assigned exercises: Impressions from the summer vacations; what do we learn from Njaal's saga regarding life and customs in Iceland about the year one thousand; a characteristic of the "Busybodies" by Holberg; Christiania as a city of manufacture and industry; a comparison between the east and west of Norway with references to nature and commerce; a painting I like; Norway as a tourist land; do not put off until tomorrow what you can do today; why could not the Persians conquer the Greeks; the dark sides of city life; what circumstances have combined in giving the Norsemen high ranking as seamen? _Class II._ R. G. (Five hours.) History of Literature through the literature of the North, folk songs, a collection of Danish and Norwegian ballads, selections from Asbjornsen, Moe, and Holberg. Romance poetry, some read minutely and the rest cursorily. Consideration of Aasen and the Landsmaal movement. Sixty pages of Garborg and Mortenson's Landsmaal. About twenty pages of Old Norse from Nygaard's beginner's book. Written exercises, frequently on topics of interest. Besides all this each pupil must give a discussion on a self-selected theme before the class. _Class II._ L-H. (Six and five hours.) Holberg's Erasmus Montanus. Wessel's _Kjaerlighed uden Stromper_ (Love without Stockings.) History of literature to about one thousand, eight hundred. Shakespeare's Julius Caesar. In the Landsmaal selections from Garborg and Mortenson's Reader (excepting folk songs.) Old Norse: Nygaard's beginner's book. Some pages from Thor to Utgard. Twelve written exercises on important literary, historical, and industrial subjects. _Class III._ R. G. (Four hours.) History of literature from Holberg down to the present. Read scrutinizingly selected writings of Holberg, Ohlenschlager, Wergeland, Welhaven, Asbjornsen and Ibsen. In the Landsmaal read from Garborg and Mortenson's Reader and the writings of Vinje. In the Old Norse read the remainder of Nygaard's beginner's book. History of language and history of literature. Many written exercises, largely literary and historical topics. _Class III._ L-H. (Five and four hours.) Special study of selections specified as examination material including the writings of Holberg, Wergeland, and Welhaven. Landsmaal from Garborg and Mortenson's Reader. History of Literature. History of Language. Twelve written compositions on important topics. The work in literature throughout the gymnasium deals with the masterpieces of the language in an analytic and critical way. The aims are to familiarize the pupils with the best productions in the language, to acquaint them with the lives and historical relations of their authors, and to develop literary appreciation and style. Accordingly many writers are included, translations of world classics are utilized, history of literature in its connections with general history receives attention, and ability in composition is encouraged and required. Eddas, sagas, and the more important productions from successive periods are studied in minute detail. The Landsmaal is not neglected. When any piece of literature is under discussion, related historical events; references to other literary productions, characters, myths, etc.; the life of the author; and many other important points are considered exhaustively. The intricacies of the language are sought out in patience and made familiar. Every known device for completing the literary background is utilized. Since the literature of the country is a part of the life of its citizens, no effort is required to secure intense interest in the work. In the linguistic-historical course more time is devoted to this branch of instruction than is given to it in the _real_ and Latin courses. The quality or class of work is essentially the same though the quantity is necessarily less in the two latter courses. A definite effort is made to place each pupil in possession of the culture represented in the national literature. _German_ _Class I._ A and B (Three hours.) Gundersen's German for the Gymnasiums. A, sixty-seven pages, B, seventy-five pages, consisting of the following titles: _Die Sanger_, _Die Burgschaft_, _Der Ring des Polykrates_ _Der Handschuh_, _Die Sonne Bringt es an den Tag_, _Die Goldene Repetieruhr_, _Wie der Meisenseppe Gestorben ist_, _Umzingelt_, _Der Stumme Ratsherr_, _Zur Geschichte des 30-jahrigen Krieges_, _Landsknecht and Soldat_. In B review the more important features of syntax in O. Kristiansen's Grammatical Exercises. Once every week a written review of a lesson read. _Class II._ (Three hours.) Gundersen's German for Gymnasiums, about one hundred pages. Fifteen written exercises, partly reproductions of new matter and partly write-ups of what has been studied. In _real_ gymnasium some supplementary assignments in addition (_Das Schneeschuhlaufen_, _Die Lage Kristianias_, etc.) _Class III._ (Alternating three and four hours.) Gundersen's German for Gymnasiums. Reading finished and the greater part of it reviewed. Every second week a written review covering two consecutive hours. German is recognized as the language of a great neighbor nation and is assiduously studied. Much time has been spent in the middle school in acquiring the language and now three years are used in introducing the pupils into the thought-life and culture of the nation through the inner contact of its literature. Some of Germany's more important authors are studied rather exhaustively. An endeavor is also put forth to become familiar with the most remarkable events in the history of that Empire. Through this advanced treatment they perfect their knowledge of the language as such, and further their ability to converse in the foreign tongue. _French_ _Class I._ A (Four hours.) After the more important parts of phonology, Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader in French for the Gymnasium I. pp. 18-108. The most essential parts of the grammar, together with many exercises in translation. While reviewing, special emphasis is placed upon reading exercises. _Class I._ B (Four hours.) Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader I pp. 1-55 read and reviewed, together with the corresponding translations from Norwegian p. 109 ff. In addition pages 98-108 are read and reviewed and most of the remaining exercises are gone through cursorily. Wallem's Vocabulary Part I. 1 and Part V. 6-9 are studied. _Class II._ R. G. (Two hours.) Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader II pp. 1-31 and 104-112. Grammar drill by references to synopses of grammar in the beginner's book. Wallem's Vocabulary Part I. 1 and V. 6-10 studied and reviewed. _Class II._ Lang. (With Latin five hours, without Latin four hours.) Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader. Division without Latin about eighty pages, consisting of Part I., the last section and Part II selections for A, I-VI for B, III, IV, VII, XI. Division with Latin, the same amount excepting B, VII and XI. Wallem's Vocabulary, review V. 6-9. _Class III._ R. G. (Two hours.) Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader, about eighty pages. _Class III._ Lang. (Three hours.) Hermanstorff and Wallem's Reader I, the last section and II for A, I-X and for B, I-XIII with the exception of a few selections such as X in A which is read only cursorily. As exercise in _ex tempore_ translation use Duruy's History of France. About the same amount of French is taken in the Latin as in the _real_ course of study though it is carried but for two years in the former and three in the latter.[25] More time is provided for it in the linguistic-historical course then in either of the others. Reference to the table on page 171 will indicate exactly the amount of time used and its distribution throughout the years. The French language is not as closely related to the Norwegian as are the German and English. Greater variations are noted both in pronunciation and in vocabulary. Almost universally the Norwegians regard it as the most difficult of the three foreign languages to acquire. The study of French is not begun until the pupils enter the gymnasium when they are fourteen or fifteen years old. English and German are begun three and four years before French. The teachers believe that a mistake is made in not beginning the study of French earlier. It is worthy of note that the Norwegian pedagogues who have tried beginning instruction in the languages at different times in the school course are definitely of the opinion that to begin the study of a foreign language early is a distinct advantage. It seems to the writer that American schools might profit by this experience and introduce the study of languages in the lower grades. TABLE XI Course of study showing weekly hours in Christiania Cathedral School (1910-1911). GYMNASIUM Courses _Real_ Language-History Latin Middle School ----------------------------------------------------------------------- Classes 3 2 1 3 2 1 3 2 1 IV. III. II. I. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- Religion 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 Norwegian 4 5 4 5 6 4 4 5 4 3-1/2 3-1/2 4 5 German 3-1/2 3 3 3-1/2 3 3 3-1/2 3 3 5 5 5 6 French 2 2 4 3 4 4 0 5 4 English 2 2 4 7 7 4 2 2 4 5 5 5 Latin 11 7 History 3 3 3 5 5 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 Geography 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 Mathematics 6 6 4 2 2 4 2 2 4 5 5 5 5 Natural Science 5 5 4 1 1 4 1 1 4 3 2 2 3 Writing 1/2 1/2 1 2 Drawing 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Vocal Music 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Gymnastics 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 Manual Training 2 2 2 2 ------ -- -- ------ -- -- ------ -- -- -- -- -- -- Total 35-1/2 35 35 35-1/2 35 35 35-1/2 35 35 36 36 36 36 _English_ _Class I._ (Four hours.) Brekke and Western's Selections from English Authors for the First Gymnasium. The regulation sixty pages (matter from which examination is taken) is read and reviewed. Forty pages _ex tempore_. One synopsis or reproduction each second week. Knudsen's English Prepositions and Synonyms. _Class II._ R. G. and Latin (Two hours.) Brekke and Western's Selections for Second and Third Classes in the _Real_ Gymnasium. Sixty-seven pages read and reviewed in part. _Ex tempore_: Called Back of Conwoy. _Class II._ L-H. (Seven hours.) Brekke and Western's Selections from English Authors for Second and Third Linguistic-Historical Classes, one hundred and sixty pages. Merchant of Venice, Act I. Most of Brigadier Gerard by Conan Doyle. Western's English Institutions gone through. Otto Anderssen's History of Literature to "Bacon." Written exercises each week. _Class III._ R. G. (Two hours.) Anderssen and Eitrem's Selection of English Classics, thirty-three pages. The portion from which selections are taken for the final examination (_Artium Examen_) reviewed in its entirety. _Ex tempore_: Called Back of Conwoy. _Class III._ L-H. (Seven hours.) Brekke and Western's Reader. Obligatory, Selections 3, 4, 16, 17, 11, 19. From Otto Anderssen's English Literature the required amount: Swift, Byron, Thackeray, Merchant of Venice. O. Anderssen's History of English Literature. Western's English Institutions. Written work each week. _Class III._ Latin (Two hours.) Anderssen and Eitrem's Selection of English Classics, forty-five pages. Review of selections from which examinations are taken. The connections the Norwegians sustain with the English speaking world are, perhaps, stronger than those binding them to any other people. Norway has close commercial associations with both England and America, and rarely does one find a family in Norway without near relatives in one or both countries. As a consequence, more than usual interest attaches to the study of English. Strenuous efforts are now being made to introduce it into the curriculum of the elementary school, and such change will probably be effected at an early date. According to the present plan those who graduate from the gymnasium have studied English six or seven years and have gained a fairly definite knowledge of it. They are able to read fluently and converse with ease. They have become familiar also with much of the best English literature, and through it have been brought into close touch with the life and culture of the English speaking peoples. _Latin_ _Class II._ Latin (Seven hours.) Schreiner's Short Grammar. Inflection and some of the rules of syntax. Ording's elementary book. Ording's Latin Reading Selections, pp. 1-36. Written exercises each week. _Class III._ Latin (Eleven hours.) Schreiner's Latin Reading Selections, pp. 30-67 and 73-88. Livy XXII., chapters 4, 9-15, 16-18, 19-28, 42-55. Cicero in Verrem IV., sections 1-14, 60-70, 72-81, 105-115. Schreiner's Short Grammar: Syntax. Forty written translations. Latin is included in the curricula of only about one-half of the gymnasia of Norway.[26] It is taught by competent teachers who appeal to the interests of the pupils through related history and literature, and through promise of linguistic excellence. The work is gone into thoroughly, drill is constant, and readiness in response is demanded. Despite the excellent quality of instruction there is a general feeling among the Norwegians that the study of Latin does not yield the immediate and substantial returns coming from other kinds of study. While they recognize that for advanced work in certain lines Latin is a prerequisite, they are convinced that, outside of those special lines of learning, contemporary tongues, history, biology, industrial chemistry, and other scientific subjects are more beneficial. As a consequence this branch of study is on the decline. _History_ _Class I._ (Three hours.) Ancient history as treated in Raeder's text. History of the middle ages up to the second division from Schjoth and Lange's General History. _Class II._ R. G. and Latin (Three hours.) Schjoth and Lange's General History. History of the Middle Ages and of Modern times until the Vienna Congress. History of Scandinavia until 1720. Survey of its more important portions--oral or written. _Class II._ L-H. (Five hours.) History of the Middle ages down to the French Revolution from Schjoth and Lange's General History. History of Scandinavia to 1720. In addition use two hours per week in historical readings including such topics as the feudal system, medieval poetry, the university, Venice, craftsmen and merchants in the middle ages, Fredrik II., Hanseatics and aristocracy in the north, William Pitt. _Class III._ L-H. (Five hours.) Schjoth and Lange's General History finished. Scandinavian history in the nineteenth century. Review of all requirements. Taranger's Social Conditions or Civics. Historical readings including introduction to the French Revolution, state rights in Norway, general culture and political development in our time, Norway in 1814, historical events. _Class III._ _Real_ and Latin. (Three hours.) History of Norway since the treaty of Kiel in 1814, and the history of Europe after the Vienna Congress, using Schjoth and Lange's General History. The more important features are presented in oral synopses. Besides this Taranger's Civil Government of Norway. The study of history in the gymnasium builds very definitely upon the foundations laid in the primary and middle schools. The supposition is that the pupils are by this time capable of getting from texts the information they contain. The class periods are devoted partially to texts of lesson preparation, but mostly to free discussion and to presentation of relevant material by the instructor. Bits of information regarding the private life of historical characters, minor incidents in their careers, and varied personal touches given by the teacher infuse spirit and vitality into the entire course. The lessons are brought directly home to the pupils and they are able to appreciate the fact that they are inheritors of past accomplishments and participants in present activities. Some of the most interesting and enthusiastic recitations I visited were in history. All through the course in history Norway is given first attention and consideration. Its history is begun first, all along it is made the center around which the history of other nations is grouped, and finally it is given the concentrated, mature, and crowning efforts of those pursuing the long course of instruction. The closing year is generally devoted to a study of social and political conditions in the fatherland. Norway's constitution with its many provisions and administrative features of government (general and local) is given to the youths in clear, concrete, and concise presentations. Upon leaving the gymnasium the young people, therefore, are in a position to appreciate the meaning, privileges, and responsibilities of citizenship. While they have their affections centered in their native land, they are able to comprehend the relative accomplishments, standing, and conditions of other countries. _Geography_ _Class I._ (One hour.) Haffner's Physical Geography. _Class II._ (One hour.) Steen's Mathematical Geography. Completed and reviewed. _Class III._ (Two hours.) Arstal's Economic Geography. Review all requirements. The gymnasial course in geography includes physical geography, astronomy, and political geography. It is rich and profitable. Under the head of physical geography are included such topics as physiography, petrography, dynamic geology, history of the world's development, the earth's surface, oceanography, and the atmosphere. While only a general survey of the respective fields is possible, the pupils obtain a pretty fair grasp of fundamentals and feel that they have a very good and adequate idea of what their home--the earth--really is. The work in astronomy or mathematical geography, as it is frequently called, is concerned chiefly with the earth's place in the universe, the Copernican system, Keppler's laws, the moon, the earth (form, size, and motion), the celestial world in general, the sun's apparent motion, the sun as a measurer of time, etc., etc. Political geography provides acquaintance with the earth in special reference to man's presence and welfare. It treats of his means of livelihood, ways of communication, and the conditions under which he colonizes, builds up cities, and develops generally. _Mathematics_ _Class I._ (Four hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Berg's text. From beginning to "Series." Geometry: Bonnevie and Sorensen's text. Entire text covered and reviewed. Examples at home and at school. _Class II._ _Real_ (Six hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Berg's text. From "Series" to end of text. Trigonometry: Johannesen's text. Completed and reviewed. Stereometry: Guldberg's text. Completed and reviewed. Analytical Geometry: Guldberg's text. From beginning to "The Ellipse." Problems at home and at school. _Class II._ Linguistic (Two hours.) Algebra: Bonnevie and Berg's text. "Series." Trigonometry: O. Johannesen's text. Solving of problems. _Class III._ _Real_ (Six hours.) Guldberg's Analytical Geometry. E. Holst's Higher Arithmetical Series. Review of all requirements in _real_ course. Solution of problems. _Class III._ Linguistic (Two hours.) Review of the entire requirement. Examples at home and at school. In addition to completing the work begun in the middle school in arithmetic, algebra, and geometry; instruction in the gymnasium includes trigonometry, stereometry, analytical geometry, and higher arithmetical series. The methods of instruction are the same as those used in the middle school though, of course, adapted to the greater maturity and stronger mentality of the pupils. By the time pupils enter the gymnasium considerable ability should have been gained in working independently. Where necessary, the teacher cooperates in solving problems and makes sure that the principles involved are thoroughly understood. Frequently during the recitation period several members of the class are called to the blackboard, one at a time, to perform operations under consideration. As the pupil develops the problem he explains every step taken as he proceeds. The other pupils observe closely, take notes, and offer suggestions. The instructor carefully supervises every move, giving explanations when necessary not permitting erasures or leaving any operation until all in the class understand fully. In this way hearty cooperation is secured. Every mind is actively engaged and the excellent results testify of the validity of the method. Work in analytical geometry and higher arithmetical series is taken only by those in the _real_ course of instruction. _Natural History_ _Class I._ (Four hours.) Chemistry: Waage's The Chemistry of Daily Life. Gone through and reviewed. Physiology: Knudsen and Falch's The Human Body II. Studied and reviewed. _Class II._ _Real_ (Five hours.) Isaachsen's Physics. From the beginning to "Heat." Review after having carefully studied. Exercises at home and at school. Botany: Th. Resvoll's text. Completed and reviewed. _Class II._ Linguistic (One hour.) Botany: Resvoll's text. Completed and reviewed. _Class III._ _Real_ (Five hours.) Isaachsen's Physics. From "Heat" to end of text. Entire text reviewed. Zoology: Chr. Bonnevie's text. Studied and reviewed. Botany: Th. Resvoll's text reviewed. _Class III._ Linguistic (One hour.) Zoology: Chr. Bonnevie's text. Studied and reviewed. Botany: Th. Resvoll's text reviewed. Natural Science or Nature Study in the earlier years of school life is less differentiated than it becomes in the gymnasium. Here we find the fields very definitely separated. The more important chemical laws, animal and vegetable development and growth (botany and zoology), and the more essential features of human physiology and hygiene form centers of attention throughout the three years. In the _real_ course physics also is stressed, though in the other courses of study little time is provided for it. Not as much is made of the laboratory method as seems advisable. While every school has some provision for it they do not go at it in real earnest. Only one or two at a time can do first hand work. The others cooperate mentally and get some benefit, but they cannot reap the greater results which immediate individual experimentation yields. One day during the progress of a lesson in zoology (where I was a visitor) a supply of live specimens arrived from the marine biological station at Drobak, and the remaining portion of the hour was devoted to investigations at close range. Interest was intense. Pupils dipped in (literally) and investigated at their own pleasure quite informally. The material was soon divided up into several receptacles, and around each of these gathered an eager group in an effort to use, handle, and examine every specimen. Those who had no interfering appointments for the succeeding hour accounted it a great favor to be privileged to continue this study for an extra class period. This is but one illustration of the interest attending laboratory work where each pupil may handle and examine for himself--where he may be a doer, an active participant instead of merely an observer. Chapter IV INTERPRETATIVE CONCLUSIONS This chapter is for the consideration of some of the more important phases of the school system presented in greater detail in the foregoing chapters. The aim is to bring some features of Norway's system under close inspection, to interpret them in the light of commonly accepted pedagogical principles, to make comparisons between them and our own, and to suggest possible improvements where they seem to be needed. It is clearly evident that school practices admirably adapted to the social conditions in one country may be far from desirable in another. On the other hand, it is well-known that some educational means may be equally suitable in more than one country. Furthermore, certain fundamental principles are effectual wherever education is attempted. We shall hope to find some things worthy of being adopted bodily by us and others capable of transformation into shapes calculated to improve our educational practices. THE PEOPLE AND THEIR IDEALS The Norse are a sturdy race having potentialities capable of great accomplishment when once aroused and rightly directed. Conditions prevented these capacities from functioning with freedom until the middle of the last century when the store of energy which had accumulated during preceding decades and centuries asserted itself and effected a rapid rise in the political and intellectual status of the nation. It is believed that Norway is now in a period of transition from a condition of mediocrity to one of eminence among the nations of the world. Politically, ethically, and educationally she assumes larger proportions daily. As individuals the Norwegians are recognized among the leaders in literature, art, and science, and equal to any as pioneers in the development of the rich frontiers. As citizens they are enthusiastically welcomed everywhere. Climatic conditions and habits of life have given them the sturdiness of physique and vigor of mind which make them fearless and undaunted in the face of great undertakings and critical situations. They have become habituated to overcoming all obstacles in their way, and they naturally concentrate their energies for the achievement of their desired ends. It is reasonable to expect similar traits in them as a nation. Their past actions declare these same tendencies and their present attitudes confirm the observer in the belief that the history of Norway will continue the story of regular and ever higher development. Their strongly democratic individuality seems to have been a factor in enabling them to realize and recognize their self in a very successful way. Matters of importance put the entire state into action and it ploughs through to the bottom of things. While very conservative, the state will not permit precedent to stand in the way of accepting new conditions when they are proven superior to the old. After thorough examination of every detail it passes judgment on the situation and then stands on that solution. Conservation has been an operating principle with them all along the line. A step in advance, some worthy achievement, new or loftier ideals, greater political freedom, and the like when once gained are always retained. The union of church and state for example has been to their advantage. Matters of religion and politics were handled by the same hands and as a consequence both were strengthened. Each found in the other sources of inspiration and power. They both recognized education as a necessary fundamental means for their preservation and advancement. Acting in the main on the educational ideals of Martin Luther the church accepted the chief responsibilities in the direction of school activities, while the state very cheerfully undertook the burden of their support. Through the processes of growth direct responsibilities have been more and more shifted to the state, though the church continues to exert very strong influence and render every possible assistance. Resulting from this cooperative activity a system of education has evolved which is effectual in the improvement of the state and in the maintenance of the noblest ideals of the church. According to its design this system of schools qualifies all children in the land for intelligent citizenship, and prepares them severally for the performance of every function of state, the service of the church, and for the various arts, professions, and other occupations of life. In other words, Norway provides for her children educational advantages suitable to every legitimate requirement or desire. Thus its school system develops a loyal, well-trained citizenship capable of maintaining its highest ideals and eager to cooperate in moving the fatherland forward into greater and nobler achievement. FACILITIES FOR EDUCATION To satisfy the varied requirements of the nation along the line of educational facilities it has been necessary to establish a complex system of diversified schools. Fundamental in the system are the _primary schools_ providing the thorough elementary training so essential and effectual in the qualifying of citizens. Following these are the _secondary schools_--middle school and gymnasium--which afford the advantages of higher education along the more liberal lines. Besides these are the many institutions--public and private--for technical and professional study. There are general technical schools, schools of trades and manual arts, agricultural and horticultural institutions, naval and military academies, schools of art, teachers' colleges, a technical high school--an engineering college and institute of technology of high rank--in the city of Trondhjem, and the Royal Frederik University in Christiania which is devoted to specialized study and research in science, letters, and learned professions, including theology, law, medicine, and education. The last is provided for in the affiliated Pedagogical Seminary recently established. At this point we may speak a word in commendation of the important part played by private institutions in Norway. Among them may be enumerated primary and secondary schools, teachers' seminaries, and technical institutes. Being of high merit and operating side by side with the state schools, they have rendered valuable service and exerted a wholesome influence. The state has recognized their work and expressed its appreciation of their efforts by giving them standing and by voting annuities to certain of them. The uniformly high standard of preparation required for entrance to and the close correlation between the several special schools make easy the passage from one to another when it is desired, and give solidarity and unity wherein cooperation is natural and mutually beneficial. It should be noted that provision is made for the proper care of the exceptional child in Norway. This is more particularly true of the defective. The child who is dull of comprehension along some lines receives individual assistance from his regular teacher or another who is employed to do the work. Recognition is given to disparity in physiological and mental age of children. Those who are definitely lacking in mentality are segregated into classes in the large schools and into separate schools in the larger cities, where they are provided with abundant, well-selected equipment and expert teachers who exert every effort to improve the conditions and to overcome the handicaps of the unfortunates. Morally delinquent children are placed in children's homes--homes for correction--where they are supervised and taught. Each child is placed under the conditions best suited to his needs--where he will be most profited. All of this work comes under the authority of the school officials, and as a result there is close coordination between the regular and the special schools. Not only do these officials care for the mentally and morally delinquent but they are also authorized and required to take children from environments that are likely to develop evil and lawless traits. Unfit parents may be deprived of the control and authority over their offspring who are taken and placed in private homes of moral influence or in children's homes where they receive proper care and training. Being vested with such authority the school officials are able to do much toward the prevention of delinquency as well as to attend specifically to the individual cases where a lack of moral responsibility is evidenced. Here are wholesome lessons for our American schools. Instead of giving sufficient individual help or providing expert teachers for the less intelligent, we permit them to become repeaters or to drop out altogether; in place of taking the child from an evil environment before he becomes a moral delinquent and placing him under moral surroundings in some good home, we hesitate to interfere with parental rights--as though they were greater than social--and permit him to become a law-breaker; and rather than give to school officials the authority and necessary equipment to care rightfully for the child who has committed some error, we place him in the hands of the law and he is probably sent to a reformatory having neither facility for his proper treatment nor any connection with the schools whatsoever. Closer co-ordination of these educational functions and institutions would prevent much misfortune, cure a vast amount of misery, and accomplish more efficient results. DIRECTING AUTHORITY AND MANAGEMENT OF SCHOOLS Norway's educational authority is definitely centralized in the person at the head of the Department of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs, who is a member of the King's cabinet. The several departments, bureaus, commissions, and boards for control are radiations from this central focus. Furthermore, their schools are parts and parcels of one very definite, though somewhat complex, system; each class of schools, in its respective field, is ordered according to certain specifications; and all are coordinated so as to result in a unified whole without overlapping, or exposure of ragged and loose ends. The controlling features of greater importance such as curriculum, appointment of teachers, plans of instruction, and the determination of qualifications for teaching positions are in the hands of the higher authorities. In effect the state determines the policies, the officers are expected to respect them, and the patrons exercise but little direct control. For example, the law provides that completion of certain grades of school work shall mean practically the same throughout the country, that the middle school and gymnasium examinations shall be uniform everywhere in the state, that standards of academic fitness for teaching positions must be the same, and that teachers' salaries shall not be below a certain minimum amount. Local opinion never has a thought of departing from these requirements. Being vested with considerable authority the school officials are able not only to make suggestions and recommendations, but also to enforce all school regulations. This plan is successful in securing the most efficient service of which the officials are capable. They are expected to pursue their duties and perform their obligations according to directions without being too largely influenced by the opinions of individuals or community sentiment. Local politics plays a very small part in determining what shall be the educational trend, though the patrons of the school do enjoy considerable liberty and bear some responsibilities in arranging minor factors with reference to local situations. We Americans might avoid a vast amount of leakage and unnecessary expenditure by improved organization of our educational institutions. A unified system of education, manned by competent officials with some authority, might easily raise the standard of efficiency of our schools several grades, and at the same time reduce the proportional cost. President Hall has given optimistic expression along this line. He writes:--"The time is not far off when we shall coordinate all educational agencies for all classes of children of school age.... All... institutions for the care and betterment of the bodies, minds or morals of children should correlate their work so that eventually it may all become so consolidated that each child can be placed in that position in the whole great system which will do most and best for it at each stage and so that changes from one to the other can be made whenever it becomes for the welfare of the child.... Diversities of agencies, aims and method should increase; and incorrigibles, defectives, homeless, neglected, backward children and the rest should each have special provision; but integration should keep pace with this differentiation."[27] Were our public schools, reformatories, schools for defectives, etc., etc., all combined into one system they might perform their offices more effectively than they do now. Instead of permitting each to run along independent of the rest, they should be made to supplement each other. Again, it is a matter of common knowledge that in our own country high school graduation, qualifications for teaching positions in the several grades of school work, college entrance requirements, college degrees, etc., are without uniform standardization. At present even a college degree has meaning only when the work and equipment of the institution granting it have been carefully estimated; state teachers' certificates may or may not be valid in other states; and reciprocity among the states in recognizing certificates is not in operation generally. While state certificates are not always demanded, some of the states are now requiring that all teachers in the high schools must be college graduates. In all too many instances the only effectual prerequisite to obtaining a position as teacher in the schools--primary or secondary--is the vote of the school directors. The gradation of educational activity according to a fixed basis and the raising of standards in academic and pedagogical preparation and in personal fitness for teaching positions would make the schools vastly greater factors in the country's progress and do the nation an inestimable service. Centralization and uniformity in authority and purpose are distinctly evident in every school activity in Norway. The authority of the state is clearly stamped on the work of every official from the directing head to the last in position. Everyone connected with the system feels the obligations of the position occupied and, at the same time, recognizes his own security while keeping within the limits of the law. They all concentrate their energies in an earnest endeavor to realize the ends which the educational system is designed to reach. Even individual subjects of instruction are presented for specific purposes which in turn contribute to the general end to be reached through the course of study as a whole. Purposes, aims, and ends are always in the foreground of attention, and when teacher and pupils cooperate and are actuated by common ideals, their efforts are sure to be vital and successful. TEACHERS' TRAINING Proper pedagogical training is perhaps the most potent factor for good in educational activity. But few systems, if any, adequately meet the needs along this line. Some are well supplied with institutions devoted to the training of teachers so far as their number and distribution are concerned but they are lacking in quality; others have training schools very high in quality but they are poorly distributed and insufficient in number. The ideals and equipment of these special institutions are factors of prime importance in determining their real values. These center in the personnel of the directing and teaching force. Too frequently thorough scientific preparation for the specific work of supervising and instructing in teachers' seminaries is wanting. Natural endowment coupled with long, varied, and successful experience has been regarded as sufficient qualification. To be sure, native ability is an absolute essential; experience is of immeasurable value; but intensive scientific research in the fields of child nature and development, psychology, and pedagogical principles, together with scientific methods, are equally indispensable. Now it is a truism that teachers teach as they have been taught. Hence, to achieve greatest results, prospective teachers should secure their education (general and professional) from ideal teachers as far as possible and obtain experience through practice teaching under the personal supervision of masters in education. Preparing under such conditions, their natural capabilities would be brought more nearly to maximum efficiency and they would become powers for good in the profession. To have seminaries so distributed and equipped that all prospective teachers might have the best training within easy access would be an ideal condition. Germany affords an unparalleled example in the development of teachers' seminaries. No other nation ever had a system of training schools as efficient as the one there provided. Her right to the title of "School mistress of the world" is in large measure traceable to the excellent training provided for and required of the teachers in the schools. Norway early recognized the importance of this phase of school work and established six teachers' seminaries. Subsequently four private seminaries have been opened and the state has instituted the Pedagogical Seminary in affiliation with the university in Christiania. This gives them a liberal number of training colleges well distributed. While they are subject to some adverse criticism for failure to keep pace with the development of their school system as a whole, we must admit that the excellent results achieved by the schools of Norway are due largely to the early provision of these seminaries and insistence upon special training for teaching positions. It is probable that certain normal schools of the United States deserve the honors so far as ideals and results are concerned even though we have accorded first ranking in system to Germany. Our plan, however, is too individual in nature to accomplish greatest good. We lack a centralized authority with power to do things. We have practically no co-ordination between state systems and no uniformity. Even in certain states the several schools do not cooperate or supplement each other as they should. The waste occasioned by the looseness of our system is enormous. Could we unify our resources, systematize our equipment, and provide efficient direction along cooperative lines of activity, the American schools would advance by leaps and bounds such as have not been known up to the present time in any nation. A word is in place here with reference to the process of obtaining professional preparation. One of the best things to be gained by special training is a professional attitude toward the work of teaching. This cannot be attained by spasmodic effort but must be grown into. It comes rather as a result of long-continued study and application of principles than by intensive training for a short while. Direct instruction and experiment extended over a long period of time affords opportunity for innumerable associations and interrelations which no "hurry-up" process can provide. When professional training and study along the general lines of academic learning parallel each other they become interwoven in such a way that each contributes to the other, and simultaneously the proper attitude with respect to educational processes becomes a very real part of the student's life. There are a number of important pedagogical principles which should become ingrained in the life of the individual in order that he make a success in the teaching profession. It is a generally conceded and commonly practiced rule in education that to thoroughly master any field of knowledge and really get into its vital parts it is necessary to keep the mind acting upon it, at least intermittently, through several years of time. Principles acted and reacted upon, viewed in this light and that, examined under a certain condition and then another, and tested in various ways may result very differently in one's life than when given a hurried, even though intensive, examination. They are certain in the one instance to sink deep into the life of the individual while in the other case they may or may not affect his behavior. It seems, therefore, that if the excellent features which now characterize Norway's Pedagogical Seminary might be carried along through the whole or a large part of the college course, or if the work of the seminary might be supplemented by studies such as principles of education, history of education, child study, and psychology, carried along with the college work the results would be more effectual--the preparation for teaching more thorough. However, considering the short time that has elapsed since the founding of this Seminary, its work is of high order and its ideals are praiseworthy. The expressed intent of the director is to develop the field as rapidly as possible until it shall be characterized by the best means of professional training known to the science. THE TEACHERS' LIFE The life of the teacher is one of service, calling for an expenditure of the self to an extent perhaps greater than any other profession. Among the Norse, however, it is not as strenuous as that experienced in American schools. The Norwegian teachers have more time than we for recreation, self-improvement, or any of the activities opened up by leisure hours. Life generally is set at a more moderate pace with the Norsemen than with the rushing Americans, and the schoolmen enjoy the attendant advantages along with those in other professions or occupations. While leisure among certain classes leads to idleness and corruption, it has quite opposite results among the better class of citizens. Windelband says that "The cultured man is he who in his leisure does not become a mere idler." The cultured men of the past have in their leisure developed science, art, literature, and philosophy. They have had reserve energy after the performance of their regular labors to use in fruitful, self-selected activities. There are always innumerable avenues through any one of which an earnest servant of the state may bring great gain to its people. There is no nobler profession than that devoted to the development of youth; neither is there any occupation which brings more satisfying recompenses. The child is the most precious asset of the nation and deserves the maximum service possible for teachers to render. To perform the most efficient service the teacher should have health, vigor, and time for recreation in addition to scholastic and professional qualifications. When school authorities make conditions conducive to these ends, the results will be of such character that teachers, pupils, patrons, and community will all obtain greater profits. Where school activities are not overtaxing, the teacher has opportunity to build up his physical being, increase the buoyancy of his spirits so as to enthuse his pupils to a greater extent, or improve his educational qualifications. One may concentrate his efforts along some given line of research and from day to day give the pupils under his tuition the benefits derived from these specialized efforts. An individual by persistent study may become the discoverer of new laws or truths which reach the ends of the earth and profoundly influence human affairs. Whatever the particular activity, leisure consecrated to the uplift of mankind is sure to result in great good. When institutions drive their servants to the limit of their powers they must inevitably be the losers in the long run. They extinguish the light of ambition, reduce to machines the individuals who should be contributors to human progress, and make legion "the man with the hoe." Such practice in our schools results in waste of energy, depletion of our teaching force, and irretrievable loss in many ways. It is my candid opinion that the rapidity of the evolution of the Norwegian school system, its excellencies, and the highly satisfactory results coming from it are in large measure due to the fact that it does not overtax the powers of its teachers and educational leaders, but on the contrary allows them opportunity for the exercise of initiative and encourages a professional attitude towards their work. THE CURRICULUM The course of instruction in the primary and secondary schools of Norway is uniform for all pupils except in the second and third years of the gymnasium where diverse lines of study are offered. The arrangement is unfortunate in that the individual is sometimes required to pursue subjects of study for which he has no adaptability and in which he can develop no interest. Teachers in Norway tell me that this requirement is a great handicap; retarding the progress of the class, demoralizing the individual, and increasing the burden of the teacher. More flexibility in this regard would doubtless be an advantage. The elective system, so common in our own schools, when rightly supervised preserves sufficient coherence between the studies taken up and gives opportunity for more perfect adjustment. Not only in the course of study but also in organization, plans of instruction, and equipment, the schools of Norway are too uniform to result in the freest development of the intellect, the richest growth of individuality, or the greatest conservation of time, energy, or money. There are a few variations from their regular routine but these are not sufficiently numerous. One favorable innovation is the promotion of teachers along with classes through a part or all of the primary school. The consensus of opinion seems to be that better results accrue when a teacher continues with a class through several years of work. This plan is generally followed unless the special fitness of a teacher for work within particular limits renders it highly advisable for assignment to be made to such place. While special aptness for a particular class of instruction should be recognized, the promoting of teachers along with classes generally obviates any tendency to staleness and usually emphasizes special qualifications. While it would be interesting to discuss the methods used in presenting each subject in the curriculum a few must suffice. _Religious Instruction and Moral Education_ The church was first to establish schools in Norway, putting them into operation in connection with their cathedrals, probably about the middle of the twelfth century. The chief aim was to prepare the pupils for a religious life, either as ministers or as faithful disciples. Having these as definite ends, the materials for study were selected because of their fitness to contribute along these lines. Instruction was almost wholly in religion. Since morality is such a fundamental part of religion, moral education in large amount was given indirectly. The aim was religion and the result was both morality and religion. Schools came to be generally regarded as institutions wherein moral and religious instruction were the prevailing if not the dominating features. This phase of work early became traditional and gained such momentum that it has ever formed a conspicuous part of every grade of instruction throughout the primary and secondary schools. During the formative period the instruction in religion maintained a vitality which was quite in keeping with the demands of the times. However, as the school system developed, especially during the closing half of the last century, it became necessary to arrange more definite plans of instruction in religion as well as in other subjects in the school curriculum. The adapting of instruction to the various grades of school work was a difficult task. The adjustment made to needs in the primary schools seems a very happy one. In this elementary section of the school system the instruction in religion consists mainly in story telling. The work is made concrete and personal, and its influence is most excellent. Not so fortunate has been the attempt to present the great truths and ideals of religion in the secondary grades. The human appeal, so fruitful in the lower classes, does not appear in the higher, at least to the same degree. Instead the work is formal and prescribed. Interest dies out and even respect for the work rapidly wanes as the pupil passes into more advanced grades. I have often thought while observing the listlessness of the pupils during the period for religious teaching that the effects upon morals and religion would be better by far without the instruction as now provided. To find lodgment in the heart and expression in the experiences of youth, religious principles must be made to appear practical and vital. They must be shown to be desirable in themselves and in their ends. To teach religion successfully one must be a living example of its true values, an earnest interpreter of its meaning and power, and a sympathetic friend of the pupils. Besides this he must be a genuine teacher with a knowledge of youth and ability to help others obtain a clear conception of the beauty and worth of the nobler life. Religion and morality are so intimately bound up with life's activities that it is difficult to consider them in and of themselves. It is quite impossible to curriculize and present them as subjects for study and instruction without building up in consciousness the idea that they may or may not be phases of life. When this is attempted it is liable to diminish rather than to increase their true meaning. It is at least possible that the most favorable results come through specific occasions which arise apart from set requirements. A genuine experience in real life is the best illustration of what morality and religion mean, and it furnishes the most secure foundation for instruction along these lines. Few lessons and no subjects of instruction can be fully presented without giving considerable attention to their moral and religious phases. If a lesson is completely mastered its moral and religious contributions will have been taken over and appropriated along with any and all other contents. When the moral and religious values inherent in school studies receive their proportionate emphasis there will be no crying need of arranging special courses for their study. The seriousness of the situation at present lies not in the fact that there are no special courses of instruction in morality and religion, but rather in the condition that teachers fail to recognize their opportunities for giving such instruction. They should impress the children with the fact that morality and religion are component parts of life and that they give meaning and reality to every human experience. While it would be gratifying to see these subjects taught as separate branches by individuals who could make them profitable, it is much more imperative that all teachers recognize their own responsibility in this regard, whatever subjects they have to teach. _The Classics_ In common with those of many other countries, the school curricula of Norway have been saturated with the classics. For a long time the secondary schools were devoted largely to the presentation of the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages. About 1850, there arose a demand for an education which was more utilitarian. Nature study, the sciences, manual training, modern foreign languages, and home economics pressed their claims for recognition and the people became convinced of their values. The masses then began to investigate what right the languages of the ancients had for occupying so large a proportion of attention in school work. Gradually the ancient classics were replaced by more modern educational materials. Hebrew and Greek were in their turn dropped from the list of required subjects and the time thus saved was given to work regarded as more vital and beneficial. In 1896, a very decisive step was taken when by legislative enactment Latin--the last of the dead languages--was omitted from the list of subjects required in the school curriculum. This act of the Storthing has been severely criticised by some. However, the people whose right and duty it was to decide studied the matter carefully and thoroughly at home and abroad, and after calm consideration, acted in harmony with their best judgment, passed the law, and put in into immediate execution. The momentum of former practices, the force of tradition, or the example of other nations was not sufficient to control the Norwegian state in its action. It does not permit precedent to determine its policies, foreign nations to do its thinking, nor "well-enough" systems to prevent reform. When higher ground is seen clearly Norway moves forward with all its power, determined to occupy and utilize the greater opportunities. Such was the condition of the state in its consideration of the classics in their school curriculum. They were willing that those individuals who might elect to pursue the study of the ancient languages should have the privilege to do so and they provided for them such opportunity. However, they were definitely convinced that to require all pupils to study these subjects in order to complete courses of study or enter the university was an injustice. To their credit be it said that when they are convinced that a certain course of procedure is best they have the moral courage to pursue it. In this particular instance the people were fully aware of the fact that they were taking a step which was a decided deviation from the straightforward course pursued for centuries by the leading national educational systems. Yet they became converted to the idea that for their own good, under their own conditions, and looking forward to their future as a state and nation, it would be the wiser solution to leave the classics behind and devote more time and energy to studies which they conceived to be more efficacious. It is interesting to note the recent tendencies in this direction in other countries. In the United States Latin is becoming less and less a required subject of instruction in the high schools, and each year lengthens the list of colleges which do not require it for entrance. Even conservative and classic-loving Germany has recently opened the doors of her universities to those who have finished the Real-gymnasia. Thus they, too, acknowledge that the way of the classics is not the only road to higher culture and learning. It has come to be almost universally recognized that the schools exist for the learner rather than the learner for the schools. To debar an individual from privileges for which he is prepared simply because he has not met certain inherited traditional prescriptions is rapidly becoming unorthodox. Norway seems to have set the pace for other nations in at least this one respect, and her clearsighted move in displacing the classics by the introduction of larger amounts of modern foreign languages and other branches of greatest present utility is being followed by other nations of sound pedagogical principles. _Physical Culture_ Few are the instances where the physical development of the children is so effectually provided for as among the Norwegians. Gymnastics is a regular feature throughout the entire course of study until the completion of the gymnasium. In addition to this the universal rule of requiring the pupils to go into the open air during the intermissions which follow every class meeting has its good effects. Athletic sports also have recently become more important features of school life. Fortunately they have not reached a point of specialization where their values are open to question. Buildings and grounds are constructed and laid out with the physical welfare of children in mind. As a consequence we find gymnastic halls well equipped and grounds supplied with the advantages most essential in the accomplishment of the desired end, viz., a strong and vigorous body in which to develop a sound mind. Their school grounds are small, making a crowded condition the rule in the larger schools. Strange as it may seem, the same unfortunate condition prevails almost universally in our own land where there appears to be little excuse for congestion. However, the size of the grounds is perhaps a matter of minor importance, especially when compared to their use. Space and equipment may be regarded as incidental; use is the all-important part. Our grounds are not used. We rarely have but one, if any, intermission except the noon hour, the greater portion of which is occupied in going for the midday meal. The results of the Norwegians' enforced, frequent, and regular use of the playgrounds are in evidence on every hand. Robust, vigorous, buoyant, active, healthy, sound, alert, and the like adjectives are the appropriate ones to use in speaking of the physiques of their pupils. Were the influences of bodily conditions upon mental growth and activity fully appreciated, the schools would doubtless make a sudden shift toward providing adequately for physical education. Physical development has been regarded with considerable favor for some time, but it has usually been a secondary affair when it should have been introduced as a vital feature. Educational systems should provide for the training and development of the physical as well as the mental life. They are dependent upon each other and are in fact two phases of the same life It is obviously wasteful to seek to develop the one without regard to the other, or to attempt the cultivation of one at the expense of the other. _Vocal Music_ Music is among the most potent factors in developing national spirit and loyalty. Plato wrote: "Any musical innovation is full of danger to the whole state, and ought to be prohibited.... When modes of music change, the fundamental laws of the state always change with them."[28] Napoleon stated that if he might write the nation's songs he cared not who might write its laws. Music in the better forms has moved individuals and nations to great accomplishments, and its efficacy is generally recognized. As a means of education, however, it receives far too little attention. The quality of music sung in the schools of Norway has some points of superiority. One feature in making it a powerful contributor in developing loyal and competent citizens is the use they make of the best compositions from their own writers. Their poets and musicians have furnished large amounts of excellent productions. They sing of their heroes and of their national ideals and achievements. The spirit in their songs reflects the soul of their fatherland. The influence upon the lives of the pupils contributes to solidarity of the nation and to love for its institutions. Contrast this with the results of the rattle of rag-time and jigs. Too much of our public school, Sunday school, and church music has been of this order. Public school music and education along this line are matters deserving more attention than they receive. Recent introduction into many schools of victrolas with records of masterpieces produced by the leading artists of the world point to a recognition of the educative value of the better quality of selections. To hear the same productions direct from the soul of the artist would be many times as effectual as any mechanical reproduction, but this is beyond the reach of the masses. Present indications give assurance that the near future will see music more nearly occupying its legitimate place in our educational provisions. LINES OF INSTRUCTION IN THE GYMNASIUM In the second and third years of gymnasial work three courses of study are open, viz., _Real_, _Language-History_, and _Language-History with Latin_. Here pupils get their first experience in electing the line of work wherein their study shall center. This seems a rather fortunate provision, for by this time likes and dislikes for certain subjects of study, special aptitudes along specific lines, and choice of life work are coming into the foreground of consciousness. The pupils' likes and aptitudes working together influence their decisions concerning life's activities. Again the disposition and nature of individuals render one line of study more attractive and beneficial than either of the others. There are, indeed, many influences at work upon pupils of such age which make it appear highly advisable to follow some particular line of study. Whether pupils go into the chosen line of life work directly from the gymnasium or by way of the university, it is of distinct advantage to specialize along the line for which they are preparing. Should they intend to teach, they would doubtless prefer studying most the subjects to be taught. In these they would have deepest interest, and from their pursuit they would derive greatest profit. If they determined to study theology, law, medicine, or some other special phase of learning, they would make selection of gymnasial course with that object in view. Whatever the work to follow completion of the gymnasium, the different courses prepare for the narrower specialization which characterizes life's activities and all their university study. The following table presents the exact work represented by the three courses in form convenient for comparisons. TABLE XII. The Three Courses of Study in the Gymnasia of Norway Showing Weekly Hours Given to Each Subject.[A] 1 2 3 I II III I II III I II III ---------- ----------- ----------- Religion 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Norwegian 5 6 6 5 6 7 5 6 6 German 4 3 3 4 3 3 4 3 3 English 4 2 1 4 7 7 4 2 1 French 4 2 2 4 3 5 4 3 3 Latin 7 11 History 3 3 3 3 5 5 3 3 3 Geography 2 1 2 2 Natural Science 4 5 7 4 2 4 2 Mathematics 5 6 6 5 3 5 3 Drawing 1 1 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 30 31 31 30 30 30 30 30 30 [Note A: 1. Singing and gymnastics--5 or 6 hours per week are omitted from the table. 2. 1, Real course, 2, Language-History course, 3, Language-History course with Latin.] As the table shows, the three courses are identical during the first year and uniform in religion and German throughout the three years. The Language-History course lends itself favorably for purposes of comparison. It stresses the importance of several modern languages and history, giving to them a preeminence over all other work. The _Real_ course reduces the work in English, French, Norwegian, and History and increases the amount of science and mathematics. The course including Latin makes similar reductions but emphasizes Latin instead of the sciences and mathematics. The Norwegians believe it better and cheaper to offer the different courses in the same school than to provide separate schools. This plan necessitates less duplication and at the same time affords quite as adequate facilities for whatever specialization the different courses represent. CO-EDUCATION Whether schools should be co-educational has been a live question among many nations for generations, and considerable time will yet elapse before unanimity of opinion is reached. Nearly all the schools of Norway are co-educational. However, in some of the city systems boys and girls use different playgrounds, and in certain schools they are segregated also for purposes of instruction. These matters are governed according to the wishes of the inspector or the desires of the principals of the different schools. The aim is to combine the better phases represented in various methods and to adopt the plan best suited to the local situation, or the one to which the person in charge is converted and in which he can, because of his convictions, accomplish best results. "The separation of the sexes is complete in all the schools of Germany excepting some of the primary classes. The advisability of this is a large question, but by no means a settled one.... Germany feels that she has the proper solution, while in America, with an opposite answer, we feel for the most part satisfied."[29] In American public schools co-education is almost universally practiced. In reference to this matter we give the opinions of some prominent educators. The lamented Dr. Harris, while engaged in the St. Louis, Mo., schools, wrote: "Discipline has improved continually with the adoption of mixed schools;... the mixing of the male and female departments of a school has always been followed by improvement in discipline, not merely on the part of the boys, but on that of the girls as well. The rudeness and abandon which prevail among boys when separate at once give place to self-restraint in the presence of girls. The prurient sentimentality engendered by educating girls apart from boys... disappears almost entirely in mixed schools."[30] The Honorable John Eaton while Commissioner of Education of the United States made report concerning the co-education of the sexes in several hundred large and small cities in the Union. The tenor of the entire report is well summarized in the following sentence: "We are created male and female; all the impulses and activities of nature enforce co-education; if we must live together we must be educated to that end; to educate separately is an attempt to change the natural order of human economy."[31] In our higher institutions of learning the situation is much the same. The Commissioner of Education, referring to the State University of Iowa, writes, "The report of the president says that the experience of the institution has uniformly been favorable to the co-education of the sexes; that their influence on each other in the acquisition of learning has been most beneficial as well as conducive to orderly habits. The presence of both sexes is considered 'an invaluable feature' in restraining indecorum and an 'inducement to every virtue.'"[32] The practice has continued with similar results throughout the entire country. Instances favorable to co-education might be multiplied. Its adoption has become a foregone conclusion so far as our general system of education is concerned. True we do have some colleges and a few secondary schools devoting themselves exclusively to the education of one or the other of the sexes. Not many of them are state institutions. They are usually private schools and they answer a certain demand whether well founded or not. There are certain questions in connection with the education of the sexes which are fundamental and need considerable attention. However, no attempt can be made here to solve the many important problems suggested. It is the intent only to emphasize the necessity of being awake to real conditions and to indicate the fact that herein lies a field for the educator's most careful consideration. The questions arise: Are the natural functions of man and woman enough alike to justify making their education identical, and will the adoption of such a plan of education result in the advancement or deterioration of the race? A recent article referring "to the endeavor to use women industrially, socially, and politically on the same footing as men" sounds a warning note, crying out against the present tendencies which are taking from the flower of womankind thousands who are eminently fitted for motherhood, "woman's essential function on the globe," and diverting their lives to other and less noble pursuits. "It is therefore essential to the race," say the authors, "that the ablest, healthiest, and finest women should be encouraged, tempted, compelled, if necessary, by circumstances to devote themselves to family life by becoming wives and mothers, and it is doubtful how far it is expedient to draw them off, even for a time to other occupations."[33] While co-education is in agreement with conditions of family life, is economic, and continues to be entirely practicable, the question still remains whether there may not be justification in a demand for certain fundamental differences to be made in adapting educational means and matter to the two sexes. Co-education, however, may continue without making the education of the sexes identical. In fact it is very easily possible to make the education of the sexes fundamentally different even though both institutions and class activities are co-educational in practice. A difference in the amount of work in certain groups of subjects required of men and women, respectively, might furnish a satisfying solution of this question. And if there are certain branches of study which should belong exclusively to one or the other of the sexes, it is a simple matter to separate for such work. On the whole it seems to the writer highly advisable to educate the sexes together as far as possible. THE SCHOOL YEAR The regular school year in Norway has forty weeks of six days each. The plan of having school on Saturdays furnishes an additional day of fruitful, well directed activity to the children, who might otherwise be permitted to spend the time in idleness or misguided conduct. In America we have so many vacations and holidays that our schools are in session only about 75 or 80 per cent of the time utilized in Norway. We may be justified in having the long summer vacations because of the inconvenience and depletion of strength occasioned by the heat, but several of our vacations during the year and the practice of having no school on Saturdays are inheritances without much justification. School activities, when rightly conducted, should be invigorating and exhilarating instead of producing a state of prolonged fatigue requiring seasons of inactivity or other changes in order to regain lost vitality. Again, the relaxation occasioned by diversion of thought and change of activity on Sunday is certainly sufficient to counteract any necessity of using Saturday for recuperation. It appears evident that we are not as frugal in this matter as sound judgment demands that we should be. SCHOOL LUNCHES It has been found that mental activity is very greatly affected by conditions of nutrition. The quality, quantity, and preparation of foods, together with regularity in eating, determine to a considerable extent what may be the progress of the pupil in his growth, both mental and physical. The child who is improperly fed or underfed is thereby handicapped, while the one who receives intelligent care along the same line is placed at a distinct advantage. That in all large cities there are hundreds and thousands of underfed children is a fact of common knowledge. In many cities provisions have been made for supplying at least one meal per day free of charge to all needy pupils. Norway has been in the forefront in this paternalistic movement. Several of her cities have undertaken this noble work and probably no city in the world can boast of more adequate facilities for carrying it on than Christiania. They purchase the best procurable quality of the most nutritious food, prepare it in a wholesome and palatable manner, and send it out from a central kitchen to the several primary schools of the city in such quantities as are needed to liberally supply the demands. The food is served hot in the regular lunch rooms absolutely free to all children whose parents ask it and at first cost to others. This work in Christiania is typical of the provisions made in other cities but the equipment, and possibly the system of distribution, is superior to that found elsewhere. In addition to this, nutritious and easily digested foods and drinks are provided at other schools and served at a moderate cost in the lunch rooms at stated hours in the day. This latter provision is generally in charge of the family of the janitor of the building and is most common in the private and secondary schools to which the previously mentioned plan does not extend. Experiment has demonstrated in our own land that it is entirely practicable to provide at a minimum cost warm, well-cooked, wholesome foods to either supplement or replace the cold indigestible lunches so commonly carried by school children. The cities and towns enjoy few if any advantages over the rural districts in this regard. The plan is workable and advisable, and it should be more commonly adopted. COMPARATIVE ATTAINMENTS In the study of the school system of Norway it is interesting to compare the school life and attainments of the pupils with those of American children. It is true that until we have established norms for measuring the results of education, we cannot make accurate statements regarding the relative standing of pupils nor estimate precisely their accomplishments. However, we are able to single out some features of importance and compare them in a general way. It has been noted that the Norwegian pupils begin school at seven years of age, while the American children commence at five or six. Many prominent educators believe that our American children start to school too young. They are of the opinion that their development, physical and mental, would be better if they did not begin formal school work until at least seven or eight years of age. The greater physical development of the Norwegians, due to their later start, gives them a distinct advantage. Their bodily strength and vigor supplement and aid their mental growth. Passing through Norway's successive grades of school to the completion of the gymnasium requires twelve years. The same length of time is used in reaching graduation from our American high school. Now it is generally conceded that a graduate of the gymnasium in Norway is two years in advance of a graduate of the American high school; or in other words a student entering the university from Norway's gymnasial course has an education equivalent to that of an individual entering the junior year of work in an American college or university. Some would rank the Norwegian even higher than I have here suggested; however, only a very general comparison can be made. In consideration of these conditions the question arises: How shall we account for the fact that we use two extra years in order to reach approximately the same standard? It is recalled that the Norwegian entering school at seven and progressing at the normal rate are ready for university work at nineteen while the Americans begin two years earlier in order to reach the same attainments at the same age. If the Norwegian pupils accomplish as much in twelve years, beginning at seven years of age, as our American children do in fourteen years, commencing at five, should we rest satisfied, or should we modify our system so as to profit by their experience? Why permit traditions or precedent to rob us of choice benefits within our reach? Again, the students entering the Norwegian university are older and more mature both physically and mentally than are ours. Being older, their habits of life are more definitely formed, and they are better fitted to undertake the responsibility of self-direction. It has been suggested by some that we extend the work of the high school in order to keep our children under parental guidance until they are sufficiently mature to care for themselves at less hazard. The course pursued by Norwegian pupils is uniform for all until the last two years of the secondary school, when certain branches of study may be chosen for major attention. When students start to the university they enter immediately upon specialized lines of work and pursue them to their limits. The American pupils are privileged to elect a considerable proportion of their secondary school work, yet they do not generally specialize at all until their junior year in college; frequently they postpone definite specialization until the beginning of graduate courses. Fundamental social characteristics enter into educational ideals, and each nation, very naturally, develops a system of schools peculiarly adapted to its needs. There are, of course, general underlying principles which operate in all educational systems and place them on similar bases; there are also certain features, essential in the make-up of the individual systems, which are not common. These peculiar factors give distinctive character to the various systems and are of telling effect in determining their excellencies. Whether these special phases affect the life and accomplishments of the pupils, the nature of their work, the management of school affairs, or other educational activities; they render the different systems almost impossible of comparison. However, they are suggestive, and frequently they may be modified and used in improving the systems of other countries. METHODS OF INSTRUCTION Every successful teacher presents his subject in conformity with some universal principles of method. While these cannot be mechanically systematized and used according to unchanging rules, they form a necessary part of an instructor's equipment. The teacher who knows the subject and is master of the technique of instruction is sure of success, while the one without method will fail. It seems that the pedagogues of Norway have formed a happy combination of some methods of instruction. They appreciate the value of the class meeting and with them "teaching goes on chiefly in what we call the _recitation_. This is the teacher's point of contact with his pupils; here he meets them face to face and mind to mind; here he succeeds or fails in his function of teaching."[34] The excellence of the work of instruction in Germany has long been recognized. That "the German teacher teaches" is very generally known. He transcends all texts and is an authority on the subjects he presents. By pedagogic training he has been exalted to a place of eminence in his profession. It is possible that they over-emphasize the work of the instructor and neglect the part that pupils should play. In America various methods of instruction are in use. One plan is to regard teacher and pupils as cooperators in activities wherein interests are common. The teacher, having had experience, exercises control and serves as chief guide through the most critical places in the way of progress. So far as possible the pupils are encouraged to exercise individual initiative and to become independent. They are not to be merely recipients from the teacher's vast store of knowledge, but with him they are to become genuine participators in the world's thoughts and activities. Another plan in all too common use may be designated as the "text book method." According to it the major portion of information comes from the voluminous, logically developed, well-arranged, and somewhat attractively printed and bound readable text. The function of the teacher is largely testing knowledge gained from books, assigning lessons in the text, supplementing the work of the pupils from his own store or by reference to other works on the subject, and stimulating them to earnest effort in every possible way. President Hall would not regard this text book plan of work as very worthy procedure. He writes that some teachers take time "telling pupils what to do and testing to see if they have done it. But this is not teaching; but a device of ignorance, laziness, or physical weakness, or all combined. The real teacher teaches and reduces recitation to a minimum. Whoever has visited the best continental schools or studied comparatively such national educational exhibitions as those of St. Louis must have been acutely impressed with the fact that we exhibit what the pupil does, Europe what the teacher does. Here he says, 'Go, do this, and prove to me that you have done it.' There he says, 'Come, let us study together; I know and will inform, interest and inspire you to go on.'"[35] The instructors in the schools of Norway are true teachers but they do not rely wholly upon their own activity. The text finds a place not so large as in American schools but of some consequence. The pupils are privileged to act on their own initiative to some extent though they are not granted unlimited freedom. They cooperate with the teachers in many lines of school work where they find interest and profit. Demonstration is largely in the hands of the teachers. The testing of lessons studied is a common exercise with them, and their class hours are given to intensive activity in which every individual member is expected to be a participant and contributor. They, like we in America, aim to suit instruction to pupils of average ability rather than to the brightest as they do in Germany and France. CONTINUITY OF EFFORT By referring to the programs of work arranged for the successive years in the schools of Norway, one readily sees that there is but little variation in subjects of study from the first grades of the primary school to the completion of the gymnasium. The change of greatest importance is the introduction of foreign languages--German and English the first and second years in the middle schools and French the first year in the gymnasium. When the child enters school he begins subjects of study which represent the several fields of knowledge. The teaching aims to keep him in touch with these in ways adapted to his stage of development. As the pupil grows the scope of each subject enlarges. They advance together. Keeping the subject definitely in mind for a long time tends to the creation of permanent interests and at the same time makes possible its assimilation into the very life of the learner. It becomes vital and usable after being acted upon in the various stages and conditions of life through which the child passes. Inter-relations and associations with other subjects of study and various phases of life are affected, which give to it distinct values. Too often we find in our own schools that hurried and intensive study of certain subjects does not create permanent interests nor prove of real worth. If natural forces in the child are recognized and utilized they facilitate the learning process and make school activities profitable and delightful. It is a well attested fact that at certain periods in the psychological development of a child mastery of special phases of learning is easy for him. Courses of study and plans of instruction should be prepared in such a way that the different phases of work included may be presented and stressed while the nascent period of interest is on. We Americans are given to dividing a subject into its separate phases, studying them consecutively for short periods of time, and then forgetting them. The plan is wasteful and unpedagogic. Note the manner in which we break up the work in mathematics and in the mother tongue. It is questionable whether there be a single valid argument favoring such practice. The Norwegians present mathematics as a single and comprehensive subject. The same is true in their teaching of the mother tongue. The plan is advantageous from every view point. It is certainly conducive to economy of time and efficient results. Instead of breaking up subjects of instruction and isolating their several phases from each other, we ought rather to keep them intact and set about coordinating the several branches of instruction as closely as possible. Education should seek to associate and interrelate the truths we obtain and to organize our knowledge into an effectual system. The formation of a comprehensive curriculum, with arrangements for its presentation in harmony with sound psychological and pedagogical principles, is a matter of pressing importance. While the school systems of the present are evidently superior to what any past generation has known, yet the investigations of psychologists and educationists stress the fact that in many ways they are weak and inefficient. The accumulated experience of the past needs overhauling by masters with insight and foresight. Educational methods and principles which have been tested and proven worthy should be put into operation. Each nation should devise and adopt the most perfect educational system possible, and this then should be carried into execution by an army of qualified teachers responsive to the call for truly consecrated service. BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Erichsen, A. E., _Bergers Kathedralskoles Historie_. Hertzberg, N., _Paedagogiskens Historie_. Holst, Axel, _Skolehygiene_. Monroe, W. S., In Viking Land. Norway: Its People, Its Fjords and Its Fjelds. Paludan, J., _Det Hoiere Skolevaesen i Danmark, Norge og Sverig_. Salmonsens Store, _Illustrerede Konversationsleksikon_. Thieste, J. Schaan, _Byskoleloven med Forklarende Anmerkninger_. Thieste, J. Schaan, _Landskoleloven med Forklarende Anmerkninger_. PERIODICALS AND REPORTS Anderssen, Otto, _Fra Norske Skoleforhold i 1908, Vor Ungdom, 1909_. Anderssen, Otto, _Fra Norske Skoleforhold i 1909, Vor Ungdom, 1910._ Anderssen, Otto, "_Norwegisches Schulwesen," Sonderabdruck aus_ W. Reins _Encyklopadischem Handbuch der Pädagogik, 2. Auflage_. Anderssen, Otto, _Skolen for Skolens Opgaver_. Anderssen, Otto, "The New Laws for the Secondary Schools in Norway," Special Reports on Educational Subjects, Gt. Britain, 8: 168. Heiberg, J. V., "Education in Norway," Norway (Official Publication for the Paris Exhibition 1900), pp. 266-294. Nissen, Hartvig, "Public Instruction in Norway," The American Journal of Education, 8: 295-304. Norsk Skoletidende, Published since 1869. Pogue, Belle C., "Education and Schools of Norway," Education, 10: 420-424. Report of the Commissioner of Education of the United States, 1871, 1873, 1878, 1881, 1882-3, 1885-6, 1888-9, 1889-90, 1891-2, 1894-5, 1896-7, 1897-8, 1902, 1903, 1906, 1910. Skolebladet, Published since 1898. Thornton, J. S., "Schools Public and Private in the North of Europe," Special Reports on Educational Subjects, Great Britain, 17: 36-65. Vold, J. Mourly, Report of Royal Commission of Secondary Education, Great Britain, 5: 640-644. OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS Beretning om Skolevaesenets tilstand i Kongeriget Norge. Yearly since 1861. Forslag til en forandret Ordning af den høiere Almenskole af den ved kgl. Resolutions af 3 die September 1890 nedsatte Kommission. Gymnasiet: Lov om høiere Almenskoler; Reglement for de høiere Almenskoler; Undervisningssplan; Eksamensreglement; 1911. Lov af 9de June 1903 om forandret Prøver ved Universitetet. Lov om abnørme Børns Undervisning. Lov om behandling af forsømte Børn. Lov om det Kongelige Frederiks Universitet. Lov om Folkeskolen i Kjøbstaederne. Lov om Folkeskolen paa Landet. Lov om høiere Almenskoler. Lov om Laererskoler og Prøver for Laerere og Laererinder i Folkeskolen. Middelskolen: Lov om høiere Almenskoler; Reglement for de høiere Almenskoler; Undervisningsplan; Eksamensreglement. 1911. Naermere Bestemmelser angaaende de offentlige Laererskoler og Laererprøver. Norwege: Lois sur L'Enseignement Public. Odelsthings Proposition Nr. 36 (1909) om forandringer i Lov om høiere Almenskoler av 27de Juli 1896. Odelsthing Proposition Nr. 12 (1910): A. Om forandringer i lov om høiere Almenskoler av 27de Juli 1896. B. Om forandring i lov om forberedende prøver ved Universitet av 9de Juni 1903. Reglement for Aarsprøver, Middelskole-eksamen, og Eksamen Artium. Reglement for de høiere Almenskoler og Undervisningsplan for Middelskolen, 1903. Reglement for den ved Lov af 18 de Januar 1902 anordnede Optagelsesprøve ved Laererskolerne. Reglement for det Paedagogiske Seminar og Paedagogisk Eksamen. Statistisk Aarbok for Kongeriket Norge. Yearly. Sorthings Proposition Nr. 1, Hovedpost V. (1910) om bevilgning til det høiere Skolevaesen. Undervisningsplan for Gymnasiet, 1903. Universitets-og Skole-Annaler. Yearly. INDEX Age of pupils, 44-49; completing secondary schools, 48; on entering the university, 48; in teachers' seminaries, 49. Age of teachers, 49. Agriculture, 24. America of interest to the Norwegians, 173. Apparatus, 145-146. Astronomy, 177. Attendance at school, 54, 77. Authority, 189. Certificates, 80. Centralization of authority, 191. Christiania's central kitchen, 75, 76. Christianity established, 20. Church and state united, 115, 184. Classes, size of, 40. Classics, in America, 204; in Germany, 204; their decline, 202. Climate, effects of, 183. Co-education, 40, 210-214; in America, 211-213; in Germany, 211. Cooking, 148. Co-ordination, between grades, 149; between subjects, 162; of educational agencies, 186. Correlation, 223; between schools 189, 190. Course of study, 57, 96-181, 197-207, 209, 218, 219; aim of, 148; changes in, 97; development of, 97-101, 222, 223; during middle ages, 96; linguistic-historical, 31; Latin, 31; _real_, 31; secondary, 171; suited to people served, 219; uniformity of, 198. Defective children, 186. Department of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs, 51. Delinquents, mental, 187; moral, 187. Diocesan directors, 52. Discipline in school, 76, 77. Distribution of schools, 34, 35. Drawing, 146, 147. Educational commission, 52. Educational attainments, Norway and America compared, 216-219; time required, 217, 218. Educational authority, 188. Educational equipment, Norway and America compared, 49, 50. Educational requirements, 27, 34; parents held responsible for, 55. Educational standards, 54, 55. Educational system, 184, 188. Electives, 207, 208. English, 156, 172, 173; in elementary schools, 173; its grammar, 156; length of course, 173; methods in, 156. _Examen artium_, 31. Examinations, uniformity in, 188. Exceptional child, 186. Eyesight, 77, 78. Fisheries, 24. French, 168-170; difficulties in study of, 170; length of course, 169. Geography, 129-134, 158, 159, 177; aim in, 129, 159; methods of presenting, 130-133; of America, 133; texts, 159. German, 154, 155, 167, 168; authors studied, 168; methods in, 155. Grammar, 153, 154, 156. Gymnasium, 100, 163-181, 207-210. Gymnastic halls, 69. Gymnastics, 69, 70, 74, 75, 148, 204-206; apparatus, 148; during intermissions, 69, 70; Swedish system of, 75. Hall, G. S., 189, 190. Harold, the Fair-Haired, 19. Health of pupils, 77, 78, 148, 205. History, 19, 134-139, 156-158, 174-177; aim of, 134, 138; beginnings in, 134; methods in, 157, 158, 176; of Norway, 176; nature of work in, 157; related to geography, 135; stories, 134, 135, 138. Houses for janitors, 70; for principals, 70; for teachers in the rural districts, 70, 71. Ideals of the people, 182, 183. Illustrative materials, 66. Imitation, law of, 82. Industrial training, 147, 148. Industries and occupations, 24. Infant schools, 53. Intermissions, 69, 70. Laboratories, 67, 68, 69. Latin, 173-174, 202; courses in, 167; length of course in, 174; methods in, 174. Libraries, 67, 68. Lumbering, 24. Lunches, 75, 76, 215, 216. Lunch rooms, 69; in Christiania, 215, 216. Luther, influence of, on education, 184. Lutheran church, 114, 115. Management of schools, 188-191. Manual training, 147, 148. Martin Luther's influence in education, 184. Mathematics, 125-129, 160, 178, 179, 223; aim in, 125; connection between phases of the subject, 160; co-ordination in, 128; methods in, 128, 129; texts in, 129; thoroughness in, 160; use of, 128. Medical inspection, 77, 78. Mental delinquency, 187. Methods, 72, 73, 74, 82, 83, 219-222; in German, 155; in history, 157, 158, 176; in mother tongue, 118, 119; in nature study, 140; in religion, 163, 164, 200. Middle school, 31, 32, 100, 149-162; its aim, 149, 150; its foundation, 149; length of course in, 149, 150; its limits, 149; work of, 31, 32. Moral delinquents, prevention and care of, 187. Mother tongue, 118-124, 152-154, 164-167; aim on instruction in, 118; correct use of, 123; in America, 124; inclusiveness of work in, 123, 124; methods in, 118, 119; nature of work in, 166, 167. Natural history, 179-181; laboratory work in, 180, 181. Nature study, 139-146, 161, 162, 179-181; aim of, 139; illustrative material in, 140-146; character, 161, 162; laboratory work in, 180, 181; methods in, 140; scope of, 139. Norway, adopts constitution, 20; area of, 22; becomes independent, 22; climate of, 23; development of, 20, 183; geography of, 22; history of, 19; nights in, 24; period of transition in, 183; political divisions of, 22; revolt of, 20; its union with Denmark, 20; its union with Sweden, 20. Normal schools in the United States, 193, 194. Norwegians, characteristics of, 25, 26, 27; as colonizers, 20; as sailors, 25; conservative, 184, 185; democratic, 184, 185. Observation and practice, 83, 84. Occupations, 24. Offices, 67, 68. Officials, duties of, 188; efficiency of, 189. Organization, needed in America, 189. Paganism overcome, 20. Pedagogical seminary, 84, 85, 185, 193, 195. Pensions, 92, 93. People, ideals of, 182, 183. Permanency of teaching positions, 87-89; advantages of, 87; objections to, 88; present tendencies with reference to, 89. Physical culture, 204-207. Physician, 77, 78. Physical geography, 177. Political geography, 177. Practice teaching, 83, 84. Private citizens, their part in school affairs, 61, 62. Primary education, 52. Private institutions, 81. Private schools, 42-44, 54, 186; equipment of, 43; inspection of, 43; recognition of, 44; secondary, 186; teachers' seminaries, 186; technical institutes, 186; tuition in, 43. Primary schools, 36-39, 185; attendance in, 36-39; course of study in, 102, 104, 106; curriculum in, 99; rural and city, 101; their financing, 62. Professional training, 33, 79-85, 194, 195; amount of, 194, 195; attitude toward, 194; standards of, 33. Promotion of teachers, 198. Pupils, in gymnasia, 40; in lower schools, 40; in middle schools, 40. Recitation, method of, 72, 4. Religion, 108-117. Religious characters, 114. Religious education, 115-117, 151, 152, 163, 164, 199-202; advantages of, 116; excused from, 117; loss of interest in, 163, 164; methods in, 163, 164, 200; objection to, 116, 117; required, 116; results of, 115-117. Royal Frederic University, 32. Schools, agricultural, 33; ambulatory, 29; cathedral, 30; communal, 63; elementary, 20, 30; gymnasial, 30; maintained by industrial concerns, 53; middle, 30; military, 33; peoples', 28; state, 63; technical, 33; their distribution, 34, 35. School boards, committees of, 56; officers of, 56; organization of, 55, 56. School buildings, appointment and equipment of, 64-69; construction of, 205. School committees, appointed by board, 56; duties of, 57, 58, 59. School curriculum, 197-207. School discipline, 76, 77. School districts, 53. School funds, 62. School grounds, 205. School life, in Norway, 217, 218; in America, 217, 218. School physician, 77, 78. School principal, 60; duties of, 60, 61. School room decoration, 67. School system, its development, 197. School year, 54, 55; compared with American, 50; length of, 28; in America, 214. Secondary schools, 52, 149, 185; select strongest pupils, 149. Sewing, 148. Special classes for defectives, 186. Special teachers, 80. Specialization in university, 51. Standards of work, 190. Superintendent, 60, 85; duties of, 60. Teachers, attitude toward youth, 83; certificates, 80; life of, 195-197; rooms for, 67, 68; salaries of, 63, 91-95; sex of, 71, 72; special considerations, 91, 92; their tenure of office, 71, 72. Teacher's qualifications, 79, 80, 146, 196; improvement of, 196; in secondary schools, 79, 80. Teachers' seminaries, 83, 193; attendance at, 42; curricula in, 82; private, 41; weaknesses of, 83; work of, 81. Teachers' tenure of office, 86-91; in America, 89. Teachers' titles, 85-86; significance of, 86; use of, 86. Teachers' training, 81, 83, 84, 85, 191-195; for secondary schools, 85; in Germany, 192-193. Teaching as a profession, in Norway, 79, 80; its value, 196. Technical schools, 185. Vikings, 19. Vocal music, in America, 207; its influence, 206; Napoleon on, 206; nature of, in Norway, 147. Writing, 146. FOOTNOTES: [1] The Constitution (_Grundlov_) adopted at Eidsvold, Norway, May 17, 1814. [2] Statistics for 1907--the last published. [3] The law requires the opening of residences having sufficient room for the accommodation of these groups of pupils for instructional purposes. Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 41. [4] Law for Higher State Schools, Sec. 2. [5] Statistics for 1907. [6] Law for City Schools, Sec. 5, as amended on August 15, 1908. [7] Schools undertaking educational work of this character must meet specified standards in course of study, equipment, teaching staff, etc., to have their work accredited by the state. [8] The only difference between state and communal schools consists in the fact that in the one case the state and in the other a commune takes the initial step in the establishment of the school and bears the larger portion of the burden in its maintenance. The work of the two is uniform in every particular. They are together referred to as state schools in contrast to private schools. [9] Law for City Schools, Sec. 28 as revised in 1908. Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 26 as revised in 1908. [10] Some are always appointed from outside the city of Christiania. [11] Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 42. [12] Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 5. [13] Gathered from Law for Rural Schools, Sections 5, 15, 16, 56, 57, and 59. [14] In communes where the number of regular teaching positions in the primary schools is fifteen or over, of which at least five are positions for females, one male and one female teacher occupying regular posts are chosen. In communes where the number of positions is under fifteen, one male or female teacher occupying a regular post is chosen. Where a male and a female teacher are to be chosen, the elections take place in separate meetings of the male and the female teachers, each selecting its representative; in the other communes election takes place in a common meeting. Election is for two years. The meetings are conducted by the chairman of the school board. Schools provided and sustained by the owners of industrial concerns within the communes may each be represented in the meetings of the school board, by an owner of such establishment, while matters pertaining to the school in which he is interested are being considered. Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 47. [15] The law provides that there shall be on the school board a priest for each pastorate within the commune, though not to exceed three. In all cases of necessity the bishop having direction of church affairs in the locality appoints the ministerial members of the board. Their appointments are for three years. [16] The executive board of the communal council each year elects one of its members to act on the school board for one year. [17] In cities where the number of regular teaching positions is fifteen or more there are elected one male and one female teacher; and in cities where the number of regular teaching positions is less than fifteen, but at least five, one male or one female teacher. In cases where two teachers are elected, the sexes separate, each selecting its own representative; but where only one is elected they all meet together and choose one of their number. Election is for two years. The meetings are conducted by the chairman of the school board. The above notes are from: Law for City Schools, Sec. 40. [18] Law for Rural Schools, Sec. 15. A crown is equal to about twenty-seven cents. [19] Law for Secondary Schools, Sec. 33. [20] Reported in 1905 as already effective or to become effective immediately. [21] Year 1905. [22] Year 1910-1911. [23] Law for City Schools, Sec. 4. [24] An organization providing a series of weekly lectures by men of prominence from various places, for the populace and especially adapted to the working classes. [25] The course with Latin includes 4 hours of French in the first year and 5 hours in the second; the _real_ course offers it 4 hours in the first year, and 2 hours in the second and third years. [26] A school law passed in 1896 omitted Latin from the course of study. Another act of the same Storthing granted privilege of offering Latin as an elective in several schools. [27] Hall, G. Stanley, Educational Problems. Vol. I. p. 294. [28] Plato, The Republic, p. 424. [29] Bolton, F. E., The Secondary School System of Germany, 375. [30] Report of Bureau of Education, 1891-1892, Vol. II. p. 807. [31] Special Report, No. 2, 1883. [32] Report of Commissioner of Education, 1878, p. 71. [33] Whetham, W. C. D. and C. D., Decadence and Civilization, The Hibbert Journal, Vol. X. No. 1. [34] Betts, G. H., The Recitation, p. 2. [35] Hall, G. Stanley, Educational Problems, Vol. II., p. 295. 
37677	----	file was produced from images generously made available by The Kentuckiana Digital Library) [Illustration: MRS. O. A. CARR] THE STORY OF A LIFE BY J. BRECKENRIDGE ELLIS AUTHOR OF "THE SOUL OF A SERF," "THE DREAD AND FEAR OF KINGS," "HOLLAND WOLVES," "SHEM," "ADNAH," "ARKINSAW COUSINS," "TWIN STARRS," "GARCILASO," "IN THE DAYS OF JEHU," "KING SAUL," "STORK'S NEST," "THE RED BOX CLEW," ETC. PRESS OF REYNOLDS-PARKER CO. SHERMAN, TEXAS 1910 TO HER GIRLS and to the MEMORY AND PERPETUATION OF CARR-BURDETTE COLLEGE MRS. CARR'S PET--THE CHILD OF HER BRAIN AND HEART THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. I. A KENTUCKY GIRL. II. IDEALS. III. A KENTUCKY BOY. IV. A SCHOOL-GIRL'S NOTE BOOK. V. A UNIVERSITY STUDENT. VI. LOVE AND SACRIFICE. VII. "I WILL GO." VIII. AN ENGLISH PRIMROSE. IX. THE LONG VOYAGE. X. LIFE IN MELBOURNE. XI. BUSY YEARS IN AUSTRALIA. XII. EXPERIENCES IN TASMANIA. XIII. TRAVELS IN THE ORIENT. XIV. WORK IN KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI. XV. LADY PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI. XVI. IN PURSUIT OF ONE'S IDEAL. XVII. ACHIEVING ONE'S IDEAL. XVIII. CROWNING MONUMENT OF A LIFE. INTRODUCTION. The story of any life, if fully portrayed, should be more interesting than the story of a dream-phantom of fiction. In hearing of one who really lived, there is with us the feeling that the sunshine which greets our eyes, the rain which dashes against our window, in brief, the joys and sorrows which like flowers and thistles grow everywhere, were all known to that real character in the world's drama. Therefore, since, in a measure, our experience and his are in common, his life, inasmuch as it touches us at so many points, should lead us into new fields of interest and instruction, as it goes on its way alone. This is true of any life, if we could know it in its entirety. But how much more strikingly true it is found, when the life selected is one that leads from the twilight dawn of infancy to the twilight close of life, in one straight line of definite desire and inspiring achievement. It is the purpose of this book to trace such a life, from the little bed in the nursery, a bed of weakness and tears, to the huge pile of brick and stone which stands as a monument to that life as if to show what may be accomplished in spite of tears and weakness. In the story of this life will be found stirring scenes and distant travels; romance will not be lacking; here and there the faces of famous men and women will, for a moment, appear; across the bloom of youth and hope will fall the shadows of war. All these realities will be presented in the colors of truth. But something deeper than an interest in connected links of a story is here to be found; it shall be our endeavor to discover the causes that lead to wider activities. In endeavoring to divine, and clearly reveal, the motives that prompt action, we shall try to hold ourselves detached from the subject, finding no fault, and indulging in no encomium, defining beliefs and ambitions, not because they are ours, but because they were those of Mattie Myers, and, to understand her, one must understand them. It will not be sufficient to consider her work, and the opinions of those who knew her, in order to reach the desired result. As far as possible, she shall speak out herself, out of her old diaries and the abundance of her letters. As her biographer, I would be but the setting to uphold the gem, that it may shine by its own light. And yet, there is no life whose story may be fully understood, unless a knowledge is gained of those other lives with which it comes in contact. In the present story, this truth is of wider significance than one finds in the lives of the majority. Here will be painted scenes as widely separated as Kentucky, Missouri, Texas, Australia, England, and the Levant. THE STORY OF A LIFE. CHAPTER I. A KENTUCKY GIRL "I don't believe she's going to live long," said the black nurse, mournfully shaking her head. "She's so thin and weak, and she cries nearly every night!" The nurse was speaking of little Mattie Myers, who lived in the old Kentucky town of Stanford. The child was seldom to be seen engaged in those sports natural to children. She was grave, quiet, thoughtful. Her one amusement was found in her family of dolls; she was always their teacher, and they were daily going to school to her. For companions, she chose those who were much older than herself, and she would sit by the hour, soberly listening to theological discussion, weighing, in her infant mind, the arguments of learned men. Her mother was dead, but Mattie could recall her sympathetic touch, and tender smile. It seemed to her that out of the shadow of death her life had emerged, to be clouded by new losses. One after the other, her two sisters were taken from her. Then the brother, who was her only intimate companion, went to another town to teach school. Mattie found herself the only young person in the large house of her wealthy father. Of course she received all care; her slightest wishes were granted; the love of her widowed father was doubly hers, because of his bereavements. But the little girl was very lonely. When the flowers sent forth their perfume on the warm Kentucky breezes, she was reminded of three graves; and when the sunshine gilded the level pike leading toward Lancaster, she felt as if her brother Joe were calling her to come and nestle against his loving breast. At every turn, the big house in Stanford reminded her of her mother's footsteps, her sisters' voices forever hushed, and that beloved brother from whom, for the first time, she found herself separated. Is it a wonder that the nights often witnessed her tears? Is it strange that there should have grown up within her, the intense desire to go to her brother? She made this wish known to her father, and her brother seconded her in the plan. Why not stay with Joe during the school year? Then they could spend the vacations at home, together. Henry Myers, the wealthy and influential father, considered this proposition. He was an ambitious man. He had spared no expense in giving his son a thorough education. He was pleased, now, to find that little Mattie should show a disposition for learning. She was only eight years old, and yet he felt that, in the companionship of her brother, she would find ample protection. Moreover, while a child of eight is usually no fit inmate of a boarding-school, and while it is not best to send one so young, to dwell among strangers, Mattie was no ordinary child. Nor was her mother an ordinary woman. Mary Burdette possessed a cultured and original mind, related in sympathies to that of her cousin who is known to the world, in the familiarity of affection, as "Bob Burdette." When Mrs. Mary Burdette Myers died, it was supposed that Mattie was too young to appreciate her loss. She could not, of course, appraise that loss at its full value, but its shadow rested upon her girlhood. This death, and that of her sisters, had rendered her serious, had brought enforced reflections upon death and immortality. The letters that she wrote, almost to the days of maturity, are found inclosed in faded little envelopes, which show the black band of mourning. No, there was no danger in sending Mattie to Lancaster where brother Joe would be her protector. Her father consented. The ambition to teach school, entertained by one who was a man of means, was a rare thing in the South before the Civil War; or, at any rate, it was rare in Kentucky. Yet that was the ambition of Joe Myers, and to this ambition he devoted his life. He was a natural teacher, and Mattie, who admired him above all others, imitated him in all things. What he liked, she liked, and what he wanted to do, she meant to do. The young man was very fond of music--so was his little sister. He opened up an academy at Lancaster--Mattie established her first school, as we have seen--a college of dolls. When at last it was decided that Mattie should go to Joe, great was her joy. Some of those few golden hours of childhood, which she afterward recalled, came to her then. She went--the pike had not called in vain--but she did not leave her dolls at home. She boarded with her brother Joe Myers, and her education began in earnest. "I was only eight," she afterwards said, "when I entered a boarding school; my whole family of dolls matriculated with me." Lancaster and Stanford were not far apart, though in different counties. It was a short journey to go home Friday evening, and visit there until Monday morning. But of course these visits were not of weekly occurrence. There was Joe to stay with, and these two never tired of each other's companionship. In the twilight-hours, the young teacher would play his flute, and the little girl would sit listening with all her soul, translating his music into definite resolves. Just as he had given his life to teaching, so would she. She declared her purpose at that age of eight. She would teach a school--a school for girls. It was a purpose she never changed. Thus the years passed by, in sweet companionship with her brother during the school months, and with the reunited family every summer. Mattie did not grow strong. The black nurse still shook her head. "We never thought she would live!" she often declared, in after years. In the meantime, Mattie still associated with those who were much older than herself, still found pleasure in discussion of religious differences. We shall find her, at the age of eighteen, saying that most of her friends are married or dead, thus showing that no intimacies existed between herself and girls of her own age. At twelve, a change came into her life. So thoroughly had she pursued her studies at Lancaster, that it was determined to send her away to college. At that time, the strongest college for girls of her father's faith, was at Harrodsburg, Kentucky. The name of it was "Daughters' College." Mattie's brother and father, justly proud of her attainments, and still resolved to encourage her in her desire to become thoroughly educated, sent her to Harrodsburg to be instructed by John Augustus Williams, the President of "Daughters' College." Boarding among strangers, now far from home, Mattie found accentuated both her spirit of self-reliance, and her attitude of reserve toward others, two traits always shown in her childhood. The six years at Harrodsburg served to strengthen and deepen her already-preconceived ideals. John Augustus Williams carried on the work that Joe Myers had begun. The Harrodsburg President was as devoted to learning as the Lancaster professor; and he had farther penetrated its depths. He was, indeed, a remarkable man, one who magnified the dignity of his calling, always conscious that the better he succeeded as a teacher, the greater would prove his blessing to the lives of others. On Sunday we may follow the college girls to church. There goes Mattie Myers, in her solid-green woolen dress, her wonderful suit of hair arranged as plainly as such a wealth of heavy brown will permit. We see the neat and unpretentious hat from under which appear the serious brow, and the eyes always bright and intelligent. We note her reliant step; her form, too thin; her face a little weary from over-hard studying. Shall we not enter this church on Main street, and watch the young ladies as they seat themselves in a bright oblong of femininity, if not of beauty? We shall certainly do so, if we are young ministerial students, attending the University! Unfortunately, young Oliver Carr cannot enter with us, for he is still over yonder at May's Lick; but never mind--he will presently be coming down to find out what Latin is like! What happy fortune has brought the University for young men into the same town that affords a college for young ladies? That, too, we shall presently understand. At any rate, here sits Mattie Myers, decorously listening, it would appear--we hope she is not thinking about her studies--while Dr. Robert Richardson, or Robert Graham, or Robert Milligan--all teachers at the University (among whom "Robert" seems a favorite name)--preaches and preaches. About what? Why, about what we must do to be saved, to be sure. And Mattie listening eagerly--for of course she listens--finds that these distinguished men agree entirely with her father, that what we must do to be saved is very much like what Peter declared we must do--nay, is exactly what Peter declared, to the very words. Far, indeed, is it from the mind of this thin, erect girl in the dress of solid-green, and under the hair whose splendor refuses to be concealed--far is it from her mind that any young man of the Kentucky "froglands" is ever to enter her life as an integral part! [Illustration: Pres. Jno. Aug. William. Daughters College. Harrodsburg Ky] Little time is there for day dreams for this child!--Little time, and no inclination. Study--ever deeper and more persistent study for her; late hours after the lamps are out, sitting in the window with long hair streaming, borrowing favor from the moon--that means spectacles in no very short time! Study--ever more absorbed, and absorbing study, at noon-recess, in early morning, on holidays--till the form grows thinner, the face paler; and, indeed, she had better have a care, or all this will come to an end, with pain and disappointment! The sermon is nearly ended. Are you sorry you missed it? An hour and a quarter, already! Do the school girls move uneasily in the straight-backed benches? Let us hope they are entertained by this searching examination of sectarian "positions." How new that church building seems to them! Why, it was finished only a few years ago--that is to say, in 1850. There was a time when two bodies of believers met in Harrodsburg; one organized by the followers of Barton Stone, who called themselves "Christians", another the "disciples" who had followed John Smith and John T. Johnson out of the Baptist church. The Christians met from house to house; the "disciples" in the old frame building at the corner of South Main and Depot streets, nearly opposite the public square. Each body was suspicious of the other till, one day, they found out that they taught the same things, believed the same truths, were, in short, blood-brothers of faith and practice. So they came together and formed the church which Mattie is attending. She comes every Sunday; and every Sunday you will find, if you examine her closely, that she is a little paler, a little weaker. Working too hard! The end must come if this is kept up, year after year. We find the girl subject to an unappeasable hunger for facts. Is she not to devote her life to teaching her sex? Now is the time to store the mind. John Augustus Williams spurs her on, leads her into untold scientific difficulties; lets her realize how little is her strength; then aids by teaching her to help herself. One thing he does not help her do--that is to husband her physical forces. As he stands before his "daughters" in chapel he hammers away at this idea: "Teaching is woman's profession and her natural vocation. No lady can claim to be well educated, therefore, or trained for her proper sphere in life, until she has learned to teach, and to govern the young. The learning which prepares her for the school-room, prepares her at the same time for the highest social and domestic position. No time is lost by such a training, even should the student never become a professional teacher." It is no wonder that the enunciation of these ideas strengthened the girl's resolutions. Here was the most learned man she had ever met in daily life, a polished speaker, a graceful author, a correct translator; one who reads the pages of his manuscript, "The Life of John Smith," that his class may parse it;[1] a preacher, too, who pointed the way back to Pentecost. Wisdom flowed from his lips, and his lips proclaimed teaching the "natural vocation" of woman. And the way in which this teaching was to be done--in a word, his conception of what an education means--that justified his dictum. He said over and over again: "You have an infallible criterion by which you may determine the success of your own and your teacher's labors. If you feel in your heart a greater susceptibility to truth, a livelier appreciation of the purely beautiful, a profounder regard for virtue, a warmer affection for the good, and sublimer devotion to God, esteem your labors as eminently successful; but if your attainments, varied and extensive as they may be, are to render you less amiable in disposition, or less pure in thought--less charitable to your fellows, or less devoted to God, then have we labored in vain, and your learning, also, has been in vain." To such a teacher as this, every year is a book written full of sweet influences,--books far deeper and more permanent than any work of the pen. The girl understood this; that is why her determination to be a teacher grew and ripened; not to impart facts but, by means of facts, to inculcate the love of learning and of truth. She wanted to come into touch with the world, and to send the ripple of her personal influence far out into those magic circles of infinite distance, which the casting of an idea forms on the sea of thought. She wanted girls, many girls, countless girls,--to receive a higher view of life by having known her; to enter more fully into the inheritance of their estate through her ministration. No other relation than that of teacher and pupil, could connect this circuit of spiritual influence. Teachers--the world was full of them in those days, just such as they are now; teachers who bend beneath their burden, who seek in their business but a means of livelihood, and who are ready to lay aside the textbook and close the desk, when fortune smiles: who see their day's end at four o'clock, and their happiness, at the dawn of vacation. But there have always been, of teachers, a few who regarded their work as Williams regarded his, and who, as in Mattie's case, with no spur of necessity, selected it from all careers the future had to offer. But we do not mean that these highest ambitions of a teacher's sovereign realm took definite shape in the girl's mind in her twelfth year; for see! She is no longer twelve, but thirteen--fourteen--fifteen--how fast she is getting her education!--sixteen-- And then the blow fell--we said it would!--hours too late, and thought too intense, and eyes too severely taxed! Has it been for nothing, after all? She must flutter back home, now, like a disabled bird; high ideas all lost in a maze, definite purposes fused white-hot in a raging fever. Not only so, but in her sudden breakdown of vital force, there is no one to understand the despair over her own weakness, except, indeed, that brother Joe who alone understands her. Mother and father are both dead, now; and the sisters who are proud of her attainments--for she had finished in the Junior Year at Daughters' College,--wonder that she is not satisfied. Is it not enough? Already she is "educated." And she is sixteen; and her inheritance assures her of future freedom from necessity. It will be a long time, the doctors say, before she can resume her studies--a year, at least; maybe two. But does that matter? In two years she will be of age, and rich, or nearly so, in her own right. "And then," said brother Joe, "I will find her a rich husband, and see her handsomely established for life!" Not that Joe had himself married; he was too busy teaching school, and too absorbed in his beloved work; but he felt the responsibility of his guardianship. Mattie was too ill, too broken in spirit, to combat his plans or to form any of her own. She could only lie silent and, suffering, uncertain of the outcome. Leaving her thus, as we found her at the beginning, in suffering and tears, let us make a journey to Mason County, in search of that possible husband. He may not prove so rich as brother Joe could desire. We shall see. [1] That "drill in Rhetoric, in English pure and undefiled" when she analyzed and parsed every sentence of the Manuscript read to the class Mrs. Carr often spoke of, and of John Smith who, in his last days, abode at Daughters' College to furnish material for his biography. She was always proud of the fact that John Augustus Williams taught her English. CHAPTER II. IDEALS. But no, the biographer, on second thought, will not go up to May's Lick in the present chapter. Let that expedition be reserved for Chapter Third. And let those who care for the story of lives merely for events, not for motive-springs of action, skip the present chapter, if they will. It will be to their loss, if they do so; for what life is to be understood, without an understanding of the principles that direct its course? In the life we are seeking to trace, there were three great principles that shaped events. The first has already been amplified--the resolve to become a teacher of girls. The other two must be defined--one's thought of country, and one's religious faith. In those days, a man who had no opinion on the "slavery question," or on the "current reformation," was no true Kentuckian. If one has slaves, his children are not only disposed to regard slavery as right, but as highly fortunate and desirable. Also, when one's religion is being placed on trial at every crossroad's log-schoolhouse, the smallest girls in the household have some opinions on the Gospel Restored, on Election, on Baptism. [Illustration: "Studying too Hard."] [Illustration: "Brother Joe."] In the veins of Mattie Myers flowed Southern blood, and it was with the South that she sympathized with all that fire of young enthusiasm that characterized Southern adherents in those days. As for her religion, that calls for more particular description, because it is indistinguishably blended with all her emotions and purposes. It was no more Mattie's intention to become a teacher of girls, than it was to spread a knowledge of the Gospel as she herself understood it. In portraying the belief of this child--a belief that time served only to strengthen--it is far from our thought to influence the particular faith of the reader. That biographer is unworthy of his task who allows his own opinions to color his narrative. What I believe has no more to do with the life of Mattie Myers, than has the belief of the reader; and this is the story of a life, not a controversy in disguise. But at the same time, it is not only due the reader, but the object of the biography, that the faith of Mattie should be presented so clearly and so fairly that no one can fail to understand what it was. I shall do my utmost to make it plain. It occupied too great a part of the girl's life and the woman's life, to be ignored. As she sat at her father's knee in Stanford, as she rested with her brother on the porch of the boarding-house in Lancaster, as she made her stage-journeys, in short, wherever she was, she heard religion discussed in all its phases. And that phase which appealed to her was the same that Walter Scott--kinsman of the illustrious novelist--had proclaimed from state to state. One peculiarity of this faith was, that whoever accepted it with zeal, became more or less antagonistic, combative. It was not because it despised peace, although peace, in later years has sometimes proved fatal to it; but it was because every hand seemed turned against it. Had it asked for peace in 1850, that petition would doubtless have been derided. And why? Because an acceptance of this faith meant an end to all creeds, to all sects, to all denominational barriers. Therefore all denominations felt that the faith of Mattie Myers had raised its hand against them. When Walter Scott and his co-workers prayed the Savior's prayer that all might be one, what--if that prayer be granted--was to become of the _many_? It may be true, in the Twentieth Century, that one need only have enough money to hire a hall, in order to start a new religion; that Society has but to smile upon the dancing of Dervishes to popularize Orientalism; that a woman, by the writing of a book, can convince intelligent thousands that diseases are but delusions of their mortal minds--perhaps instincts would be a better word, since unimaginative quadrupeds sometimes "think" themselves sick. But whether this is true or not, it is certain that, in the first half of the Nineteenth Century, it required much more than money, and more than the writing of many books, this endeavor to re-establish the old religion of Pentecost. It called for courage, firmness and ability; it invited persecution and misrepresentation. "I would rather," an aunt of Oliver Carr once declared--herself a stern soldier of the Cross--"see you go to your grave, than have you join the Campbellite Church!" What was this "Campbellite Church" of which some spoke thus disparagingly? And why "Campbellite"? And why did the denominations regard the people they thus designated much as, at a later day, the Mormons were regarded? Before we enter into details, it is enough at this point to emphasize the fact of general intolerance. To worship God in your own way is the right of all; and no man disputes that inborn right, so long as you agree with him in your religious belief. The Puritans were ready to sacrifice their lives to preserve religious freedom, and to take the lives of those who desired a separate freedom. In the first half of the Nineteenth Century, more especially in the first quarter, the jangling and wrangling among different sects was almost inconceivable. It would appear that often where differences of tenets were but slight, the fight was the more determined, as if the possibility of preserving a denominational integrity, depended largely upon keeping alive a spirit of hostility to all other denominations. Happily that spirit of antagonism has largely died out, and men are not so ready to take each other by the throat because they are seeking to gain Heaven by different ways. This tendency to minimize differences of speculative opinions, and to draw close to each other on the fundamental truths as they are revealed in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, is doubtless in a large measure due to the pioneers of that faith which Mattie Myers had accepted, and which, at the time of her acceptance, was the object of so much bitterness and ridicule. Thirty years had already passed since Walter Scott and Alexander Campbell first proclaimed their views in the "Christian Baptist." The distracted state of the religious world had grieved many a pious and erudite soul before 1819. In looking for a solution to the amazing perplexities that baffled the seeker after God, in trying to avoid the anomalous condition of changing a gospel of love to a gospel of interminable disputation, the solution proposed by Thomas Campbell was a return to the practices and faith of the early disciples. This solution was urged by Walter Scott and Alexander Campbell. What more simple? Everybody should be willing to accept the Bible; everybody should be willing to discard everything else! In brief, then, that was the work of the "current reformation." It would call for a sacrifice of individual opinions, of sectarian names and dogmas, of that poetic atmosphere which time bestows upon any organization, of those intimate human associations derived from a commingling with relatives and friends whom a common rule of practice holds together. As a recompense for this sacrifice, was offered the privilege of returning to the Apostolic faith and manner of worship, the sense of security that should spring from following closely in the footsteps of the earliest disciples, and the privilege of performing one's part in the realization of the prayer of the Savior of mankind. Alexander Campbell's life was given to this fundamental idea--that the world should go back, in its religious beliefs and practices, nineteen hundred years, to learn again the conditions of its salvation from the lips of Christ's apostles. Campbell himself, was but a voice calling in the wilderness. He seemed always to be crying, "Look back! Behold the Lamb of God!" As for himself, he would have been but the medium through which an enlightened vision might see that glorious spectacle of God in man. "Do not regard me," he seemed to say, "For I am nothing. I am but a voice--a voice proclaiming no new doctrine, only the old; asking you not to originate a new faith, but to remember the old. Look back! Behold the Lamb of God!" But the world did not wish to look back. It exclaimed that these people who pretended to do away with all sects, were themselves the narrowest sect of all. These preachers who proclaimed that there was but one church, were accused of "wanting to get us into their church." The result was endless debates. We have seen that the denominations were at war with one another; but all of them became more or less cohesive, in their attack upon these people who claimed to be no denomination. If Campbell and his friends urged that baptism should be administered as in the days of the Apostles, the cry was immediately raised that "These men believe in nothing but baptism." If their editors asked for an instance of infant baptism between the lids of the Bible, it was retorted that "They have only a head religion--they don't believe in a change of heart." If a preacher said no more about baptism than did Peter on Pentecost, his listeners went away observing that "he believed water would save him." If nothing was said about baptism, if on the contrary, the discourse were concentrated upon the idea that all Christians should follow the same rule and practice, should dwell together in one great homogeneous body, it was charged, "That is really another way of saying that immersion is the only mode of baptism." If, by dint of innumerable repetitions, Herculean efforts at self-restraint, monotonous insistence, these "reformers" succeeded in convincing the antagonist of the fact that nobody believed water would save him, and every Christian believes in a change of heart, all this laborious and indefatigable endeavor went for nothing. "Well, maybe you do believe in a change of heart," it would at last be conceded, "but your church don't." Or "Maybe _you_ don't believe water will save you, but your church does." Such as the views of the disciples of Christ really were, Mattie Myers had received them at first hand. Her father was one of the "new faith." His home had, from her earliest recollections, been a rallying point for the sturdy pioneers of the "Old Jerusalem Gospel." In that home, "Raccoon" John Smith and Barton W. Stone had held her upon their knees. She had seen Walter Scott and Alexander Campbell in childhood, and had heard L. L. Pinkerton's eloquence, and Robert Milligan's logic. She knew the matters debated, the arguments that sustained each side in its opinion,--and she could point out the verse of scripture that seemed to substantiate every claim of her friends, and to confound those of the enemy. And she knew how families had become divided; how bitterness crept in between life-long friends; how misunderstanding led to misrepresentation, and argument to vilification, and disapproval to hatred. Whatever else the plea of the disciples accomplished, it led to a closer study of the scriptures; and to a fuller admission of their authority. This was inevitable because the adherents of what was disparagingly called the "new religion," based all their positions upon the Word of God. Even farther than that they went, in declaring that they entertained no doctrine not fully presented in the New Testament; they were willing to relinquish any belief, no matter how dear, on being shown that it was not divinely authorized. It was futile to meet such claims by references to any other book than that of the inspired writers, unless those books were lexicons and dictionaries devoted to an explanation of biblical terms. To the lexicons, the friends and enemies of the "reformation" did indeed go. There were times when, if Polycarp, or Chrysostum, or even Sophocles, or Plato, could have stepped into the debating-room, he might have fancied himself just awakened from his long sleep, to hear confused murmurs in his native tongue. Under this awful weight of learning, the brain sometimes staggered. To the imprudent, to the rash, to the over-zealous, vital truths might, at times, be half-obscured, in showing the eunuch as he went down into the water--_eis_, into; ah! shall we ever forget that _eis_ with its suggestion of the cooling tide?--Into the water, then, the eunuch descended; and good care was taken that he should not be left there. The jailer, too,--was there no water in the courtyard? And Lydia's household--what right has one to presume her mistress over a nursery? At these debates, even the eloquent Henry Clay may act as moderator, generously appreciative of the eloquence of A. Campbell. So, as we have said, the theme may at times grow obscured with a sort of Greek mist; but out of this mist there rises, at last, a face of meekness and suffering beneath its crown of thorns--a crown of thorns, dear reader, which the Son of God wore that you and I might wear crowns of glory. It is interesting to note that here is a religion which its opponents refused to take at its face value. Its adherents wished to be called only by Bible names, such as Christians, or disciples of Christ. Their opponents called them "Campbellites." These disciples claimed that they had gone back to the days of the beginning of the church, to find there the true standard of faith and practice. Their opponents said they had started a new religion, and that it dated from the days of Alexander Campbell. The disciples said that they added nothing to the Word of God, took from it nothing; that where the Bible was silent they were silent, that where it spoke they spoke; that, in matters of opinion, everyone might think what he pleased, but that, in matters of essentials, there should be unity. The opponents said that as a matter of fact, the religion of the reformers was a religion of the head, and that its central idea was baptism. "You do not believe that baptism is necessary to salvation," the disciples said; "then why do you baptize?" "Aha!" the old cry was raised, "you think water will save you!" And then the begrudged concession, "Well, if _you_ don't believe it, your church does!" In a word, then, the individual adherents of the religion were allowed to hold opinions contrary to what the adherents as a whole, were supposed to believe; while, at the same time, not one adherent of the religion could be found who professed to hold the views that the opponents of the religion ascribed to all the brotherhood! This was not from a willful determination to misrepresent, but rather from a sense of generous good-will. It was the only way to rescue one's kindred and friends from the inevitable hell that awaits the adherents of heretical doctrines. "Tom is a good man," said a devout adherent of the established order of things, referring to minister Thomas Arnold of the Kentucky disciples, "but he preaches a lie and will be damned for it!" And the way to save one's beloved from this damnation was to believe that they did not really hold the views of these Ishmaelites of the "new religion," but were "Baptists at heart"--or Pedobaptists, according to one's point of view. Thomas Campbell's "Declaration and Address" appeared in 1809; but it was not until September, 1832 that the first general meeting of the disciples of Christ was held, in Lexington, Kentucky. Everyone understood that such an assemblage had no authority over local organizations. Christian soldiers came together to talk over their victories and defeats, and to plan for fresh campaigns. As time passed by, such men as John T. Johnson and John I. Rogers were appointed state evangelists; but they were supported by several churches combining to furnish the funds. At the time Mattie Carr was boarding at her brother's school, there was no general board behind missionary enterprises. But later a convention met at Harrodsburg and employed four evangelists; that was in 1857. The next year sixteen were employed, and in a year they won 1,936 converts to the church. The year following, twenty evangelists added to the faith 2,020. The "new religion" was growing at an unheard of rate, and the more it grew the hotter raged the noise of battle and the clash of arms. It is in such circumstances as these that one learns to weigh one's own opinion, to use it, if need be, as a battering-ram against the opinions of other folk; that one learns to realize the importance of self-reliance, self-defense, self-assertion. Before Mattie Myers was twelve years old, the leading purposes of her after-life were already crystalized in thought and determination. It will be interesting to watch how she adhered to these principles, and whither they brought her at last. As we have said, they were three in number, more or less commingled in her girlhood's plans of life; an unwavering devotion to the South; a fixed resolve to become a teacher of girls; and a conviction that the plea of the disciples of Christ was the need of the world. CHAPTER III. A KENTUCKY BOY. It was while the black nurse was doubtfully shaking her head over the prospect of a long life for Mattie Myers, that two boys presented themselves at the village schoolhouse of May's Lick, Kentucky. They were two brothers who resembled each other so closely, and were so inseparable, that they were often thought to be twins. Oliver Carr, however, was two years younger than Owen[2]. They had come up from the country in the old family barouche, and the fact that they were from the country, was shown in their movements and their dress. Their father, while still on the farm in Lewis County, had declared, "I will educate my children, if I don't leave them a cent when I die." That is why he sold his farm to invest the proceeds in town property at May's Lick; and that is why Owen and Oliver are presenting themselves at the door of May's Lick Academy. The family that had just moved to town, consisted of William Carr and his wife, and their four sons and three daughters. Of the children, the only one essential to this narrative is he who gave his name to the teacher as Oliver A. Carr--better known in his family and among his young companions as "Ollie." The year was 1857. Of all the proud towns of Kentucky--proud of blood and wealth--no city was prouder than May's Lick. Not even Lexington, five counties to the southwest, thought more of her high birth, her fine horses, her opulence, than did this little May's Lick of Mason County. The schoolmates of the Carrs were the children of the wealthy. The boys came to school in red-topped boots, riding prancing ponies, and were waited upon by their black bodyguards. The girls were petted, and spoiled, clad in dainty apparel, born to refinement and a nicety of taste, intolerant of whatever appeared to their sensitive minds as "common." Nor was this superiority of manner merely superficial. Beneath the gleam of showy beauty, there was the gold of culture. Naturally enough, these children of the rich, whether on the play-ground, or in the school-room, stood aloof from Owen and Oliver,--or as they were called "Bud and Ollie." In the first place, they were newcomers; again, they were awkward and their clothes were made from the same piece of their mother's weaving; and their father had purchased one of the two hotels in town. "He works, himself!" it was said, with pity, or contempt. And the sentiment against William Carr because his work was not done by slaves, was reflected against his seven children. But William Carr, rugged and unyielding, firm in his belief that education would place his boys and girls on a footing with the best, conducted the hotel, while his wife, patient and tireless, sewed long after the hours of the day's inevitable work were ended. To clothe and educate seven children while all the time one's cashier is stealing systematically--that is the problem! It is a problem that little concerns the lads of the red-topped boots and prancing ponies, or the girls of fine laces,--still less the fathers of these; for all their spare time is spent in reminiscences of Henry Clay, and in defining differences between the North and South--for this is 1857, as we have said, and in a few years something may happen. But it is not given to every boy to wear red-tops, nor to every girl, real lace. Of course there were other families falling under the supercilious classification of "those who do their own work." At such times as the Carrs were not studying, or reciting to L. P. Streater, or helping at home, companions were to be found, to bear a hand at a game of marbles. Oliver had the genius of making friends; and, when no artificial barriers interposed, his gentle nature thawed the ice in natures most reserved. Sometimes it happened that, as Oliver and his friends were engaged in sports along the roadside, they would see a venerable man drawing near, smooth faced, broad browed, stately in bearing, kindly in expression. If it chanced to be a time of heated altercation, the warning would go round-- "Hush! hush! There comes Brother Walter Scott." The old man would pause with, "Well, dears, how do you do, this nice morning? Are you on your way to school?" Then he would pat one on the head, and say a pleasant word to all. In his presence ill-humor melted away, and evil purposes were corrected. It was not only so with the school boys, but with their fathers. His very presence seemed a rebuke to wrong-doing and wrong-thinking. Sometimes he came to the Academy and addressed the pupils. Oliver stood at the head of the class in mathematics. One day after reciting geometry, "Elder" Scott, as he was called--or "Brother" Scott--said, with that gracious smile which lent the aspect of perennial youth to his wrinkled face, "Young gentlemen, you have made good progress in Euclid." It was the first time Oliver had ever heard of Euclid, but he knew the enunciation of every proposition in the first five Books, and had drawn the figures with elaborate care on his father's barn door! But he had not studied Latin. "That language," said his practical father, "is dead!" The almost daily meeting with Walter Scott was one of those formative influences, unperceived at the time, which help to shape one's ideals. Let us look for a moment at this benign figure with his gentle smile, his keen, penetrating glance, and his still almost raven-black locks. He had brought to the Kentucky village an atmosphere of the great outside world, for he was a man who had not only come in touch with the great and illustrious, but who had himself participated in great affairs. It meant much to the young mathematician at May's Lick Academy, this daily intercourse with such a man. It inevitably raised his mind above the daily toil, the unstimulating routine of a small town; it gave him a certain outlook upon a wider life, suggesting higher things than had hitherto entered his experience. This venerable Walter Scott--he who had held little Mattie Myers upon his knee--was a man in whose veins flowed the blood of Wat, of Hardin--most illustrious of Scottish heroes. He was kin to the creator of _Ivanhoe_ and _Rebecca_; a man who had graduated from the University of Edinburg; who had sailed the seas and traveled in many distant scenes; whose music instructor had been the friend of Sir Ralph Abercrombie; who had been by turn teacher, preacher, editor, author; who had traversed the circular avenues of poplars and pines leading to the mansion-house of Henry Clay, trees "which made me fancy myself once more in Scotia"--and who had sat in Clay's parlor in charming intercourse with the statesman while the portrait of Washington looked down, and the elegant simplicity of the apartments presented nothing "to make poor men afraid, or rich men ashamed;" who had ridden on the steamboat with the distinguished companionship of General Schuyler's daughter, the widow of Alexander Hamilton, then in her eighty-fourth year; who had visited the home of Colonel Richard M. Johnson; and who, finally, had come to May's Lick to pass the remainder of his days. It was natural enough that the very sight of this man should suggest to the studious youth, thoughts of greatness and of travel. His kinship to Sir Walter Scott and his familiarity with the lands beyond the seas, no doubt lent him a sort of halo, to the imagination of boyhood. But it must have done more than this; it must have suggested that one need not remain poor and unknown; and that, as Walter Scott, when a poor young man had lifted himself above his condition by means of his education, so might Oliver Carr. The postoffice was in William Carr's hotel. William was the postmaster, and during vacation, or at intervals, Oliver served as deputy. After the arrival of the mail, the distinguished scholar, Walter Scott, would appear at the counter with his benignant smile, and his "Dear--" he called all young people thus--"Dear, is there anything for me, this morning?" And Oliver was as pleased as he, when there was a _Louisville Courier_ to hand his friend, or a letter from Ohio, or Pittsburg, or New York. There remains a word to be said as to what this Walter Scott was; for, after all, where one has traveled, or whom one has met, speaks little of the inner self; and it was this personal value of the man that counted most with those he met. It was in 1819 that Walter Scott landed in New York, and began teaching Latin in Long Island--diverting himself with his flute at the close of the day. But he soon felt the call of the West, and obeyed it afoot. It brought him to Pittsburg, where he found himself drawn into school work again. He became an assistant in the Academy conducted by Mr. Forrester, a fellow-countryman. Scott had been reared in the Presbyterian faith, and his soul had been perfectly satisfied in those religious grounds staked off by his denomination's creed. He had not associated long with Forrester before he found to his amazement that the latter, though apparently of sincere piety, did not subscribe to all the articles; but, instead of seeking to attack the Confession with the Discipline or the Prayer Book, had recourse to the Bible. Not only so, but Forrester professed himself ready to give up any article of faith that did not appear fully warranted by the Scriptures; or, in other words, he had resolved to be guided in religious matters by the Bible alone. It is difficult for one of the present day to realize how radical, unheard of, and unorthodox, such a determination as Forrester's appeared in the year 1819. It is true that men here and there, in places far removed from one another, were beginning to weary of the burden of the creeds; they were reaching out to grasp something that might pull their feet from the shackles of doubt or predetermined damnation, and in desperate blindness they seized upon the Word of God as likely to prove of most avail. It was, indeed, heresy; for if all had deserted creeds for the Bible, what would have become of the creeds? In Luther's day it had been heretical to decry Indulgences; if a Baptist, it was heretical not to believe "in the peculiar and eternal election of men and angels to glory," and "in a particular redemption of a definite number of persons to eternal life," and "the final perseverance of the saints in grace to the end." Walter Scott felt no hesitation in joining Forrester in his studies of the New Testament, secure in the belief that nothing could be found there, inconsistent with his creed; henceforth, we find him sitting far into the night, no longer solacing himself with the music of his flute, but studying the Bible with ever greater and greater perplexity; studying it as diligently as ever he had studied the Confession; studying it with increasing uneasiness, as it seemed to lead him from the faith of his fathers. There was, at that time, no body of associated men who had agreed to surrender all creeds, and take the Bible as their only guide. There were isolated examples of such men. Alexander Campbell, of whom Walter Scott had never heard, had been forced by his convictions from the Presbyterian church into the Baptist association. Not long after the beginning of Scott's explorations into this dimly-known field of original research, he and the celebrated scholar met; but neither had a thought of breaking away from the accepted religious bodies; the only question was to find the one nearest approximating the truth, and to seek reformation within that body. The result of that effort to bring back the primitive church upon earth, is seen today in the church of the disciples of Christ. This is not the place to argue the feasibility of the plea, or to adduce arguments against it. But what that plea was, should be presented clearly and dispassionately. It is not the office of the biographer to point out the right or wrong of his subject's dominating ideas, so much as it is to show how the life was influenced by those motive-springs of thought. Walter Scott, as an evangelist, pastor, author and editor, had come into contact with tens of thousands, and had influenced countless lives. His followers were called by the unsympathetic, "Scottites," just as those of Alexander Campbell were nicknamed "Campbellites." Thomas and Alexander Campbell and Walter Scott, the triumvirate of the dawning "Reformation," did not come, however, to found denominations, but, so far as they could, to do away with them. They believed that it was possible for the church of New Testament days to exist in the modern world, just as it had existed then. They believed that the means of entering the church now, are what they were then; that Christ's conditions were in their very nature of divinity, unalterable. As Peter preached on the day of Pentecost, so Walter Scott preached in the Nineteenth Century. As Cornelius and the jailer and the eunuch and Lydia and all other recorded instances of sinners converted in olden times, so man today, in turning to God, must turn as they turned, come as they came, obey as they obeyed. And if the old order should be restored, there would be but one order in the earth; but one Faith, one Lord and one Baptism. The saints would sit down to one table from which no saint would be excluded; they would join their hymns of undenominational ecstasy, and, if they did not see every subject exactly alike, they would at least agree in their contemplation of essentials. After all, the important matter seemed to be, to get safely into the church, and to stay in it; and if all entered in the same way, the way the apostles had taught, and then dwelt in harmony, not as Presbyterians and Baptists and Episcopals and Methodists, whose very names appeared to draw lines, whether the lines were definitely understood or not--this ideal body would be simply disciples of Christ, or Christians, as they had been eighteen hundred years ago. Then indeed would a shout of thanksgiving go up from the earth, that the prayer of Jesus had been answered; not only his apostles but all those who now believed on his name, had become one; one in thought and love and life; one as he and the Father were one, eternal, indivisible. Whether or not the reader believes such a union possible, or desirable, it will surely call for no great task of the imagination upon his part, to enter somewhat into the thrilling rapture this picture presented to the hearts of the early "reformers." One feels his heart leap with a sympathetic throb when men who had dreamed of such a return to the old paths, but who had dreamed of it in solitude, not knowing it had found a voice in the earth--suddenly heard it pronounced from the pulpit. Men who had brooded in seclusion over their Bibles, finding there, as it appeared to them, sublime statements antagonistic to sectarianism, were suddenly transfixed by hearing the words of old, "Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved!" It seemed to them that the "Old Gospel" was once more sounding in the land. On a visit to Missouri, Walter Scott met an eminent preacher, Moses E. Lard. "You do not know me," said Lard, as he threw his arm about the other; "but you are the man who first taught me the Gospel." "How so!" the other inquired. "It was reading your book--'The Gospel Restored,'" was the answer. That is how this movement appeared to those who came under its influence,--the Gospel must be restored. The preachers proclaimed and debated from the rostrum, and pulpit, and on horseback. The laymen talked about it on the street, and in the field, ready at any moment to draw the Bible from their pockets to show just what the "Old Jerusalem Gospel" had to say for itself. The women discussed regeneration and baptism over their sewing and knitting. The children taunted each other at school and at play, and the swaggering bully might say to the despised "Campbellite," "_We_ believe in a change of heart!" or "_You_ believe water will save you!" Such taunts, however, did not assail the young Carrs, for their parents belonged to no church, and their grandparents and numerous relations were Presbyterians and Methodists. Oliver's teacher, L. P. Streator, was a disciple of Christ; his life, as well as that of Walter Scott, were arguments, in their way, for the "new religion"; but after all, Oliver had thought little of religion during his first years at the Academy. Martin Streator, his teacher's son, persuaded him to attend the Sunday-school at the Christian church; he went once or twice, and then tried the Baptist Sunday-school to find out what "they did over there". The teacher of the Baptist class devoted his hour to an explanation of the Holy Ghost, which proved so baffling to the young mathematician, that for some time thereafter he discharged no religious duties. Across the street from Carr's Hotel, was a blacksmith shop. The smith was an Englishman, Eneas Myall. Fifteen years before William Carr drove from Lewis County in the old barouche, Myall had come over from England, and had stood on dry dock with only twenty-five cents in his pocket. He walked twelve miles to find work; needless to say, he found it. He earned the passage-money from England for his father, two brothers, and cousin. All worked together; the cousin was a wagon-maker, and under the newly made wagon-wheels, as they rested upon their trestles, were the shavings that had curled up at the making. In the cold dark mornings, when young Oliver came down stairs to make his fires, the flames leaped up from these very shavings, which he had carried over the evening before. They liked him at the shop, and Eneas, in particular, believed he read an expression in the thin face of the ambitious student, that promised something better than a hotel life. Eneas was a Christian; [3]he and his two brothers and his cousin had all heard the Gospel preached by R. C. Ricketts, as they had never heard it in the old country. Over there, to escape the formalism of the Church of England, they had listened to the Dissenters; they had watched sinners hovering on the Anxious-seat of the Presbyterians, and the Mourning-bench of the Methodists. Such ante-rooms to Grace were held indispensable. As the eminent Congregationalist, Dr. Finney explained, so nearly all believed: "The church has always felt it necessary to have something of this kind. In the days of the apostles baptism answered this purpose. The Gospel was preached to the people and all who were willing to be on Christ's side were called on to be baptized. It held the precise place that the anxious seat does now, as a public manifestation of their determination to be Christians." But Eneas and his relatives had been called upon by the preacher, not to come to something which served the same purpose as an institution of old, but to the institution itself. "Repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sins, and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit!" This was the trumpet call of R. C. Ricketts. To the simple blacksmith, it sounded like a voice long silent, issuing from the sacred past. He had never heard it proclaimed before. He and his obeyed the call. Having entered upon the Christian life, this blacksmith felt an inexhaustible enthusiasm for the cause. He had been made so happy by his acceptance of what opponents called the "new religion" that he wanted all his friends to partake of his happiness. When W. T. Moore came to May's Lick to raise funds for Bethany College, the first college of the disciples,--Eneas took his old rusty pen and wrote "$100." Moore, in surprise, looked at the stalwart form in its rude garb, and then at the homely scene in which it seemed in keeping. "This is more than you ought to give!" he exclaimed. "How do you make it?" "Oh," said the blacksmith, casting the pen aside, and lifting his hammer, "I beat it out of this iron! It is such a good cause, I'm sure I can give $100.00." That was when Oliver was fifteen. W. T. Moore was holding a meeting at the church, working up the college endowment during the day. One evening, when Oliver entered the shop, as he did daily, seeking his kindling, Ed Myall looked up from his work, and said, "Ollie, isn't it time for you to be a Christian?" He would have said more, but his voice failed him. The boy, without a word, turned and went away. It was the first time anyone had ever spoken to him about being a Christian. He had dropped out of the Sunday school; he rarely attended church. His sister Minnie was the first of the family to become a Christian. She repented; she confessed her faith; she was baptized; and then she became a missionary, thus: She met Oliver in the hall, as by accident--such matters come hard to the young and inexperienced--and said, "Ol, I want you to be a good boy!" That was all; but he knew what she meant. The opportunity to go to church was not wanting, for Mr. and Mrs. Carr were always ready to take the work in hand for that purpose. They wanted the children to go to church, though, to be sure, they would have preferred the churches of their fathers. So on Sunday, Oliver went to church and heard W. T. Moore preach the first sermon he had ever understood. The same points were preached over and over, "What must I do to be saved?" And after that, when Oliver was driving passengers to and fro, or hauling wheat to market, he was thinking incessantly over what he had heard, that question of old,--"What must I do to be saved?" and then of the answer, as it had come from the lips of Peter and Silas and Paul. And he made the resolution, "Next Sunday, I will do what I think right!" He asked his father's permission to "join the church." "If you know what you are doing," said William Carr, "go ahead." Oliver thought he knew. The next Sunday he did up his morning's work, then walked to the Christian Church, where he made his confession of faith. It was a joyous occasion, and few eyes were dry, as the lad stood up to make known the new born desire of his heart. There were no looks cast at him askance, no chill of social cast. All felt one in Christ Jesus, and there was nothing but love for the lad from Lewis County. And his mother who was by inheritance a Methodist, said, "The Campbellites have got Ollie!" He was baptized; of all his family, only Minnie was present. One afternoon Oliver, now sixteen, came home for the last time from May's Lick Academy. He had finished the course. He carried his report proudly. "Seven" was the highest mark according to the teacher's system. Oliver's card was sprinkled all over with "7's." As he drew near the tavern, he saw his father in his chair, which had been brought outside. He examined the report of his son with laudable pride, then said, "Well, Ollie, you will have to finish for yourself, now. I'm not able to send you to school any longer." Of course, there was plenty of hard work. There was the wheat for him to haul across the county to Maysville, and the loads of coal to be brought home from the river; and there were the passengers to be carried to and fro; and, always, the home tasks. But this life of crushed ambitions was not long to continue. Soon after Oliver's admission into the church, Eneas Myall, the blacksmith, walked into Carr's Hotel, accompanied by a prominent member of the church. Oliver happened to be in the hall when they began speaking to his father. He heard a few words, and crept nearer the door, his heart leaping in wild tumult. He heard the blacksmith's voice, that voice which had often cheered him as he went about his daily tasks. And now it was asking if William Carr would consent to Oliver's being sent to Kentucky University at Harrodsburg; saying that he and Dr. A. H. Wall would pledge themselves to furnish the money. Is it a wonder that to Oliver Carr, that voice "sounded like sweetest music?" William expressed his sorrow at not being able to educate his children as he wished; he appreciated the offer now made. "But," he said, earnestly, "don't undertake this, unless you are sure you can go on with it; I don't want you to give him up!" A few days later Eneas Myall came with his hard-earned money, and placed it in Oliver's hands, asking him to take it with the love of its donors. And so, at the age of sixteen, Oliver Carr went to the University at Harrodsburg, to study for the ministry. So, this is what we have found, in our quest of a possible husband for Mattie Myers--this Oliver Carr, who, as it appears, is far from being a rich young man. Will brother Joe be satisfied? Nay, will he ever consent? At any rate, they must be brought together. Let us return to the overworked pupil of John Augustus Williams, she who parsed, in class, too much of that MS. of his "Life of John Smith" for her health. We shall find her still upon her sick-bed, hovering between life and death. [2] See appendix. [3] See appendix. CHAPTER IV. A SCHOOL GIRL'S NOTE BOOK. Of course she recovered, else there need be no biography of Mattie Myers, except to teach young girls not to study too hard--a lesson seldom needed. But the life we are following is to teach a quite different lesson. She emerges from the sickroom with a constitution shattered; not altogether broken, but much out of repair every way; mentally, in particular; for the mind has developed enormous energy in proportion as the body has wasted away; and all the nerves that are controlled from the general office are sent tingling at the least noise--even at the tread of a great thought. The girl of sixteen is bewildered with herself. That grasp of the will which had held her to her tasks, to the outraging of her physical self, has suddenly slipped--it cannot be tightened up to the proper tension, at least not now. This inability to sleep that has come upon her, is to continue throughout her life; this nervous excitement of vital forces, this disproportion of mind and matter, this thinness of form, this determination to carry self to the end marked out, shown in the firm mouth--we are to find all these unchanged in after years. In the meantime, her resolution to carry on her education has not faltered. She cannot go back to Daughters' College--Professor Williams does not know how to bear lightly upon the mind, and the girl has not even yet learned to spare herself. But there is a certain convent, the St. Catherine de Sienna's--Joe will send her there for a year. The very name is restful. The course is such that a young girl may carry it with one hand. Mattie will attend a year; that will graduate her from the St. Catherine de Sienna's. If, by that time, her strength has come back, she may finish at Harrodsburg. The convent will be so quiet--no levees, no marching to church in solid-green, no receptions in the parlors--nothing but trees and birds and silent-footed sisters, and cool gray walls, and a little French, a little ancient history, and such portions of the Old Testament history as have not become Protestantized. Joe and Mattie discuss these plans at the close of Joe's school-day, as they sit on his piazza, his flute for the time silent. If they ever considered her ability to go back to John Augustus Williams instead of seeking the tutelage of the saint, an event took place that rendered such a course impossible. It was an event that grew out of other events, all of which had been preparing for many years. To young Oliver Carr, far to the north in Mason County, the beginning had been announced by his old friend Walter Scott. It had come about in this way: One evening the almost-raven locks and the keen but always kindly eyes, of Walter Scott appeared at Carr's hotel, which is for the nonce, the post office. "Dear," he said to the youth who, for the time, is deputy post master, "have you anything for me this evening?" Oliver, feeling that pleasure he always experienced when this question could be affirmed by a paper or letter, handed out the _Louisville Courier_. The old man opened it, and caught sight of words in large black letters that stared from the top of the page. At the door he read the line aloud: "FIRING ON FORT SUMPTER!" The reader burst into tears, and sank down upon the sidewalk. His friends hastened up, thinking he was ill, but Walter Scott could only say, as he pointed at the page,--"Oh, my country is ruined!" They carried him to his home, to that bed from which he was never to rise. That was in April, 1861. On the 21st he whispered his dying message to his friend L. P. Streator, Oliver's teacher,-- "It has been my privilege to develop the kingdom of God. I have been greatly honored". On the 23rd, he was no more, for God took him. The war broke in all its fury upon "neutral" Kentucky. It brought the mountain guerrillas down on May's Lick with all their cruelty, all their wanton destruction. Woe to the goodly stores in William Carr's larder, the furniture of the hotel, the splendid horses in the stables, when they come shouting and cursing at his door! John Augustus Williams is obliged to close his Daughters' College and save his learning for another day. The young ladies have laid aside metaphysics and rhetoric to make clothes for the boys fighting in the Carolinas. For a time it seems not so important to classify the metonymies as to make peas or dandelion taste like coffee. But gentle St. Catherine de Sienna raises its voice in pious song, and tolls its beads, and murmurs in pensive recitivo "_Je suis_, _tu es_, _il est_, _elle est_"--and hears not the echo of Perryville cannon, as one hears in Harrodsburg; or, if hearing, puts it to the account of the flesh and the devil, and chants _Te deum laudamus_. Mattie's year in the convent is of all things the one needful. She rests and learns. At the end of the year she knows what St. Catherine de Sienna had to teach, and her strength is no worse from the acquisition. But as for any influence upon her mind or heart by this year's experience, we seek in vain for a trace. It may be that the beliefs she took behind the convent walls were made firmer to resist soft influences; or it may be that her faith was so impregnable at the beginning of this gentle eclipse, that it had nothing to fear. The girl of seventeen bade farewell to St. Catherine's with the warm affection of the girl, and the serene self-poise of the woman. It left her just where it had found her, except that she knew a little more about the light graces of learning, and--the main thing, after all,--that she was now able to go on with serious study. It is often the case, when a Protestant so young as Mattie, graduates from the convent, that she carries through life a little cloistered chamber in her heart, where thoughts slip in the quiet hour to count their beads, and whisper "Ave Maria". The next year Mattie returned to Daughters' College, where she graduated with honors, in 1865. There is an old gray-mottled composition-book written through in different inks, the prevailing color suggesting iron-rust, the pages showing the shadows of half a century, and the oft-repeated contact of a school-girl's hand. We find on the title page, "Miss Mattie Forbes Myers," written by her own hand--that was when she was thirteen. Later--for this book was used during her college days--we find "Mattie F. Myers"--no use now, for her to prefix the "Miss;" that is done by others. This book is filled with notes taken at lectures, with poems, some original and some copied or memorized, with essays, with school notes; and here alone, save in a few essays on separate sheets, are we given a glimpse into the girl's mind, by the girl herself. Here we may find what she thought of life and death and immortality--but nothing of her daily life. The book is interesting because of its omissions. There are no straggling lines such as one naturally writes in one's school-days when it is raining, for instance; or when one feels dull or impatient for the closing hour. There are no pyramids of schoolmates' names, no idle pictures that might be faces or geometrical figures, no allusions to Harrodsburg, or Lancaster, or Stanford, or any place or person more concrete than Moses crossing the Red Sea, or Hannibal crossing the Alps. Above all, in whatever disquisition upon the "Atonement" or "The Johnsonian Era," there is no flash of humor. One cannot avoid the impression in turning over these 209 closely written pages that here was a girl who, from year to year--that is, from twelve to twenty,--was serious, was intent upon a definite plan, was adhering closely to a central theme, unmindful of aught that detracts or turns the mind aside, though that digression be but the pleasant recreation of a smile. It is true that all these pages do not present "solid reading matter." There is poetry here which shows a deeper love of poetry than of a poetic gift. One sees that this love of poetry was no superficial acquirement; it was not that nice taste for forms that contents the modern reader of magazines with a four-line stanza about any subject that can be put into four lines. Mattie read Mrs. Browning because she loved her. Of all books in English literature, she seems to have cared most for "Aurora Leigh." We find her in after years advising her friends to read Mrs. Browning, if they would taste the purest literary joys. A serious business, indeed, was life to that great-souled English poet with the slender hand up-propping the heavy head--this life so full of song and gaiety to most of us, before we stop laughing--also it meant serious business to Mattie Myers. And as Elizabeth Barrett found in later years a great love upon which she could always rest her weary heart, even so was Mattie Myers to find a love resourceful and deathless? We shall see, by-and-by. The first writing in the book--written somewhere in her thirteenth year, is this: "A forehead royal with the truth"--_Elizabeth Barrett Browning_. Then we find, "As stars differ from one another in glory, so shall it be in the resurrection morn." Later comes, "Heaven is fair, earth pitiless; why is life so dear?" And, "He who has most of heart has most of sword." Then, "Oh life, is all thy song, Endure and die?" These are interesting as showing what sort of sentiments interested the little girl at the boarding-school. They are all like these, her written selections, grave to solemnity. Her original poetry is like it: "In this narrow vale of life Amid its scoldings and its strife, Amid its darkness and its gloom, Loving children, welcome, come." Nor was this that seriousness which many an author confines to his writings, living a life far different from one's tragic numbers. Mattie was not an author, she had no desire to be one, and what she wrote was not apart from her life, but a part of it. The style she developed was the oratorical. Her sentences were balanced, and her thoughts enforced by repetition. What she wrote after her graduation was, in the main, written to be delivered in public address. Her college theses represent the highest development of her style. Even as one reads them, he feels that they should be proclaimed. They are suited to the public platform. If the girl who wrote these does not, in time, become a popular lecturer, we shall be much mistaken! Moreover, apart from the embellishment which she loved to give her sentences, we find that whatever subject she undertakes, she treats with a whole-souled enthusiasm, as if it were a matter of immediate, vital importance, and as if she were an eyewitness of the event. Hear her: "But when Aurora with her rosy fingers lifted the veil of night and robed the earth in sparkling gems, the predominant trait of his character again swayed his being, and again his solemn oath was violated. Infatuated man! Think you that because the stream now flows smoothly, and the thunder of the cataract has transiently ceased, that you are far removed from danger? Already you are within the rapids." Who is this man that is in such terrible danger? None other than our old friend Pharaoh. In such thrilling words is his doom presently presented, that we feel that while he got no worse than he deserved, still it was enough. This was written at St. Catherine's. She is just as intimate with, just as keenly alive to, the sorrows of Spenser: "Though the ashes of Spenser repose at Westminister, yet he still lives in the hearts of every lover of the beautiful and the good. The casket has decayed, but the jewel is firmly set in the coronet of Literature. There it will shine in undimmed splendor and beauty until the Empire of Genius shall fall. Even in our school-girl heart he has found a place, and memory of his woes and his joys, of his poverty and his unsearchable riches, will be with us forever." The same spirit of bringing heart and soul into the theme, is shown in her treatment of her favorites of the Elizabethan era, the time of Queen Anne, or the Fall of Carthage. One does not feel that these essays are "pieces" so much as they are fragments of a sincere and enthusiastic mind. That which rouses her to greatest exaltation is the description of a soul encountering supreme difficulties; and we find her standing by Hannibal with a trumpet call to duty and heroism, when all his own have deserted him. Here is her hero of history, to none other does she so freely pour forth the unstinted admiration of her girl's heart. Two other qualities should be mentioned in this connection. One is the intellectual force shown in these really remarkable productions, the ability to take the accepted positions of critics and clothe them in new and pulsing words. No need to ask for help in writing these compositions! who indeed could have done so well? In a few instances we find where the pencil of John Augustus Williams has culled out superlative phrases, or where he has inquired (for instance, after such a phrase as "we weep for him") if this is not rather "strong?" But on the whole, he leaves her articles unchanged, doubtless taking keen delight in the ability that has produced them. A young girl who can write thus at fifteen and seventeen, might do great things as an author; but as we have seen, her plans were formed for other fields. The last quality of her writings which we have reserved, is one that permeates everything she wrote. No matter what the subject--whether the "Vail of Wyoming," or the general title, "Logic"--religion comes in; we do not say it creeps in; it walks in with head erect. It quite often overflows and submerges the point under consideration. One feels at times that the subject has been a means of getting at more vital matters. All through the composition-book we find pieces of sermons, and quotations of moral reflections, and verses from the Bible. Here and there are penciled little prayers such as a school girl might make who has deep purposes. There are pages of reflections on the Holy Spirit, side by side with French lessons. The religious nature of man; Christ as Prophet; Christ as Law-giver; God and Justice; Faith--these are discussed at length between sections of Botany notes and Geology and Civil Government classifications. The last word of all is given, not to a remark about some seatmate, or teacher, but to John the Baptist--what she thought of _his_ life and purpose. In this schoolbook, closed so long ago, there is a page almost filled with a discussion of Lady Macbeth; then, inverted lines, penciled as if to stow it away from conspicuous sight--and, indeed, against the background of iron-rusted ink, it is hardly discernible--are these lines without a subject heading: "God grant that I may never find enjoyment in the foolish pleasures of the world; but that my soul may soar far above its ephemeral joys unto the unsearchable riches of Christ Jesus my Lord." That was the prayer of her young days; it explains what she has written--the pages we have been examining. By the light of this prayer, we may follow her from the schoolroom to her active service in the outer world. We see her attentive upon the worship of God; not only going, but leading; not only listening, but ministering. She finds her work in the songs of the church. At Mount Carmel lives her married sister, Mrs. Kate O'Bannon, a devoted member of the Church of Christ. During her latter summer vacations, Mattie stays with her; at church, she leads the singing. In the early mornings, Mattie delighted in her walk along the ridge-road, from which the woods could be heard speaking in the myriad voices of bird-happiness. And she loved the little church, fresh from her school-duties, loved each greeting at the sunny door, and down the quiet aisles, coming as voices from long voyages apart. She led the singing with all her heart, and the congregation sang with all theirs; and when a protracted meeting was to be held, there was pleasurable excitement among the singers, over what to sing, and how to sing it. One day, excitement is rife among church-members; one hears that a strange preacher is coming to hold a meeting--a young man Mattie has never seen. Who can it be? Surely not the boy from May's Lick? Surely not the Oliver Carr who was startled one evening with an armful of shavings, poised for bearing home, at hearing the wagon-maker say--"Ollie, isn't it time for you to be a Christian?" Certainly, it would be strange if Oliver Carr should come to preach in the church where Mattie Myers leads the singing! The hard-earned money of Eneas Myall and his friend would not have been spent in vain, should such be the case! Let us return to May's Lick at the time of Oliver's starting to college, and find how, by any means, we can bring him to Mount Carmel to hold this very meeting, for which "Miss Mattie" is making ready. CHAPTER V. A UNIVERSITY STUDENT. That was a wonderful day for the boy Oliver when, with the farewells of his parents, brothers and sisters, friends and benefactors, ringing in his ears, he started to college. As the stage coach rushed across the corner of Fleming County, and plunged through Nicholas and wound its way among the bluegrass pasture lands of Bourbon, he felt that he was seeing the world, at last; and not only seeing the world, but had the means to take an honored place in it; for to this youth of sixteen, there seemed no honor greater than that of preaching the Gospel. It was so plain to him, this plea of the disciples of Christ; it appeared so evidently the truth of the whole matter; he was anxious to tell others about it, imagining in his inexperienced zeal, that others would be as glad to hear as he had been. But before he could preach, the collegiate fortresses of wisdom must be stormed and captured. Head of his class in mathematics at the academy--that is the best we can say for him now, and souls are not won from sin and error by the demonstrations of Euclid. Here we are in Fayette County, and the train stops at Lexington. Here Oliver pauses, but does not stop, for the University is wanting several years of reaching this point. We must hold on our course--down through Jessamine County to Mercer. And now indeed, our blood thrills as if needles were pricking our veins, for we are near our destination,--near Harrodsburg the goal of our boyhood's ambition. There are other boys in the stage coach going to the University, and we talk about the history of that institution, and of its professors, and of what we will do when we stop at the station, and where we will go,--all strangers as we are, and all young, in this year, 1861. Some one tells how Bacon College was established by the disciples of Christ in Georgetown twenty-five years ago, and how its first president was Walter Scott--a name sufficient to bring up May's Lick before Oliver's mind, with a far-away suggestion of homesickness. And another tells (or should tell for the refreshing of the reader's memory) of ten years of college life under James Shannon, until Bacon College went to sleep, or underwent suspended animation, and had to be brought to Harrodsburg by J. B. Bowman, to try what a new climate and a new name could do for it. So Bacon College became Kentucky University in 1858--just three years ago. Then another--for there were four of these[4] boys, and being boys they talked a great deal, and, as we see, very much to our purpose--congratulates all upon the fortunate circumstances that have provided the University with the first teachers of the land--a fortunate circumstance for Harrodsburg, he means; of course a fortunate circumstance for anybody has a curious way of being unfortunate so far as somebody else is concerned. Bethany College had been reduced to ashes; and although new walls were starting up from the gray ruins, such men of learning and piety as Bethany College boasted could not sit idly by, while brick was laid upon brick; they, too, might be building, and, by happy fortune, something more durable than stone. So Robert Milligan leaves his chair of mathematics at Bethany, to assume the presidency of our reawakened or newborn institution--old Bacon College, or new Kentucky University--one hardly knows if the author was Bacon or Shakespeare!--and Dr. Robt. Richardson entrusts his chair of Physical Science at Bethany to Dr. H. Christopher, and becomes vice-president at Harrodsburg. So now we know--by listening to the chatter of these prospective students--how it came about that Mattie Myers was treated to the preaching of these giants. She is over yonder at Daughters' College even now a girl of fourteen. Even then, she says, she "had given her life to serious study and preparation for her chosen life-work." And what of Bethany College? How can it survive the loss of those illustrious men? Perhaps with its Alexander Campbell for president, it can weather the gale! But certainly those of us who are Kentuckians and who have been attending the College in Virginia, because we had none of our own, now feel unbounded elation over our newly-captured prize! For in those days, says S. W. Crutcher, who was just such a student, "We had somehow gotten into the habit of spelling Kentucky with a big 'K' and the United States in small letters." It was Crutcher who, then in Virginia, went with the other Kentuckians to "Hybernia" to congratulate Professor Milligan on being chosen president of Kentucky University. The Professor--who had already grown cautious about standing in draughts--expressed his resolution to spend the remainder of his life in the service of the University; and Mrs. Milligan, with thoughts for the present life, led the young men into the dining-room. Belle is in short dresses; for, as we have said, this was three years ago; and it is only last year that Robt. Graham left Harrodsburg for Arkansas. We were speaking of S. W. Crutcher; and by a queer coincidence, there he is in the middle of the street as the stage coach brings Oliver Carr to Harrodsburg. We are here at last. Crutcher takes Oliver and his three traveling-companions to a boarding-house which proves an undesirable place, and President Milligan takes Oliver into his own home; there he finds Belle's dress three years nearer the floor than when Sam Crutcher told her farewell in Bethany; and Oliver is, of course, very much afraid of her; for was there ever a boy more awkward or more conscious of his tallness and thinness, than this youth from Lewis and Mason County? Perhaps not. But he is much at ease with the president, himself, for the president is a man--and Oliver has dealt thus far principally with men--and not only so, but with a prince of men. If Eneas Myall, the blacksmith, could have had the choosing of Oliver's companions, knowing in his practical English head that his protege was in the danger-zone of youth, when companionship counts most--he could have selected with no greater care than Providence seemed to have done. First of all, there was the Milligan household with its atmosphere as unlike that of the village hotel, as if it had been of another world. Then there was the man with whom Oliver used to walk home from school, with whom he loved to stroll in the twilight--the Professor of English, who examined the youth's fitness for his junior year by having him analyze and parse a hymn. Between this man and boy grew a liking that was soon ardent love. "My boy"--that is what L. L. Pinkerton called Oliver. And Oliver, as he walked with his favorite teacher, and heard him quote poetry--poetry in the balmy evenings of autumn, poetry in the crisp winter afternoon, poetry wherever Pinkerton was, whether that of others, or that of his own joyous temperament--here was another formative influence for the boy from the froglands. When we, of another day, look back upon that time, and watch this sweet association, it is hard to understand the bitterness--we must not say hatred--that used to be roused at the mention of the Professor of English. Let us take a closer look at this man from Baltimore County, Maryland; a brief look, necessarily, but one which will seek to envelope his main attributes. In so doing, we have not forgotten that our central aim is to present the life of Mattie Myers over yonder in Daughters' College--where she has scarcely heard of Oliver Carr, though she knows Pinkerton by sight. To begin at the beginning of L. L. Pinkerton's life--which was in his eighteenth year--we find him building a post-and-rail fence in West Virginia not far from Bethany; "black locust posts, black walnut rails," he remembers, "all taken from the stump, and fence set, for twenty-five cents per panel of eight feet." Not that the quality of wood or price of wages matters--at least now; what does matter is that one morning, before going to work, he found a paper on the table, edited by Alexander Campbell. The _Millennial Harbinger_ was its name. Lewis picked up the paper casually, and was soon reading with strange intentness--reading and re-reading. Strange reading-matter to absorb the attention of a fence-builder of eighteen--it was all about Truth! Presently he went to Bethany to hear more about it, and at the close of a sermon by A. Campbell, was baptized--he rode home that night four miles in dripping garments. It was so wonderful to him, this plea of the disciples of Christ--one name for all Christendom, one rule of faith and practice, and that rule the Bible alone--he could not but believe that it would be eagerly accepted by a sect-divided world! He began preaching. From Lexington he went to Midway, where he established the Orphan School of the Christian church. For sixteen years he labored in raising funds, and in teaching, for this exponent of practical Christianity. The same enthusiasm which had marked his acceptance of the "reformed religion" carried him over innumerable obstacles, whether of miserliness, poverty, or cold discouragement. Now the Midway Orphan School was firmly established, and the year before Oliver came to the University, Pinkerton accepted the English professorship. But, unfortunately for his peace of mind, however fortunate for truth in the abstract and concrete, poetry was not the only thing that L. L. Pinkerton talked, outside of school hours. When we seek to pierce the clouds of misunderstanding and accusation that darken the atmosphere of those days, the charges of heresy, and the retorts of sectarianism, above all, the trumpet call that one or the other was not "sound,"--which opprobrious epithet, indeed, sounds above all the other jarring cries,--we cannot believe that this resolution to "down Pinkerton" came from the sole desire to exalt the Christ. No doubt his opposers believed such to be the case, but they were mistaken. It was all the war, the spirit of the times. Though the heavens fall, Pinkerton must proclaim his conviction that slavery was of the devil, must lecture about it, must do everything that lay in his power to convince others, must declare his satisfaction when Lincoln's Proclamation--that one proclamation that calls for no explanatory data to remind one _what_ proclamation--outraged those who did not believe slavery to be of the devil; far otherwise, indeed. For the war has burst upon us, now in all its fury, and though we, as a state, are "neutral," everybody knows what that means, and suspects his neighbor accordingly. In Midway, Pinkerton in building up the church, established and nurtured a church for the black folk--preached for it until out of African darkness was evolved a light to shine for itself. He believed these slaves had souls, and somehow, he looked upon his labors for their salvation as a part of the practical good-doing that flowered in the Orphan School. If he could only believe these things to himself, and not say anything! But in that case, he would not have been Pinkerton. And so, after the year 1862--the year in which Oliver Carr preached his first sermon--no church-door was opened that L. L. Pinkerton might preach therein--never again was he to be thought "sound" enough. Oliver heard much of "soundness" in those days, just as we do now. But happily for his peace of mind, he was not disturbed by the continuous jarring and clashing of orthodox and heretical opinions. He was too busy--too busy, almost to eat; there is no recreation for him save as he trudges to and fro between school and lodgings, with, or without, the poetical friend. For he is most irregular in his classes; mathematics--fine; Latin and Greek--nothing!--"Dead," his father had objected. Dead indeed, and buried so deep, that the boy must dig hard and late, to unearth the skeletons. The result of which exhausting excavation we hear announced in the language of Dr. Richardson: "If you don't improve in health I do not see how you can continue your studies--" And, a little later: "You had better go home!" Dark days--a weary struggle for health--a conviction that this is consumption--a last futile fight for victory--back home goes the broken invalid, just as Mattie Myers had been forced to quit the field. But there is a difference, since Oliver is obliged to stop in the midst of everything--and since he can ill afford a rest. He has had his chance and it seems all in vain. For three months he stays with his sister drinking mineral-water, filled with torturing regrets and inextinguishable hope. His sister--it is Mary--has married; we are to hear of her again. Three months--and he realizes that if he goes back, it will mean as severe a regime as before. The ground is hardly broken above those dead languages, and he has not the strength he had thought he possessed. However, if we could, later on, take a peep at the young men about the grounds, we would find Oliver Carr holding his own with Surber, Keith and Mountjoy and Albert Myles. For six years we find him studying--"as hard as anybody," in his opinion; but not again is ill-health to drive him home, though always hovering at his elbow. Let us take glimpses, here and there, at these years, with the happy privilege of the reader, of attending the school of his hero without being compelled to study his hero's lessons. At the close of his full year he goes back to May's Lick. To rest? Yes, if to do what lies closest to the heart is rest. He borrows a horse, gets his saddlebags, arms himself with Bible and hymn-book, and starts out for Carter county where Henry Pangburn and Thomas Munnell have "started a meeting." He informs the girl who keeps the tollgate that he is a preacher; no doubt in this boy's mind as to what he is! He loses his way in the mountain trails--"Babe" will go to show him the school-house, if he will catch her old white horse with burrs in its tail; "Babe" is a young lady of two hundred pounds--what matter her other name? On they go, in and out among the hills--Babe's girth breaks and Oliver gives up his horse to her. "Hello Babe!" thus the father of Frank Kibbey from his doorway, "who's that you have with you?" "Oh, a little rebel I picked up on the way!"--a laughing matter to Babe, but not to Oliver, for he sees her drawn aside, and hears the whispered demand, "_Is_ he a rebel?"--and wonders if he will be hung. But they are all rebels together. Thomas Munnell says "Ollie, you must preach tonight!" And Oliver knows off-hand what he will preach, because he has only one sermon! So the benches are brought into the home of "Bro. Kibbey"--for in the morning the preaching had been in the woods,--and Oliver stood in a corner, the preacher's point of vantage in those days, and preached. "And some old women bragged on me," he said afterward. These fledgling students--Kibbey and Carr--sent an appointment to preach in the mountains. As they rode along, talking about their faith,--for that is what these boys loved to talk about--they saw a beautiful pool sparkling among lordly oaks, and they said, "Here is where we will baptize!" Why not? Not a word had been preached, nor had they ever looked upon the faces of their prospective auditors; but did they not have the truth? So they preached to the mountaineers; and presently came back to the pool among the oaks, where they baptized four young men and four young women. Another picture, brief, almost brusque in its bold coloring: the young man is called into the office of the Professor of Mathematics, Henry H. White. The teacher abruptly extends his hand, "This is for you; take it." It is fifty dollars. Oliver, the tears springing to his eyes, would falter his thanks. "That will do sir!" says the Professor with mathematical dryness. "That will do sir! you're dismissed,"--so sharply, so conclusively, that nothing is to be done but go. There are two such scenes, precisely alike; fifty dollars each time, and, "That will do sir!" as an end to the incident. Never were such kindnesses more gratefully received, or more sorely needed. For men have come down from the mountains, seizing upon the property of Southern sympathizers, and none too particular about your sympathies, if they can get away with horses and money. William Carr sees his hard-earned savings disappear in a night. The horses from his stables are spirited away; his hotel is looted; nor is there wanting the suspicion that some of his neighbors have pointed out the spoils to the enemy. To his sudden necessity is added the bitterness against injustice and ingratitude. Farther into the night his wife must sew, earlier in the morning they must rise; for though one son is away at college, and one daughter is married, there is little left to support the other five children. So here at May's Lick is a battle for daily bread, while Oliver, at Harrodsburg, battles for daily Latin and Greek. Nor is this time of stress without its element of heroism. One might pause in the narrative to show the young University student in danger of his life, on the occasion of one of his home-comings. A drunken soldier, having robbed William Carr of his horse, is about to shoot the hotel-keeper because he is a "Southerner." Oliver leaps between, fastens his gaze upon the infuriated face, holds out his defenceless arms, and saves his father's life. This is Oliver's experience of the war, this crushing blow upon his parents; this, and the booming of cannon at Perryville, and the long line of stragglers coming back from a beaten field; and then the wounded and the dead. Harrodsburg is taxed to the utmost in giving shelter to the fallen heroes. Daughters' College from which, as we have seen, the young ladies have been banished, is opened up as a hospital. L. L. Pinkerton is no longer teaching; he has resigned to become surgeon in the Eleventh Kentucky Cavalry; just as he marched to the defense of orphan girls and negroes groping in spiritual darkness, so now he sallies forth for his country; leading the soldiers in prayer every evening, dressing the wounds of the blue or gray, and singing Northern battle hymns. And just as he always worked too hard for Midway Orphan School, or for the disciples' plea, or whatever he worked at--never resting till failing resources made him rest,--so now, he toils at regimental prayer-meeting and midnight diagnoses and presently finds himself bedfast. Too feeble to stand, he lies praying that the South may be conquered; and, so praying, he is carried to the home of an old friend, a Captain Carr, who is a Southerner to the core. For weeks the friend of Lincoln lies at the point of death, cared for with all tenderness by the friend of Jefferson Davis. Then J. B. Bowman, he who turned Bacon College into Kentucky University, came up from Harrodsburg to Louisville; here the Professor of English lay, and, taking him in his strong arms, Bowman carried him out to the carriage and rode away with him. So, we have him back at Harrodsburg at last, where he may walk with Oliver again, and quote poetry. Of course he tells Oliver about his kind treatment in the home of Captain Carr, and speaks of the tender and faithful ministrations of Southern nurses. And then, quickly, lest he be misunderstood, he asserts his unalterable faith in the justice of the Union cause; he will have no doubts as to where he stands. "I could scatter flowers over the graves of the Confederate dead," he says, "and even bedew them with my tears; but I must still say, if forced to it, 'These poor, brave young men fell in an unrighteous war against a beneficent government!'" He must still say it, later on, to the destruction of his peace of mind; to the dissolution of many a friendly tie; must still say it, if forced to it; and must say it, whether forced or not, such being the impetuosity of his character, which consumes prudence and policy in one blaze of enthusiasm. In the meantime, Oliver is at war in his own way. That the South should prove its right to self-government appeared to him self-evident, but it did not rouse his fighting blood. Souls to be saved from sin and error--that is his ever-pressing consideration. That all religious bodies should take the name of Christian, and worship according to the Scriptures--could anything be simpler? That the six or seven denominations in small tows, instead of utilizing half their vitality in keeping themselves going, should all combine in one glorious purpose to exalt the Christ--could anything be more like Heaven on Earth? Oliver thought thus. He believed it might come to pass; and he was eager to do his part in bringing it about. So every summer he left the University halls to carry his message into the hills and valleys of Kentucky; and such was his youthful ardor, his enthusiastic conviction of success, that people for a time stopped talking about John Morgan and friends in Canada, and went to hear the boy from the village tavern. The time came when he resolved to carry the war into his own country. So he packed his saddlebags and rode into the land of his youth. There was no building of the disciples of Christ, but Oliver was offered the Methodist meeting house. When it was noised abroad that Oliver Carr was going to preach, hearts were stirred and the farmers, many miles away, began catching up their horses to take the family to meeting. Men who had not been to church for years expressed themselves to this effect: "Ol going to preach? Yes, I'll go to hear _him_." The meeting began Thursday night; on Saturday he baptized fourteen. Sunday morning the church building was locked; an agitated congregation hovered in the yard. "Oliver has opened the doors of the church!" complained his aunt--meaning the spiritual church; she had taken care that the church of pine boards should be more closely guarded. Across the street from the inhospitable meeting house stood the school house. The audience moved thither. The women went within; the men remained outside. Oliver stood in the door, and preached on "Christian Union". Mrs. O'Bannon was there, she and her school-girl sister, Mattie Myers. And Mattie led the singing, and listened to the young University student with unqualified approval. In after days she was to hear him preach many a sermon, and in many lands; "But that was the best sermon he ever preached!" she declared. For they were both so young, then, and both so fired with zeal for the same cause which to them seemed the supreme cause of earth and heaven. And they were both so confident that this cause must triumph--perhaps in their own lifetime! Oliver went to Orangeburg to preach in another Methodist church, and people came from May's Lick to hear the boy, his father among the number. Very seldom, if ever, had Oliver seen William Carr at church before; here he baptized fourteen--but alas! his father was not one of them. Then ten days at Sardis, and forty baptized--but we need not follow the youth from point to point; it was everywhere the same indestructible faith, and many converts, and the beginnings of church life. Daniel Carr, Oliver's grandfather, sent for him to come up to Lewis county and preach in his home. Daniel was a prominent class-leader of the Methodist church, 76 years old. Oliver responded gladly, entered the county of his birth, where his uncles and aunts all lived, faithful Methodists. His grandfather brought benches and chairs into his house, and called in neighbors and kinsfolk. Oliver saw before him the boys and girls with whom he had gone to school in the country before his father's removal to May's Lick. Here were Old-School Baptists and Presbyterians, come to hear what the "Campbellite" had to tell them. But they did not come in hostility; far from that. It was with wonder, rather, that they looked upon this young man and thought of his past--the hard work on the farm, the harder work in his father's hotel. They knew how he had been obliged to leave the University on account of ill-health, and how, since then, he had taxed his strength to the utmost in evangelistic campaigns among the hills. And now he had come to them, his old neighbors, to tell them about Christ! His grandfather knelt down to open the meeting with prayer, but suddenly the wonder and the joy of it came upon him, and they heard nothing but his sobs. When he was able to utter words, they burst from a heart that throbbed with heavenly thanksgiving. Then Oliver rose. At last, at last! the privilege was his to speak to these dear people, words of eternal life. As he looked into their kindly faces, he too, was overcome by emotion. Minute after minute passed by, and he could but weep, while the faces of his audience, bathed in tears, told him that the yearning of his heart was understood. It seems wonderful when a celebrated man rises to address an audience, and, for ten minutes, stands dumb before tireless applause. But what shall we say of this boy who stands ten minutes unable to speak for tears of joy, while his friends wait, unable to hear for weeping? This we must say; that we have found here a youth who has given himself with all his soul to an idea; an idea that grips at the roots of emotions and desires and life itself. Will not he who weeps with joy at the opportunity to deliver his message, also fight for it? But though fighting, will not his valor be tempered with the tenderness of tears? [4] "These boys," Garrett S. Wall (now Judge Wall, of Maysville, Ky.), Jacob Riley, Anthony Latham and O. A. Carr, all from May's Lick, had lively discussion on the way. "Which church is right?" was the awkward way the talk went on: Garrett explained Jacob's Theological puzzles: Oliver presented the points in that first sermon he ever heard that he understood, and to him the Scripture statements were plain: Anthony, true son of "Calvin", dwelt on the "decrees". These boys were going to be taught, and Anthony seemed willing that the "Spirit should guide him into all truth" provided it did not make a Campbellite of him; for he knew that was wrong religion. The count stood--three against one, and in boy fashion it was claimed that if "what is to be will be" Anthony ought to be satisfied. O. A. C. CHAPTER VI. LOVE AND SACRIFICE. So they have met at last, the preacher and the singer. They might have finished their education there at Harrodsburg, Oliver Carr at the University and Mattie Myers at Daughters' College--if the meeting had not brought them together--who knows! But, being brought together in that way, and being the grave and purposeful characters we have found them to be, it is easy enough to comprehend the friendship that came into being; a friendship sanctified, as it were, by the sound of hymn and the fervor of prayer. After the services we find Oliver going home with Mrs. O'Bannon, in whose parlor he meets the school-girl sister. Serious enough is their talk--you might have thought them staid Christians of middle life! She finds him awkward and embarrassed, except when the talk runs religiously. He finds her, to his thinking, highly educated, and feels due awe for her superior advantages. Behold him, now, driving up with a spring-wagon to take Mattie and her friends on an excursion to the mineral springs--"�sculapia", it is called--certainly an appropriate spot for these two health-needing students! Drink of that mineral-water as deeply as you may and let us hope Old �sculapius himself will infuse strength into the sparkling drops! After this pleasant companionship, Oliver and Mattie were never again to be strangers. Now he knows one girl at Daughters' College who leads singing in the church--and she knows one young man at the University whose very soul is wrapped up in the things nearest her own heart. He comes to the college to see her; and John Augustus Williams sits with them in the parlor to complete the triangle,--very properly; are not triangles the least-sided figures known in the halls of learning? And when President Milligan gives a levee, who comes for Mattie to escort her thither? Ask if you choose; I shall not answer! We have seen how Kentucky University emerged from Bacon College, but we have not witnessed the closing scene of the transformation. Out of Georgetown came Bacon College to Harrodsburg; and out of Danville came Transylvania Seminary to Lexington; here the Seminary found Kentucky Academy, and these two were fused into Transylvania University. For sixty-six years Transylvania University flourished and then declined. Then fire destroyed the college building at Harrodsburg, and Milligan came to Lexington, and Kentucky University was amalgamated with old Transylvania, and these two were one. Which takes Oliver away from Harrodsburg, and that means letters; letters between him and Mattie Myers. It was in 1865 that Kentucky University gave its last exercises in Harrodsburg. The "Franklin Literary and Philosophical Society" gave its "exhibit," June 21st. From his "speeches" written out and now among the relics it appears that Oliver was usually chosen to represent the "Franklins." One subject discussed was, "Should we in the administration of law, be influenced by Justice alone?" J. T. Spillman of Harrodsburg affirms; O. A. Carr of May's Lick denies. And the speech that O. A. Carr delivers is sent on eight pages, the words liberally italicised, to "Miss Mattie." "I do this to gratify my friend," he adds at the end of the poetry that closes the debate, "and I hope that she will not forget her promise--I will expect those notes on President Williams' lecture soon." Thus begins the correspondence: a debate from him, lecture notes from her. Mattie Myers is only eighteen, now, and she speaks with all that age-wisdom one finds in the sober-minded young: "I have been living over all the delights of the past," she writes to a friend, "and when the bright dream passed away before the storm actualities of the present, my heart has wept that the golden hours of childhood shall never, never return. True, my childhood was not all joyous; yet there is a luxury in remembering even the grief that tore my young heart. Many changes have taken place since then. The death-angel has taken from our circle two dear sisters. Is it not hard for the human heart, so full of pride, to pass submissive under the rod? Yet in each affliction there is a blessing. There is a holy, purifying influence that the children of God must feel in order to be made fit for His inheritance,--an influence that even mighty truth, alone, cannot bring; an influence that only trial can exert upon the proud heart. This will make the weakest strong; God accepts no sacrifice without salt or without fire. Trial gives us our Christian character, brings us into closer communion with our God. With it our hearts may be made fair and pure as the snow that encircles the mountain-crest. It was a bright-winged messenger that took from us our sisters, though with the eye of flesh we could not see the brightness of His glory."[5] "Many of the old friends are married," she continues, "and many are sleeping. One hardly recognizes the old Kentucky Home. Dearest friends have moved away. The home of one's youth seems strange. But of one I must tell you, one dearer to me than all others--_my brother_. God grant that I may not love him too well lest I forget Him who gave me one so dear!" This year brought the war to a close. We find Oliver Carr once more on an evangelistic tour, followed, we may be sure, by best wishes from Mattie Myers for his success. He is accompanied by John W. Mountjoy. They borrow horses at May's Lick, load their saddle-pockets, and start for the mountains. Let us take a look at them, July 14, 1865,--"A bright, beautiful morning," says Mountjoy, writing joyously in his pocket-diary; "we rose with the sun, welcomed by the song of birds and the gayety of nature." It is interesting to note just what preaching means, and what it includes for these young University students. "We led George and Davy to water, fed them and rubbed them off." (Davy is Oliver's colt, so named for David Armstrong, and George is John's colt, so called after George Ranck, who trudged on foot with Oliver to hear his first sermon at a school house on the Perryville road three miles from Harrodsburg, and afterward became the Lexington historian.) "Went to the house, had prayers, and then breakfast. Left immediately on our journey for Vanceburg,--rode slowly on account of the lameness of Ol's 'Davy.' Singing joyously"--this beautiful morning--"we reached rows of cabins humbly situated by the roadside--the little children, the old grand-mother with her white cap--an old man mowing by the wayside. I would gladly have helped him, could I have stopped. * * * We are now at the blacksmith shop, having 'Davy' shod--sixteen miles yet to ride before we reach Vanceburg." Presently they pass the little school-house where Oliver learned his first lesson, his a b c's the first day; the second day it was a-b ab, and the University student sees himself, barefoot and tiny, trudging up to the doorway that looked so large to him then. It is hard for him to believe that little boy himself. The years at May's Lick Academy have come since then, and the years at Harrodsburg, and now the prospect of years at Lexington. He is already so removed from that little boy, and all the world of that little boy, so removed in life-purposes, in eternal desires! and yet there is something of the little child in his tall awkward form--or in his heart, rather--something always childlike. "The school-house where Ol. learned his first lesson," says Mountjoy--"I could not enter into half the joys of his sweet remembrances of happier days." Could not, truly; but why "happier" days? Is it not because they are past, those days of youth, never to be ours again; surely it is not because they were in reality happier! We pass through Clarksburg about 12, we reach Vicksburg about one, and now we--or I should say, "I," am sitting on the bank of the Ohio,--Oliver is doubtless resting from his experiences with "Davy." For, "While riding along about halfway between Mount Carmel and Vanceburg, talking of Geo. Ranck and Davy Armstrong, Ol. took a notion that his beast was becoming insensible to the spur on his right foot, and concluded he would make a change. He raised his left leg over the shoulder of Davy"--and then we are treated to a bit of Greek in the diary-narrative, the spirit, if not the letter, of which may be gleaned from a line further on--"I thought Ol. would surely be killed." Away goes Davy, free of any spur, scattering saddle-pockets and hymn-books to right and left. A quarter of a mile away he stops, and looks back at the other borrowed horse as if to say, "George, throw John Mountjoy off and let's go back to old man Chancellor!"--the old man, evidently from whom they were borrowed. At which, George's spirit begins to rage, and Mountjoy has all he can do to keep _in statu quo_. And his thought--if one can afterwards remember what his thought was at such a crisis--ran thus; "Ol. is killed or half-dead; I suppose I will have all the preaching to do!" Preaching he has to do, but only his share, but no funeral, for Ol. staggers up and mounts and clings. And now we find Mountjoy alone on the river bank, wishing that the music of the waves could inspire him to do justice to the thrilling scene just closed. But after all, Oliver is not resting up from his dethronement, for we are presently to discover him in a situation none too heroic, by the canons of genteel fiction. We have come down to the landing to see the steamer "Telegraph." We are now down the river a little way. "While I have been writing, Ol. has been washing his boots, with sand for soap. The boat has just passed down the river and the waves are lashing the shore, making melody. Ol. will preach tonight in the little school-house." And somewhat further down we find in another handwriting--"All sitting together tonight, and Johnnie proposes that each of us write something in his diary and sign his name. O. A. CARR." So the day, bright and beautiful, is at a close; the waves of the Ohio no longer sparkle with diamonds as the steamboat plows its way southward; and the jolts of the journey--let us hope--are eased; and the sermon has been preached; and if we smile at the thought of the sand-scouring of the boots, is it not with the smile of sympathy? For we, too, find beautiful the feet of those who bring tidings of great joy! So, as we say, gone is that bright day of July, so many years ago; and every little movement in the river one saw that day has, for many years, lapsed into stillness, to give place to the movements of other times. But the words spoken then, the sermon preached, the hymns sung, the prayers offered,--who shall say there is not in the world to-day a greater love for humanity, a deeper adoration of the Christ, because of them? This same year Mattie Myers wrote, "The leafy bowers their shadows cast, and on the grass so cool, We lay our burning brows and weep the fleeting joys of school"-- For her school-days are at last ended. Four years of instruction under her brother's surveillance, six more at St. Catherine de Sienna's and Daughters' College--ten years of lingering at the founts of knowledge! And now that they have slipped away, and the young girl faces the graver problem of life itself, the school-girl breaks into swan-song, and dies to her youth, as she immerges into womanhood: "We leave thee, Alma Mater, dear, with all the bitter grief That farewell brings to loving hearts, yet with a sweet relief,-- A hope to tread thy walks again, to breathe thy fragrant air,-- A hope to hear again thy voice, thy holy truth to share." To her mind, education was not only acquirement of truth, but of holy truth; such an acquisition as called for its inevitable reward: "When from the dust the good shall rise When glory's streaming from the skies; The hand of love a wreath will twine, Eternal, glorious, divine." "Miss Mattie: Dear Sister--" What is this? Nothing less than a Kentucky University student, writing from "Social Hall," on the 12th of January, 1866. "Don't be surprised to find the name of your friend Ollie at the conclusion of these lines," he goes on, "though I admit it is enough to surprise you." But not us! He was disappointed, he says, because she did not come to Mount Carmel during his last meeting, "for I had _all_ the preaching to do myself--" signifying that there was no young girl fresh from college to lead the singing. The letter is all about his evangelistic work. "Uncle Gilbert, who had not been within a church for twenty years, was constantly in his seat before me, looking and listening with intent interest." And then he mourns because his sister Mary did not "purify her soul by obeying the truth through the spirit." Privately, she tells her preacher-brother that she believes; but she will wait awhile before confessing her belief, will wait for the husband to come. But he does not come. "I left that dear good sister sitting on the stile, watching to catch the last glimpse of me, departing perhaps forever." But that vacation was not spent in vain. "During two months I reported 133 additions, organized four Sunday schools and two churches. Oh, how happy I would be tonight, if all my dear relations were among those who have obeyed!" Then he gives us an insight into the sort of things he and "Miss Mattie" conversed about at social gatherings. "Although my summer was indeed a happy one, yet when I returned to where all are so worldly, my heart seemed almost broken. I will always remember the remark you made at President Milligan's reception, in regard to the conversion of my parents; and of your faith in prayer." Serious, indeed, but sweet in its strong helpfulness, is this correspondence, now springing up. We have but one side of it, but it reveals the other. His next letter: "I will never forget your good advice, nor will I cease to thank you for it. Mattie, I regard you as my most wholesome counselor. I seldom find a young lady who will give me advice; and none ever gave me more consolation than you. I have just read your letter, and I feel stronger spiritually. How cheering to the poor boy, are these words from a sister in Christ. You ask me what message you shall bear to Mary"--the sister we left gazing sadly from the stile, waiting, but unready. "If you have an opportunity, please encourage her to become a Christian. I took tea with President Williams last night. He says if he returns to Harrodsburg next year, he will have you as his assistant teacher. I hope you will sufficiently recover your health to be able to take up that employment next to the Christian ministry in point of usefulness, that you may labor for God and humanity." [Illustration: School Days Ended.] He writes in March: "I have been on a visit to my sister, Minnie Fox, to attend an exhibition given by her husband's school. From there I went to Winchester to preach, and have just returned. My roommate"--here he pauses to take futile revenge--"Dr. Sweeny, is amusing himself with his flute and vexing me no little with his discordant notes. Of course _good natured Ol._ bears it all in good part, hoping however, that the doctor's serenade will soon conclude!"--a side-remark which we might have made ourselves. Then to the more serious matters: "I admire more than ever the kind, easy and natural manner breathed in your letters. Your style portrays a good heart. I love _talking_ letters, and such talk, too, that expresses spontaneous emotions. How happy I am under the conviction that you feel solicitations about my welfare, and offer up prayers in my behalf. Mattie, I often think of your remark to me last June, stating what you thought could be done through faith." He has two regular appointments now, for preaching; at Macedonia[6] and Providence. He touches upon the latest news: "I suppose you have heard of Brother A. Campbell's death. How sad to think that one so great and good must lose his power and fade away! 'He had fought a good fight,' and now goes away to wear the crown. President Williams will go back to Harrodsburg. He prefers teaching young ladies to boys. Mattie! I am trying to compose an oration on the 'True and Good in Man,' and would be very much obliged if you will give a few suggestions. (Bad luck to that pen for dropping the ink! please excuse the blot.) I will be very glad to hear from you soon on the True and Good in Man. Good night! May the choicest blessings of heaven be yours, in time and eternity." Mattie Myers is still seeking to regain her strength--for health has fled after the closing days at Daughters' College; and as she rests, she reads the "Quarterly,"--no light reading, one would think, for a girl of eighteen--and "Aurora Leigh," always her favorite,--and at night--these beautiful nights in May, she goes to the meeting held at Stanford by Moses E. Lard. Oliver has no such excuses, he writes her, for delaying his answer, but he has others just as good. "I have yet those five studies this hot weather," he says; "besides, I go to the country to preach nearly every Lord's day." However, we would not have her think his preaching excuses any dereliction of duty. "I have had occasion to pronounce my love for the ministry, and I need only say that it is still my chief delight." And then he comes to deal with the man about whom the storm-clouds had gathered, the favorite professor who used to walk with the boy Oliver when friends were few and the University was at Harrodsburg: "Last Friday night Dr. Pinkerton addressed our society--the Philothean,--to encourage us in our undertaking--about twenty-five of us are studying for the ministry. His subject was 'True Greatness.' All were entertained with the originality of his conceptions, and his peculiarly terse, pointed and feeling manner. It just seemed a picture of the man revealing his noble heart, and showing his fervent religious sentiments. Perhaps you have been prejudiced against the doctor, owing to his political proclivities. But Mattie, allow me to say that although he acted as a Christian should not act, while overwhelmed in excitement, and had his all in the 'Negro Bureau,' still, I cannot but believe he was sincere. _Yes!_ he was so deeply convinced of the correctness of his position that he would have been a miserable man, a vile hypocrite, had he acted otherwise. He is ready to sacrifice popularity and friends; yes, I verily believe life itself, for what his conscience tells him is right. For this I admire him. For his sympathy, I esteem him; and because he is a good man, I _love_ him. I know many lips have hissed stern anathemas against poor, passionate Dr. Pinkerton; but his goodness will compare favorably with that of any of his accusers. I hope the brethren will labor to restore him to his proper orbit, where he will shine among the brightest stars of the Reformation." So this generous young defender goes on and on, till he reaches a blaze of eloquence of which we are duly suspicious, knowing not what element of actuality (which is seldom eloquent) may have been consumed in the heat of chivalrous ardor. It is enough to know that we have found a voice to speak for the man "who had his all in the Negro Bureau," nor was it a light thing to speak thus to Mattie Myers, whose schoolbook is written close with Southern songs. She loves to sing--else she would not have taken the pains to write it down so carefully-- "Oh, yes, I am a Southern girl, and glory in the name, And boast it with far greater pride than glittering wealth or fame. I envy not the Northern girl her robes of beauty rare Though diamonds grace her snowy neck, and pearls bedeck her hair. "Hurrah, hurrah, for the Sunny South so dear! Three cheers for the homespun dress The Southern ladies wear." After the exalted strain of the first part of this letter, we confess to a great satisfaction in the latter part, which seems to come so much closer to the ground on which most of us live: "I delivered your message to Miss Shaw Turner. She expressed an ardent desire to see you, and gave evidence to a strong attachment to you,--_which_ I suppose you will allow me to do." (Observe the artfulness of that "_which_") "I am very much obliged to you for the invitation to the railroad picnic, and I think it would be altogether proper for the _Car_ to beat the railroad, ric, tic." (A pun! what next?) "Well, I have heard Brother Lard preach lately; no wonder I can't write to you! We are anticipating a happy time in June at our society exhibitions. Please come! But before you come, oblige me by writing some of your thoughts on this subject: 'The Tears of History and the Smiles of Prophecy.' This is my subject and I have not written a word. Jas. C. Keith, Albert Myles and myself are to represent the University on the 28th June--a distinguished honor, indeed. I am also elected to represent the Philothean society, and I have not prepared _that_ speech. Oh, what a fix I'm in! Please, Mattie, help me! Next summer, let us visit Mount Carmel again, and go to �sculapia for our health." (Only for our health?) "Brother Myles sends his kindest regards, and says he doesn't think near so much of Miss Ada as of you! Mattie, please write soon." Next month comes the "exhibits," and in July--this from Oliver,--"I know you will be surprised at the caption of this letter--Ghent, Carroll County, Kentucky." It does, indeed, surprise her, for after a year's absence, one would have supposed the student anxious to go back to his parents, kindred and friends. But "I have sacrificed the pleasure of meeting my loved ones, and given up all, for the good of this people." His roommate, Albert Myles, has urged him to this course, for Albert, who has been assisted in College by Mrs. Drusie Tandy Ellis of Ghent, is called there to hold the meeting. "College days were over June 28th," he continues. "I underwent six critical, trying examinations, and prepared my two speeches--and was then so sick I could hardly walk. The doctor brought me out of a weakening disease so that I could stand on the stage while I spoke; but that was about all. When the boys parted for their homes, they left me in extreme agony. My poor frame was racked and tortured by unmerciful disease. Many I did not get to bid goodby--dear boys! God be with you, and may we meet again next October. My roommate, Brother Myles, remained with me. When I recovered, he plead so affectionately for his 'chum Ol.' to go with him to Ghent, that I could not refuse." And so they go to Covington, and at Cincinnati take the "Joe Anderson" for the river town. But in about two weeks, Oliver will be at Mount Carmel where Mattie is now--he urges her to stay till he comes--and he will bring her a book by one of his favorite professors--McGarvey's "Commentary"--solid food for the young lady, one would think. Back in the University next fall--let us hope in better health than when he left it!--we find Oliver again pen in hand: "James Keith, Albert Myles and myself will finish the course this year by hard study, having about twenty-five recitations each week--and I am in wretchedly poor condition. I'm fearful of my health's giving way under the great burden. I hope and pray for strength of mind and body to prepare for a long service. I sometimes think it is almost a sin for us young men who are preparing for the ministry, to stay here conning over dull lessons in mathematics, Latin and Greek. Like a caged bird, I long to be free of the College-wall cage. I am anxious to go into the world and preach the Gospel. I have been telling my friend of how you and I preach together, and what a good, assistant preacher you are. How I would like to be with you and your sister tonight. Dear me! What a contrast this dull monotony presents to that blissful happy meeting--to do such noble work as that in which we were engaged! Never can I forget that meeting, nor our trips to Orangeburg! neither can I forget you who cling so tenaciously to 'that good part.' You and Sister O'Bannon both impressed me as being God's dear children. Remember your mission to speak to my sister Mary about becoming a Christian. I suppose you heard of my good meeting at Sardis. Forty-five were added--four of my cousins among the number. Don't fail to send that sermon. Mattie, I send the promised photograph, please send me yours. Write to me soon, and tell me what you are doing. I know you are not hearing Brother Lard _now_. I think you might write poor Ol. a long letter very soon!" "Poor Ol." received the letter; for we find him answering in a short time--from his letter we may gain an insight into hers: "You speak of your benevolent scheme in progress for the 'poor wanderers of New York.' I do not know your exact meaning, but ever since I formed your acquaintance, I have believed you a chosen instrument of God to accomplish great good for poor mortals. Now you are making the step. Dear me! How I wish such a spirit of Christianity infused itself through the purposes of the ten thousand accomplished and efficient young ladies of Kentucky! How much good might be done by womanhood, if they would devote their time, means and energy to alleviating suffering. Perhaps it would be a better plan to look nearer home. I am glad to know that you whom God has blessed with a mind and heart able to conceive, plan and feel, are breathing a prayer for the distressed. Mattie, it speaks well for you, and makes me rejoice. A young friend of mine insists on my preaching at Mount Sterling that he may obey the Gospel. I can't refuse to go. I know I will lose time, and distract my attention from my studies, but what is that in comparison to saving a soul? I don't hesitate to go, but will be off soon. Encourage the building of the church at Mount Carmel all you can. They will receive $50.00 from me next summer for that purpose. Excuse bad writing. You know I can do better." In Oliver's next letter--December--we find him in a rather sensitive mood. Mattie has accused him of "Some egotism clearly manifested in a parenthesis" he appears to have stowed away in his last epistle. "Dear me!" says Oliver, wounded and perplexed, "What can it be?" After trying to recall anything that may have prompted her "sarcasm," and after an eloquent outburst against the meanness of egotism wherever found, he is obliged to give it up. After relieving his feelings he falls back on "Brother Lard," who appears as a convenient stalking-horse for both sides. "If you think my writing home a poor excuse for not writing to you, I have a very good one at hand. Brother Lard is preaching here every night. That, as you know (having offered it yourself) is a valid excuse! I have just returned from a visit to President Williams who is in high spirits. He has just been giving me a lecture on my returning here for still another year. He is a dear good man, and often gives me good advice; but I don't think it would be right, after taking a diploma in the Bible College and another in the College of Arts, to remain another year. Now, Mattie, I have always paid much attention to your advice; what do you think on the subject? You know my deficiences; but you also know my burning desire to be at work. Like you, I admire Geo. D. Prentice's 'Closing Year' extravagantly. He has immortalized himself with that inimitable production. What a pity that such a man is not a Christian! The world is presenting a sad picture. The people are beginning to lose confidence even in the clergy. I am convinced that, as a Christian body, we are more in need of deep-toned piety than of anything else. We have more learning than we put to good use. We need exemplary conduct in young men and women. I am going to start out in the New Year to live a holier, better and consequently a happier life. Please remember me in your prayers." Our next letter to "Miss Mattie," dated December 25th, is not from Oliver Carr, but from another University student, who signs himself by his initials. Poor young gentleman, we seek not to know his name, as he pours out his love of near half a century gone. Her "very welcome favor," it appears, had nipped his sweetest hopes in the bud, but he was "glad to receive it." He goes to the point: "You say that no more intimate relationship can exist between us than that of friendship. Miss Mattie, why not? I do not presume to ask for details, whether your heart is prepossessed in favor of another or whether * * *" But no, this was very real to the "D.," of those days, let us not listen to his heart-beats, but hope rather that "D." now sixty-odd, if he is a day, has long since forgotten all about it. He is introduced here merely to cast one tiny ray upon the character-development of the young lady addressed: "In the mean time, you will allow me to thank you very sincerely for the candor with which you have dealt with me, not only in this correspondence, but ever since our acquaintanceship." And then, remembering that it is the 25th, he adds with a stout heart, "Just while I think of it, I will take your 'Christmas Gift!'" He gives a flash-light of those vacation days: "Most of the students have gone to their homes. Egg-nog is flowing freely here. The landlady has it in abundance, today. Some of the company partook largely; among them I noticed two young ladies. By the way, a little news afloat: Miss Jennie Lard is to be married to a very interesting youth" (Note the bitterness of our rejected lover!) "of fifty and odd summers: This lovely lad is Woodson, a lawyer of St. Louis, who is very promising for a mere beginner in this up-hill business of life. In the exuberance of his youthful feelings he has presented her with a gold watch, rings infinite, and earbobs not a few." (Oh, the bitterness of it!) Then, in this incidental fashion, we find introduced a subject which is presently to deepen until it envelops all other thoughts of Mattie Myers: "Alex. Milligan received a letter of twelve pages from Brother Gore, dated Liverpool. He and Surber intend to start for Australia on the 21st"--two young friends of Oliver Carr and Mattie Myers, going forth as missionaries. "They have visited Spurgeon's tabernacle, Crystal Palace, etc. They describe the English manner of worship, different from ours. They have no preaching Lord's Day morning; that part of the day is spent in taking the Lord's Supper, Scripture reading, etc. Preaching at night." And then "D." enters upon the subject of Conscience, in which it seems Mattie is greatly interested; but our own will not permit us to follow him into those intricate depths. Three months pass by, but Oliver has not forgotten Mattie's thrust: "I do wish you had gratified me by sending the sentence in quotation in which I expressed _egotism_. I have been much troubled about it and I would like to know exactly what it was." Then after several pages of severe self-inspection, to find the contamination, he urges her to see again his sister Mary and his other relatives who are out of the church, and continue with zest, in finding a delightful means of prolonging this correspondence: "You say that the affirmative of the question, 'Will Christ's Second Coming be Premillenial?' is Scriptural. Well, we will have a debate, if you say so. You must make the first speech; I'm simply to reply. But as suggestive of the arguments, I wish you "to prove to me, First * * *" And so they debate; and spring blooms in Kentucky, and summer comes with its hard work and balmy airs. Mattie Myers is not as strong as she might be, but she has had a long rest, and can rest no longer; for that active spirit calls her to her chosen work. She has already done some teaching, but in the autumn of 1867, she purchases Franklin College at Lancaster, and starts definitely upon her career. She is the president, of course; and she feels as she walks the familiar streets,--no longer a little girl under her brother Joe's tutelage, but a grave young teacher--a girl of twenty now, surrounded by other girls--that her life-work has, indeed, begun. Her first school! It does not, indeed, promise that wide field she has so long coveted; the conditions are straight, the capabilities rather narrow; but after all, it will serve for a time. Why it served so short a time--but one school term, in all,--may be gleaned from the continuation of the correspondence: "I confide in you," Oliver writes in September, "as I do in my own kin. The plain truth is that you seem much nearer to me than some of my kindred who are ever opposing my humble work. I am thankful that I ever met you, and that we have learned to sympathize with each other. I made a flying visit to Mount Carmel, and cannot say how sad I felt at not seeing you there. I preached at Orangeburg, and had the pleasure of receiving among others, my little cousin Rachel. I have long been praying for her conversion. I baptized her and her husband both at the same time. "From there I went to the State Meeting at Lexington, and a happy time I had. It was said by old men that they had never known one so _good_. During the meeting, a letter was received and read before the convention by Brother J. W. McGarvey. It was from Brother Surber. He stated very touchingly the need of more preachers in Australia, and urged Brother Myles and me to come. He expressly stated that the Australian brethren had--under the recommendation of himself and Gore--selected _us_, and wanted no others. Brother Surber wrote to me, and gave a description of Melbourne, where he wants me to preach. His description made me wonder at the degree of refinement there. The city is beautifully adorned with flower-gardens; 140,000 inhabitants. He imagines I'm there, walking with him through the city. He says, 'Come, Ollie, it is just as near Heaven from this country as from Kentucky.' He says we will be to the Cause there what Walter Scott and Barton Stone were here, etc. The brethren there are almost wild for an evangelist from Kentucky; have sent $800.00 in gold to bear expenses of Brother Myles and myself. Above all considerations, the good I might do is the grandest--to preach to people who are not tired of hearing! I know my relatives will oppose my going, and that it will almost break my heart to leave them; but I cannot consult flesh and blood. I have prayed and wept over this, but I cannot escape the conviction that it is my duty to go. All the brethren except Dr. Pinkerton advised me to go. President Milligan just wept like a child. I've not let the folks at home know anything about it; there is great excitement here. Mattie, what do you think of my going? Would you go with me? _I'm in earnest._ Brother Keith and I are holding a meeting at Millersburg. I wish I had you as an assistant preacher, as I did last summer. I hear that people are well educated in Australia. Please write immediately." We have broken the news to the reader, just as it was broken to Mattie Myers; but there is a difference; for in those days, knowledge of Australia was very superficial in Kentucky. It was immensely farther away then than now, and in proportion as it took so long to go there, to that degree did it appear wild and barbarous, semi-civilized at best. To Carr, Myles and Keith, the senior class of 1867,--the three young preachers and roommates, who were called "the Trio,"--the Australians were a mixture of exported English convicts and bush-men with bristling hair. To their imagination, an Australian was hardly to be classified with any of the recognized races of mankind; he was a mongrel, a mystery. And even if they could have received the enthusiastic laudations of young Surber and Gore, the perils of months upon the deep which rendered passage full of dangers, and a speedy return impossible, must still have appalled the fancy. To go to Australia, then, was to cut away from the old life with all its ties of love, of laughter and of tears, and to find what consolation one might in the thought that the distance from there to heaven was as short as from a Kentucky haven! The next month, Oliver writes to Mattie Myers: "Your touching letter gave me more encouragement in my expected trip to Australia than any I have received, leaving my heart literally steeped in faith, hope and love. I hated to tell you my plan, for you are always holding up to my view the amount of work to be done in Kentucky. This is the hardest question I was ever called on to decide. It came to me something like the question of my soul's salvation. At the State Meeting, old and young advised me to go--all except Dr. Pinkerton, whose counsel was always very weighty with me. His argument was that the people of Northeast Kentucky need my labor too badly, and that their souls are just as precious as those in Australia. But you know that in Lewis County I have not the opportunities to labor that I'd have in Australia. Life is too short--we must use every advantage. There are others to take my place in this country. "I wept all the way from Lexington. And then I placed in the scales, home with all the meaning of HOME--father, mother, sisters, brothers, and friends--and no one has dearer friends than I, and God knows I love them dearly,--and on the other side I placed the salvation of perhaps thousands of souls, the love of Jesus and his Cause. I looked at the balance with tearful eyes, and resolved to tell parents, kindred and friends adieu. The scale turned. My love for all dear to me on earth, cannot deter me from going with glad tidings to the weary and heavy-laden. And yet how sad to leave you and all others so dear. I declare, it almost breaks my heart. Yet go I must! I wrote home and told all about it. Oh, I hated to let my poor mother know anything about it. I am to stay three or five years. I will have an audience of 1,000 every Sunday. The salary will be $1,000 in gold. Some of this I will send home to my poor parents; and some to my brother Dick whom I am going to educate; and some to the young man I am already educating for the ministry. I am going to make one more strong appeal to my parents to obey the Gospel. How shall I be able to tell them goodby, if I am to go away with no hope of meeting them in heaven? I am glad you have such a good school. Oh, you are doing a noble work! Just think of training 90 or 100 little hearts and leading them to Jesus!" December comes, and the stress of resolution grows harder to bear: "I have come home at last, but not to rejoice in the association of friends. I am chilled by translation from a fervid spiritual labor and fellowship of the saints, into a fellowship of worldly affairs where every effort is to get something to eat, drink and wear, with scarcely a thought of the hereafter. Brother Dick is dangerously ill. The dear fellow suffers the most excruciating pain. As I gaze upon his tender form, I wonder if I am ever to realize that thought--my brother, a preacher! Added to this sorrow is the sympathy I have for my poor mother, who weeps whenever Australia is mentioned. It is very distressing. All charge me with not loving them. My dear father rests his heavy head upon his hand, and weeps to think of the future. His frail body is tottering as he descends the hill of life. I fear I shall never see him again, after I say farewell. It well nigh breaks my heart to hear them chide me for resolving to go on that long, long voyage. I close this sad picture by throwing myself into my only refuge--faithful prayer, and immortal hope." The next part of the letter shows that Oliver was "in earnest" when he asked Mattie Myers to go with him: "In Lexington I met Brother McGarvey on the street" (his teacher with whom he lodged during his last year at the University.) "He urged me to tell him all that happened during my brief visit to you at Lancaster" (where she is teaching her first school.) "In confidence, I told him your objections and difficulties. When I had finished, he said,-- "'I admire her consideration. It is a serious question, I admit. With regard to her health, and the dangers of the voyage, you and she are on a common footing. She need not be deterred by the supposition that you die and leave her in that distant land; the brethren here would, in that case, have her safely returned home.' He urged our marriage, and trip to Australia. He was delighted with the idea of having you there as a teacher. We talked of the sacrifice of your school at Lancaster, and he argued that it would be far better for the cause of Christianity and education to have some one take your place in Lancaster, and have you occupy a higher sphere of usefulness. I wish you had been present to hear him talk; he is a dear, good fellow. With his strong clear brain, he adjusts his plans; with an eye of faith, he views the future. I pray you, weigh his opinions in your well-balanced judgment before you conclude. I talked with President Williams; I fear he will not advise you to go. Brother McGarvey says it will depend upon the mood in which you find him. Then _do_ cheer him up, and prepare him for a happy answer!" The letter concludes with urging the marriage, cautioning her against giving heed to the advice of others--as in the case of John Augustus Williams--but the wisdom of _sometimes_ heeding the counsel of others--for instance, that of John W. McGarvey. "Though a stranger to you in person--" What is this? A letter written to Mattie Myers by this very J. W. McGarvey! "By request of Brother Carr," he says. One would not expect a passionate, enthusiastic burst of eloquence from the author of the "Commentary on Acts." What is said here, emanates from a "strong, clear brain." As the Bible instructor sees it, the situation stands thus: "After all, your own heart must decide whether you go or stay. One thing seems certain, that _he_ will go. It is for you to endure his long absence, and risk the uncertainties of his return, or share the voyage with him, and help the noble cause to which he consecrates his all." This same month, Oliver returns to the charge: "I waited a week with the keenest anxiety, hoping each night to get an answer from you. It has come at last. Mattie! I anticipated what it would be, from reading President Williams' letter. I know he has tried to mould your life for teaching, alone. He is true and noble and I doubt not he gave you, as you say, 'his wisest judgment and the fullest expression of his good heart on the subject.' I believe he meant to point to our highest good; but I cannot follow his advice. I have pondered both your and his reasons for wishing delay. Both of you urge a year's preparation. Well, what kind of preparation? You are already prepared to teach those in Australia; and I know I can tell them what to do to be saved. I know I am weak; but Northeast Kentucky is not the place for me to get strong. You say I 'need to know assuredly that I can meet stern realities victoriously.' I do not think I will know more about that than I do now, till I meet them. Of course a year's experience would increase my usefulness, but why not acquire it where the brethren want me? I don't know what especial point you had in view by saying you would like a year's hard study under President Williams. What were you going to study? You have taken his full course, I presume. We have simply the story of the Cross to tell and I believe that we can do it _now_." So the letter goes on for eight closely-written pages, showing the fervor of eloquence quite lacking in the concise review by McGarvey; but, then, it was not McGarvey who was in love. Oliver is in love, doubly so; first and always first, with his Cause; and then always with Mattie. It is a terrible struggle for the young girl, for she too, is in love; but her affections have always associated teaching with the Cause. She must know in her heart that this missionary enterprise is a divergence from her central idea, however much more good it may accomplish. Here is her college, bought and paid for, and here are her 90 or 100 girls for training. She may hope for different blessings beyond the seas, but not of this sort. [Illustration: Prof. J. B. Myers] [Illustration: "Considering His Letter."] And here is her brother Joe bitterly opposed to the plan, as one's brother Joe may very naturally be. It is well enough for McGarvey, who thinks first of the dissemination of the Gospel, to smile upon her going; and how could Williams, whose ideal for woman is the vocation of teaching, say otherwise than wait? It is well enough for Oliver to see but one course before him; he never entertained himself with dreams of teaching school. He always meant to preach, and Australia means more of it, with wider good to hope for. But it is no simple problem for Mattie Myers. A one-sided correspondence, we have been treated to, which, though one-sided, has nevertheless given us as good an insight into the one addressed as if she had done all the writing; better perhaps; for now we are to hear her voice, which in its agitation and perplexity, does not, it may be, reveal her as she is: "I have stretched forth my hands and nailed my heart to the Cross. You may cast it from you, but conscience nailed it there. For awhile I cheated myself with the belief that its voice mingled with the voice of my heart, 'You are already prepared; go with him.' But it was only the echo of my heart's happy song. I feel that I would be an incumbrance, rather than your co-worker. However mournfully my heart may cry, however beseechingly, _I cannot go with you_. Conscience, my guide, beckons me, and fervently I follow, though my heart is torn asunder. Ah, the bloodless battles that are fought in our world! You have said, 'Although I love you as I love no one else on earth, still, if you deny me, I must go alone.' I say in reply, that though I love you with that love of which only a Christian woman is susceptible, I cannot go with you. Your capabilities fit you for one field of labor, mine fit me for another. We have all to build an altar. I have built mine, and laid thereon my tenderest feelings, the yearning desire of the woman-nature to be loved. I know that this mysterious yearning which God has planted with his own hand in woman's heart will, if left unsatisfied, cast a shadow over her life; that however strong, however self-reliant a woman may be, her heart reaches out for something to complete her happiness. But the giant will can strengthen the trembling, faltering heart. "And it is well to nail the heart to the Cross that raises it nearer to God. He will give it strength to suffer. And his love can never fail. Do not think that I am staggering under complaint. Like a cheerful traveler I will take up my life-burden, and continue the journey, with a song in my mouth, keeping time to the voice of conscience and my God. Do not think for a moment, Ollie, that I would dissuade you from entering upon your grand mission. What I said to you before I knew you loved me, I say to you now, though it wrings my heart with an anguish that I sometimes think cannot be borne. Sometimes I feel that my heart must break, but it is sustained by the love of God. If conscience bids you go, then you must go. But I cannot conceive how conscience would say to you to leave a field in which laborers are few, for one which may cost you your life. I am impressed that going is a matter of inclination rather than of conscience. Nevertheless, if conscience does tell you so, then I urge you with all the earnestness of my soul, to go. Go; and the burdens of my prayers will be for him so far away, and yet so very near." Alas! how great a mountain is our own conscience, and how small a molehill that of our neighbor! Mattie, who has been pointing out that all her future misery is to come from obeying her own, pauses to doubt if Oliver's conscience is a conscience at all! On such provocation as that, who can blame Oliver for having doubts about Mattie's conscience? That he did have doubts, and that he did his utmost to cause her to agree with him, no one can doubt with the following letter before him: "Dear Mattie:--Yours received. I heartily agree to March 26th as _our wedding day_. I will write to tell sister Mary and Matt to come down to May's Lick on the 27th. Saturday I will deliver my farewell address here. We will go to Maysville en route for Cincinnati. Horace came from Flemingsburg yesterday to find out something about it. Matt, Bud and Mollie are coming. "Mattie, I have the best kind of news to tell you. Hold your breath while you read. Father came forward at church yesterday, and made the good confession. 'Bless the Lord, O my soul and all that is within me, bless his holy name!' I recognized in that, the answer to many a prayer. And now if my mother would obey the gospel I would believe your prophecy uttered at President Milligan's reception was fulfilled. Do you remember what it was?--'Brother Ollie, I believe God will make you instrumental in bringing your family into the fold.' Oh, will that ever be? Mother won't go to church. She has never heard me preach but twice; but I will pray on, and hope on." [5] When first I saw the following lines, I called Mattie to hear me read them to her. I thought of her "CHILDREN," the girls she had taught. We were seated in her private parlor; and her attention was fixed from the first stanza: "Shedding sunshine of love on my face." The reading ended, she threw herself on the bed and wept aloud. Her feelings, when fully aroused, were paroxysms of joy or grief; and now the two alternated as memory of her first school at Lancaster, and of the girls on the other side of the earth, at Melbourne, mingled with all her life of love for "THE CHILDREN." She made notes when she read Milton, Spencer, Mrs. Browning, Longfellow, Tennison, but this little poem was literally bathed in her tears. O. A. C. When the lessons and tasks are all ended And the school for the day is dismissed, And the little ones gather around me, To bid me good night and be kissed; Oh, the little white arms that encircle My neck in a tender embrace! On, the smiles that are halos of heaven Shedding sunshine of love on my face! And when they are gone I sit dreaming Of my childhood--too lovely to last; Of love that my heart will remember When it wakes to the pulse of the past, Ere the world and its wickedness made me, A partner of sorrow and of sin When the glory of God was about me, And the glory of gladness within. Oh, my heart grows weak as a woman's And the fountains of feeling will flow, When I think of the paths steep and stony, Where the feet of the dear ones must go; Of the mountains of sin hanging o'er them, Of the tempest of fate blowing wild; Oh, there's nothing on earth half so holy As the innocent heart of a child. They are idols of hearts and of households, They are angels of God in disguise; His sunlight still sleeps in their tresses, His glory still beams in their eyes; Oh, those truants from home and from heaven, They have made me more manly and mild-- And I know how Jesus could liken The kingdom of God to a child. I ask not a life for the dear ones, All radiant, as others have done; But that life may have just enough shadow To temper the glare of the sun; I would pray God to guard them from evil, But my prayer would bound back to myself. Ah! a seraph may pray for a sinner, But a sinner must pray for himself. The twig is so easily bended I have banished the rule and the rod; I have taught them the goodness of knowledge They have taught me the goodness of God: My heart is a dungeon of darkness, Where I shut them for breaking a rule; My frown is sufficient correction; My love is the law of the school. I shall leave the old home in the Autumn, To traverse its threshold no more; Ah! how shall I sigh for the dear ones, That met me each morn at the door; I shall miss the goodnights and the kisses. And the gush of their innocent glee, The group on the green and the flowers That are brought every morning to me. I shall miss them at morn and at eve, The song in the school and the street; I shall miss the low hum of their voices, And the tramp of their delicate feet-- When the lessons and tasks are all ended, And death says: "The school is dismissed" May the little ones gather around me To bid me good night and be kissed. [6] I must have preached "big sermons" in these days; for Brother Benjamin Coleman saw to it that I received $25.00 each time I went to Macedonia. No thanks to him and the church, their contribution was to help me through College. O. A. C. CHAPTER VII. "I WILL GO." It was September, 1867 that Oliver Carr asked Mattie Myers to go with him to Australia. For six months she hesitated, refused, wavered. It was not a question of devotion to each other, but of loyalty to the life-ideal of each. Going to Australia meant three or five or seven years away from Mattie's chosen vocation. She weighed at its full value the argument that she could teach in Melbourne; of course, she could teach; but teaching must necessarily be subordinate to missionary work. Mattie did not undervalue the importance of missionary labors; but neither did she undervalue the importance of touching girls' lives in the school room. In the struggle, McGarvey and Williams, as we have seen, took opposite sides; McGarvey was for his pupil, Oliver; Williams was for his pupil, Mattie. Each looked at the question from his point of view. To the President of the Bible College, what was more important than carrying the Bible across the sea? To the President of Daughters' College, teaching was the exalted vocation of woman--Let O. A. Carr do his man's work, he argued; and let Mattie Myers do her woman's work. And there was brother Joe, who had done so much for Mattie--the brother whom she feared she might love too well--pleading, arguing, exhorting. "Let Oliver go to Australia," he insisted, "and when he comes back--at the end of his five or seven years, then, if you and he think as much of each other as you do now, why--" But the proposition seemed quite safe, so he added with a stout heart, "then you can get married!" But on this side of the five years, No! Never! And when words fail him, and arguments need to be rested, each having done service so often for want of new ones--Joe gets his flute and sits on the piazza with Mattie, these balmy spring evenings of 1868, and plays and plays--plays always the old familiar melodies, the airs that are wrapped up with her most sacred memories--"Old Kentucky Home," and "Home, Sweet Home," and--we fear--"Bonnie Blue Flag" that carries up the bars and would sweep the stars from the Heaven of Union blue. [Illustration: "I Will Go."] All this is too much for Mattie; her own conscience, the advice of Williams, "that prince of instructors," as she calls him, and beloved Joe; all cry out against Australia. She writes to Oliver-- "I pray that the love of God may strengthen you to accomplish your holy mission, and bring you back to waiting hearts in your own Kentucky land. I may regret the decision that prevents me from going with you. I may, after you are gone, regret that my hand is not to help you; I weep to labor with you. I do not know. But I have tried to enlighten my conscience, and it must not be disregarded. Go, and give to the weary rest, and to those that thirst, of the well of living water. Though I must suffer, there is a morn and land beyond it all. Go, and work for God." In these days when evangelistic work would permit Oliver to come to Lancaster, he visited Mattie Myers as her accepted suitor. After her day's work in the schoolroom, she listened to his reading of "Lady of Lyons," and after the "Lady of Lyons" had had her say, talk would drift to Australia. It was at the conclusion of such a talk at Mt. Carmel--how earnest we may imagine--when Joe was not there--_that_ we may take for granted--the young teacher rose with the solemnity of one who takes an irretrievable step, having counted all the costs--"I will go!" Those are her words. And having spoken, the matter is settled. Let poor Joe play his flute-airs, and look mournfully into space; let Williams say what he will, or Pinkerton, or anybody else. Mattie has spoken. That means a wedding-day on March the twenty-sixth. Not that Joe understands how unalterable is her mind. Indeed, he is in no condition to bear the truth. That voyage seems to him a death, the going out from his life of the dearest object of his affections. He grows wild when she tries to make him understand her mind. When Oliver reasons with him, he no longer answers with arguments, but with mere incoherent passion, partly anger, partly despair. So this is what we will do; we will go to Mt. Carmel without telling Joe,--yonder at the home of the sister, Mrs. O'Bannon, where we first met, whence we took that Spring-wagon excursion to the ineffective spring of �sculapia. Mattie will take the stage that comes down to Maysville. Oliver will be standing upon the pike, out of sight of any kinsman's house. Mattie will order the stage to stop. He will get in--off we will go. And so we might have made our trip without incident, without sorrow, but for the unforeseen, in this instance, embodied in brother Joe. He suddenly appears, wild and excited, having come in such nervous haste, that his hat is left at home. Hatless, but not breathless, he stops that stage and holds it while he delivers himself of all his arguments, seeking to bury Australia in an avalanche of spontaneous eloquence. But the word Mattie has spoken before the blazing hearth she speaks on the open pike: "I will go." Why argue further? Clearly conscience nerves her to her purpose! Conscience--or love. Only one term of her first school so proudly begun--and she has put it in charge of another, and is starting forth to merge her life-work into that of another--and he, a stranger not long ago,--a mere lad gathering the shavings in the wagon-shop to start the tavern fires. Events now come thick and fast. We are getting ready for the wedding now. Oliver rides in a buggy with a schoolmate from his home town, May's Lick, through Lexington to Lancaster, the home of Mattie Myers. Many times he stops on the way for farewells. The reception committee come forth in strength, but their spokesman bursts into tears, and Oliver is received with tears only. Albert Myles, his six-year schoolmate accompanies him to Lancaster. The wedding is to be at five in the morning. Bells ring. The village people, thinking there is a fire, are roused and come forth. Learning that it is a wedding, they troop to the church. The spectators look on through their tears, thinking vaguely of the other side of the globe, whither the bridal pair is presently to set forth. Albert Myles performs the ceremony. It is a scene of early light and tears. "Mattie going away!" is the murmur--Mattie whom these folk have known from infancy--going away in early womanhood, perhaps never to return! From Lancaster to Lexington in a carriage; and here J. B. Bowman, the University necromancer, gives the bride and groom a dinner in his home, once the home of Henry Clay,--Ashland, where we have seen Walter Scott admiring the picture of George Washington. Teachers and pupils of the University assemble, and there is another mournful farewell. In the afternoon, from Lexington to Stony point, and goodby to Mrs. Fox, that sister Minnie of the May's Lick days. At Millersburg, another wedding-dinner, given by Alex. McClintock, and then to May's Lick, thirty-six miles by carriage. [Illustration: Before We Say Goodbye] Here they remain over Sunday--the last Sunday in the old May's Lick church, in which Eneas Myall is a deacon,--the blacksmith who said when first hearing the news, "I am sorry to see you go, Ollie, but it seems providential!" The elders of the church, the same who were elders when Walter Scott preached there, ordained Oliver on that last Sunday at home. He was surrounded by old friends, tearful but exultant in their sorrow. There was one who could not come because, "I can't tell him goodby," he said. That was Oliver's hard task now, to say goodby to all, hardest of all to those of his father's house. But he had nerved himself for the ordeal. "I could tell them all goodby," he says, "until I came to my mother." They go, according to their plans, straight to Maysville, across the county, to take boat for Cincinnati. Not alone do Mattie and Oliver make that journey. His mother is with them. News runs before; the Australian missionaries are coming! The word is quickly passed back and forth, that there will be services at the church. When Oliver arrives he finds the appointment made. He rises to preach. It is his last night in Kentucky. Before his vision stretches a long vista of uncertain years in a strange land; years among strangers for this man who is blessed with so many friends. But that sorrow is swallowed up in the deeper joy of presenting Christ to the people, showing forth his loveliness for the last time in the land of his birth. That sermon is not preserved, for which we are, we believe, sufficiently thankful. If love in its fulness cannot be spoken, much less can it be read. There is a simplicity and an inner earnestness, that is altogether baffling to the snare of leaded type. Whatever the subject of that sermon, Christ was in it, and we care nothing for its divisions and its order. We are thrilled with joy by that sermon--we who never heard it,--because we see the preacher's mother step forth--at last!--and stand before them all like a beautiful dream come true--or rather, like a spirit of love, whose enkindled face flashes into the son's eyes the answer to his prayers. Not in vain, as we have seen, were her lonely vigils, sewing far toward midnight in the sleep-enwrapped tavern, that her children might be clothed, toiling before break of day, the pale candle guiding her hands to heroic labor that her loved ones might be fed. Much does Oliver owe her, and much is now repaid, on this last night in Kentucky. He baptized her; and as she came up out of the water, with his arm so tenderly passed about her, she looked at him through her wonderful, new-found happiness. "If all were as easy to obey as baptism," she murmured, "it would be easy enough!" And so,--the boat to Cincinnati where W. T. Moore's father-in-law, he who is later to become Governor Bishop of Ohio,--entertains the bridal pair in his home, and other friends assemble for goodbys,--the goodbys at Macomb, Illinois. And then to New York to set forth for Australia, by way of England. On board at last--and under a sullen sky they stand on deck, watching their native land fade--fade--till nothing is to be seen but a world of angry waves. CHAPTER VIII. AN ENGLISH PRIMROSE. The voyage, begun on a rough sea, was continued over angry waves. For seven days the ship was beaten by the winds. It was the first time Oliver and Mattie had been outside of Kentucky. Added to the distress of seasickness was the thought that, after this passage to England, another voyage of almost three months awaited them before they could set foot upon the strange land selected for their missionary labors. No wonder as the bride was borne farther and farther across the uneasy Atlantic, her thoughts went constantly back to Kentucky--"That far-off land," she writes, "my beautiful, sunny Southland." Since the wedding-day, there have been a marvelous succession of strange scenes--the trip to New York, the hurried visits to points of interest in New York and Brooklyn, the mingling with the rush and roar of Broadway, and, stranger than all these, this helpless tossing in the cabin, as the ship throbs and lifts dizzily in air--lifts to sink down and down, as if never to ride the sea again. "That Twenty-Sixth day of March!" she writes in pencil with shaking hand. "It dawned so bright and beautiful. In its soft morning twilight I knelt before an altar, and laid thereon not only the heart of a bride, but all that I had best known in childhood and in girlhood: Home with all its tender associations, friendship whose face shone as the face of an angel--the sweet brier that shed its fragrance beneath my window, the birds that sang for me, the dear old 'big spring' over whose cooling-ripples I have so often stooped to drink"--she remembers all these, as the ship bears her farther from that America she may never see again. "Our blessed land of liberty," she says, "proud, beautiful, glorious America!" Truly, the war is over; and as she steams ever farther away from America, its states seem to melt magically into one another, and North and South blend, and become an indissoluble Union. One day, less stormy than the rest, the young husband crept from his berth, hoping to find relief from days of nausea by greeting the keen wind. He went upon deck, and was presently engaged in conversation with a stranger. He found that his companion was an Englishman who, for some time, had been in business in Chicago. He was much interested in the young man's missionary plans; the shrewd merchant read aright the intense zeal which shone upon the Kentuckian's face, and which trembled in his voice. "I have a brother living in London," he said; "when you go there, you must go to his house. I am on my way to visit him now, and I'll meet you there." Oliver Carr had no intention of going to test the hospitality of a stranger, and, when he gave Mr. Murby his card, he supposed the incident closed. On the eighth day out the ship touched at Queenstown. Mr. and Mrs. Carr--we must no longer call them "Oliver" and "Mattie,"--took a ride on a Jaunting Car--in which one sits sidewise, while one's driver sparkles with Irish wit. A woman came to sell them fruit, and offered to toss pennies for the difference between what she wanted and they were willing to give. It was a jolly crowd that surrounded them, and every Irishman had a funny tale to tell the travelers. Before the ground ceased its semblance of rocking to and fro, they were again on board. When they landed in Liverpool, everything seemed new and strange. They "found cabs instead of busses;" but doubtless the difference was most marked because they found Englishmen instead of Americans. At the hotel they were visited by G. Y. Tickle and other members of the church, and in the afternoon they crossed to Berkinhead to visit other Christians. On April 29th the train pulled out at 9 a. m. for London. Mrs. Carr took a few notes, as she looked upon Mrs. Browning's world--the world of "Aurora Leigh." "Corn--undulating lands--rural improvements--daisies and primroses. Hedges--winding roads, and footpaths. Drains in the lowlands. Winding brooks and brooklets, through daisied meadows. Fir-clad hills." Out of this primrose England, the car glides into the smoke and fog of London. London at last--how far away from the Lancaster and Stanford of one's girlhood! How far, indeed, even from the dreams of one's girlhood, this city that rises up, solidly real before the young woman's eyes! It seems pulsing with the thoughts of those who represent, to her mind, the highest peaks of literature; Dickens and Thackeray, George Eliot and Robert Browning, Bulwer Lytton and Macaulay and Carlyle and De Quincy--all are living; one might meet them any moment on Oxford or Regent streets, where "I took a promenade," she says; "I find they surpass Broadway in all but dress." At 2:30, they are installed at the hotel; at three, they take luncheon and at four they have a visitor. It is the brother of the Chicago merchant. The merchant has written about the missionaries, and asked that they be looked up--doubtless, suspecting that the overtures must come from the English side. So this brother has come, a Mr. Murby of some distinction; for does he not edit the music department of the _Cornhill Magazine_? He insists on the young bridal pair going to his own home; for O. A. Carr, in honor of the honeymoon, has selected a hotel of much pretention. "You must go with me," says Mr. Murby. "It is too expensive, staying at a hotel like this; you shall make your home in my house. My wife will take no refusal. She will entertain you as well as she can--we have one baby in the cradle, and another three years old. I've brought the wagon for the trunks." All this from a man and woman one has never seen before, and never heard of, except from a chance fellow-passenger; a man and a woman who do not belong to one's church and has never heard of one's friends! But, after all, is it so strange? If one travels through the world with eyes open for primroses, and finds them growing along the wayside, why should not eyes that seek brotherly kindness, find it blooming in many a stranger's heart? Away go the trunks, and the hotel knows our friends no more. Two weeks are to be spent in England, before sailing for the opposite side of the globe; and while they are in England, Mrs. Murby leaves the baby in the cradle, and acts as guide for the Americans. In their hurried visit, they could have seen little without her. She takes them to ride in the underground railroad, shows them the wonders of the waxworks, at the entrance of which stands George Washington with extended hand, and lingers with them in the British Museum. Mrs. Carr's notes of her travels are meager in the extreme; she was too busy observing and studying, to write about what she saw; but the necessary enlargement of thought resulting from extended travel was to take its own part in developing her personality. "Chelsea Hospital for old soldiers--Buckingham Palace, the Queen's residence--Eaton Square--National school teachers trained for public schools--Duke of York's school--Geological exhibit--rock crystal--wood carving--Porcelain plate, 1585, Francesco de Medici--Venetian wine glass--Danish drinking-horn--Paul preaching at Athens--Christ changing the water into wine--Peter and John at the Beautiful Gate--Hogarth's Marriage a la Mode--Mrs. Siddons as Actress--Rosa Bonheur--Edwin Landseer--Hyde Park--House where the Duke of Wellington died--Parliament--Retiring Room--Her Majesty with Mercy and Justice in sculpture--Portrait of Kings and Queens--House of Lords--Throne--Queen's chair on the right--Prince of Wales on the left--The Prince Consort--Woolsack, seat for Lord Chancellor in front of Queen--Table on which are laid all petitions--books beneath--just behind the table, the bar--gallery for peeresses, above--Peers' Robing Room--Moses descending from the Mount--Lobby--Embarking of Pilgrim Fathers--Charles erecting Standard at Nottingham--Central Hall--Four windows--Lobby--Pictures--Square Hall--Commons Speaker's Chair--gallery--Each side of entrance, seats for liberals and tourists--St. Stephen's--Marble walls and floors--On each side, six stained glass windows, representing scenes in life of Stephen--On the Thames--Somerset House--Waterloo Bridge." Thus we might follow her from spot to spot, as she hastily jots down the names of pictures, and of the illustrious dead, amidst a catalogue of wonders seen at the Crystal Palace, the India Museum, the National Gallery. "St. Paul--Whispering Gallery--Sculptor above--Scenes in the Life of Paul--Monument of Sir John Howard, Joshua Reynolds--geometrical stairway--Crypt--Newgate Prison for all offenders within the city's limits--Christ's Hospital, founded by Edward VI.--Boys' dress in the costume of that day--Yellow stockings, leather breeches--Former palace of Henry VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey--Post Office; just across the street, Returned Letter Office--Clock with two bells, one 'Time,' the other 'Death'--Publishing House belonging to the Religious Tract Society, built over the place where the martyrs suffered under Bloody Mary--Guild Hall--for public dinners--Grand dinner given to the Sultan--gold array--The Lord Mayor conducts trials--His Residence--Monument to Nelson. "May 5th, the Tower--Gateway--Entrance, moats--Bell Tower--Bloody Tower, porte cullis--White Tower, 15 feet thick--Built, time William the Conqueror--Norman spear used by him--Dress of 1665--Gun taken by French at Malta and afterwards recaptured by English--Sir Walter Raleigh imprisoned 12 years--Lady Jane Grey--Queen Elizabeth on Horseback--Fire, 1841--Indian armor, 1750--Chamber from which Hastings was ordered to execution--Anne Boleyn's prison in the Tower--Beauchamp Tower." And so on, and on, from one spot of historic interest to another, the travelers absorbing all with thirsty minds, the hostess tireless, or at least uncomplaining--and at night the profound sleep of the sight-seer's utter exhaustion. Mr. and Mrs. Murby took the stranger-guests to their hearts, and treated them like long-lost friends. The perfume of their gracious hospitality invested London with a tender aroma for these wanderers, to such a degree that whenever they afterward thought of England, they thought of disinterested kindliness. On one of Mrs. Carr's diary-pages, is to be seen a faint brownish stain, above which is written: "Found by Mrs. Murby on the streets of London--this primrose." The flower has long since slipped away and crumbled to dust, since it was placed there in the spring of 1868; I should like to think that it blooms again on my page, in honor of that quick and loving eye that discovered the primrose in the London streets, and the gold in the strangers' hearts. [Illustration: Conway Castle, N. Wales] [Illustration: Beaumaris Castle, N. Wales] On Sunday, they went to hear Spurgeon preach. It was a very ordinary sermon; his statements had been made thousands of times before, and to none who listened, were they new. His manner was untheatrical, his flow of eloquence was not intense. Everything was the essence of simplicity. He began by holding up a rose. He said that on his way to the tabernacle, a woman had given it to him. He spoke of his happiness caused by this simple gift, then of the beauty of flowers, and of giving; and, as the audience of 3,000 listened, they were melted to tears. His subject was the Accessibility of Christ. It was the _tenderness_ in his words and voice that wrought the charm. The singing was general; it seemed that each of the 3,000 took upon himself the responsibility of carrying the song through to its conclusion. In Birmingham, the Carrs visited David King, editor of the _Harbinger_; he was the most prominent member of the Christian Church in England, of his day. It was his custom to question the preachers who passed through his country, to find out if they were "sound." It was from him that Mr. Carr discovered the British objection to the American custom of extending an invitation to the unsaved at the conclusion of the sermon. It was also Mr. King who went to the office to buy the Carrs their tickets up to London, fearing they would not get second-class ones. "Only fools and noblemen ride first-class in this country," was his dictum; "the second class is just as good and costs half as much." The following brief notes show us that Mrs. Carr is in Scotland: "Holyrood--Rezzio's Slaughter--Residence of bygone monarchs--where Lord Murray held his Council--Residence of Mary Queen of Scots--where Her Majesty stops, when in Edinburg--Castle of Craigmillar--where Mary sometimes held her court--Lochleven Castle." She was particularly interested in Wales: "Canarvon Castle, built by Edward I.--First Prince of Wales born here--April 25, 1284--Chamberlain Tower, occupied by the Lord Chamberlain--Eagle Tower, so called because of the Eagle Sculpture on its turret. Prisoner, or Dungeon Tower. It is supposed this castle was never completed. The banqueting hall, entirely destroyed--In this castle the present Prince and Princess of Wales were entertained during their visit to Canarvon, April 24. On this occasion, Wellington Tower was magnificently decorated. "North Wales--across the straight of Angelsey; lodgings here. Ebb and flow of the tide--Hawthorne--a beautiful lodge, the entrance to a residence--Suspension bridge over the Menia Strait--Castle--Model village, Bethesda, near the slate quarries--20 galleries, each 60 feet high--the deeper the quarry, the better the slate--Tunnel and railways with round rails and grooved wheels, working with rope--Blasting signal, first a red flag, then the bugle. Each gallery one mile around the rail--1,200 feet from lowest gallery to top--300 men employed. Total wages per month, 1,200 pounds.--Penryln Castle, 16 years building, completed 30 years ago--Main entrance, heavy iron gate, swinging on massive pillars of stone, with imposing ivy-clad arch above; winding roads and bypaths; through rare shrubs and gorgeous flowers of innumerable species--Main entrance to Castle yard, a massive orchid gateway--Main entrance to Castle, massive cross-barred iron doors in base of tower--Four towers with the ivy, beautiful emblem of trust, clinging to them all--Interior; entrance hall, billiard room, innumerable lobbies with rare ceilings, main stairway, bedrooms with antique furniture, drawing-room, dining and breakfast rooms, library, chapel for family worship, minor stairways, etc.--Family of 10 children, two married and now in London--will return here in July. Culinary apartments; cook's sitting-room, where he writes the bill of fare." All these sights, crowded as they are into a few days, delay the departure for Australia; moreover, the travelers have decided to take a sailship. They have sufficient knowledge of the deathly throb of the steamer, the quiver that sends unutterable faintness and nausea to those susceptible to seasickness. The sailship, they are told, skims the waves like a bird--one hardly knows he is afloat, or knowing, feels himself lightly carried through the air. Mrs. Murby finds her new acquaintances have not left, and writes to Mrs. Carr at Liverpool, on May 15th, "I was very much pleased to receive your letter yesterday; I had supposed you would be far away from Old England by this time. I just wish you had stayed with us longer! There are lots of places besides the British Museum, I could have taken you to see. You say you are to leave on Saturday, the 19th, but the 19th is Tuesday, so we can hear from each other if we cannot meet. If I can find that church in Camden Town, for your sakes I will visit it. The few days we spent together will always be remembered by us with pleasure. I sincerely trust we may all be spared to meet again; you may rest assured of a hearty welcome. In the meantime we can correspond with each other. I went to sit for my portrait yesterday; it will be ready for me to-morrow, and I will send it to you before you leave Liverpool." So writes the editor's wife--she who finds primroses in the streets of London; and her letter comes as a last voice of love to one about to embark upon a sea-voyage of more than a hundred days. CHAPTER IX. THE LONG VOYAGE. The long voyage was made on the Oriental, Captain Myles. Mrs. Carr was the only lady who had taken first-class passage. There was a rich young man on board, who had been put under the care of a Scot of mature years; the young man was peculiarly susceptible to the temptation of strong drink, but the Captain reassured his sisters with the declaration that there would be no drinking aboard his vessel! The young man wished to visit Australia, one of the few countries he had never seen, and Duncan, the Scot, had undertaken his charge that he, too, might have the treat of foreign travel. England had not faded from sight before the corks were flying. Mrs. Carr found herself associated with a class of men who were far from corresponding to the degree of their tickets. She felt the need of woman's society, since her husband was the only man present who possessed that refinement and moral instinct which had been the breath of her life. She was unable to hide her disapproval of the drunken orgies which the officers of the crew shared, and it was particularly distressing to her to witness the deliberate ensnarement of the rich young man, the evident scheme to make him drink that he might be fleeced at the card-game. She and her husband put their sentiments into words of remonstrance, which resulted in the Captain's making slighting remarks, as they sat at table. He took a spiteful pleasure in boasting in their presence that he wouldn't employ a "teetotaler on his ship." The first Sunday out Mr. Carr was asked to conduct the religious services. He read the First Psalm and made remarks relative to the godly and ungodly. Captain Myles was enraged. "I supposed we would have the Church of England Service," he said at the conclusion; "we will have it after this; I will read it, myself." And so he did, when he was not too drunk; in that case, he had the ship's physician read it. Mrs. Carr sought relief in the association of the other women on board, but this was peremptorily stopped. "If she wants to keep company with second-class people," said the Captain with a sneer, "let her buy a second-class ticket." The ship had not been many days from the British Isles before the crew was almost completely demoralized. Drinking, gaming, coarse songs marked the hours of the night. The sailors were at the mercy of the winds. The vessel drifted over to the coast of Africa. It was becalmed two weeks under the intolerable heat of the sun's vertical rays, while not a breath of air came to relieve the hot glare of the Equator. One day the Captain exclaimed with the air of one who has made a terrible decision, "If we don't get wind to-morrow, I will jump overboard!" The morrow came, and there was no wind. Of course the threat of the Captain resulted in nothing more dangerous than a cooling bath in the peaceful waters, but the effect of his words, and of his sudden leap from the deck, were hard upon sensitive nerves. Mrs. Carr being denied the companionship of women, found what relief from the monotony she might, in writing letters, and especially in writing in her commonplace-book many quotations from the poets. She beguiled the time, also, in composing poetry which deals rather with themes of home, than with those of distant scenes. The ship was wafted toward South Africa, but it did not weigh anchor. "The only view we had of South Africa consisted of some monkeys in the trees." When the Cape Verde Islands were sighted, Captain Myles was anxious to exhibit his skill by passing within a stone's throw of one on either side. Mrs. Carr, rejoicing at the sight of something more human and picturesque than monkeys in trees, took extensive notes: "June 18. The Captain caught a large dolphin--change of color in dying. Breakfasted on flying fish. "June 19. Sighted Antonio and St. Vincent islands--passing between them. Cape de Verde Islands, possessions of Portugese. Antonio with its innumerable rocky points, some losing themselves far above the clouds. The white haze peeping behind, lights up the acute angles of the points--the heights are dark, frowning and barren, with white bowlders at the feet. The gray terraces in the distance look like leaping waters, rushing onward to the ocean, to kiss the breakers. The shores are dotted with little villages whose houses are small and white, with red tiled roofs. Around these villages are spreading greens along the shore, and extending up the heights that, through the glass, are seemingly inaccessible. Yet these heights are laid out, far up, with hedges into green fields and waving orchards. The shore is indented with innumerable little bays, and the magnificent ravines to which they point, fill the soul with awe. "St. Vincent is inhabited by the Portugese, yet there is not a spring, or well of fresh water, or a blade of grass in the whole island. There are the signs, far up the island, of the washing of the waves. What a glorious sight they would present in a storm! Here and there, far up the heights are solitary rocks and vast strata left bare by the washing of rains and waves, and blackened by the elements. Signals are hoisted opposite Porte Grande in order that the Oriental may be reported in Liverpool in 12 days. Two sailing ships are in the harbor. The Oriental passed between St. Vincent and Shell Island." One day the discovery was made that there was a stowaway on board; it was a young man with a crippled arm, who had slipped into a hiding-place as the Oriental lay at the Liverpool dock. Captain Myles was all the more furious because he found himself helpless to rid himself of the unfortunate youth. He compelled the stowaway to do the meanest labor, and the hardest his crippled state would allow. When the sailors encountered him, they greeted him with oaths, if they greeted him at all. He was set to scour the decks, and it was a task that had no ending. The Oriental drifted at last into the arms of the Trade Winds which sent it whirling around the Cape of Good Hope. A furious storm came on. The sea was lashed into mountain-peaks and was hurled in rushing torrents over the decks. Those sailors who were obliged to remain above, walked waist-deep in water. The man at the wheel was tied to his post--the Captain was up all night; but not, now, at cards and drink. The rumor spread among the passengers that the crew expressed their doubts of weathering the gale. The rumor was founded upon truth; the outcome was extremely doubtful. There was the usual scene preceding a probable capsizing; curses and prayers, the sudden scream of agonized fear, or of desperate appeal. "But we committed ourselves to the care of the All-wise and Almighty, and went to sleep." Morning came to show under its dim light a battered ship, doors broken open, cabins inundated from the seas that had poured down the hatchways, and spars swept away. But suddenly the ocean grew calm, the wind became fair, and the vessel headed straight for Australia. They were at table when the cry arose above, "Man overboard!" Captain Myers started up with an oath and went growling and storming to see into the matter. It was the stowaway, who had been cast dizzily from the life-boat he was trying to paint by a sudden lurch of the vessel. The Captain himself threw him a life-preserver and shouted, "Stop for him, he's too crippled to swim to it. Ship about! Man the life-boat!" In that boat brave sailors went down out of sight in the angry sea, then like a bird sat on the crest. Our ship "across sea" rolled fearfully and the Captain commanded the passengers to leave the deck. The sailors in the boat returned, but the poor crippled boy could not be found. And so the fair wind bore them on their way and the youth who had come from the unknown into our story, dropped back again into the unknown. Was there any one to care?[7] One hundred and four days on the deep, during which period, land had been sighted only three times. Mrs. Carr continued to remember, and to write poetry. We find this, "Written on board the Oriental, South Atlantic, August, 1868: Homeland, dearest, gentle homeland, Dearest now art thou to me-- Dearest, for between us stretches, Dark and grim, the cruel sea. I have left thee, home and homeland, I have bade thy joys adieu But, my heart, my heart is with thee, For I know thy heart is true. Now I know how great thy soul is, Know its depths, so deep, so mild. Dear and tender home and homeland, Pray, pray for your wandering child. So I smile--the Father's calling To a land beyond the sea, To the weary heavy-laden, Who are groaning to be free. Yield I? Yes, I once was weary, Heavy-hearted and oppressed; Yield because Christ died to save me, Yield because he gave me rest. With such glorious love to lead me Can my heart its thrilling tell? Home and homeland, I have left you; Dear and tender, fare you well!" Thus after her varied experiences, we find the young bride's poetic fancy slipping past the grandeur of the ocean life, its terrible storm and its terrible calm; she remembers not now the beautiful castle with its orchid gate, nor thinks of the family of ten who are to return to their peasantry in the stately rural life of Old England; nor of the wonders of the British Isles; it is Kentucky that claims her deepest love and sincerest tribute--And if her ears ring to the melody of "Old Kentucky Home," a voice seems to speak, breaking its way through the music with--"Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature." At last, the Oriental casts anchor in Hobson's Bay. The voyage is ended, the experiences in a foreign land are to begin. The Carrs are urged by many of the second-class passengers to report the conduct of Captain Myles, but they let his insolence to them pass with the passing of unfavorable winds that have so long delayed the ship. At this entrance into a new life, they are saddened to discover that the Captain has persuaded the rich young man to go back with him--to refuse even to land. He has not yet been completely stripped at the gambling table, and he is so valuable and tractable a victim, that all arts are employed to feed his vanity and alienate him from his guardian. It is a fearful disappointment to the sturdy Scot, Duncan, to be deprived of his travels in Australia, but he will not leave his weak-minded charge; so he turns his back on the land to see which, he has endured contumely and abuse, and sails away to do all he can to save his ward from the Captain's rapacity--thus furnishing the Carrs with an example of fidelity to his promise made to the sisters of the unfortunate man, which they treasure in their hearts. A hundred members of the church have come from Melbourne to Hobson's Bay, to welcome the missionaries. Among them, the happiest is Oliver's fellow-student at Harrodsburg, G. L. Surber. "For many months we have been waiting to hear if some sacrificing ones would leave the United States for this country--" as he and Gore had left, a few years before. "Then at last," he writes, "we were rejoiced to hear that Brother O. A. Carr and wife had left Liverpool for Melbourne. Our anxiety was to see them in health. For a fortnight we read the daily papers eagerly, hoping to hear from them. At last our suspense was relieved by a telegram--the Oriental had entered the Head, which constitutes the entrance to the port of Melbourne, about 45 miles from the city. When I heard the news, I felt as I never felt before. Now, I thought, my long loneliness is to end, and the cause of Christ can be more fully met! I could not help weeping, but it was the weeping of a rejoicing soul. My brethren in America do not appreciate their blessings. What wonder that I, cast, as it were, upon a distant island, almost alone, should rejoice at the coming of a co-laborer!" He continues: "After receiving the telegram, September 2nd, a number of brethren with myself went to the port, and took a skiff and went out to meet them. After rowing about till nearly sunset, we learned that the Oriental wouldn't cast anchor till the next day. So early the next morning we again made our way to the landing; by this time the brethren had begun to gather from all parts of the city and suburbs. At eight o'clock that spring morning, we went aboard--" It must be borne in mind that the Australian spring begins in September. "Brother Carr didn't know I was there until I laid my hand upon his shoulder, and spoke to him. Picture that meeting, if you can! Here in this foreign land I grasped the hand of the dear companion of my school-days! What thrilling joy! Sister Carr was soon rejoicing with us. Blessed be our Heavenly Father, for bringing them safely across the seas! "After a few moments their luggage was in our boat and we were rowing to the pier where we found a throng of brothers and sisters waving handkerchiefs, and praising God for his goodness. With what rejoicing the Christians grasped the hands of the missionaries, as they stepped on shore! There was no time for introductions, none waited for that; but such a shaking of hands, and welcoming of Brother and Sister Carr, was enough to move the angels to rejoice. In a few minutes they had taken the train for the city; then in a cab I took them to my residence, where they are now resting from their hardships, soothed by the climate, and delighting, after months upon the deep, in the bloom of peach and plum, and the blossoming of our spring gardens." Thus G. L. Surber writes home that Benj. Franklin of the Christian Church may publish the letter; thus he writes, until he corrects and polishes up the sentences, changing his "We made our way to the landing" to--"we turned our faces," etc. and scratching out "waving handkerchiefs" for something about "open hearts." But we make nothing of his careful remoulding of ideas, nor give a snap for his "open heart." The handkerchiefs shall wave in this history--let them stream to the breeze, each a white fluttering banner of peace and love, raised above the heads of this vanguard of Christian soldiers, this beautiful spring morning of September 3rd, 1868. [7] Just then, it seemed that every one on the ship "cared": That drunken, card-playing priest proposed to say "mass for the poor boy's soul"; but Captain Myles said: "None of your foolishness here". I could not escape the thought that he would have "read mass", if it had been in the Prayer-book, whether foolishness or not; for the ship's Captain is ordained to read the church service, or to appoint some one to read it. That desire to do something, springing from a feeling of helplessness and grief seems natural to mortals and cries out most pitilessly when faith is absent. I doubt not it was as sincere as any prayer ever uttered when Luther wanted to "say mass for the soul" of his mother. I had seen the poor boy cuffed about deck, driven to his hard task, beaten with a broom, and had remonstrated in vain. Between the priest with his rollicking ditties, gambling and drunkenness and the boy there was a great gulf fixed on that ship. "No association with second-class passengers" was the edict; and was not the priest first-class? and the boy, what was he? He had hidden himself among the boxes in the ship's hold at Liverpool to be taken any where, perhaps, out of the world, and so it was. That boy, that scene, what led to it and what followed, Mrs. Carr never forgot--"A neglected one, a prodigal, it may have been, but still a human; he needed something other than sacerdotal robes to show him that you are the servants of the Most High." Yes, she "cared" and so do I, even to this day. O. A. C. CHAPTER X. LIFE IN MELBOURNE. The Carrs were formally welcomed to Melbourne, the evening of the day on which they landed, by a church tea meeting. We shall speak of it in detail, that a general notion may be gleaned of this popular Australian church social. "Tea on the Tables at Half-past Six," is the way the invitation-cards read. We assemble in the basement. There are four tables, running the entire length of the Chapel (we are not to say "church" when speaking of a house.) Not alone is tea "on the tables." Here we find a bountiful repast, garnished forth with beautiful flowers fresh from our gardens. After tea, we present the flowers to our guests of honor. By eight o'clock we have eaten, shaken hands, talked informally with every one, and are ready to adjourn to the auditorium. Here we listen to the Chairman's address, and the addresses of five others, including O. A. Carr and G. L. Surber. The congregation sings three hymns, the Singing Class renders another; we have, also, two anthems, and, after the benediction, feel that we have been to a Tea Meeting, indeed. A few years ago, the Cause in Australia was very weak. Now the pressing need is laborers. The Melbourne Church is strong enough to divide; Surber will preach at the Chapel; a hall will be rented for $400 in gold, in which O. A. Carr will preach; thus forming a nucleus in two remote points in the great city. The speakers at the tea meeting are strong in their faith, and with good reason. Last year the church gave for home and foreign missions, and local expenses, $4000 in gold. We have never had any trouble with expenses, because each of us does something--each one! that is our secret of success. Far away in Adelaide, Gore and Earl are laboring; here in Melbourne, Carr and Surber--four evangelists for Australia. But, as we shall see, all the preaching is not done by the evangelists. And what of Mrs. Carr? At this very first tea meeting we speak of a school for Sister Carr. "We expect in a few months to see her devoting all her time to the high calling of teaching." Thus the new work is inaugurated. Not for the writer is the labor of seeking lodgings, or a house which will serve also as a school; not for the reader the weary days of forming an establishment, of settling down to the necessary routine of daily living, of forming grooves in which one may run automatically, the better to give the mind to higher things than food and a roof. We are in a land where all is strange and new; but when we leave it, all shall have become familiar, and much of it dear. The reader need but glance along the peaks that rise out of the level plain of daily experiences--one tea meeting for him, to fifty for the Carrs; a few characters to be learned from among the thousands who cross the paths of the young missionaries. One might crowd a large book with the people who come and go, never to return, people important in their own orbits, no doubt, but quite futile to ours. Happy would it be for us and ours, if all the time we scatter among the moving multitudes of life, we might concentrate upon the few who are to abide in our hearts and memory. But that is not to be while life is life; however, it may be reasonably accomplished in book-land. So, of these hundreds and hundreds of letters before me, whose signatures are but the labels of so many shadows--impersonal spirits who did nothing but write and vanish--we can select only those of a few men who seem to breathe the same air that envelops our principal characters. Such a breathing reality appears in John Augustus Williams, so real in his profound faith in the dignity of teaching, that the chalk-dust seems to swing above his head as a sort of material halo. To him we find Mrs. Carr writing: "We reached Melbourne in early September, after a long voyage of 104 days! Contrary winds kept us in the Irish Channel a fortnight; but we kept our spirits up, resolved to be content-subjects of the winds. We drifted within sight of the South American shores. We sailed many miles along the mango and palm-wreathed coast of Brazil. We are well and ready for work. Brother Surber was very happy to see us, and the church gave us a most cordial greeting. I will write brother Joe a description of the voyage; you can exchange letters with him. I enclose a little flower and leaf of woodruff. I plucked it at the foot of the south tower of the royal entrance to Canarvon Castle, on Menia Straits, opposite Anglesey. In that castle, the first prince of Wales was born, April 25, 1284." T. J. Gore writes to the newcomers from Adelaide, South Australia: "I am aware of your arrival in Melbourne. You do not know how I long to see you both--you come from old Kentucky--may Heaven's richest blessings rest upon that dear state! It is hard to realize that here so near, are two live Kentuckians from my far-away home. You will find conditions and customs very different here from America; but it is the Lord's harvest; moreover, Melbourne contains a great many Americans; here in Adelaide, my eyes are hardly ever blessed by the sight of one, but I console myself with the thought that though I am far from my native land I am still in the Kingdom of the Lord. No doubt you and Surber are now talking over days of long ago, at Kentucky University. "Brother Carr! how I should love to fold you to my heart! Tell Sister Carr she need not fear the hot winds; they are quite harmless. Brother Earl preaches to big audiences Sunday evening at White's Assembly room; he has not found a church yet. Tell Sister Carr she deserves great credit for leaving her home, and coming so far, all for the sake of His Word. My thoughts go to Keith in Louisville, and Albert Myles in Cincinnati. I wish we had an evangelist in New Zealand. Write me something for the _Pioneer_" (which he is editing). "Brother Santo wishes you both much happiness and great success." (Gore has found a sweetheart,--"Brother Santo's" daughter; which gives him a firmer position from which to protest against homesickness.) At the conclusion of the first sermon preached by O. A. Carr in Australia, two made the good confession. During his ministry in the colonies, he found conversions the rule, while the exception became rarer and rarer, of preaching without visible results. He had not found a house to rent when a letter was received from one who was to take an interesting part in his life--Thomas Magarey, an Englishman, who had settled in Southern Australia: "Now that you are enjoying a little relaxation from the call of visitors upon your arrival, I may venture an epistle of congratulation upon your safe arrival. May you and Sister Carr be spared to present the old and glorious Gospel. I read your article in the _Review_, and laughed at the alarm of the church at Birmingham, lest any one should 'drop a penny in their collection.' We have very little cause for alarm upon that score, here in South Australia. I have heard that you both are suffering from homesickness. I had that complaint for about twenty years. "Unfortunately, every one in Australia has suffered from it more or less and, like seasickness, it meets with no sympathy. I never could understand why the most disheartening of complaints should receive no commiseration, but so it is. I cannot think your disease very violent, for the best authorities say, those love home best who have least reason to do so. Thus the Irishman suffers more from leaving his land of potatoes than the Englishman his beef and plum pudding. I need not tell you that the best remedy is constant employment. This is not our home--we are all pilgrims and strangers. My son, just now, was instructing his little brothers and sisters upon Astronomy. I heard him say that from Jupiter, this earth of ours could not be seen. Humiliating thought!" [Illustration: Fern Brake, Near Melbourne] [Illustration: Fern Tree Gully] [Illustration: Australian Home--Martin Zelius] [Illustration: Prince's Bridge, Melbourne] The man who writes thus abruptly, treading upon the tender susceptibilities of Kentucky pilgrims, calls for more than passing mention. When hundreds flocked to the Australian gold fields, Thomas Magarey established a mill, and sold flour to the prospectors. Gold was found in abundance, and easily parted with; but while others dug it from the earth, Magarey ground his meal and watched the yellow tide as it came his way. "Twenty years of homesickness," on his part, was well rewarded. He owned a palatial home in South Australia, was immensely wealthy, and was a Member of Parliament. His religious life was diverted into its present channel by reading articles by Alexander Campbell and Walter Scott in the _Christian Baptist_. His brother, some time before the coming of the Carrs to Australia, perished in a fire at sea. Thomas took his brother's family into his own home, where all live as one. His sheep ranch, his cattle, his horses, his milling business, his civic affairs, occupied the greater part of the day, but his evenings were spent with his wife and children. On Sundays two carriages took them to church in the morning, to Sunday-school in the afternoon, to preaching at night. At the Governor's receptions, the jewels of the Magareys flashed with the costliest; at church, their garments were as simple as the simplest. And if there was no preacher, as indeed was usually the case in this land where preachers were so scarce, Thomas Magarey addressed the congregation, after the Australian manner. The better to understand this manner, let us return to the Carrs, and take a brief view of their religious life. As we have seen, the preacher delivered a sermon only on Sunday nights. The primary object of the Sunday morning service was the observance of the Lord's Supper. For the Church of Christ, in its desire to do just as the Christians did in Apostolic times, met on the first day of the week to break bread, not "to keep the Sabbath day holy", which they said had been done away, with the old dispensation, but to celebrate the resurrection of Christ. Besides the communion service on Sunday morning, there would be exhortations to religious life by laymen, who had been appointed a month in advance. These men took pride in preparing brief addresses which they hoped might prove edifying; and so general was the custom, that if the minister failed to be present, his absence was unfelt. Such a custom tended to build up a permanent and fervid religious sentiment in the very heart of the congregation--a speaking Christianity which business men carried during the week into their shops and offices. The congregation would assemble promptly in the morning, and, a minute or two before eleven o'clock, would sit with bowed heads. Exactly at eleven, all would rise to their feet, and lift up some familiar hymn such as "Safely through another week, God has brought us on our way." Among the five hundred there were not a dozen silent mouths. Following the hymn, a chapter would be read from the Old Testament, another from the New. A third layman would announce a hymn, usually reading it; a fourth would lead in prayer. Still another would preside at the table, to be followed by those appointed for short addresses. The congregation preferred to take business affairs from their own number, rather than from the minister. As an example--One morning a man rose and said: "Since I have been hearing Brother Carr preach, my Bible has become a new Bible. I never understood it till now. But there is one subject Brother Carr has omitted--the duty and privilege of financially supporting the preacher." Having delivered himself upon this neglected theme, the man concluded: "You know me and my circumstances. I am a shipwright. I will give half a crown a week. My wife will do the same. There are many present who can do as well. Now, will you do it?" And the audience rose and said, "We will do it!" Before a house had been selected for the missionaries, Mrs. Carr went on a visit to some new-found friends; as a result we have a series of letters between her and Mr. Carr; we trust our extracts from them will be both judicious and interesting. Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "If my writing proves obscure, remember I'm an obscure person in this country. Brother Magarey left for Ballarat. We all went with him to the depot. Alex. and Vaney" (Magarey's sons) "could hardly keep from crying when they saw their father leave." (Alex. and Vaney are to board with the Carrs in order to finish the course at the University of Melbourne.) "I went to look at that house in Clarendon Terrace, but behold, it was let when I got there! However, the owner said he wouldn't have been willing to have you teach a school in it; and besides, it would have been too far out for the boys (Alex. and Vaney) to walk. There will be plenty of houses to rent when the people go to the seaside for the summer." (By which we mean December). "We must wait a little longer and be satisfied. I trust in God. We are to do a great work here, if we will be humble and abide the Lord's will. One confession at chapel, today, five at the hall. There are very large audiences. Your class did well. They seemed much disappointed in not seeing you, but they didn't come right out and say they preferred you as their teacher--mighty smart girls! Brother Zelius says I must remember him to you." ("Brother Zelius'" was the first house the Carrs entered on landing at Melbourne; it was he who had sent O. A. Carr the money to come from America. Years before, Zelius had stood penniless, save for one shilling, and entirely unknown, in the streets of Melbourne; but he had done well since he heard and accepted the doctrine as presented by the Christians, and it was natural that he should have a proprietary interest in his missionaries.)[8] Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "We reached Nutcundria last evening in safety. The day is intensely hot" (November 29). "I do not believe I could ever love the Australian climate. Give me the sunny and starlit skies, the balmy breezes, the snows and winter winds of old Kentucky! There is abundance of ripe fruit here. Couldn't you come for me next week? The trip can be made in a day. I shall never regret placing my heart in your keeping; for every day, I see a new light shining in your character." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "Joy came this morning in the shape of a letter apiece; yours from brother Joe, which, I see, came by way of Panama. Mine is from sister Minnie--her news has touched and thrilled my inmost soul: Jimmie has obeyed the Gospel; and dear old father, working hard all day, and going to prayer-meeting at night! Poor mother! I wish it were so that she could attend oftener. Vaney, Alex. and I were at the hall last night. Alex. announced the hymns for me. Vaney says they would take me for a Catholic priest if it were not for my whiskers. Vaney is always cutting at me--we have a good deal of fun as we go along. Say! I would like to see you monstrous well! If you stay up there much longer please send me a lock of your hair! I have a house in view--3 stories, 8 good rooms, just behind Fitzroy Garden, near corner of Clarendon and George streets, price 130 pounds. All rates paid. This house is beautifully situated; from it you can view the Botanical Garden, the Bay, Emerald Hill, etc., but it is a long walk from chapel. I have spent about 3 hours in preparing a lecture for the class, tonight" (we will hear more about that class a little later.) Mr. Carr again: "Two confessions at chapel, 3 at the hall. The work is going gloriously on. I baptized 10 Friday night. I am very busy. There is great excitement. The Rev. Mr. Ballantyne has issued a tract on baptism. The brethren want me to reply as soon as possible, (presenting arguments for immersion). I ought to get out the tract in 10 days, so I cannot come up for you. If Miss McIntyre will come down in coach with you, I will take pleasure in helping her on the way to heaven; but I cannot come next week. We have no house yet. Brother and Sister Zelius send love." Mrs. Carr, to Mr. Carr: "I walked out this evening to meet you, and was disappointed. Soon after, I received your letter; of course I approve your conscientious course of conduct. I do not ask your _best_ love, Ollie, that belongs to God; I ask only its reflex. Your fealty to our Savior is the foundation-stone upon which my affection is built, sure and firm. How strong is my faith that that foundation-stone will ever stand! Next to my faith in Jesus, it brings me the sweetest consolation. I loved you better than my brother, for I left him to follow you; but I am learning more and more each day, how much better. God knows how my heart yearns toward my dear brothers and sisters; but you are dearer to me, Ollie, than all the world beside. In reply to Mr. Ballantyne, studiously avoid all offense; that which offends will never convince. May God bless your efforts for the promulgation of the Truth."[9] [Illustration: Government Building, Melbourne] [Illustration: "Take a Look at Diana and the Stag"] [Illustration: Favorite Walk Toward Barclay Terrace] "Last Friday morning we started to the Spur, an offshoot of the Dandenon. The scenery along its sides and summit, is the most beautiful in Victoria. The gorges filled with enormous pines, stately grottos, and gums, and peppermints, are a rich feast to the aesthetic nature--but I saw nothing that so stirred the depths of my soul, as the dreamy hills in autumn along the magnificent Ohio. About 40 miles below the Spur we found good accommodations at Heyfield, which we enjoyed after the long jolting ride. "We rose at five the next morning to visit the Falls on the Thompson. Their beauty fully paid us for our mile's walk--it seemed three to me. The Falls are magnificent, the lower plunging from 50 to 100 feet, the highest from 200 feet. We made our way with considerable difficulty along the whole face of the Falls. We had to cling to the saplings to keep from rolling headlong into the river. I had a severe headache that morning, and kept my hair hanging, and the bush was so very thick, I wonder I did not share the fate of Absalom. I hope you will get us a house as soon as possible; I am anxious to have a home of our own--if that is possible in a foreign land. I hear that Mr. Surber is going to New Zealand. May God bless you, my dear husband, that you may bring many into the Kingdom." Shortly after Mrs. Carr's return to her husband, they received another letter from their fellow-countryman, T. J. Gore, who is still afraid they may succumb to homesickness. The manner in which he argues against such a feeling, is very philosophical: "Our home beyond the bright blue sea is lovely; there a father and mother are longing to lay their arms about our necks and say, 'Welcome home!' What a happy meeting that would be!--but not to be compared to the welcome into everlasting arms. Brother Carr, we are going home--we have already embarked--we _are_ on the ship, the good old ship, and swiftly we are speeding over the waves of life. We have met a few storms, but the Captain said, 'Peace be still.' The barometer has been low, but He said, 'There's no danger in this ark of safety!' God only lent us our little homes among the hills of Kentucky; it is true they are dear to us; but in a few years He will lend them to others of whom we know nothing." A sentence farther on explains, perhaps, how the writer can be so calmly philosophical: "You have, of course, heard that I am married. Mrs. Gore begs to be remembered to you; we cannot be as strangers: You and Sister Carr must come over (to Adelaide) to see us soon." Letters from home may have accented the stress of home-longing, but others came that gave heart for the long separation, such as the following from Mrs. Drusie Ellis of Ghent, Ky.; "Last night, I heard of your safe arrival in Australia. I loaned the paper containing your letters to a friend. She brought it back with the remark that she could scarcely keep from tears while reading it,--and, as I told Doctor, '_Scarcely_ keep from crying, indeed!'--when I could not even _mention_ the subject in a steady voice! The thought of your wife so nobly giving up home and country for the great work touches my heart deeply. I read of her welcome with streaming tears, and determined to write this word of Christian sympathy, hoping to add one little thrill of joy to hearts so truly consecrated." Mr. and Mrs. Carr decided to rent the house already mentioned, in Barclay Terrace. It commanded an extensive view of Fitzroy Gardens, through which they walked every day. The way into the heart of the city led among its statues and greeneries. One might sink down to rest on the benches beside the fountains, or loiter on the rustic bridges,--only, alas! there was little time for loitering!--inhale the fragrance of the perennial flowers, and take a look at Diana and the Stag before setting forth for Chapel. From the bandstand ascended, "God save the Queen," to the Southern Cross. Who shall say what element of charm did not steal unconsciously from such beautiful surroundings into the hearts of the missionaries? We have said there was little time for loitering; the reader shall be the judge. Two nights in the week were devoted to the prayer meetings of the two churches; one night was devoted to those who came to Barclay Terrace to inquire after the truth, or to learn Christian duty; a fourth night every week was the lecture-night at the Collinwood Church--the Church established by Mr. Carr; on Friday night there was a short sermon and then the baptizing of those who had already inquired after the truth and made the good confession, and who had been instructed as to the purpose of baptism, and what would be expected of the subject as to attendance at church, contributing, and the governing of one's household. As the weeks passed by, the history of the Friday nights presented the appearance of continuous "protracted meeting." Rarely, if ever, did a week pass without the application and acceptance of from one to twenty members. Nor did those who joined the one body, the church, enter upon the crest of an excitement-wave, or with a superficial notion of what it meant to be a Christian. The following note will show that converts were not to be obtained with undue haste: "The following was passed at the Business Meeting of 23rd March, 1869: 'That this Meeting considers it inexpedient for our Evangelists to invite public confessions, seeing they regard it desirable to have conversation before baptism.'" "CHURCH SECRETARY." Besides the work already indicated, there was an "Improvement Class" each week, composed of young members of the church, who read essays, and made short talks, to be criticised by the minister. From this class were selected those who addressed the congregation on Sunday morning. These young men were closely bound by affection to their leader, Mr. Carr. There was something perennially young in his own bosom, that responded to their youth. His health was delicate, as it had been in Lexington, and the never-relaxing labors of every night in the week, might have made another prematurely old and solemn. But his boarders, Alex. and Vaney Magarey, could have told of many a time when he slipped to the attic with them for a hasty game of marbles. Such innocent, though clandestine sport, heartened him up, no doubt, to deal the more telling blows against ecclesiastical foes. Who in reading his trenchant arguments on the subject of Baptism, would have suspected that at that very moment the marbles might be clinking in his pocket![10] No wonder the young men felt his spirit akin to their own! After prayer-meeting they would walk with him "part of the way,--" which usually extended quite across the fifty acres of Fitzroy Gardens, and up to his very door. And as they walked they talked, talked with all the earnestness of youth, when youth is in earnest. [Illustration: Waiting in Melbourne, alone Will go to Hobart] One night when the conversation had become unusually absorbing they stopped and, looking up, found they had halted before the Model School Building,--which corresponds to an American college. The subject of acquiring an education had often engaged them before, but now ideas came to a focus. "I have a calf, and some carpenter's tools," said one young man, addressing Mr. Carr earnestly; "I will sell them, and buy clothes and books if you will teach me." Without hesitation the minister cried, "Come on." "May we come too?" chorused the others. "Yes!" Little did they realize how much that consent meant; how much of energy, of which there was no surplus; how much of nerve-drain and anxious thought. A number of young men decided to come to Barclay Terrace every day. They came and Mr. Carr gave them the same course he had taken at Kentucky University. This was, indeed, paying back to the world with interest, the good that the world had bestowed! When Eneas Myall carried to Carr's tavern the money that started Oliver Carr on his road to the University, little did he dream of the beneficent influences he was setting in motion on the other side of the globe! It is so with every good deed. One never sows a word of love beneath the northern skies, but he may find it blooming some day, beneath the Southern Cross. Mr. Carr's boys had studied some--not much--at the public school. They knew something of English grammar; he did not teach it to them; he taught Greek grammar, and it is needless to say that they became good grammarians. They read the New Testament in Greek. They were taught rhetoric and logic from Mr. Carr's notes, taken at the University. Among the class was that T. H. Rix, who is today a successful evangelist. Another--he who sold his calf and tools to buy books,--stands today as the best educated man in the Church of Christ, in Australia, next to T. J. Gore. He is G. B. Moysey. Who will say he would better have kept his calf? Thus we find O. A. Carr becomes a schoolteacher, though his purposes were all set otherwise. It seemed forced upon him by his consciousness of the good he might do. We are to find the same thing occurring again and again in his life. Duty seemed ever calling him to the desk when his own heart yearned for the pulpit. As yet he was able--both to preach and teach with all his might. Unfortunately that might was not based upon physical resources. On the other hand, Mrs. Carr must always teach, wherever she was, because teaching was a part of her being. She had opened a class for young ladies in her home. Her accommodations compelled her to limit the number of pupils to about twenty; but, on account of this limitation, she was enabled to select those girls who were most refined, and who promised the best spiritual reward for her labors. This was her second school; and while it was by no means so pretentious as her college at Lancaster, the results were doubtless more far-reaching. Her system of education,--indeed, her conception of education--differed materially from that found in Melbourne. If her method seemed radical to the most conservative, it filled with delight those open to impressions of new truth. Mrs. Carr's scheme to educate a girl was not to fill her with facts, but to develop her mind and heart. This has not always been understood by those who patronized her various schools. The commonplace test of "how much a pupil knows," did not always apply to her classes. She took pains to teach them how to preserve their health, how to deport themselves, how to preserve their modesty and integrity, how to become forces in the world. In a word, she did not labor to root in those tender minds a multitude of facts which the passing of time sweeps away; it was her desire to form of each impressionable girl, a noble woman. It was her conviction that no higher work exists in the world than the development of high ideals of womanhood. If she could have reached young girls in any other way, in daily living, she could have dispensed altogether with the school. The school was but a means to the end of shaping lives. There were, perhaps, girls in Melbourne at that time, who were learning more facts than Mrs. Carr's girls were learning; who might, it may be, have answered with greater exactitude if questioned as to the dimensions of the planets' orbits, or as to the geological eons. These things did not seem to her of supreme importance. What to her mind, mattered, was to make world-blessings of her girls. This was so deep a conviction of her soul, that she had little patience with literalism. It is necessary to understand her purpose, in order to comprehend the relationship between her and her pupils. When Mrs. Carr found in any girl those true and enduring qualities which, however much neglected, promise a harvest of love, and gratitude, and noble deeds, and thoughts, there were no pains too great for her to take, to develop that soul. But when it was her lot to be thrown with a girl whose life-purposes were all antagonistic to the sphere of the cultured woman--a girl who suspected insincere motives, and watched for faults, and hardened herself against sweet influences, Mrs. Carr felt that she could do more good by giving her time to more susceptible spirits. Thus it came about that the pupil who reached after the higher standards of life, found Mrs. Carr a woman of motherly tenderness; while she who drew back, found her cold and unsympathetic. It is difficult to learn the real character of any teacher from her pupils, unless we take into consideration the character and point of view of those interrogated. The pupil in sympathy with the instructress will praise her, one in rebellion will blame her. It seems necessary to say this, because Mrs. Carr has often been misunderstood and misrepresented. An obdurate and intractable pupil usually has a family to espouse her view of the case; and the neighbors share the impression of the family; and visiting guests share the opinions of the neighbors. It is not always that the pupil wilfully misrepresents; indeed, in most cases, she does not intentionally do so; but she cannot understand, because her heart is not in accord. It would be a strange thing if any teacher should be universally praised by her pupils, and the suspicion would inevitably arise that she had not done her full duty. On one point all of Mrs. Carr's pupils are agreed; that she was a splendid disciplinarian. Whether you loved her or feared her, or disliked her, she made you keep good order while under her instruction. As to her success in school work at Melbourne, we shall content ourselves with letting the consul speak a good word for her, then relate a little incident. Geo. R. Latham to Mrs. Carr: "Knowing the respectable character of the colleges in the United States of which you are a graduate, and feeling a lively appreciation of your thorough education, finished accomplishments, and intellectual and moral worth, and learning that you have opened a select school for young ladies in this city (Melbourne) I most gladly consent to the use of my name as reference." The terms per quarter for board and tuition were from £18-18-0 to £10-10-0. Mrs. Carr taught the following: "English Literature, Mathematics, Natural Science and all English branches usually taught, Italian, French, German, Pianoforte, Guitar, Drawing and Painting, Leather Work, Wax Flowers." She was the only teacher and, we may conclude, had her hands full! [Illustration: Port Elliott--Farthest Point South] The anecdote we referred to, related to one of Mrs. Carr's pupils, Ettie Santo. Her father, Philip Santo, lived in South Australia. He was a member of Parliament;[11] and a rich iron monger. He dealt largely in imported agricultural implements. He had the same love of family that Thomas Magarey exhibited; every day at three he would go out to his splendid residence in the suburbs, and play an hour with his children. Then after exercising, he would go to the library. After tea he wrote and read two hours, then assembled the family for Bible-reading and prayer. Ettie boarded with Mrs. Carr. It was the first time she had stayed away from home. She was a very quiet, undemonstrative girl. Her father came to Melbourne to visit her. One day he showed Mrs. Carr a letter he had received from his daughter before his arrival. In the body of the letter was this sentence: "Father, I love you; I have never told you so; I can write it better than I can speak it." This is narrated as an illustration of Mrs. Carr's educational ideas. To bring love into being; or, as in the case of this noble-minded girl, where love already existed, to give that love a voice--to teach faithful service and strengthen holy aspirations, these were her imparted lessons. The soul which could not receive them might be hardened against her, but nevertheless she sowed the seed; with her, teaching was a religious exercise. At this busy time, while Mrs. Carr had her girls, and Mr. Carr his boys, to say nothing of a thousand outside duties to be performed, a character entered their lives like a good fairy. Janie Rainey was born and reared in Scotland. Her sister married a "gentleman" that is to say, a man of means, and for a time Janie lived with them. But it soon became borne in upon her that her brother-in-law looked upon her as a burden to his household. She knew a Presbyterian minister in Melbourne, who, in answer to her letter, encouraged her to come to Australia, where she could find plenty of work. She made the long voyage, and found asylum in his house, until she should find regular employment. One day she appeared at the house in Barclay Terrace. Beneath her sunbonnet was to be seen a bright face, and shrewd yet kindly eyes. As she sat in the hall in her plain but scrupulously neat dress, Mrs. Carr was charmed by her Scotch accent, and by her manner of dignified dependence. Janie explained that she had heard Mrs. Carr needed a servant; she had come to keep the house for her, to wash, to cook, to do anything. She was received with joy. As Mrs. Carr afterward said, "It was love at first sight." Before the Carrs came to Melbourne, Janie had gone to hear Mr. Surber preach. "The first time I heard him," she said, "I knew it didn't sound like the kirk! I could understand him; it was so _plain_!" When she had heard him preach about half a dozen times, she said, "I must confess my faith!" She became an intelligent Christian. She knew a great part of the Bible by heart. "I have read the New Testament all my life," she declared, "and never knew what it meant before." Janie worked for the Carrs all the time they staid in Melbourne. She regularly attended the Sunday services, the prayer meetings, and the other gatherings of the church. From her wages she gave one shilling every Sunday morning. She read the church papers and the daily papers while the Carrs and their boarders were at breakfast. Her room was kept clean and inviting, and a talk with her was refreshing; seldom did a preacher visit the house, who did not ask to see Janie. Mrs. Carr would sit in the kitchen to hear Janie read "Bobbie Burns," with the proper accent. The servant had seen the places described in the poems; she had known people who had known the poet. She knew anecdotes about him that have never seen the print. She told about a working girl who, on looking into his room, found him stamping upon the floor, and rushing back and forth like mad; how she had rushed down stairs crying, "He's daft!"--how Burns on hearing the cry exclaimed, "'_Daft!_' the very word I was trying to think of!"--and how he slapped his knees, and fell to writing. It was Janie's delight to take care of Mr. and Mrs. Carr,--to stand between them and those innumerable details of daily life, that sap the energies, that waste the time, and ward off the essential objects of life for those who have no Janies. "She would go to market seeking to tempt our appetites. She would say, 'Oh, you don't eat enough to keep a bird alive!' She petted us. No one regarded her as a servant except herself--but she always held herself to be one. She was, indeed, more of a companion. A beautiful character--one who did her duty because it _was_ duty, and who loved us till we felt that she was one of the family. Her disposition was bright and cheerful. We often found her reading while the kettle boiled, or going about her work with an open book propped upon the kitchen table. One day I went into the kitchen and found her laughing outright. 'What is it, Janie?' 'Oh, I was laughing at what Mark Twain says about the Turkish bath!' What ever concerned us seemed as sacred in her eyes as a religious matter, and she would guard it as her own interests. Hers was a life in which we could see no fault." A high testimonial to one who serves for years in one's kitchen! A testimonial rarely given, rarely merited. Let this be an excuse, if one is needed, for giving so much space to the simple maid from Scotland. Here is one whose soul bursts through the vapors of false pride and unlovely shame that does so much to soil the beauty of the poor. Here is one who recognizes the dignity of service, and who shows by humble acts that mark each hour, she loves her neighbor as herself. And now that we have one so efficient and willing to admit the visitors, to cook the meals and to do the washing, let us retire to the library and, without fear of interruption, enjoy a sheaf of letters, which lie before us; not, indeed, drinking them to the very lees, but sipping here and there. Our word for it, if the reader be in the mood for mail-opening, he shall not go unrewarded. Here is a young man writing from the Agricultural College of Kentucky University, whom Carr and Surber have evidently advised to go thither for a Christian education: "I suppose when I told you I would come here to school, you thought I would never come. After hard work I got to England, and I worked hard before I got here; but when there is a craving for an education, no toil or labor will hinder that young man. I come to study the scriptures, to be able to go into the world to preach the Gospel. I work five hours in the A. & M. College on the farm, and the machine shop. I got to this place without one cent of money. What do you think my first work here was? Dropping potatoes--Sir; yes, sir!" J. B. Myers to Mrs. Carr: "I promised to tell you about the changes in Lancaster," (from which we may glean a little local coloring of Mattie's old home.) "The railroad runs right by the old Methodist church, out by the cemetery; indeed, it took away one corner of the old brick building. The passenger depot is on the Crab Orchard pike." (Then he enumerates all the new houses on the various pikes, tells what girls are going to "set out," and remarks that he pays more attention to ladies since his sister's departure.) "I am still in the old room over Brother Sweeney's store! I have furnished it up with a $30 bookcase, etc. I have resigned my position in the Male Academy to teach a public school no more forever! I can't live that way--too much time consumed in watching the pupils, and making them keep order,--and the rest of my time, too worried to throw my soul into the work, and give efficient instruction. I begin a private class of about 20 choice boys, right away." Then about some who have died; some who have married; a foolish young girl who has kept her marriage a secret; and a poor gentleman who is growing too fleshy, and the fond hope that--"When you and Ollie come back to old Kentucky, you must keep house, and I will board with you!" "A year of your absence is about gone. May the three pass speedily! Yea, let them all pass rapidly that you and Ollie may be returned to me. How I love you my dearest sister! Tell Ollie I love him; too, and am proud of him!" (Very different does Brother Joe talk, now that he no longer stands hatless upon the pike, stopping our stage coach!) Here is a letter from our blacksmith, Eneas Myall: "I would not think of writing to you; but I know what it is to be far from home, and the pleasure of receiving a letter when among strangers; and besides, it is my duty to answer your letter. I regret very much that you did not get to see any of my folks when you were in England. I wish you could see more of England. I am satisfied it is the greatest opening for primitive Christianity in the world. Ollie, this will be rather a broken letter as I am talking, selling and writing all at the same time. We are getting along religiously, as well as common. It looks a little odd to see your father and mother attending church; but we are all glad to see it. Your father is always in his place, and so is your mother, when she can get there. And let me tell you, you are not forgotten in our prayers. We hardly ever have a meeting that you are not bidden God's speed. Brother Bartholomew of Philadelphia was here, raising money to sustain a missionary in that city! Not very many were present, so our contribution of $60 was quite liberal, I assure you. Our envelope system is working-well." (Introduced into May's Lick Church by O. A. Carr, who visited personally every member and gave each fifty-two envelopes in which to place the promised weekly offering for a year). "And now, Ollie, as I am about to close--if we meet never again here, let us meet in Heaven. Let us be faithful to our God. My faith bids me go forward in the unshirking discharge of my duty, and the promise will be mine. All the Myalls send their love to you and your lady. Now, farewell for the present. God bless you both." Thus the blacksmith who beats his money out of iron to spread the Gospel--writing, talking, selling, all at once--the hammer in his hand, God in his heart. Miss Mary Whittington writes from Daughters' College, and we should find interest in a picture of the scene where Mattie Myers received her education; "I have a faint idea of how you feel, Mattie, off there in Australia, for I took a four weeks' trip to Illinois, and cried to get back to President Williams and the college. You need a correspondent like myself, to give you little suggestive trifles of the college life. We have a baby here, wonderful, blue-eyed and spiritual, not a girl, alas! but a boy--Prince Whittington Williams--the 'Whittington' is for an old maid who, having no children of her own, is thankful when people sometimes name them for her--the writer, in a word. Mattie, I hear the supper bell; I'll run down and eat some battercakes, and drink a cup of coffee--don't you wish you could hear the supper-bell once more? "Well, I had my supper in the same dining-room where you drank tea, and dieted, of yore, but it was not upon the same old oilcloth, for now we have a table cloth! Moreover the room is neatly carpeted, and the old chairs have been carried into the school rooms to make way for new ones. The girls' rooms have new carpets _all over_ them--no naked space under the bed--and have been furnished with neat walnut toilets, and full tin sets for the washstands; and I must not forget the red oil-calico curtains." (The reader must bear in mind that during Mattie's sojourn here, such luxury was unknown.) "Mrs. Williams is fat and merry. President Williams is also in a flourishing condition--weighs 160. His flesh makes him very handsome; you ought to have seen him several months ago! The secret is that he has quit tobacco. Dr. Williams is still himself. You would have been convinced of it if you had heard him this morning at church-time, when he came storming into the library, crying out, 'Where's Mary? I don't intend waiting any longer on anybody! Is she trying to keep me waiting another half hour?' And there I had been hiding behind the door half an hour, waiting for him! It did me good to rise up, and tell him so." Here is a letter from our friend Albert Myles, who carried Oliver away from his sick room in Lexington to hold a meeting at Ghent: "When you bade me goodby in Cincinnati about one year ago,"--(how short it seems! and now, how far away!)--"you remember that my health was very bad. Well, it grew from bad to worse, till I lay at death's door. At Crab Orchard Springs I rallied, and grew steadily better until October 20th, 1868, when I--I--what shall I say?--I married! Yes, that was the day that gave me my Ellen for my wife. Two weeks later we took charge at the Mt. Sterling church, where we are still doing what we can in a small and humble way. * * * I could see you two as you braved the dangers of the Irish Channel, and took the long voyage to Australia. I could see you as you star-gazed and moon-gazed; as you promenaded the deck; as you sat and sang with the guitar; as you read and prayed in the raging storm. As you say, none but God can know what you suffered on that voyage; but it is a precious thought that He _does_ know. "Ol., I gather the following impression from your answer regarding my coming out to Australia, 1. Melbourne is the best field in Australia. 2. This field is supplied. 3. Adelaide is supplied by Gore, Earl and others. 4. New Zealand is in danger of a war with the natives, the issue of which is doubtful without help from the government. 5. Whoever accepts the £80 must go to New Zealand. With these facts before me, to be honest, it does not appear to me that Australia is more in need of preachers than many places in the United States. "In New York, there are only about 400 Disciples; in Philadelphia, only about 300; while in Baltimore, Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis and San Francisco, which will average about 25,000 population, there is scarcely an average of 100 Disciples; moreover, in many rural communities, we have not even been heard of! In California are thousands of Chinese who are actually worshiping-idols! It occurs to me, that men who love the ancient order of things, are as much needed here as in Australia. You say also, that the manner of worship there is different from what it is here. This being so, one would have to spend some time preparing himself for the changed condition. If I know my own heart, I never wanted to do anything so much in my whole life, as to go to Australia; but the more I think of the matter, the more firmly I am convinced that if one goes to Australia at all, he ought to make up his mind to stay there. J. C. Keith" (the other member of our "Trio") "has succeeded in getting a comfortable house of worship built in Louisville. He is doing well." (We have a purpose for presenting Mr. Myles' objections to going to Australia, which will be developed later). Another letter from brother Joe, written in May, 1868, and of more than transient interest: "The last spike on the Union Pacific Railroad was driven last Monday. Thousands of faces are turning Westward, where large farms can be bought for small prices. New York and San Francisco are at last united by a mammoth railroad that spans the continent. While the last spike was being driven, telegraphic wires were in connection with all the larger cities, and at each stroke of the hammer, the wires rang signal bells from the Atlantic to the Pacific. As I read the accounts of the great demonstrations, of processions and bonfires, my own breast caught the spirit of the age of great enterprises, and I felt like seeking my fortune amid the rich prairies of the West. But then, I thought, man's life does not consist in the things he possesses; so I am resolved to be content in my Old Kentucky Home! I feel inexpressible satisfaction in the thought that while teaching boys, I am exerting a purifying and elevating influence,--an influence that will mould society, and tinge its religious, literary and charitable institutions, long after this heart has ceased to beat. O, what a privilege is ours, Mattie, of setting in motion waves of eternal blessing! How strange that the great mass of mankind neglect such opportunities! "We are now agitating the question of the removal of the Capitol from Washington. If the Union remains undivided, such a step will be made sooner or later. But wherever they put the Capitol, _my_ home shall be three miles from Stanford on the Crab Orchard pike! I like to think how I am going to fill one cellar with choice apples to roast by the winter fires. Wilt come and see us, and help peel and eat, while we talk of Australia? And what rich cider for you and brother Ollie! And there is the garden--oh, what a variety of vegetables! we'll store them away in the other cellar, and keep them for you. And if you should happen to come back home in strawberry time! Cake, cream, berries--oh, you must not think of staying longer than three years! Counting six months for going and coming, and three years for active service in Melbourne, you'll get here in August, 1871. Well, we can visit the Crab Orchard Springs together--they are only distant a short buggy-ride of eleven miles on the smooth pike--and we can take a jug along and bring it back full. You say it will be too warm? But remember, we have a good ice house. Then what a fine lot of chickens and eggs we will have and * * *" But by this time sister Mattie is weary of cleaning off her spectacles, and puts her head upon her arm in that far-away Barclay Terrace, and gives it up, gives it all up for the time--with faithful Janie to ward off visitors. Oh, brother Joe, how could you!" Do you remember the English Murbys who carried the Carrs away from their splendid hotel in London, and established the missionaries in their own house? Here is a note from Mrs. Murby: "I often take up my album to look at you both. I think over again the events of the few days we spent together so pleasantly. I always regret your time with us was so short; but we hope to give you a hearty welcome again in old England." (Strange how everything dear to us is "old!" It should be a comforting thought to grandparents.) "You overrate any little attentions we may have given you. It was a great pleasure for us to make your acquaintance. Our brother" (the Chicago merchant) "returned to the land of his adoption the month after you left. Willie is a bonnie lad now, nearly eighteen months old. Nellie is over four, and quite a little companion for me." (Let us trust she, too, will find primroses in the streets of London). If you would like a photographic representation of Kentucky University life, do not skip this letter from J. H. Stover. It is nothing to our purpose who the author may be; but he has succeeded in laying before us not a description of that college life, but the life itself. Here is the scene in which Oliver, as a student, so often mingled, and which Mattie, as a visitor, so often looked upon; Lexington in the month of June. Faded, almost gone, are many of the words, but when we rescue them from threatening oblivion, they throb again with the _actual_, which throbs best in trivialities. "Our exhibition went off last night. Brother J. B. Jones gave his first oration before the public; it was well delivered throughout. The valedictory was by W. A. Oldham, who did the best I ever heard him. Milligan, McGarvey, Meng, Wilkes, etc., sat upon the rostrum. The ladies had helped decorate the house with cedar, etc., very tastefully. Robt. Milligan has just got him a new coat and pair of boots. He has laid aside that old coat which he used to wear, even the first year. He has a new hat, too, but he still keeps on the same old shawl. He comes into chapel with his hand to his head, as of old. He did not have his usual sick spell this spring. The last time we met, he told us that we were to have vacations from our duties, 'but, young brethren,' he said, 'there is no vacation in the school of Jesus Christ, our adorable Redeemer.' "Brother McGarvey is just the same--same old coat. I went down to the dormitory this morning and, as usual, there were about half a dozen boys standing before Morton's bookstore. They were discussing who had the best speech, and showed the best delivery, at the Exhibition, last night. Brother Jonathan M. came out and said, 'Good morning, young gentlemen!' in that tone bordering on sharpness, as usual." (What a keen observer! We should dread to wear our old coat where he could see us!) "Brother Myles is here. So is Miss Ella Allen. They were together last night, but I know nothing farther than when you left." (The reader has already seen what _that_ came to.) "Professor Neville, W. T. Moore and uncle Dick Bishop have gone to Europe. Professor was excited to death. It was his long-looked for trip. He bought him a new suit of clothes, for the trip. He looked funny in his sack coat. Professor White looks just the same, except his hair is longer. Those same old shoes with holes in the toes, he still wears. His hat, turned down before, and up behind, hangs on the peg on the post yet, during recitation-time. The boys, as of old, went to the board, 'fizzed' and took their seats when he said, 'That is sufficient, I believe!' When I went up to him this morning to inquire my standing, he looked into that _same book_. He told me I had finished the Junior. As I went out the door, I slapped my thigh. Don't a fellow feel good when he studies hard, and does better than he looked for! Alex. Milligan still walks as fast as ever, and the bald place on the back of his head is none the smaller. He is doing well in his book store. Brother McGarvey told me this morning to tell you he would write soon. I heard from Jim Keith a few days ago. He is doing well! Miss Whitie Hocker graduated at the Sayer Institute last week. Our Sunday-school had a festival about two months ago to which the Midway Orphan School was invited. The Bible school was dismissed. McGarvey and Wilkes managed it. I think it was after you left that John Morgan's remains were brought here and interred. There was a very long procession. As I was walking down the street, today, I met J. B. Bowman in his old buggy, behind that same old black, bobtailed mare. He was driving very fast as usual. Next I met Prof. Pickett. Although it was a very hot day, he had that coat buttoned up to his chin. He had that same black cane, and he saluted me in fine military style, then walked on as fast as possible. I met the old darkey who took care of G. L. Surber's room the first year. He wanted to know if I had heard from 'Massa Green Surbah.' I saw old man White with whom you used to board. He still has the grocery on the corner; Kate isn't married yet. He still swings his hands as he walks, and ducks his head forward as usual. Brother Lowber came up and said, 'Well, here is Brother Stover; how _do_ you come on, Brother Stover?' I think he has asked me that same question four times this morning, with the same smile. He is a very warm and affectionate friend. "I saw Bob Neal next. He wore his hat as you remember. Jerry Morton nodded his head at me as he went by. Dick Stohl stopped me to ask where he could find a Horace, and Cottingham called to me from across the street. As I came home, I met Brother Lard returning from Winchester in his buggy; he had 25 additions there. At the table, Brother V. P. told me his prayers were frequently in your behalf. Dear brother Ollie, if I have succeeded in interesting you with these trifles, I am repaid for my long letters. Give Mattie my love, and tell her I claim kin with her." (Which letter, we fear, leaves Oliver about as homesick as J. B. Myers' left Mattie.) True to his promise, here comes a letter from Prof. J. W. McGarvey: "We published your letter, and a call for packages in the _Apostolic Times_, and have received, in response, enough books, pamphlets and newspapers to fill a medium-sized goods box; we will ship them soon. We now have a circulation of nearly 4,000 for the _Apostolic Times_. I received a copy of your tract, and noticed it in the paper. Innovationists have become rampant among us; they expected to run over our Brother Franklin by affecting superior knowledge, but the _Times_ cannot be frowned down in that way. We hope to fill a gap in the ranks of the faithful. You are right in not encouraging the brethren to send to America for preachers while neglecting useful men at home. Teach them to encourage young men of promise. Some changes have occurred in the University. Brother Pickett resigned his presidency of the Agricultural College, and it was offered Brother Errett. The chances are, however, that Errett will take a chair of Bible study, just created at Bethany. He will probably give up the _Standard_, and it will die. It has never more than paid expenses. Brother Graham has resigned to take the presidency of the new female college of which Brother Hocker is proprietor. John Augustus Williams has been elected President of the College of Arts. You both have a large and warm place in the hearts of thousands of the saints. The Lord be with you." Another note from the Australian student, now at the University: "I am now engaged in the selling of books in the vacation: my object is to make enough money to pay my way through Bible College. My board cost me nothing, for I am stopping at the home of Dr. W. H. Hopson. I suppose by this time you have received the books, magazines, etc., from President Milligan. I preach occasionally at Providence and Bethany. Cannot some of our young brethren in Australia come out here and prepare themselves to preach to poor dying sinners? They may say they cannot pay the passage; but if they love the Lord, they will come, and work their way through." The following is from Mrs. Carr to her brother: "How my heart blesses you, for almost every mail brings us cheer from your pen! If it be the will of God that we ever again see each other face to face, you will know how grateful I am. You would laugh if you could see us running to the door at the ringing of the postman, or leaping from our seats at the cry of--'_Arrival of the British Mail!_' We have many dear friends here, but a word from Kentucky carries our hearts back in a mighty rush, and all is lost in the old and tried affections of home. Forget you, did you say? Ah, we could not if we would. Come back to you, did you say? Assuredly, if it is God's will. When I come back, brother, I want to sit in your lap, and with my arms about your neck, tell you of my little trials, and of my many, very many abiding joys. Ollie's health and mine, is not good as when we first came here; we fear it may be due to the climate. Ollie is so upright, so gentle and kind to me, that I have strength to bear everything. "Now a question: Suppose we should establish a College in Australia, exclusively for young men, hoping some day to convert it into a university--and suppose we should cry to America for professors--would you come? Think of the cries of the churches here for education--how they are obliged to send their young men all the way to Kentucky to prepare them for the ministry in the Christian Church. _Would_ you come?" And much more to the same purpose, showing that this idea of a Christian University in Australia, has become a fixed idea with Mrs. Carr--an idea which she is not to yield readily. Now comes O. A. Carr to the charge, showing a little of the heat of battle that has been roused by controversy with the sectarians. It is Thomas Magarey, father of Alex. and Vaney, whom he accosts: "Thanks for candor, but your admonition was unnecessary. I know how it would aggravate a zealous brother to think that my little squirt is throwing water on the fire he is trying to keep aglow. You seem to think that I am desperately bent on doing nothing with a vengeance, especially if it will injure Australia. It may be true I have no more judgment than a pig; I may be showing the pig--or dog, if you like,--in writing this; but like you, if I am wrong, I apologize. And now to the point: What I wrote was solely to argue that we must not depend upon America in the contemplated college affair. My reason for believing that evangelists would not come here from there, was the simple fact of their not coming. I have never written a line home derogatory to anyone's coming to Australia. I wrote a confidential letter to Brother Albert Myles, which he made me promise to do; I gave my first impressions of Australia, and they were more favorable than I ever dreamed I could give, when I was at home. As Brother Myles was to come on Adelaide money, I frankly told him that I could not give him any account of Adelaide. I never believed Brother Myles would come, when we received the call at the same time, for the conviction that he should do so, was not so strong as mine. His mother was a widow, and looked to him for support. Brother Myles is as true a soldier of the Cross as ever drew the sword. Had he seen his way clearly, he would have come, for he wanted to do so. I hold myself free from throwing anything in the way. "Pardon me for saying it, but I suppose I will always be a '_new chum_' and 'too inexperienced for old English women to sit under,' and 'who ought not to be allowed to write a little Tract till some old, experienced brother had reviewed it to see if it were sound.' I want you to believe that the 'new chum' wrote nothing he could not prove, and that he is anxious for all to come and help in the glorious work, who ought to assume the responsible position of a preacher. So much from the 'bear with the sore head!' There; now! I haven't flared up. I do hope you will send for more evangelists, and that the country will be supplied with a faithfully preached Gospel. Alex. is much better, and is able to eat heartily; Vaney is well. Mattie, I believe, is writing to you." Back to the charge comes the doughty Englishman, Member of Parliament, and miller from South Australia: "It is a very busy day with me, but I must not leave you under painful feelings caused by hasty words of mine. As I was mistaken, I am heartily thankful, and apologize without reserve. In the first place, you _are_ a new chum, and nine out of ten new chums write home under disappointed feelings, as the romance melts from those visions which lend enchantment to the view. But since you did not do so, I am much to blame for hasty accusation. As to the rest, you misunderstood my letter. The fault is with me. I am always getting myself into unpleasant scrapes by my correspondence. Even the newspapers that report my speeches complain that they cannot tell whether I am joking, or in earnest. I have always looked upon you as a great acquisition to the cause of Christ in Australia. I cannot imagine what you mean by talking of 'a bear with a sore head.' I am utterly unconscious of having written anything to give rise to your expression. Will you kindly send me the whole passage. I do not think of you as a bear at all, sore-headed or otherwise. Why, I look upon you as one of the pillars of the Cause. I think,--if we get so much out of Brother Carr at 24, what will we get at 30! Then I think that by the time you are 30, you will have ruined your health, and be fit for nothing. I feel angry that you undertake so much. I know, had it not been for you during Brother Surber's absence in New Zealand, the Cause would have gone to ruin in Melbourne. Then how could I have thought you in the way, as 'a pig,' or as a man? I do not think any of our evangelists are without faults; but if I let them see that I do not consider them faultless, they should not therefore run back to America, as they sometimes threaten to do! I ought to have known better than to take such freedom with our friends from Kentucky. It is said by travelers that a Southerner will allow you to tell him his faults, or his country's faults. But he will not; or can not, understand any playful allusions to them. Now, Brother Carr, I am exceedingly sorry to have written anything that hurt your feelings. I begin to have some dim recollection that I _may_ have written something about a bear with a sore head, but I cannot remember what it was. What _was_ it? I have Sister Carr's letter; am delighted with it; was afraid she might be cross about that bear. I have no letter from my boys, but hope to receive one soon. But I must close this long rigamarole which I cannot read myself, it is so badly done."[12] As a last letter in this chapter's mail--what a long chapter it is making!--this is offered from Martin Zelius, he who began Melbourne life with one shilling, and later sent to America the gold that brought over Mr. and Mrs. Carr; it will show that he, too, was interested in that Tract: "I have heard that you intend to investigate, and bring out, the injustice that one of the religious bodies here has done our people. I hope you will do it most effectually, not for the sake of victory, nor of retaliation, but for the love of the truth. Stand up at any time, and under any circumstances, to defend the commands of Jesus. He has said he will never leave us, nor forsake us. When we have our friend Jesus to stand by us, our confidence is raised to the highest pitch. My dear brother, it brings the tears to my eyes when I look back on the past, and see how Jesus has shielded me from many a trial, from many a foe. Stand up for him, Brother Carr! He who is with us is more than all who can be against us!" The way in which the Church of Christ looked at religious matters was so different from the usual view, that the American evangelists felt the pressing need of tracts to disseminate their ideas. One illustration of their effectiveness, may close this branch of the subject. There was a young man whose parents lived in a house passed, every day, by the Carrs, on their way to town. The father belonged to one denomination, the mother to another, while the son, finding the Calvinistic doctrines of both repellant to his bent of mind, refused to accept any scriptural or unscriptural principles. He graduated at the Melbourne University, then took a special course for the degree of M. D. He went into the adjacent country to practice, without having ever met the missionaries. One day he came across one of O. A. Carr's tracts. "I read it with great interest," he said. "I asked myself, is this the truth? I was then unsatisfied with the truths of Christianity." The young man sought his Bible, and began with Moses and the prophets, in a course of systematic and scrupulous examination of the Word. He read himself into the belief of the Christian church. He called upon the neighbors to meet in a hall, that he might tell them what had won him to Christianity. He delivered to them a course of lectures, insisting that everything needful to man's salvation, and life of holiness, was explicitly laid down in the Bible. At the conclusion he cried out, "Is there any one here who believes?" More than a hundred rose and answered yes! He heard them confess their faith in Christ's divinity. He baptized them. Having determined to prepare himself for the ministry, he laid aside his practice, went to Kentucky University, and, thanks to his splendid education, was able to finish the course in a year. Thus Dr. A. M. Fisher became Fisher the Evangelist, thanks to a tract written by one who, not many years before, was gathering up the shavings in Myall's wagon shop. [8] Martin Zelius, happy man! About the time Eneas Myall was seeking work and found it at May's Lick, Kentucky, Martin Zelius stood in the streets of Melbourne, wondering to what he should turn his hand. He turned his eye and saw across the street a flaming placard: "Evangelist from America, H. S. Earl, will preach in St. George's Hall," etc. "No where to go," he thought to himself, "I will go hear that man." He was charmed with what he heard, and soon became obedient to the faith. He entered upon a business life in which his success was marvelous: everything he touched seemed to turn to gold. Whole-souled, enthusiastic, he stood before the church and asked the privilege of sending from his own earnings the money to pay the expenses of the evangelists from America. One night, when he had come from church he learned that a brother was aggrieved at him: he hired a "cab", drove across the city to that Brother's home, called him from his bed out to talk with him alone, and broached the matter in such a way that the Brother said: "O, it was a trifle, I should not have mentioned; I am ashamed of myself because I did. Is it possible that you have come all this distance to talk about that?" "Why, yes," said Martin Zelius, "our Savior said, 'if thou bring thy gift to the altar and there remember that thy Brother hath aught against thee, leave there thy gift; go be reconciled to thy Brother, and then come and offer thy gift.' I could not pray to-night until I came to see you, and know what I had done to offend you." "Well, I always thought a great deal of you, but more now than ever." Forgiven and happy he goes home, at peace with all the world. His wife, fit companion for such a man, of meek and quiet spirit, entered into fullest sympathy with Mrs. Carr, understood her, knew her and loved her. She entreated Mrs. Carr to visit her daughter in California and arrangements were made to do so, to start in two weeks (in November, 1907); but in five days she had gone to the eternal home. O. A. C. [9] See appendix. [10] Alexander T. Magarey and Vaney J. Magarey were sons of Thomas Magarey, M. P., of South Australia. They made their home with us while attending the University of Melbourne. Two more congenial spirits I never met; nor better students. Then, too, they were Christians from very love of the Savior, and delighted in the truths of the Gospel. They were very intelligent in the Scriptures. After my return from Australia Alex. visited me in Kentucky. It was my delight to take him among my kindred; for he and his brother seemed to me like one of my own family, and to present him to the Brethren as a specimen of what sort could be found in Australia. The memory of him, his father, brother and the Magarey family is very precious. Alex. would have me take him to see the mother of Brother Be. sley who went to Australia, came home an invalid and died of consumption: he must weep with that mother and see the grave of that young man: he must see those--teachers and preachers--of whom he had read; he wanted to take them all by the hand, and such a hand grasp as he gave was remembered. We were sitting together in the Main Street Church in Louisville during the State Meeting in 1880, when T. P. Haley asked if any knew of rich men's sons who are preachers of the Gospel. Only two were known--T. M. Arnold of Covington, Kentucky, and Alex. Magarey. On one occasion his horse, which no one drove but him, took us in a buggy from his father's home to a church near Adelaide where Alex. preached. The people there were poor, and he would minister to them--"preach the gospel to the poor". He taught them to give. A woman who had no money had gathered the wild flowers--her offering--better than gold to him. He took them home and pressed them, possibly had them as long as he lived. The name "Magarey" always honored in the Campbell Home, is it strange that when Alex. came to the United States the next time it was for the express purpose of bearing to his Australian home a bride--niece of Alexander Campbell? These young men (A. T. and S. J. Magarey) were my ideals of what young Christians ought to be and do: they were so congenial to me--my companions even playmates, sympathized with me so fully, helped me in my work, that when their earthly life ended it seemed that a part of my own life had gone with them. O. A. C. [11] Philip Santo--a prince among men--a generous, sympathetic soul "Come to see us", was his message to me, "Jeff." (T. J. Gore) "wants to see you--I will take no excuse". Of course, I had to go. When we had enjoyed his home for a while he sent "Jeff." and me to the seaside--to Port Elliot, the farthest limit of land toward the South. Up on the immense cliff at the hotel we feasted the body and rested, while we looked far out over the Southern ocean toward the South Pole. At night the tide would lash the waves up in sprays to the very top of this cliff: in the afternoon we strolled the beach, gathering shells, and leaving our little (?) footprints to be washed away at even. Every year T. J. Gore visits Port Elliot with his family for a season; and a picture of it hangs on the wall at Carr-Burdette College. Philip Santo, happy man, was always planning, preparing something for the good of the Church. He would sit in his Library at night and read until absorbed in some happy thought he would say: "Jeff., what does this Scripture mean?" and then he would be silent until next Lord's day morning when "Jeff." would be delighted with the lesson, and the exhortation Philip Santo would give at the church. Those who heard him speak in the House of Parliament were glad to hear him in the Church; for in the honesty of his soul he ministered in each place. When I bade him good-by he insisted that I take fifty dollars; for, said he, "I do not permit the preachers to come to see me at their own expense". He visited us in Hobart City, Tasmania. He entered the store of his old time friend, with a cordial greeting. "How do you prosper"? The friend, a hypercalvinist, he who heard O. A. Carr gladly, read Milligan's Scheme of redemption and pronounced it the best book, next to his Bible, he had ever seen, "but who drew back when he heard a sermon on 'My Sheep'--"Very well indeed," he said, "until the preacher (Carr) began to preach Campbellism". "What is that you said he preached", said Santo. "What is Campbellism?" "Oh, I don't know; but that is what they said he preached". Then he enveloped himself in a mist of dreary theology, and proceeded into the darkness of the decrees of foreknowledge and "fixed the fate" of all, as he thought. Whereupon Santo remarked: "Do you think that any man of ordinary sense can understand what you have been saying?" Our friend was a good man, and he could bear it, when Philip Santo said it; but he went into the other room to cool off; but soon returned to indulge in reminiscences. He read in a few days the announcement that "The Hon. Philip Santo, from Adelaide, would preach the next Lord's day in O. A. Carr's place". Then it was revealed that he had given himself away together with his cause; but he continued to maintain stoutly that a "sheep could never become a goat". On leaving us he said: "I want to give you this: you may need some pocket change"--and placed $50.00 in my hand. Thus he moved around among the churches--distributing to the necessity of saints like he was "given to hospitality" in his home. His heart's desire was to visit his brethren in America. His active business life forbade a lingering while here. He telegraphed to me to meet him in St. Louis. Feeling that we must have him in our home at Columbia, my answer was to tell him how he could come, and be sure to come; but he must set sail from California at a fixed date and could not. We missed the joy of his presence. How I would love now to have the opportunity to do his bidding; but he has gone from the earthly life. O. A. C. [12] By association with him and his family in his own home I learned to love Thomas Magarey, and henceforth to think of him very much as his sons thought, and to feel that he was a father to us all to correct and to help us. He could not offend me if he would by any strange position he might take, or any thing he might say; nor would he intentionally do so. He was born to be heard, to say what should be in the affairs of men. Right or wrong in what he claimed as truth, he was a genuine man. O. A. C. CHAPTER XI. BUSY YEARS IN AUSTRALIA. In the shifting crowds of men and women along our life-pilgrimage, few are those who feel an abiding interest in the concerns of others. We meet and part, each thinking of what he may have gained in the way of social inspiration, rather than of what he may have imparted. It is not indifference, however, which most severely galls the sensitive spirit; it is the active opposition that ever seems the lot of him or her who would help humanity. I do not know if any feet have reached the upper rounds of high ideals, without shaking off detaining hands. In the case of Mrs. Carr, influences adverse not only to her work, but to her peace of mind, were destined to attend her through life. It is impossible to estimate the good that might be accomplished, if mankind would rally around those souls fired with lofty purposes, and strengthen and make more effective those purposes, by sympathetic encouragement; if it were human nature to add to lofty ambitions, by lending substance from one's own slighter forces. But it appears to be the rule that wherever one is found who desires to do a great good for others, a dozen are found to weaken his influence and to seek to undermine his work. Those physical mannerisms which are presently to perish with the flesh, are seized upon for the purpose of striking dead, influences which might otherwise have been eternal. [Illustration: On Road to Salmon Ponds, Tasmania] [Illustration: Hobart Town, Tasmania] When Mrs. Carr, experienced for the first time the cruelty of this truth, she was unprepared for it. In later years, having learned her lesson, having been convinced that opposition to truth is inherent to human nature, she was able to hold her courage with a fixed and steel-willed conviction, that cut its way through all walks of opposition. But at first she was not prepared for this unlovely trait of lesser minds. Accordingly, we sometimes find her sinking, wavering, fluttering like a bird in a snare, before the breath of treachery, and the opposition of jealous natures. To understand the story of this life in its entirety, one must know the details of these struggles and these disappointments. Yet we would rather leave the story incomplete, than perpetuate misunderstandings and misrepresentations. Those who opposed Mrs. Carr in all of her educational plans, share the fate of one who chooses as his part in life, that of opposition. It is not he who opposes, but he who performs, to whom the world owes its gratitude. Those who are antagonistic to good works, court the oblivion that awaits them. Those who, in spite of discouragements and hostility, hold tenaciously to lofty purposes, leave to the world such monuments of their devotion, as the sun-kissed college on the flower-embossed hill overlooking Sherman, Texas. We shall content ourselves, therefore, with passing by, in silence, the words and deeds of the ill-natured, the unfriendly and the indifferent. One should not go back into the past to gather its thorns. So much is said at this place, that those conversant with the controversies and contentions of school and church life during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, need not expect to find them reanimated in this volume. The following selection from Mrs. Carr's diary deals with her first trip to North Tasmania whither, two years later, she and her husband were to go for a year's sojourn: "Jan. 3. Left for Hobart Town, Tasmania, on the ship _Southern Cross_. Sisters at the wharf. Kissed Ollie goodby. Dashed away the tears--may we meet again, dear husband! "4th. Passed through Port Philip's Bay. Over the Rip, that terrible Rip! what seasickness it brings! Terrible storm! I was crowded out of my birth, but was glad to get the fresh air. The captain and stewardess were kind. The Lord bless them. "5th. Reached Hobart Town, 7 a. m. Met by the Walworths, to whom Ollie had telegraphed. Saw more vice in two hours than I saw in New York in two weeks. What wicked people! "6th. Sailed in the _Monarch_ to New Norfolk, 22 miles. Scenery along the Derwent is grand, but not to be compared to that of the beautiful Ohio. Hop gardens far up the hills, shrouded in mists. How lovely! "7th. Visited Salmon Ponds, 7 miles from New Norfolk. Salmons raised here, as they are not native to Australia; 30,000 sent to the ocean yearly through the streams that supply the ponds from the Derwent. Returned to North Tasmania by coach; fine view of the country--how I wished for Ollie! "8th. Stormy day. Spent it indoors, sewing and gazing at frowning Mt. Wellington, the pride of Tasmania. Attended services on a man-of-war. "10th. Visited Town Hall and Museum. Saw handwriting of the King of Madagascar. "11th. Went by coach to Launceston, distance of 120 miles. The grand mountainous scenery compensated for the long ride. Passed the Western ridge on top of which smile beautiful lakes, 1,000 feet above the sea. More like Kentucky than any scenery I've witnessed. "12th. Visited Cataract Gorge on South Esk. To Prince's Square where stands the finest fountain in the Colonies; it was imported from Paris. "13th. At Mechanics' Institute saw life-size oil paintings of Victoria and Prince Albert, and the Prince and Princess of Wales. What a sweet, gentle face Princess Alexandria has! Dear woman, she deserves a better husband. These people are so kind to me--Ollie will love them for that. "14. Visited Mr. Gunn, Curator of Museum, who promised to send specimens to Kentucky University. My husband's Alma Mater is dear to me, because dear to him. Launceston by Tamar. Sick all the way to Port Philip. Scenery along Tamar not so bold as along the Derwent. "15th. Reached Melbourne, and waited at Brother Zelius' to see Ollie. How glad I am to be with my dear husband once more. May the dear Lord spare him till I die. Only God knows how dear he is to me; God will not take him from me." At this time, the youth whom we have known as "Vaney" Magarey, leaves the Carrs' household, no longer to play marbles in the third story at stolen intervals, but to take his place in the world as Dr. S. J. Magarey; the "Vaney" quite lost among these dignified initials. Also his brother "Alex." departs, meaning to sail to America. From Adelaide, Vaney writes back; sending Mrs. Carr ten pounds, evidently on her birthday, for he tells Mr. Carr, "I promised Mrs. Carr ten pounds. Please lay them on with your fist with as much severity as you think fitting." Then he tells of £8,000 worth of Adelaide gold just discovered, and sends his regards to all inquiring friends, "except tailors and bailiffs." Somewhat later, he writes that he will not return; another may have his room. He is interested in Mr. Carr's work as a teacher of prospective ministers,--"For goodness' sake, do not turn them out half-educated. Sometimes students are allowed to leave the Academy before they know enough, and then they cause anxiety to many, and prejudice people against colonial-made preachers." As for Vaney, himself, "We are at the seaside, and have a swim every morning, and drive every day." An interesting character, this gay young physician, son of the rich M. P. As we have seen, he and his brother were accustomed to address the congregations on Sunday mornings, while they attended the University of Melbourne. When he had graduated, Vaney or "S. J." as we must call him now, went to South Australia and lived with his father, where Gore was editing the _Pioneer_. The young physician married one of Mrs. Carr's favorite pupils. He became successful in his profession, while his brother developed into a splendid preacher. "Alex. preaches and I practice," said the doctor. When it was necessary for Mr. Gore to be absent from the pulpit, he would call on "Dr. S. J." to preach the sermon in his stead. In the meantime the father, Thomas Magarey, has seen his son "Alex." off to America, in the company of Evangelist Earl. He writes to Mr. Carr, but not now about bears with sore heads: "I have your letter dated 'Washington's birthday.' I have heard something of Washington, but never heard that he had a birthday. I suppose Washington is one of those best kind of demons, more worshipped in America than England. When I go to Barnum's Museum, I will inquire for his birthday. "I am glad to hear your Forrester's Hall was so hot, because I had thought our White's Room the hottest place in Australia. I am still inclined to think we can sweat freer at White's. I am glad Brother H. makes a good deacon; I am always glad when a Scotchman can be found good for something. Dr. Johnson says the animal ought to be caught while young. You say your health is better, but I cannot believe it, for you give yourself no chance to get better. Go away and take a rest. Why was Paul allowed to waste so much time and energy? Was he not a citizen of no mean city (the Kentucky of his day?) Was he not senior wrangler under Prof. Gamaliel? Had he not graduated with honors and degree of A. M. from the University of Jerusalem? He was at least master of the art of tent-making. Yet with all these accomplishments, he went away somewhere into Arabia for three years. Then he goes from city to city afoot, in danger of being robbed--why wasn't he provided with a buggy? Instead of preaching in a jail, why not have occupied the biggest house in Phillippi? It wouldn't have been refused after that earthquake. Instead of working at his trade for bread, wouldn't it have been better for the missionary cause, if the brethren had paid him a salary, and had him give all his time to preaching? What a waste of time! He might have been writing a "Reply--_a Tract_"--to the Rev. Annanias of the Temple. And think of him at Rome, chained to a Roman soldier (no doubt a Yankee barbarian!) Why, if he had been chained to a Barnabas or Titus, they must soon have got to quarreling. Think of him two years in his own hired house, when the church of Rome ought to have put out handbills that Rev. Paul would preach at the Town Council! But perhaps there were Scotch deacons in that church, for we know there were Britains in Rome. They were too cautious. "But a thought upsets my theory. Perhaps the Lord saw that Paul's own mind needed the discipline through which he was passing. Perhaps it is so with young men of the present day--sometimes their energy seems wasted; but it may be in order to make the most of their good qualities; that they may learn in time to be sorrowful, yet always rejoicing. Well, I must close my letter and go out into the barren wilderness which surrounds me, in which the shepherd is at wits' end to find pasture for the sheep." [Illustration: Entrance to Domain, Sidney--Hyde Park.] From Mrs. Carr's diary, Mar. 27, 1870: "Two years ago we made those holy vows to each other that only God can sever. Two years ago, we left brothers and sisters, and all the tender associations of sweet home. May we ever be true to each other, and to God. O blessed Savior, give me more of thy gentleness and of thy humility. Make me a better child and a better wife, as the silent years creep on, leading me closer to the grave,--the dark path that leads to the beautiful mansion in our Father's house. * * * Visited Botanical Gardens, overlooking the Bay. Visited Barrabool hills and along Barwon river to Geelong across the Bay, 50 miles from Melbourne, where we got a cup of milk." On Mrs. Carr's birthday, her pupils thus testify to their affection: "We cannot permit this opportunity to pass without manifesting our appreciation of the excellent course of instruction you have pursued, and the kindness, perseverance and patience you have combined with Christian love and forbearance, with which you have exercised your arduous duties. You have not only enlarged our understanding, but excited in our hearts a deep feeling of love. You are more like a dear, fond friend than a teacher. The most difficult lessons become, under your guidance, pleasant studies. May you live many years to pursue the noble efforts of your life."--Signed by the young ladies of her class. From J. B. Bowman, now in Washington City: "I have been prosecuting a claim for damages done the University buildings during the war; I will succeed in getting $25,000, which will be expended in the erection of buildings at Ashland. I have written thanking you for your valued favor of shipping the box of specimens for the Museum. We had the pleasure of opening it to-day at the Smithsonian Institution, and oh! how delighted was I, with the rare and beautiful things in it! It shall be placed in a special case in Ashland. Sister Mattie, how exact they are in the classification and arrangement, showing so much care and skill and science on your part! General Latham arrived after a trip of six months. He called on me to-day at the department. He says Sister Carr is the most highly educated and accomplished lady in Australia. We have about 800 enrolled at the University. The Bible College is a grand success. I propose nominating Jas. C. Keith as Adjunct Professor. Oh, if I had a million dollars, there would be 500 in the Bible College! To this end of enlarging the University, I am working and praying every day of my life." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr--relative to this brief visit to Sidney: "September 27, '71: We will reach Sidney at dark to-night. It is hard to write on the ship. All of us have been very sick, but it is fine now. The wind is fair and we are gliding along most beautifully as we promenade the deck. There is a man on board who has been in Louisville, and _May's Lick_! His name is Smith; a brother of John's I presume! "28th: After a fine dinner yesterday at five, we had music on deck. Dark came on, and with it the lights of Sidney Harbor. It was the grandest view I ever had of any harbor. The lights were everywhere, and their reflection in the water was like posts surmounted by candles, and we were sailing right into the midst of these posts. We came right up to the wharf and there stood a number of Sidney friends to put us in cabs. After I went to bed, the old steamer was still roaring in my ears, and the floor was moving up and down, as I went off to dreamland. I am now sitting in a little parlor with a headache, waiting for breakfast and fearfully hungry. "30th: I saw Parliament houses, and fine they are. I walked through Hyde Park, where is a monument to Captain Cook with this inscription; 'Captain Cook, born in Yorkshire 1726, founded this territory 1770.' Just over the monument I saw, away in the distance, part of Sidney harbor, the sun shining on the hills, and glistening in the water. Visited a former servant of the Magareys, who is now independent and owns a mill of his own. His daughter is a fascinating little creature--don't be jealous!--a perfect prodigy on the piano. They insist that I must preach here two Sundays. "Sidney is the funniest laid-out place I ever saw. Part of the city is compact, the streets running every direction, at all angles, like London, while a short distance toward New Town there is a cowpen or paddock. The houses are strongly and handsomely built of massive stone, and some have stone steps running to the top of the three stories. Some houses look as if they had stood for centuries. It seems to me that the poorest thing the people have is religion. The one thing needful is the only thing neglected. I am not over my seasickness, and even now the table seems to be going up and down as I write. Give my love to Surber and Zelius, etc. If my tooth quits aching, I shall bring it back to Melbourne in my mouth. "Oct. 3rd: Preached yesterday to small but interesting audiences. At night, three confessions--the first ever had in Sidney immediately after the preaching. The brethren were delighted. "Oct. 4th: Went to hear an elocutionary effort in a little chapel; I was charmed by the speaker's manner and style, but pained because he did not preach the Gospel. From there we hurried on a boat for a trip up the Parramatta river, and saw Sidney Harbor to best advantage. I never saw such a sight, not even in old Kentucky! It is beautiful beyond description. The river was clear and smooth, sparkling in the sun. As far as the eye could reach were the weeping willows and pines, and trees whose foliage had the appearance of a continuous mountain range, relieved by beautiful flowers and lawns surrounding the prettiest houses, in front of which were the winding walks. The red soil and bright pebbles glistened down to the shore-bridge, where the boat would stop for passengers. We saw many islands where were beautiful houses and gardens, and could see the people walking about in their island homes. The most famous was Cockatoo Island whither the convicts were once sent, from which there was no possible escape. There stood the houses in which they had once lived. As the steamer glided on, we saw the ripe oranges hanging from the trees, and when we landed to go to a hotel at Parramatta, the perfume of the flowers followed us through the streets. "Oct. 9th: Your two letters came, and I had a rare treat reading them. I was so glad to hear of the success you are having in the matter of raising funds to build the chapel! Hurrah for those sisters at Collingwood! We'll have a chapel, won't we? Certainly, if my wife takes the enterprise in hand!" Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr, while he was on his visit to Sidney: "It is very stormy today on land,--what will it be on the sea? I dreamt last night of a sinking ship. In reaching forward to save you, I awoke. May God bring you back safe to me, my dear, dear husband! Jane Nash" (of whom the reader is presently to hear) "is going to Tasmania in about a fortnight to be married to Brother Smith; she wants you to perform the ceremony. Can you not come home by way of Tasmania? Jane will go over any time you can be there. Let us know." Among the young men who were bound to the Carrs by tender affection, and a common religious interest, was George Smith, a hatter by trade. Some time before the Sidney experience, Mr. Carr met Smith on the street, and the young man grasped the minister's hand, while the tears shone in his eyes. He had been out of a job for some time. "And now," he said, "I have found a position. I answered an advertisement a few days ago, and a telegram has come for me to take a place at once." "Then what is the trouble?" asked Mr. Carr. The trouble was that the position offered Smith was at Hobart Town, in Tasmania. There was no Church of Christ at Hobart Town; there was no one known to the young hatter, and, moreover, there was Jane! "How can I leave the brethren?" exclaimed Smith; "and how can I leave Jane?" Jane Nash had been reared a Roman Catholic. Through the influence of her suitor, she was induced to attend the preaching. She was so disturbed by what she heard, that she resolved to take her Bible, visit the different preachers, and have them point out the places that might tell her what to do to be saved. She visited several; but they could only tell her to read her Bible, to pray, to wait for a divine influence. At last, she accosted Mr. Surber with her oft repeated question: "Will you tell me what I must do to be saved?" "I cannot tell you," said Mr. Surber; "but I will direct you to those who can; men who ought to know, for the Savior himself inspired them to speak his will." [Illustration: Sydney Harbor] [Illustration: Port Jackson, Sydney] [Illustration: Sydney Harbor] Jane was greatly excited. Mr. Surber took her back to the day of Pentecost, and had her sit under the preaching of Peter. Her question was the very one Peter had been asked. The answer on that day was the answer now. Jane confessed her faith, and was baptized. It was best for George Smith to leave Melbourne, that he might make a home for himself and his betrothed. Dear as both were to the Carrs, they urged the young man to accept the position, and Jane, to wait till he could send for her. After they were married, they faded for a time from the lives of Mr. and Mrs. Carr; but, as we shall presently see, they were again to enter their history in a way more pronounced. In the meantime J. C. Keith writes from Louisville, and gives us a melancholy bit of news as regards that Australian student whom we had seen dropping potatoes, to hurry along his education; Keith writes to Mrs. Carr: "I have read with interest all your articles to our different papers. You are doing a noble work for the Master. Few women in this fashion and money-loving age would endure so much for the Savior. Oh, that woman would rise to the dignity of her position! * * * My letter has been interrupted. The life of a city preacher is a checkered, yet a glorious one. One day he exhorts the brethren to be faithful, the next he faces a bridal pair, the next he stands beside the dead; then he visits the poor and bereaved and goes reading, and singing, and praying, on his way. I met Brother Earl and Magarey" (our Alex.) "Earl is working hard to raise the $20,000 for your Bible College in Australia. I saw Mr. Cowley yesterday. He is in this city, working for some Boston book house." (This is our enthusiastic Australian pupil. Note his sequel.) "Don't think the Cause lost much." (Ah, yes, let us solace ourselves as best we may.) J. W. McGarvey writes encouraging words, not about young Cowley, who, alas! is no longer ours, but regarding another Australian student who is destined to remain in the fold: "Our Bible College is moving on with steady growth. We have 107 matriculates and expect 20 more. The _Apostolic Times_ is growing in favor, but not so rapidly as we would like. The tendency among us is strongly in favor of latitudinarianism; our opposition to this rouses counter opposition. _The Standard_, under its free and easy policy, has almost caught up with the _Review_. _The Christian_ has at last possession of the _Pioneer_, and has a clear field in Missouri. We have recently had a runaway match of a rather unusual character. A young son of Brother G. W. Longan of Missouri, who was a student at the Bible College, got a dismissal to go home, and slipped off with Emma Lard, Brother Lard's third daughter. Bad for the children of two preachers! All the special friends of the parties are very much mortified. The young couple are poor and inexperienced; they have a poor prospect before them. "Brother Capp" (our young man from Australia) "is making a good student. He is industrious, popular, and recites very well for a new pupil. Much love to Sister Carr, and many thanks for her good letters in the _Times_." John Augustus Williams is very doubtful about that Australian University scheme; he writes to Mrs. Carr: "I know the Lord, by his tender providence, is guiding you to do a good and noble work. I hardly know what to say in reference to your proposed trip to the United States with a view to raise funds for a College in Australia. No doubt you could succeed better than Brother Earl" (whose efforts for $20,000 came to nothing). "But you would assume a great undertaking. While I would give you all the help I could, you would have to depend mainly on your own personal appeals. It is impossible to excite any general interest in an enterprise that lies so far away. Though Charity may extend a liberal hand, she does not reach far." Mrs. Carr, in a letter, gives a sidelight on her busy life: "If you could follow me one day through No. 4 Barclay Terrace, and then through the streets of Melbourne, you would lay your finger upon my lips, should I seek to apologize for not writing oftener. I am discharging some duty every waking hour, and I rarely retire till after twelve. Yet with all my humble efforts, a host of duties unfulfilled is daily pressing upon my conscience. Often in the storm, it is a perplexity to know what should be done first. But I rejoice that I had the strength to cut the cord binding me to the vanities of life. No, I do not complain, for I never _lived_ until I came to Australia. When I read, two years ago, Mrs. Browning's line, 'Where we live, we suffer and toil,' I thought it a golden bar of poetry; now I know it to be a diamond of truth. Then, it moved my girl's spirit with the murmur of the outer world; now, it pushes my woman's nature toward the inner significance of all things. Yes, to suffer and toil, is to live! "So I enjoy this life; but I should enjoy it intensely, if I had but three hours every day to devote to self-improvement. It may be a selfish desire; not having a single hour to cultivate my mind, is a sore trial. I try to smother this longing, fearing it may be wrong; but my every effort seems to give it a brighter glow. It is a part of my life, a part of the life that hungers after the beautiful, the wise, the infinite. If I were with you, I would bore you from morning to night with poetry; for during my summer vacations in girlhood, my store of poetry grew painfully immense. Have you read 'Gold Foil,' and 'Bitter Sweet,' or 'Dream Life,' and 'Reveries of a Bachelor'? If not, a rich feast awaits you. There is a deep, strong poetry in all that dropped from 'Ike Marvel's pen, though he wrote nothing but prose. I thought of comparing that brilliant writer to Washington Irving, but remembered the grave of buried love, and Friendship weeping there, and my hand refused to commit the sacrilege." In October, 1871, we find that one of our "Trio"--the graduating class of '67--has been attacked by a foe from whom there is to be no escape. The letter is from Albert Myles: "Yes, the notice in the _Times_ by Brother Brooks was correct. I am disabled from preaching--my last sermon was delivered April 26th, six months ago. I may never be well enough to preach again, though I try to keep a brave heart and hope on. It was at first a cold, of which I thought little, but instead of getting better, I finally had a cough--the doctors said it was bronchitis. By their advice, I resigned my position and went to St. Louis, as the doctors said a rest would restore me. But shortly after I came to the city, the 8th and Mound Street congregation earnestly solicited my services. They are poor, and only about 200. I consented to preach twice on Lord's day, if they would not ask me to visit; but it was a mistake; the work did not seem heavy, but I grew worse, and worse. I still thought my lungs were sound, and being called to the church at Columbia, Mo., I thought I would go there for the country air. I had been but a week or two, when I was compelled to quit and return to St. Louis. I had the doctors examine me again, and, to my utter astonishment, they said with great unanimity that I had old fashioned tubercular consumption, and that my life depended upon quitting preaching immediately, and that, for a good while. I have not dared even to exhort in prayer meeting, since then. As to my coming to Australia, the dangers of the voyage have never been considered by me. But if I come--for I cannot even yet decide _not_ to do so--could the trip improve me sufficiently to labor there? And suppose I came, and could do no more than I do here! "My headquarters are still in St. Louis; but I am not living anywhere in particular. I am at Mt. Sterling, Ky., now, where I see your brothers nearly every day. They do not look strong, but you can't tell anything about the Carr tribe by their looks, they are such a bony set! I must go to church now--will finish this letter after church if strong enough." The next day he takes up the pen again. "You have doubtless seen an account of the death of my brother James. No man in the ministry did so much work as he, in the same length of time. He was literally the victim of overwork! We have also lost our darling little Allene; she was 20 months old. Not only we, but every one thought her remarkably beautiful. Dear Ol., you have never been blessed with one of these little heavenly messengers; but neither have your hopes, once kindled, been turned to ashes. May the Heavenly Father give us the strength to endure." So cries out our young Christian soldier, almost fallen in the last trench of the hard battle; a cry for help, but a cry, too, of fealty, to his great Captain. One by one his arms have been stripped from his feeble grasp--he cannot even exhort in prayer meeting!--and how fondly he remembers the date of his last sermon!--and no little Allene ("I shall never love another child so well," he says)--no fighting brother James to carry on the standard. But he still hopes he may get to Australia for missionary service. We, who cannot share his hopes, can at least rejoice that he began duty so young; for consider this; in the few years of his ministry, he has done more for Christ, than many a man of sixty. His beloved schoolmate, Oliver Carr, stands much in the danger of James Myles. His energies are all gone--we do not say wasted, but spent; a vacation is imperative, and the missionary turns toward South Australia, whence have come the letters from Magarey and Gore, and Gore's father-in-law, Philip Santo. Mr. Carr goes thither on a visit to these three--the rich miller, the evangelist and editor, and the rich iron monger. This holiday furnishes us with the concluding series of the present chapter. The time is the Australian spring (or American Fall) of 1871. Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "I am in Brother Gore's study at Clapham, safe and sick. I was met by Santo," (M. P.) "Earl" (who failed in his attempt to bring over American gold for our Australian College) "Moysey" (who sold his calf some time ago to buy school books, not in vain) "Gore" (who has a new baby, T. J., Jr., by name, and affords the Australianized Kentuckian a fresh vantage point from which to argue against homesickness) "and many others. I never was so thoroughly seasick. I was on the bed or couch from one harbor to the other. I'm sick yet. Brother Gore and I came near talking all last night through. I've been asked many questions about Miss Ettie" (Gore's sister-in-law, who wrote to her father, "I love you," and who is still attending Mrs. Carr's boarding-school.) He writes the next day: "I've gotten off my sea-legs, but my health is no better. We drove out to Magarey's and the family were glad to see us" (no talk of sore-headed bears, we may conclude). "Alex. is well," (who preaches while his brother "practices.") "For the first time, I pulled ripe oranges from the tree. We talked incessantly. I ate six before dinner." (The talk, then, not quite incessant!) "This country about Adelaide is a level plain for 200 miles around the seashore, girt by hills like those at Maysville on the Kentucky side. In the early morning, as I look at those hills and the lovely plains silvered with light, all is so much like home that my heart rises in my mouth, and I could almost say poetry! Adelaide seems to have been laid out for about 200,000 people, but only about 30,000 have come; so the spaces between the houses have been made into lawns and fragrant gardens. It is truly a rural place. The houses are principally one-story, with gardens, trees, etc. I only wish you were here to enjoy it. We talked about Kentucky University and the 'boys,' etc., all day long. These are just my kind of folk!" Mr. Carr a few days later: "I am resting, oh, so good! I'm as easy as an old shoe--I wrote that while looking at Brother Santo, who had just come in to sauce me. He is a good man; I have a deal of fun with him. I get on the scales nearly every day to see if I've fattened. I wish you could breathe this clear, fresh air, and the perfume of the roses! I can hardly stop in the house long enough to write a letter. I baptized one last night. I told you how scattered the houses of Adelaide are--no danger of anybody's getting killed by being run over. This air is so clear that you can distinctly see the bodies of the trees and the cows grazing on the hills, six miles away. Tell Miss Ettie I don't blame her for being homesick for a place like this; all the family are just like Miss Ettie, so you would like them all." Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "I am distressed over Dr. Campbell's diagnosis. If your right lung is weak, a few more weeks' preaching in the hall would bring on disease. Now, my dear husband, the best thing that you could do, is to act the part of a rational being by taking the doctor's advice. If you will spend the summer in Tasmania" (whither our friend Geo. Smith has gone to make tall silk hats,) "I will gladly stay here in Melbourne for your sake. If you ought to return to America before the building of the Chapel--in other words, before the Cause is firmly established in Collingwood,--I am willing to do that or anything to re-establish your health. These are only suggestions; your own judgment must decide. No consideration could induce me to oppose you in any course the doctor might pronounce. Ollie, take good care of yourself. I am glad you and Brother Gore are going to the mountains. Climb Mt. Lofty, if it is accessible. You won't be able to tease Ettie about her country, when you return, you are so enthusiastic about its beauties. My birthday party passed off happily. My girls surprised me with a beautiful toast rack, butter knife and candlestick. It was a real surprise. We had delightful music. Two complimentary tickets just came for you from the Town Hall. Ettie and I will have the tickets, and you can have the honor. May the Lord bless you, my darling, and give you the strength to accomplish your proposed work in this land. I will be as economical as I can, that your health may not suffer for want of travel. Your large donation to the Chapel Fund will make things a little hard, but the Lord will supply us in a way that we know not." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "I have been with Alex. to see such sights from the top of Mt. Lofty, as I cannot describe. The Magareys have done their best to make me happy, and oh, I do enjoy it! We went to church; Brother ---- gave us the fall of Jericho. We got home at 9, enjoyed our cocoa, then to rest. Brother Gore is going to give his class a two weeks' holiday; then we will go fishing, and sit on the fence! We have great audiences here, our Cause is very strong in this country; and yet there are only about 350 real members (year 1870) in Adelaide; the faithful are few!" Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "I miss your wise counsel and kind encouragement in the discharge of duties. I would not wish to live without you; I feel that I could not. I hope you will write to Brother Albert Myles without delay. In his present health, he must be greatly crushed by the death of his brother. If you do not take the rest you require, you will go as perhaps Brother Albert is going. The Lord bless Brothers Santo and Gore for their goodness to you! Ollie, I wish you would write more of what you feel, and less of what you see. I want to know if you are any better, and I want to know Dr. Campbell's opinion _in full_. Ettie and I enjoyed the annual meeting of the deaf and dumb at the Town Hall. We had a representation of a cricket match; and the battle of Hastings. How did you happen to write 'Six shillings are too much for the book?' In my opinion you should have said 'Six shillings are too _many_,' or, '_is_ too much.' I called on the American consul's wife; both are pleasant people. I am still determined to keep you in Tasmania two or three months during the summer, even if I have to keep lodgers." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "I find no fault in what you have written for the _Times_, why you should not have it published. I return you the MS. with my approval. Brother Gore and I went by coach to a fine old English tavern at Port Elliott where we staid till Saturday. I got you some shells. We wandered over the beautiful fields, gathering the wild flowers daily, and hourly left our little (?) footprints on the beach to be washed away. I wish you could have seen that view! Mattie, do you think I would let you stop at home and slave away, for _me_ to have all the fun, just because of what Dr. Campbell says about one lung? I am glad your birthday party passed off so well. Many thanks for the flowers from your bouquet." Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "I am sending you an article for the _Times_, for you to criticise. Return it to me and I will send it to Brother McGarvey, as I want to write to him. If there is anything in the article you disapprove, underline it, and perhaps I will omit. That which you cannot _tolerate_, doubly underline, and I will certainly strike it out. Does the little boy really cry for _you_, when you start for town, or isn't it for Brother Gore? Thanks for the nice flowers. I appreciate such a remembrance from my 'prosy husband.' If Ettie returns next year, I will keep you in Tasmania for your health three months. She is such a good girl, I love her more every day. I miss you more than I can tell, darling; but I have made up my mind to do what is best for you. Brother Dick remembered you at morning service, yesterday. It is after eleven now, and I must read some French before I sleep." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "I am sorry I wrote you anything about Dr. Campbell's notion--I believe you called it a 'diagnosis.' There is nothing serious. My breathing is all right,--but my _unbreathing_ isn't perfect. But I think I'm coming round finely. I shall certainly write to Albert Myles. Brother Santo is teasing me--I can't write. He is such a jolly good soul. He has been put up for the Upper House, and is pretty sure to go in. Much excitement about it. Brother Gore and I tease him all the time." Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "I still insist upon that Tasmania trip. Sister Smith is confident you can do much good there during your two months' rest." (Sister Smith is the Jane Nash, once a Catholic, whom Geo. Smith left when he accepted his position in Tasmania. Ever since the hatter went thither, he has urged the Carrs to come and establish a Church of Christ; now that he has married Jane, he has a faithful ally in sending the call for help to Melbourne.) "Expenses are running up, and I have no way to meet the bills; but the Lord has helped us in the past, and he will in the future. Your trip to Adelaide has put us in debt; but never mind, we will get out; just now, we must restore my darling's health. Your letter was read to the church last Lord's day, and all were rejoiced at the improvement of your health. They say it is a shame you have never had a long rest after three constant years of labor! They desire very much your recovery, for they know how much depends upon you at Collingwood. I am writing on your table in Ettie's room. She occupies your study and will till you return. Aren't we saucy girls! But you will be so glad to see us, you won't scold. My eyes are closing--so good night, my love." [Illustration: In Botanical Garden, Melbourne] [Illustration: In Botanical Garden, Melbourne] [Illustration: Town Hall, Melbourne Seats 4,000 on First Floor] [Illustration: In Botanical Garden] Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "Had a long talk with Sister ---- . She is too despondent to be a happy woman. There's no use in such a thing as that. Be cheerful and happy! I wish you were with me here at Two Wells. I was at the Port yesterday, 7 miles away, and got to fishing and got several bites, and came near catching a fish. I had him near the top of the boat, but he--" (Ah, yes!) "I am now at North Adelaide, at Magarey's. Everybody in the room is talking away, telling me what to write--write this and that--'Tell Mrs. Carr that joke on you,' etc. Such a pleasant visit!--talk, music, etc., and I played drafts and beat them badly every time, and then threatened to beat my antagonist with the board. Brother Thomas Magarey and I had a long walk and talk. He is a fine man and is sorry for ever having misunderstood me, and been led to think strange of us. He shows a great interest in your work." In the next chapter, we enter upon that Tasmanian visit which was destined to be of far greater proportions than Mrs. Carr at first planned. As a final word on the life at Melbourne, we quote from Mrs. Carr's diary, when all were together in the work: "My evening class as usual. Ollie is with his Adelphian that he loves so well. How it has grown in favor under his good and gentle guidance! How delightful to see him yield a Christian influence over the hearts of those destined to become the pillars of the church! "Took two young ladies to Chapel. They had never seen a baptism before, and were favorably impressed. "Had a talk with my dear husband on the Baptism of Jesus and John. How hard I try to be worthy of Ollie! "Ollie went to officers' meeting after preaching, and came home after twelve, much exhausted. Blessed Savior give him health and strength, and keep me humble. "Wrote to President Williams about my plan for an Australian College. Blessed Savior, give my husband strength to labor for Thee." CHAPTER XII. EXPERIENCES IN TASMANIA. The following extracts from letters of 1872 furnish an interesting account of the removal from Melbourne to Hobart Town, Tasmania. Mr. Carr writes to Mrs. Carr: "Arrived at Lancaster, safe but sick, January 6th. We set out for the Temperance Hotel, but it had become intemperate and gorged with guests before we got there. We went on, and have struck a bargain with an old woman who charges us one-six for each meal, and one-six every time we sleep. I came near stealing a march on my landlady by falling asleep this afternoon without the old lady's knowing it. Pretty high fare, but we are high up in the second story. Called on a Church of England acquaintance; he didn't invite me to his residence, but asked me to his pew. The coach doesn't leave for Hobart Town till Tuesday at 5 a. m. This place is just now taken by storm by pleasure parties from Melbourne; I suppose they will go on to Hobart Town. I am better to-day. I do believe if I stayed here, I could establish a church. The people are delighted to hear of your teaching, and of your plan of teaching. Shall I get you any boarding pupils? I believe this climate will be good for me. "January 10. We arrived at Hobart Town last evening. Brother Smith was at the Coach Office, by chance or providence. There were 48 passengers. It was a very large open coach and we had a fine view of the country from Launceston to Hobart. All the cabmen and mischievous boys in the country flocked around to see why such a big affair had come to town. We were very cordially received by Brother and Sister Smith, and after cocoa, went to bed, and that was delightful, too. It is raining today, and I feel wretchedly dull and bad. I can hardly sit up. "January 15. I do trust you are not discouraged. I am not. Remember you are a child of God, and all things work together for your good. I believe I have come to Hobart Town just at the right time, and the Lord will bless my coming to the good of this people, and the restoration of my health. I am enjoying the hospitality of Brother and Sister Smith, who show me every attention. She prepares many nice things for me to eat, and he has given me a fine new hat. I have a front room and a parlor all to myself, and the climate suits me exactly. Brother Smith and I went to the Baptist prayer meeting, and afterwards, they insisted that I preach on Lord's day. They asked me many questions, to which I returned Scriptural answers; I told them all about the church to which I belong, and what I preach; and they agreed, and I came home on tiptoe. "The next night I went to Town Hall where the different preachers had been preaching all week. Sunday morning I preached at the Baptist chapel to a good audience. Then we ate the Lord's supper. I insisted on the ancient order of things--especially on meeting the first day of the week to break bread. They were delighted, and said I must preach in their chapel whenever I wanted to speak. There is a prayer meeting held every day at noon, and preaching held three or four times a week in the people's hall; but oh, they are so benighted! They don't know the Gospel in its beauty and power. I just burn to preach to them. I will, if I get half a chance. "January 20. I am called on from every quarter to speak. All seem interested in my sermons. Things look bright, now; but I fear they will soon become prejudiced against the truth. "January 27. I agree with you about the brick Chapel, and leave it all to you. I do hope they will not put up a wooden one. But they had better not have any Chapel, than to quarrel over it. If the majority say a wooden Chapel, a wooden one let it be. I don't believe in the Collingwood Church's going down. The faithful will remain faithful, despite a Chapel. The people here are becoming enthusiastic. Among my large audience Thursday night, I had two preachers. The people say they never heard such preaching in their lives. I am trying to work them around on Apostolic grounds. Now, Mattie, do not think all for me, and nothing for yourself. I could never forgive myself if I came here for my health, and you overworked. Do not let the building of the Chapel take too much of your strength. "February 6. Last Lord's day I spoke on [13]'My Sheep' and there were about half a dozen of the higher Calvinists--who own the Chapel--who were not pleased. They will hold a church meeting next Thursday to decide whether or not I am to preach in their Chapel any more. Perhaps if they turn me out of their place it will be for the best, because the people who have been thronging there, do not believe in Calvinism; I am sure none would take steps to the Savior in that church, while I am preaching. I could rent a hall for eight, a week, and think after a while I can have a church here. The people meet me on the street and take me by the hand and say, 'I do wish you were going to live here,' etc. Last Lord's day, I spoke on the wharf to what is said to have been the largest audience ever assembled there. I am going to speak tonight at the People's Hall. But you must not think, dear Mattie, I am overdoing my strength; for it is no harder to preach than to go out to tea and talk. "February 10. Great excitement in church affairs. I preached on John 10:27, and the audience was much interested, even excited, so that they began to talk in the yard about the absurdity of the church's bringing me to task. But I went in to my trial. One of the deacons made the motion that because I preached that it was possible for one who had been converted, to fall away and be lost, and because I said that Christ died for all, the Chapel be no longer tendered to me.[14] The motion was put, and only this deacon and two others voted for it. One man would not vote either way, and four voted in the negative. The chairman announced that I could use the Chapel when I liked, only three being opposed. But I declined to accept the offer, and yesterday tried all day to get a place to preach in; but was told in each place, "No, it would injure the other congregations, by drawing away their members." I am going to preach on the wharf tomorrow, where I will have a larger audience than I could ever have at the Chapel. The cause of the Master will not be hurt by this opposition. The editor of a weekly paper has offered me one page to edit religiously, and thus I will preach to the people. Brother and Sister Smith and I sat up late last night talking over the situation. She cried like a child and he is so excited over the matter that he doesn't know what to do. They will give us a room as long as we can stay. You must come. "February 11. To-day has been one of great anxiety. As I could not get a hall to preach in, I thought it best to go to the Baptist Chapel as a hearer. The deacon of whom I wrote yesterday, preached in a vexing manner and Brother Smith was highly wrought up over the misrepresentations of my position. I preached on the wharf to a large throng in the afternoon, and at night heard a celebrated Congregationalist. I was so disappointed at passing one Lord's day evening without preaching the Word, that I was unable to give him a fair hearing. The people are in a furor because I cannot get a place to preach in. One lady whom I have never met, offers to give £5 toward erecting some sort of shed, that I may have a place to preach. I am not discouraged. Not even in Old Kentucky did I ever see so much interest manifested. The Lord will surely make some way here that his Truth may be heard." From Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "My heart is full of you and your mission, and prayers for your success. I believe the Lord will bless your efforts. I am determined that you shall have a hall to preach in, I know you will never sacrifice any of the fullness of the Gospel, hence you cannot continue at the Baptist Chapel. I send you £8 that you may rent a first-class hall. This I have borrowed, and I would borrow for nothing but to further your efforts in the Gospel. People ask me if you have had any 'Results.' Do not write to any one but me, of your labors, until you have had what the people call 'Results,'--until at least 20 have obeyed the Gospel. I will pay your rent until then, and after that you may be sure of the hearty co-operation of the churches. It is the _work performed_ that determines the value of any instrumentality. At least, that is the opinion of the churches; and their idea of work performed is embodied in '_Converts_,' or, as some say, '_Results_.' And they are not wholly wrong. Don't write to others about your work until you have success. The £8 will rent a hall for two months at £1 per week, and by that time you will certainly have some 'Results.' But don't forget to take care of my darling's health. I do trust that your success will be such that you can stay three months longer. A gentleman we met in London at Mr. Murby's, called with letters and papers from Mrs. Murby. She says we must make up our minds to a long stay with her in London, on our return to Kentucky." We resume Mr. Carr's letters to Mrs. Carr: "I have done it. I have rented one of the best places in the city, Odd Fellows' Hall, for 13-9 per week, including cleaning, gas, etc. Am now at the printing office getting out posters. We are to have six hymns printed for next Lord's day. I will ask baptized believers to remain after the sermon, to see how many members of the church there will be. Tell Brother Dick to send 50 hymn books, with bill. And tell him to send my baptizing suit in the same box. "February 19. Our first day at the hall was a very successful one. The house was crowded and the people stood at the door. Poor Brother Smith is hardly able to contain himself for joy. On Tuesday we meet to organize a church. Don't forget to send that baptizing suit. "February 20. To-night (Tuesday) we met in a side room of the Odd Fellows' Hall and talked on the basis of union. I answered their questions, and we had a happy time. Then I asked all to hold up their hands who were in favor of taking simply the New Testament as their rule of faith and practice, and nearly every one held up his hand. Fifteen of those who had been baptized, gave me their names, pledging themselves to live by the Word of God. So you see, we have a start even in Hobart Town. "February 27. Lord's day evening the hall was crowded; some stood, some sat on the floor. There are some candidates for baptism, but a difficulty has arisen. The three who objected to my preaching, do not want to let me have the use of the baptistry. They have called a church meeting to which I am invited to explain what I make of baptism.[15] In the morning we met at the hall to break bread, so I regard the church as begun in Hobart Town. Our collection from the 15 who have taken their stand with us, was 1-6-0 last Lord's day morning. Pretty good for a start, isn't it? I will soon be able to return that money you borrowed. There is no communion service in Hobart Town, and I had to send to Melbourne for one. "March 5. Our evening audiences are increasing, but only a few meet to break bread in the morning. The people are so ignorant of everything pertaining to Christianity, that I have to teach them as if they were children, sure enough. Many never heard of what I preach; and while they admit the truth of it, they stand aloof. About 500 read each week my religious page of the _Advance_. That is better than tracts. Come to Tasmania! I am sure you could do a good work here, and this climate would restore your health. We will treat you, oh so well! Let me know when to expect you, and I will go out and sit on the wharf and wait for you." Mrs. Carr to Mr. Carr: "The _Southern Cross_ leaves Melbourne the 26th of March, the anniversary of our wedding. I wish we could be together in Hobart Town on that day. I will bring my piano. If you are on the wharf at 6:30 Thursday morning you will see your wife. But I'll not expect you there, for I remember your motto--'He who cannot rest his head upon his pillow and enjoy his forty morning winks, is up to knavery, or else he drinks!' At the tea meeting everybody asked about you, and expressed joy at your success. The brethren are delighted that you have established a church in Tasmania. No, I will not bring Sister Smith a half dozen _reams_ of cotton; paper is sold by the ream; but thread by the gross; perhaps you meant reels. It does seem strange that in less than a week, I'll see my husband! I scarcely know how I'll behave myself! An appeal was made to the Lygon street church for assistance to Collingwood, in the erection of a brick chapel. All thoughts of a wooden building have been abandoned, and harmony is prevailing. I am sure I'll get pupils on the piano and guitar when we are established at Hobart Town. President Williams' last words to me were, '_Only believe_, Mattie, and the light of his face will always shine upon you.' I believe the Lord will open a way for our support, if not through my labors, in some other way. I am going to have your faith, Ollie, and I know I'll be happy. Take good care of yourself. I'm sure you work too hard. Remember your work and your wife, and _take care of your health_!" The reader who has followed the preceding pages does not need to be told why the Carrs finally left Australia. The admonition which each constantly gave the other--"Take care of your health,"--could not be observed. Even on holidays, as we have seen, hard work came pressing at the door; and the climate was never favorable to the constitution of the missionaries. They left, at last; but the Collingwood Church established through their efforts, remains to perpetuate their influence. At Hobart Town, success came in spite of active opposition. When Mr. Carr was challenged with the inquiry, 'What do you think is the design of baptism?'--his reply was as follows: "'He that believes and is baptized shall be saved.' That is what the Savior says. That is what I think." This reply was so unsatisfactory that he was refused the use of the baptistry. The town, less scrupulous in its views, proffered the use of public baths. The public would assemble upon the porch of the bathroom, and, in the salt water, the converts would be immersed. It was not in vain that Mr. Carr preached on "My sheep hear my voice." The entire Baptist Church with the exception of six came to the congregation at the rented hall. At the end of three months, Mrs. Carr joined her husband. During the year in Tasmania, they lived with the Smiths. Mrs. Carr taught music, and she and Mrs. Smith made sailors' caps and sold them to help on with the missionary work. Whaling ships came in there, and the demand for sailors' caps was unceasing. But while Mrs. Carr thus lived in partial seclusion, sewing and teaching music lessons, her thoughts reached far beyond the straitened opportunities of the colonies. Five years from the native land had resulted so far as visible results went, in the establishment of two churches, one in Melbourne, one in Hobart Town. Such accomplishments were well worth the sacrifices they had demanded, but they were achievements aside from those definite ideals which she had formed at the beginning of her school life. Her boarding school in Melbourne had done much good, but it was not a permanent institution; with her departure, it passed away; and she was resolved that out of her life should come a monumental school, which, though she departed, should remain. Her plans conflicted with her husband's intense zeal for souls, hence she quietly worked away at sailors' caps, and agreed, if he thought best, to go next to New Zealand for the Cause. But at last, when it became manifest that his health demanded a rest from work too great for even a strong man, and a decided change of climate, she declared for a return to America. To go back meant not only the probable regaining of his health, but the carrying out of her educational ambitions; and in order the better to perfect herself in her chosen work, and to secure the needed rest for both, she resolved that they should spend the next year in travel, studying the countries of the Orient, and dwelling among the hills round about Jerusalem. Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr, from Hobart Town, January 17, 1873: "Last night we had our Tea Meeting and oh! such a Tea it was! Everybody seemed pleased with everything but one abominably long address. The speech of the evening had much about you; 'a lady of such rare abilities,' 'your condescension in coming amongst them,' 'they would never find your equal,' etc. The good you have done, your kindness to all, your talents, were dwelt upon by nearly every speaker. Poor Brother Jones could hardly restrain his feelings. He said he had never seen your like. The singing was splendid. The room was most tastefully decorated. 'Farewell to Brother and Sister Carr for a season,' and 'Welcome to Brother G. B. Moysey,' were the letters hanging about." (Mr. Carr's successor at Hobart Town was that Moysey who had sold his calf for learning.) "After Brother Moysey's first sermon on Lord's day, there was one confession. It was a grand sermon,--he is just the man for the place and I am sure will do a splendid work here. Everybody sends love to you. I am so excited, I'm ill. I do hate to go from here. I never knew before how much I thought of this people. I have spent three days taking Brother Moysey around to see the people in their homes. I am so sorry to hear of your illness. Take good care of your health. Love to Brothers Gore, Santo, and everybody--dear me! I can write no more." [13] See appendix. [14] See appendix, "My Sheep." [15] See appendix. CHAPTER XIII. TRAVELS IN THE ORIENT. An account of one's travels in lands far from the scene of one's life-work, has no proper place in biography, unless such travels reveal or develop characteristics of the traveler. No matter how wide-spread may be the interest in the countries traversed, the biographer has no right to convey his reader from land to land, simply because the feet of his subject have gone on before. We would, therefore, pass over the oriental experiences of Mr. and Mrs. Carr with but a word, if we did not have before us extensive notes on the journey, in Mrs. Carr's own hand. The fact that she wrote of her experiences, makes them at once of biographical value, for we are enabled to observe the reaction of peoples and countries upon her own mind. While it is true that these notes were made that she might tell others what she had seen, it must be remembered that they were not intended for publication. "On a beautiful May morning, the pet steamer of the Peninsular and Oriental Line, with all canvas spread, was skimming the smooth waters of the Indian Ocean. No albatross of ill-omen hovered round our ship. The passengers, light-hearted and joyous, were chatting under the awning,--when the man at the wheel shouted, 'Fire! fire!' "At that awful word, every man of the crew was at his post, while pale passengers stared at each other, fainting women fell into trembling arms, and the children caught the contagion of fear. Suddenly our Captain turned his wide-mouthed trumpet upon us and shouted: "'Ladies and gentlemen, I beg your pardon; the crew is on a fire drill!' Those who had fainted, never forgave him for his failure to notify them of what was to happen. "A night of excitement succeeded. About ten o'clock, while we were on deck, enjoying the balmy air of the tropics, the sharp report of a pistol was heard, its flash gleamed for an instant on the waters,--and a suicide had cast a gloom over all. A night of watching by the dead passed, and at the rising of the sun we witnessed a burial at sea. The body, enclosed in a canvas sack and weighted with iron, was laid upon a latticed bier close to the opened gangway. It was held in place by two guards lest, even in that calm sea, a sudden tilt of the ship send it into its grave before the time. The service of the Church of England was read; then the body fell heavily into the waters, there to remain until the coming of that sound which is to penetrate even the depths of old ocean. "A few days sail brought us to the luxuriant shores of Ceylon. We spent several days driving over the beautiful island, through cocoanut and banana groves and cinnamon gardens, inhaling the spicy breezes, and sorrowing over the degradation of the people. "From this beautiful but sin-cursed isle, our ship soon brought us through the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and anchored at Aden, on the barren shores of Arabia. Near Aden are situated the immense tanks holding millions of gallons of water, without which the land would be uninhabitable. Continuing our voyage up the Red Sea, we passed Mocha, renowned for its coffee, and in due time arrived at the gate-entrance of the great Sinaitic Peninsula,--Suez. "Suez, washed upon one side by the sea, is encircled upon the others by the barren wastes of the desert. No tree, shrub, or blade of grass, relieves the gloomy sterility of the landscape. We hasten on by rail. Soon a long, low line of water appears, just beside the railroad track. Behold, it is the Nile--that river cradled in the depths of mysterious caverns, forcing its way through granite ledges and mountain barriers, rushing over cataracts, foaming through narrows, then flowing gently onward, singing amid perpetual sunshine, until it empties by its seven mouths into the great blue sea. A river which has a place in history by the side of the Euphrates and the Jordan; a river which the Egyptians worshiped, and the miracle of whose waters made a Pharaoh tremble; a river on whose banks perished Thebes with her hundred gates, and Memphis with her monuments; a river that has seen the coming of Ethiopian and Persian, Macedonian and Roman, Saracen and Turk, in fulfillment of the curse God spoke through Ezekiel. "After stopping at numerous stations where we were greeted by sights, sounds, and odors peculiar to the coarse civilization of the Orient, the minarets of Cairo and the pyramids of Gizeh looked down upon us. After a minute examination of the pyramids" (I omit a thoughtful and logical disquisition on the various problems presented by these monuments) "we drove back to Cairo under the grateful shade of the lebbekh trees, over a fine macadamized road, built in 1868 in honor of the Prince and Princess of Wales. After a pleasant and profitable talk with the American consul, who kindly came to bring us our passports, and to invite us to dine with him, we reviewed, as usual, the scenes of the day, and rested as only weary sight-seers can rest. "Early the next morning, we drove through the Esbekeeyah, the Corso of Cairo, on our way to Heliopolis. It is easily identified from a distance by the oldest obelisk in Egypt, bearing the name of the founder of the XXII. dynasty. In Scripture, Heliopolis is called On. Moses is said to have studied here, and Joseph's father-in-law was a priest of its renowned temple. Here Plato lived for thirteen years. It seems to have been literally a city of obelisks, for it furnished all that have been transported to Europe. Its destruction was prophesied by Ezekiel. "The way to the magnificent palace of Shoobra lies along a beautiful avenue of sycamore, fig, and acacia. The Shoobra road is the 'Rotten Row' of Cairo. It is perhaps the most republican promenade in the world. No vehicle or animal is excluded. The Khedive and his outriders are jostled in most unseemly fashion by bare-boned donkeys whipped along by ragged urchins. Ministers, consuls, bankers, money-changers, speculators, singers, actors, ballet-dancers, adventurers, and not least conspicuous, English-speaking tourists, form a curious medley. After a drive to the tombs of the Caliphs through sand that buried our carriage wheels almost to the hub, we spent a pleasant evening with the American consul and his accomplished wife in their beautiful oriental home, then slept the dreamless sleep of the weary traveler. "In the early morning we mounted our donkeys which were ornamented gorgeously in oriental style. These donkeys, in honor of our nativity, had been christened Uncle Sam and Yankee Doodle. We expressed our appreciation of such patriotic names, when, lo! almost every donkey in Cairo, in the neighborhood of our hotel was suddenly transformed into an Uncle Sam or a Yankee Doodle. But Mr. Carr and I would not desert the first of the name. "I wish you could have seen us flying along the Nile at the rate of the Western Lightning Express, Eli, without either bridle or mane to cling to, our English tongues crying, 'Stop! stop!'--which the Arab ears of our muleteers interpreted into, 'Faster! faster!' Our muleteers were very accommodating fellows, and their interpretation encouraged them to renewed efforts to increase the speed of our donkeys, by applying, every thirty seconds, a sharp-pointed steel instrument. Our English-speaking dragoman was too far ahead to hear our cries of distress as we rocked in the cradle of (on) the donkey. [Illustration: A New Year's Reception] "After an hour's most exciting ride, we dismounted at the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities. Here is a mummy coffin, whose hieroglyphics demonstrate that the ancient Egyptians had a conception of hell and heaven, and a belief in the immortality of the soul. There is an inscription proving that the Sphinx existed before the time of Cheops; and that even then, the people were rich and civilized. Here are ancient knives, scissors, needles, etc., but nothing is made of iron, which they thought a bone of their evil genius. Here on exhibition are the magnificent jewels found on the mummy of Queen Aoh-Hotep, the mother of the first king of the XVIII. dynasty. "Here can be found the confirmation of many narratives of the Old Testament. The first great event in the Kingdom of Judah, after its separation, was the invasion of Shishak, king of Egypt. According to the sacred record, Shishak came against Jerusalem with 1,200 chariots and 60,000 horsemen, took the fenced cities, and was about to invest the capital, when Rehoboam made his submission. "On the outside of the great temple at Karnak, hieroglyphics commemorate the success of Shishak against Judah, and records a long list of captured towns--the fenced cities of Scripture. The picture Moses gives of a Pharaoh ruling over an absolute monarchy, finds confirmation in the ancient Egyptian tombs. From vast numbers of papyri, we learn in detail of that old civilization--records which even Herodotus was not able to read. "In these we find a counterpart of the picture of that country presented by Moses. After a slumber of 3,000 years, these records present the people prostrating themselves, the laborers storing away grain, the baker with his three baskets upon his head, the brickyards with Jewish laborers supervised by Egyptian taskmasters, etc. "In the Museum of Antiquities are statues of kings and queens who lived in the era between Moses and Abraham. In front of them is an immense glass case in which is deposited their crown jewels, artistically executed. Among them is a massive gold chain, more exquisitely beautiful than anything I saw in the Tower, among Victoria's crown jewels, unless I except the Kohinoor. It was more beautiful than the jeweled swordhilt, breast plate or crown of the Shah of Persia, worn at his reception at Milan, though they represented nearly half the wealth of his kingdom. "Thus it is proved that in the era in which Joseph received the chain of gold from Pharaoh, such chains, of rare workmanship, were already in vogue. Less than a century ago, critics were hurling their shafts of contempt against the so-called blunders of Moses; but monumental history substantiates his credibility. Truly, Egypt is one of God's historic books. His handwriting is on temple and tablet and tomb. Here dead men speak, and stones rise up to testify. Bricks of unburnt clay, torn up from the ruins of centuries, tell of Israel's bondage and labor. "Of course we went to the bazaars and parks, cathedrals and mosques, the missionary schools, and the College of Cairo--the principal University of the East. And then to Alexandria--to which the ancient city has, indeed, bequeathed nothing but its name. Though earth and sea have remained unchanged, imagination can scarcely find a place for the ancient walls. Little vestige remains of the magnificent days of the Ptolomies and the Cæsars. "One-fourth of the population is foreign; the city seethes with the scum of all the cities of the Mediterranean. Here luxury and literature, the Epicurean and the Christian, dwelt together; but now, in the Oriental part, one finds only dirty, narrow, tortuous streets, mud-colored buildings with terraced roofs, varied by fat mosques with lean minarets. "Here once stood the renowned library of antiquity. Here the Hebrew Scriptures expanded into Greek under the hands of the Septuagint. Here Cleopatra, '_Vainquer des vainquer du monde_' reveled with the Roman conqueror; here Mark preached the truth upon which Origen attempted to refine; here Athenasius held warlike controversy; here Amer conquered, and here Abercrombie fell. "In company with our intelligent dragoman, we sailed from Alexandria on a Russian steamship, and, after a voyage of a day and a half, beheld the queer stone city of Joppa, with its fort-like houses rising tier above tier on the hillside. "I cannot describe the enthusiasm we felt at the thought that we were at last to walk upon the soil hallowed by the feet of patriarchs, prophets and apostles and to visit the scenes where they lived, labored, and communed with God. We walked through the winding, slanting streets of Joppa, and called at the house of Simon the tanner. "So well preserved were the vats of his tannery that one would hardly have been surprised to find the distinguished guest of Simon walking on the housetop in the twilight. But we must confess that we could not identify this house by the description given in the tenth chapter of Acts. "Leaving Joppa early in the afternoon, in a German spring-wagon, and passing through the only gate on the land side, we set our faces toward the Holy City. Gardens and orchards, groves of orange, fig, and pomegranate, made the country delightful. Our road lay directly across the plain of Sharon. "Isaiah prophesied that Sharon should be a wilderness, and the black huts of the Bedouin tell the fulfillment of that prediction. We look in vain for the beautiful flower to which Solomon likened his beloved. But although man is no longer regaled by its fragrance, the true Rose of Sharon still unfolds its charms to every believer, whether he be a child of the plain, or the mountain. "We passed by Ludd, and refreshed ourselves at the Arimathea of Joseph. We approached the hillside village of Kirjath-jearim, with its terraces of olives and fig trees. Leaving the valley of Ajalon, the rough macadamized road led us up the rocky sides of Judea's hills. We traveled nearly all night; and, just as we reached the highest point in the road, between the sea and the river, the rising sun unveiled to us the minarets and domes and massive walls of Jerusalem. I cannot tell you how inspiring, how deep, were the emotions that came crowding upon brain and heart. "When we were about five miles from the city, a young man, mounted upon a beautiful Arab steed, brought us to a halt, with a courteous wave of his hand, and, in broken English, presented us with the card of the Mediterranean Hotel. We learned that the proprietor was a convert of Dr. Barclay, and decided to make his house our home during our stay. In a little while we entered the Joppa gate amid cries of squalid beggars, and, a few yards from that entrance, dismounted before our hotel. It stands on Mt. Zion, in the shadow of the Tower of David, and here we received that cordial welcome accorded to those willing to pay $3 a day. "Standing on the heights of Mt. Zion with your face to the east, you have before you the Tyropeon Valley, now so full of debris as scarcely to appear as a valley. Looking a little to the north you behold Mt. Moriah where now stand the Dome of the Rock and the Mosque of El Akra. Beyond these to the east, is the deep Valley of Jehosaphat with the brook Kedron and the supposed Garden of Gethsemane, and beyond rises the beautiful summit of the Mount of Olives. Northward is Akra, and east of it Bezetha, two of the hills on which the city originally stood, and a part of which it still covers. "We have lingered at Bethesda, whence the angel has departed; at Siloam's fountain; at the Wailing Place where the Jews, every Friday afternoon, lament in the language of their poets, the misfortunes of their people; at the Dome of the Rock with its marvelous Moslem wonders; at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, that centre of enslaving superstition, whose annual triumphs cast a ray of hope adown the narrow halls of the Vatican. Through a hole in the wall of the Chapel of Angelo, a torch is annually passed out, supposedly lighted by fire from heaven. The pilgrims wait in the darkness with wax tapers, to be lighted from celestial fire. The devotees bathe their hands in the flame, to secure a special blessing; and the extinguished tapers are carried to 20,000 distant homes, to be as devoutly reverenced as the pilgrims who carry them. "There is nothing in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre that is not saddening to the heart of the enlightened. Through our visit to this building we had the honor of making the acquaintance of the Bishop of Jerusalem, and receiving from him diplomas testifying to our Oriental travel. I fear I should forfeit mine could he know my unorthodox opinions of the 'sacred spots' of the Church. [Illustration: Woman of Bethlehem] "I loved to walk along the Via Dolorosa, to visit the home of Mary and Martha. I wept under the shade of Gethsemane's gnarled olive trees; I climbed to the summit of Olivet, and listened to the French prattle of the Countess de Bouillon; I took a donkey ride over the hills of Judea; I lunched in the shadow of the rock where the man who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho, fell among thieves; I tented in the valley of the Jordan with the Stars and Stripes and the Crescent and the Star waving above; I stood on the whitened shores of the Salt Sea, and gathered dead sea apples along the shady banks of the Sacred River; I had a cooling draught from Elisha's Fountain at the foot of the Mount of Temptation; and in the shadow of Mount Tabor, I thought I heard the angel of death calling me to another Canaan. The flowered slopes of cedared Lebanon, the snowy top of Hermon, the clear waters of Abana, the ivy of old Damascus, Tyre and Sidon, Mt. Carmel and Nazareth--in short, from Dan to Beersheba, we saw all. "And for all the Holy Land, the most accurate guide-book the traveler can have, even to this day, is the Old Testament. So perfect is the agreement of the land and the Book, that frequently when standing upon some elevated spot in Palestine one could read the story of Joshua, Judges and Samuel, and follow accurately with the eye the movements from place to place, as readily as on a modern map. [Illustration: Mrs. Carr in Jerusalem] [Illustration: O. A. Carr, Arab Gentleman's Garb] "Since the first siege of Jerusalem by Joshua thirty-three centuries ago, it has undergone twenty-six sieges, and in almost one-third of these, the city was utterly devastated. The great explorer, Captain Warren, has sunk shafts through the immense mass of debris accumulated at the wall penetrating stratum after stratum of debris of successive devastations. "Descending eighty feet, he found the road that used to lead from the gate, in the time of Herod. Sixty feet farther down, was discovered the road of the time of Solomon. In the foundation-stones were found the marks of the quarries of Tyre. They came upon the arches of the viaduct, that, in the days of Solomon, connected the palace with the temple. "There is no discord between the voice of the ruins, and the voice of inspiration. These wonderful voices of the dead, coming not alone from Egypt and Palestine, but from the exhumed capitals of Assyria and Babylonia, awakened after a score and a quarter centuries of silence, bear testimony in unmistakable tones that 'Jehovah is God, Jehovah is God alone.'" CHAPTER XIV. WORK IN KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI. The five years following the return to America were years of transition, of experiment. Mrs. Carr was, as always, bent upon devoting her energies to educational work, and Mr. Carr was content to preach in whatever surroundings might be best adapted to her talents. Fortunate is he who discovers anywhere in the world, a situation which calls for the exercise of all his highest faculties; usually such a setting must be made, fashioned from a part of that energy which, might, if not thus deflected from creative work, have wrought the more. It was so with Mrs. Carr. Endowed with gifts of high order, gifts that the world always needs, she had not, as yet, found the vantage ground for their full exercise; nor was she ever to find that highest development, until she had fashioned from her own heart and brain, the battle-ground of service. As yet, she did not know this, but sought in various fields for a ready-prepared equipment, a sword sharpened, and a breast plate polished by other hands, with which she might fight for the truth. Returning from Australia she naturally looked about in Kentucky for the background of her ideals. It was not to be found there, and she came presently to Missouri; first to Fulton, then to Columbia. She entered into various school relationships, but we find her restless in association with presidents whose ideas of school-government were different from her own. We trust the following extracts from letters will prove of interest in themselves, and at the same time tell the story of these years in the words of those who were chief actors. May 27, 1874, about eight months after the return from Australia, A. B. Jones writes to Mr. Carr from Madison Female Institute, Richmond, Kentucky: "If I should conclude to resign here, would it be worth while to nominate you and Mrs. Carr for the position?"--which shows that Mrs. Carr is making no delay in seeking her sharpened sword and polished armor. She is in fact, impatient in the search, as witness this to her from Mr. Carr, May 27th: "I am having big audiences at Sycamore, Kentucky. At the conclusion of the sermon, last night, eleven came forward. You must try to be reconciled with your lot until next fall. This constant moving about from place to place, is best for the present. As to Hocker College, they want you and I will hold myself liable to an engagement at Cincinnati, for my wife's sake. Do not worry over the matter. Teaching must be attended to, just as the institutions of baptism and the Lord's supper. I am sure you will be one of the happiest women in the world, if you are settled at work; and this shall be, if we are spared to see next fall." He writes again, June 25th: "Your letter came yesterday. A man named Carr, opened it by mistake, and when he saw that ribbon and those flowers, he must have thought it from somebody's sweetheart,--and so it was! Brother Crenshaw has a flourishing Ladies' College at Hopkinsville. These institutions have sprung up rapidly in Kentucky. Here at Princeton is another. Warrendale College at Georgetown is to be sold for debt. From all I can see, these Colleges do not promise much. I am sure a certainty at Hocker is preferable to an uncertainty elsewhere." Extract from the _Kentucky Gazette_, Lexington, Ky., August 18, 1874: "On the second Monday of September, Hocker College" (of which Robt. Graham was President) "will begin its sixth annual session. The immense outlay of more than $100,000 has made the building perfectly adapted to its purposes. To the faculty of the fall term has been added Mrs. O. A. Carr, a Christian woman of untiring energy, and zeal in the education of women. She is a graduate of St. Catherine de Sienna and Daughters' College and holds a Traveling Diploma from the Bishop of Jerusalem. She purposes delivering a series of lectures, extending through the collegiate year, upon the wonders of many lands. She is eminently qualified as an educator and disciplinarian for the position of Principal in Hocker College." M. W. Green, writing from Australia, throws a confirmatory light on why the Carrs were obliged to return to America: "You say you are so busy you find it difficult to get time to write. It is to be hoped that in doing so much you will not again overtax yourself, and bring on another time of weakness. I am beginning to feel somewhat as you did, before you left Melbourne. Nature is beginning to wear out, and calls for a rest. I cannot get that rest on land, for if I see an opportunity to preach, I feel myself unfaithful if I do not avail myself of it. Sometimes I think I will never get a rest unless I take a long sea-voyage. It must be hard for you to have your study in Lexington, and your books in Hobart Town. Brother Earl writes me of his sorrow at hearing that protracted meetings are being introduced into Australia. 'They,' he says, 'often bring unconverted people into the church; and they are discouraging to the regular preacher, for the people get into the way of not uniting with the church, except at the exciting time of a protracted meeting.' We are pleased that Sister Carr has obtained so good a place for usefulness as the one at Hocker. We had Brother Magarey over in Melbourne to preach for us. I was much pleased with him, both as to piety and ability. His style much resembles your own, and I cannot tell his handwriting from yours." (This was the miller's son, Alex., whose brother practiced medicine and religion, as we have seen.) While Mrs. Carr is teaching at Hocker, Mr. Carr writes to her from Vanceburg: "I cannot tell when I will be home; this is the time for work. I would be miserable hanging about Hocker College, doing nothing, and you hard at work. I will hold two or three meetings before I return. Miller is blazing away at Greenup; he is giving me a drumming, I hear; but he can't hurt me. I understand that Brother Sweeny has agreed to debate with Miller. I can assist your young ladies on the Argonautic Expedition as well from here, as if I were with them. I advise them to write sensible essays, and have their papers strictly original. This advice is all I could offer them, no matter where I am. This is an odd place. The farmers bring their produce to town every other day, which consists of a few bundles of hoop-poles for barrels, and these they trade for something to eat. They leave the city with a long slice of fat bacon under the arm, and a little bag of flour, enough to sustain their families for the next day. Then they come, and go again. I am amused at the merchants, who give their goods for poles, tar and tanbark, and then run cooper-shops in connection with their dry goods and bacon. One of our sisters here is a milliner. She says she doesn't take tanbark in trade for bonnets, but she has ladies' hats for ten cents a piece, and carries on a lively trade. Don't you want me to bring you up here, to do some shopping?" [Illustration: Standing: Matt (Mrs. W. B. Smith), R. A. Carr, Mrs. O. A. Carr, O. A. Carr, Mrs. H. P. Carr, Owen Carr. Sitting: Mary (Mrs. Goddard), Wm. Carr, Mrs. Wm. Carr, Capt. H. P. Carr, Minnie (Mrs. Jno. W. Fox, Sr.) HOME AGAIN--ALL HERE] We learn from the following that Mrs. Carr found one year at Hocker College (now called Hamilton College) enough to convince her that it did not afford the opportunities she sought; the letter is to the Trustees of the Midway Orphan School, and is written by Robert Graham, May 10, 1875: "Having heard that there will be a vacancy in the principalship of your institution, it gives me pleasure to say that Sister Carr has been associated with me in Hocker College during the session now coming to a close, and that she is a lady peculiarly fitted to have charge of girls in the classroom and in daily life. She is a lady of refinement, intellectual culture, and energy. I think her conscientiousness, experience, and religious devotion, point her out as one raised of God to do a great work in the intellectual world, and spiritual education of women." September 9, 1875, Mrs. Carr, now at her old home town, Stanford, receives a letter from John Augustus Williams: "If you had consulted me as a daughter should consult a father, you would have saved yourself some trouble. I received several letters from the Missouri Orphan School recently; they wrote for my advice regarding teachers,--but I thought you engaged at Hocker College. School must be in session now, so it is too late. But you and Ollie, having no children, ought to be in charge of that school. It is 150 pupils strong. What to do this session? Well, address yourself to study, and prepare yourself to take charge of your sister-women in any branch. Daughters College is full. Over 100 boarders have applied, and we cannot take them. You and Ollie come to see me. Yes, come _home_, and let's have a talk!" Mrs. Carr was never associated with the Missouri Orphan School, but she was convinced that Missouri offered her better opportunities than Kentucky. Accordingly, when in the fall of this same year, Mr. Carr was called to preach for the 17th and Olive Street Church, at St. Louis, it meant a final departure from the state of their birth, so far as permanent work was concerned. At the St. Louis Church, Mr. Carr was the successor of Dr. W. H. Hopson, and the predecessor of T. P. Haley. It was an interesting and a critical time in the history of the St. Louis Churches. J. H. Garrison of the Central Church was laboring night and day to keep the infant _Christian_ upon its feet. The faithful members of both congregations stood loyally by the little weekly, and took their turns in ministering to the mission churches, such as that at 13th and Webster. Of the Church for which Mr. Carr preached, there were three elders, who were interested in this missionary work: John G. Allen, the father-in-law of Albert Myles; Dr. Hiram Christopher, former teacher of Chemistry at Bethany and author of "The Remedial System" as we have seen; and Dr. J. W. Ellis, who practiced law during the day, taught in Jones's Business College at night, preached on Sunday afternoons, wrote "Jarvis Jeems" articles for the _Christian_ between times, and edited the St. Louis Ladies Magazine. The matter of finding board for Mr. and Mrs. Carr was a difficult one. Albert Myles and his family lived with J. G. Allen, hence Mrs. Allen did not feel that she could receive an additional family, however congenial. In the end the Carrs went to her hospitable home, but for some time they lived with Dr. and Mrs. J. W. Ellis. To this association of a month, the present writer owes his personal knowledge of Mrs. Carr. He had never seen her until the fall of 1875, he never saw her after the spring of 1876. Inasmuch as his sixth birthday fell within those extremes of time, he cannot be expected to speak of Mrs. Carr's mental and spiritual characteristics, from his own observation. He remembers her, however, not as a mere name, or as a vague shadow of the past, but with clear-cut distinctness. Of all the women who flitted through his boyhood days never to reappear, Mrs. Carr's personality stands forth best defined. Perhaps it was because she had no children of her own, that she was able to impress children, from the interest she had in the children of other people,--her absorbing thoughtfulness for youth itself. This was with her no transient pastime, but belonged to that deeper part of her nature which started the stinging tear at little bits of childhood-verses. Her manner with children was not gay and buoyant, but gentle and untiring. The child felt that her interest did not spring from impulse, to pass with the hour, but that whenever he should be ready, he would find her. In that inherent dignity and seriousness of her natural character, kindliness for the young shone with a steady light which, if it did not flash out in sudden radiant mirth, remained unclouded from any other interest. Those who have proved restive under Mrs. Carr's unrelaxing discipline, those who may have opposed her in school management, those whom she has faced from the public rostrum in state addresses with logical argumentation, may have found in her a fearlessness that seemed at times the indication of an imperious and unyielding disposition. Doubtless those who opposed her were unable to understand the wounded heart behind the stern, accusing eye. But however brave and determined, there was one thing she feared,--to wound the heart of a child. During Mr. Carr's ministry in St. Louis, Mrs. Carr devoted herself to study and travel. A large composition book, filled to the last page, shows her indefatigable labors with the German language, under the guidance of Dr. J. W. Ellis. In 1876, she went to the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia, where we find her studying the exhibits with the same thoroughness she had shown in London and Cairo. While she is on the wing, Mr. Carr writes to her from Sedalia in June: "I'm all right here, a little sick. Friday night I lectured at Mexico. Brother Hardin and I took the freight to Moberly; and then here, in time for the meeting. Dr. Hopson is in the chair and there are twenty-nine preachers present. I met Brother Longan last night, and he laughed as we shook hands. He and I will have a private dig. What do Brothers Wilkes and Rogers think of his 'One Word More' in the last _Christian_? Do they think Longan is right on the ghost question? This is a charming city. The country around looks like the best part of Fayette County" (of course he is speaking of Kentucky.) "The little I have seen, is bewitching. I am on for a speech tomorrow, and have been too sick to prepare it, and here I sit with my finger in my mouth! I hope I'll do as well as ---- did last night, and I think I will! Brother Monser is my roommate, and we did talk last night! I think he likes my wife better than he does me. Well, I let him. He is a good man. He spoke of the time Brother Mountjoy conducted you to the platform at Mexico." The following, from Fulton, Missouri, signed by three citizens, shows that while at the Exposition, Mrs. Carr was making plans for future work: "In compliance with your request, we report as follows,--We have interviewed the members of the church in town, and find them quite favorable towards patronizing a school of our own; we think 30 or 40 may certainly be counted upon at the opening. We cannot do anything until we first ascertain that we are going to have a school taught. Desks, seats, etc., can be easily secured when we find there is to be a necessity for them. If preparations be commenced at once, we think a very good school can be founded here." September 7th, Mrs. Carr wrote to Mr. Carr from Washington, D.C.: "I am writing in the celebrated Washington Post Office. I have learned a great deal during my short stay in Washington. I have made a pilgrimage to the American's Mecca,--but I boiled my peas,--and have visited all the places of interest in the city. I will reach St. Louis to-morrow afternoon. Tell Sister Childers I would rather have the room over the parlor, for you know how wakeful I am. The room over her room we can have for a study. May the Lord abundantly bless my dear husband, and grant me the happiness of seeing him once more face to face." On the same day, Mr. Carr wrote to Mrs. Carr: "Brother Franklin preaches at Fulton to-day, so I have run down here to Louisiana, Missouri, to try to get a pupil for you" (for the prospective school, perhaps to be established at Fulton.) "You say you will be in St. Louis soon--then in Fulton, I suppose, about the 12th. Is it possible that I shall see my dear wife so soon? I do long to see you and have your encouragement, and enjoy your counsel, your comfort and your love. You say, 'I have just called on H. W. Longfellow. What a grand old man he is! His poetic soul flows through every word he utters. I wonder if he _ever_ did anything that was wrong?' I wish I could have accomplished more in our St. Louis work. I believe our new field at Fulton is promising." Mrs. Carr's fourth experiment in the educational world was at Fulton, where she established Floral Hill College for girls. Her note book shows that her rules of discipline were as wise and as rigid, as if her attendance had been much larger. The attendance was not indeed large, but it was sufficient to place the institution upon a paying basis. At this time the Orphan School was at Camden Point, and Floral Hill College had no rival in Fulton. However, at Columbia, not far away, Christian College proved a formidable check to any thought of future greatness. Christian College had long been established; it was handsomely equipped, and could make the appeal throughout the State, that Floral Hill College could not offer. Mrs. Carr found herself at the head of a college whose management depended solely upon her own wisdom; but as an offset to this advantage, she knew that her institution could never become a mighty force in Missouri. [Illustration: "I Want to Educate you"--"Absorbing Thoughtfulness."] The spring of 1877 saw the close of her first year's work, and the following, written by Mr. Carr, in August, shows that she intended to open school in the fall; he writes from Maysville, for he is on a visit among the scenes of his youth: "Mother and I went by Mill Creek, where Brothers Jno. I. Rogers and I. B. Grubbs are holding a meeting, on to Mt. Carmel. Thursday I dined with Brothers Grubbs, Rogers, Loos and Myall at Sister Mayhue's--she was one of my schoolmates at May's Lick. The meeting at Mill Creek closed last night with several additions. Everybody asks why I didn't bring you. Kate would 'give anything to go to Floral Hill College'. Grandfather is nearly 86 years of age, and has been very ill of late. I talked long with him, as he lay there, and read 2 Cor. 5, and prayed with him. He wept for joy and simply said 'I am waiting for the Lord's will to be done.' I am so glad to find father and mother able to go about. They are still working for their children. You must be encouraged about your school. Brothers Grubbs and Rogers praise you for your work. But nobody praises you more (I mean _prizes_) than I!"[16] Mrs. Carr had not been teaching long on her second year, when she received a request from Mrs. P. F. Johnson, President of the Christian Women's Board of Missions, to make an address at the St. Louis convention, to be held October 19, 1877. The subject given was, 'Children in Mission Work.' The request was seconded by Mrs. Sarah Wallace, who made this interesting comment: "From the very beginning of our work as a Society, we have had to battle with the habit of 'giving nothing' among our churches. The people are not stingy, but they do not realize the necessity of systematic giving. When we wanted to add to the amount for Brother Darly's school (the mission school in Jamaica), it was asked, What can the children do? Our board advanced the amount, then issued an appeal to the Sunday-schools. We wanted the children to have a work of their own. Brother Darly's school proved more than a success, passed the examination in six months, and is now under the patronage of the Government. As a result of the appeals, the Sunday-schools gave, first quarter, $12; second quarter, $23; third quarter, $36; fourth quarter,--not yet reported. It is now decided that a school be established at Kingston. It will call for about $250. The Board desires to continue this as children's work. Mrs. Jameson feels confident of meeting you in St. Louis, when she will tell you the whole story. Her illness is not violent, but lingering, as malignant fever usually is." In the meantime, O. A. Carr had been preaching for the Fulton Church. The following from Geo. W. Longan of Plattsburg, Mo., shows the activity of both, and that "private digs" about ghosts had no place in public work for the Cause: "March 6, 1878: Of course, I can't consent to take the burden on my shoulder! It falls of right on yours, and you can carry it as easily as any one. The objects of the convention are to discuss themes of living interest, and general utility as a sort of preachers' drill. We aim to assign subjects according to the known tastes of the individuals chosen. I suggest that no one be selected who was on the program last year. Of course, the country around Fulton will furnish most of the speakers. The subject, 'Phases of Current Unbelief' would be both interesting and profitable in the hands of the right man. I think J. Z. Taylor would write a good paper on that, or A. F. Smith, or President Geo. S. Bryant, of Columbia. Procter had nothing last year; you might get him to preach at night. Experience proves that two papers with discussions following, and a sermon at night, is the best division of time. I will try to compel my mind to think of other objects. Write to Edgar for suggestions as to men." (We may state parenthetically, that the reason the present writer never again met Mrs. Carr, though she often returned on visits to St. Louis, is because Dr. Ellis moved from the city, first to take charge of Woodland College at Independence, later to assume the presidency of Plattsburg College at Plattsburg, Mo., where Geo. W. Longan was still preaching.) Mrs. Carr had not finished her second year at Floral Hill College when a series of letters were exchanged between her and the President of Christian College at Columbia, Geo. S. Bryant. These letters show a consciousness on her part that Floral Hill College, if continued, was destined to remain overshadowed by larger institutions; and a conviction on his part that Christian College must inevitably suffer from the nearness of Floral Hill. President Bryant seeks to absorb Mrs. Carr's institution, and to employ Mrs. Carr as Associate Principal,--the same relationship she had held toward Robt. Graham at Hocker. This correspondence is interesting, and throws light upon Mrs. Carr's ability as a woman of business. Not only does she gain the various points for which she contends, such as the number of hours she is to teach, the amount of salary she is to receive, etc., but she is jealous of her official position, and will have none of its privileges abridged. President Bryant is a man who loves his joke, and is inclined to illuminate contested ground with the glow of good-fellowship; but Mrs. Carr will have none of his humor until all her propositions are definitely accepted. At last, May 23, 1878, President Bryant writes: "The propositions of yours of the 21st--eight in number--are the propositions of our agreement, as I understand them. So Christian College and Floral Hill College are one! I congratulate Christian College upon the accomplishment of so desirable an end. Please allow me to say that your spirit of self-sacrifice has not gone unnoticed. Instead of assigning reasons to the 'Fulton Public,' would it not be better,--'To the Public?'--For Floral Hill College was not an institution of Fulton simply. I will gladly publish in the catalogue a statement over your own name, of the reasons." This agreement was reached after months of negotiations. Floral Hill College was absorbed by Christian College, accordingly; but Mrs. Carr's personality was one that refused to be absorbed by any association, or institution. So definite were her ideas of the management of a school, particularly in regard to its discipline, that her position as associate principal could never have been satisfactory in any school. Mrs. Carr was a woman of intense conviction, and when attempts were made to persuade her from her principles, she felt that she was being persuaded to error. Those who are by nature fitted to lead, find their inborn talent curbed, when this leadership is clogged. In any school, there can be but one real head. Mrs. Carr would not look upon her position as associate principal as an honorary title; nor could she feel that she was doing all she could for the education of girls, when her ideas of education, which emphasized conduct, clashed with those of others who insisted rather upon grades in recitation. As at Hocker in Lexington, so now at Christian College in Columbia, she grew restive before the year had expired. In the spring of 1879, Mr. Carr again went to Kentucky to hold meetings, and we find him lingering among the scenes of his boyhood, and naturally thinking much of the past. "March 17. As I walked about the streets at Mt. Carmel, many familiar objects met my gaze. There was the road along which you used to take your morning walks, and the woods in which the birds sang for you their best early songs. They put me to sleep in the parlor where you said to me, '_I will go with you!_'--that room in which I first became acquainted with you, and asked you to go on an excursion with me to �sculapia. I thought of the past and tried to sketch the future, and prayed that you may be happily situated. I expect to have a happy meeting at Carmel, for those old familiar faces inspire me. If you were here, I could preach much better. "March 20, Stony Point. This is my sister's home, midway between Paris and Winchester" (the sister Minnie, now Mrs. John Fox, Sr., whom we heard of in the May's Lick days). "I am sitting at the old desk where, seventeen years ago, I conned my Greek grammar under the instruction of my brother-in-law Jno. W. Fox, who is the head of this house, and the head of a school here, of eighteen years' standing. He has a family of ten children all of whom, except the infant, have been taught by him. One son, Johnnie, passed the Harvard examination last spring, and is now at Lexington. Professor Neville brags on him, and says he knocks '95' every time in his Greek class. His half-brother Jimmie, is one of the public school principals of Lexington, and is much respected there. He has taken Johnnie with him, pays his board and tuition, and assists him in his studies." (The reader will doubtless recognize in "Johnnie", the author of "Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come," and "Trail of the Lonesome Pine.") "President Graham was out here, and stayed one night. He enjoyed it! He says, in talking of us, 'Ollie and Mattie.' The children all fell in love with him, and gave him cakes. My father is able to walk, and my mother's general health is good. At Lexington, I saw many of your old friends: Grubbs, Cox, etc. Doctor Hopson and Brother Graham say that you ought to take a good rest. _Now do you hear?_ That is from headquarters! My visit at Lexington was too short. I fell in with some Australian students who came near monopolizing my time. One young man, Charlie Thurgood, used to work in a baker's shop all week, and come to my house in Melburne, Saturday nights, to learn grammar. Now he is in Lexington, preparing to preach the Word.[17] The Bible College has 45 students, College of Arts 65, Agricultural and Mechanical 105. Professor Neville says it is the most pleasant session he ever had. Hamilton College" (formerly Hocker College) "has moderate success. I gave them a Bible reading at Broadway Church, Wednesday evening. The audience was very good. It was like old times." When her first year's work ended at Christian College, Mrs. Carr, though dissatisfied with the restraints upon her, had not decided to relinquish her position as associate principal. However, she and President Bryant were unable to agree upon terms, and in July she definitely terminated her engagement. "I would not insult President Bryant," she wrote him, "by supposing for a moment that he expected Mrs. Carr to accept the propositions in his last letter." She observes that she would have considered a re-engagement because of Mr. Carr's earnest desire to assist L. B. Wilkes, then in poor health at Columbia, and also because Mrs. Carr's work in the College had been greatly appreciated by patrons. But the curtailment of her privileges and authority, is intolerable; the matter of salary is of no moment, in view of this obstacle; nor will she hesitate to make the matter clear to all who seek enlightenment. As she remarks, "I do not know exactly what you mean by burying the past. In the course of the sad work, you may cast a few clods over the remains of Mrs. Carr's once prosperous school. If by burying the past, you mean, stop all discussion of our differences, I have only to say, it is impossible to bury that which is not dead. Be assured, I would not bury it alive if I could. When I am asked why I do not remain at Christian College, I am constrained to tell the whole truth, though I would rather be silent." Let us hope that President Bryant's sense of humor enabled him to enjoy this keen sarcasm. About this time, Dr. S. S. Laws, President of the University of the State of Missouri, situated at Columbia, became desirous of associating Mrs. Carr with the University. He had been deeply impressed not only by her scholarship and wide experience, but by her reputation as a disciplinarian. As she was now free from Christian College, he expressed to her his hope that she would consider an offer. Such an association could not but be looked upon by her as a high promotion in her beloved calling. September 1, 1879, Dr. Laws wrote to Mrs. Carr as follows: "I mentioned the case to our Local Board, and their favorable action I now send you. Your answer will, of course, be addressed to the Board, but I'd be obliged for a note by bearer, informing me of your acceptance--I should say, of your _answer_, as I will then be able to leave on the evening train for St. Louis." With this note, the present chapter properly terminates; it has been a chapter of changes, of rapid transitions. We have now reached a period of stability, of advancement, of growth,--the ten years of Mrs. Carr's connection with the University of Missouri. [16] A letter from Mrs. Carr to one of her pupils she taught in Melbourne. The letter was discovered recently with "the little wild flower gathered on the plains of Sharon" pinned to it: the letter had never been mailed: written thirty-three years ago, it shows how Mrs. Carr talked to her girls. Possibly she wondered why "Maria" did not answer her letter, and here is the letter found in a pigeon hole at the College. Mr. Carr sends it on to Maria with apology. "Fulton, Mo., U.S.A., January 8th, 1877" "My Dear Maria: I received a letter from Maggie a few days since in which she stated that you had written to me, but receiving no answer, feel discouraged to write again. Be assured your letter never reached me, or it would have been answered. I often think of my dear girls in Australia, and especially of you and Maggie, because I loved you best of all my pupils in Melbourne; for my association with you was longest and most intimate, and because your mothers were friends that never failed me amid the little annoyances and trials that life is so surely heir to. I cannot tell you how much I long to see you all once more. I cannot imagine how you think for a moment that I forget you. I wrote you from Jerusalem. I wrote to you from Rome, and I sent you a French Journal from Paris. I would love to visit you in your happy home that Maggie so graphically described and to see that beautiful boy upon whom she lavished so many praises. Vaney a husband and father, and my little Maria a wife and mother! Well, I am truly glad it is so, and pray that your lives may be happy and useful. After all, Maria, the sweetest thing in life is the privilege of BEING USEFUL--the privilege of WORK. What greater blessing, beyond redemption, can a woman ask than the privilege of serving her husband and her generation. We are now stationed in a very pretty little city in Missouri and our work is pleasant. Mr. Carr preaches for the Church here, and I have charge of Floral Hill College. My school is prospering and I am very happy in my work. Tell Miss Ashley I wish she were here to work with me. However, we may have the happiness of working together in Australia. Every winter I pine for the hot winds--yes--THE HOT WINDS--of Australia. My health has been poor during the winters ever since our return to America. We may meet you all again. How are Brother and Sister Magarey and family? Remember us very kindly to them all, also to Brother and Sister Santo and family, especially to ETTIE. We had a short, but pleasant intercourse with Alex. (Magarey) during his visit to America. Extend our congratulations to him and his bride, and our best wishes for their happiness and usefulness." [Alex. had come to the United States to marry Miss Campbell of Bethany, Va..--niece of Alex. Campbell--O. A. C.] "The snow is falling drearily and the snow birds are hopping about cheerily, as though the snow was the greatest boon that God ever bestowed upon his creatures. It is not 'The Rainy Day,' but the spirit of Longfellow is about me. By the way, during my tour East last summer, I called upon the grand old poet, and had a happy talk with him in his own historic drawing room. As you doubtless know, the Longfellow Mansion was at one time during the Revolution the headquarters of General Washington. Longfellow is one of the few glorious poetic spirits that have withstood the corrupting influence of the world's applause. When I visited the Centennial Exposition I availed myself of the privilege of visiting many places of historic interest in the East. This is the only tour that I ever made through the Eastern States EXPRESSLY for information, and I need not tell you that I enjoyed it intensely and feel greatly benefited thereby. When I see you, you shall have all particulars. Now, Maria, you must not fail to answer without delay. [What grief it gave Mrs. Carr that she did not have a letter from Maria--because this letter was not posted!] Write me a 'chatty' letter. Tell me how you like housekeeping, if baby ever has the colic, if Vaney kisses him over a dozen times a day, etc., etc. Give my love to your mother and tell her I would love to receive one more pledge of her friendship in the form of a letter for the sake of 'Auld Lang Syne.' Or if she is the busy housewife of yore, she can press Willie into service. Remember us very kindly to our friend, the Scotchman, your father and Mr. Jacques. "I enclose a little wild flower that I gathered in the Plain of Sharon. I collected many curios in my travels and arranged them into a Museum during Christmas holidays. The first day of January it was opened with nice entertainment to my young ladies, and CHRISTENED FLORAL HILL MUSEUM. My girls acquitted themselves splendidly. Write soon and believe me, affectionately yours, I will write to Maggie soon. MRS. CARR." [17] Now, 1910, he and his good wife are in a most efficient ministry in Pittsburg, Pa. O. A. C. CHAPTER XV. LADY PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI. During the ten years of Mrs. Carr's connection with the University of Missouri, we find her busy mind occupied by three entirely distinct sets of interests. In the first place, of course, there was the University work, into which she threw herself with tireless energy and splendid success. The position she occupied was Professor of English, and Dean of the Young Ladies' Department,--a two-fold work, which threw her into contact with both sexes in the classroom, and called for the exercise of rapid judgment in the government of the young ladies. As Lady Principal, she not only preserved order in the study, looked after the health of its occupants, shaped the literary exercises of the various organizations, and gave as much energy to procuring new students as if she were conducting a private school; but she strove to win the confidence of her girls, that she might lead them to higher spiritual planes of life; and we find her making the same religious impress upon the minds of the young men. We need but refer to two letters written to Mrs. Carr in later years, leaving the reader to judge of the positive results of such a character as that of Mrs. Carr; results too significant and lasting, to excuse a lack of appreciation, or to palliate the breach of unkind criticism. One is written by a distinguished citizen who states that he was on the eve of committing suicide, when he came under Mrs. Carr's influence; and that she, unconscious of his darkened mind, saved him by the clear radiance of her daily life. The other tells of a young man who entered the University with no ambitions and no purposes in life. "All that I am now," he writes, "I owe to the time spent with you in the classroom." He occupies a high government position. In 1882, Mrs. Carr, writing to Hon. J. S. Rollins, states what she regards as her most important duties at the University: "The subject of my salary was thoroughly discussed last year by your Executive Committee, and it was reported to me by Eld. J. K. Rogers, that my salary of $1,500 should remain unchanged. The avenue to my highest success in my supervisory work (which is indeed, my chief work), is my social intercourse with the young ladies under my charge; and this can be best secured by having a home in which I am free to invite them at any time. My classroom work, as Adjunct in the English Department, and as teacher of calisthenics, entitles me to $1,200, and the classwork is the least important, and the least embarrassing, of all. My supervisory work demands the most constant and harassing thought and involves great responsibility." The following from Mrs. Carr, to the Board of Curators, will show how thoroughly she threw herself into the interests of her young friends: "I hereby testify that the appropriation asked by the Philalethian Society, is needed to complete the furnishing of their Hall. I need not tell you that the work for girls in our University is yet in its infancy, and needs especially, therefore, your guardianship and helping hand. I have encouraged the young ladies to appeal to you, through President Laws. If you hesitate to grant the petition on the grounds of financial pressure, will you please allow $138.60 of my salary to be deferred, until after the next appropriation by our Legislature?" Mrs. Carr began to lay great stress upon the physical developments of her pupils,--a neglected branch of education in her own case. Her entire work at the University was destined to strengthen those powers of government, already highly developed, for the future scene of her greatest usefulness; and, in after years, we find her views on physical culture, carried out in concrete form. In addressing the young ladies of the University, she said: "If you will stand for one day at the corner of Washington Avenue and 4th Street, St. Louis, or Broadway and Fulton, New York, and watch the passing multitude, you will see scarcely one in ten who is erect, or well-built. The large majority of Americans are born of imperfectly developed parents. After six years' association with the robust women of England and the Continent, the physical degeneracy of American women appeared more marked to me than ever before. In London, the broad feet of robust women make the flags resound in the early morning; in New York, the tiny feet of pale-faced ladies trip along Broadway at stated fashionable hours. An Englishwoman thinks nothing of walking from six to ten miles a day. After climbing and descending the Cheops of Egypt, I was unable for three days to ascend an easy flight of stairs. An Englishwoman who went up the Cheops as I did, rowed up the Nile, the following day, to the Boolak Museum, enjoyed a donkey ride back to Cairo, returned to the hotel, and spent the evening in nursing my aches and pains. Physical tendencies, whether toward beauty or deformity, like gentle dispositions and moral obliquities, are inherited; remember that you are the coming mothers of the nation." It is not our intention to dwell upon Mrs. Carr's daily life in Columbia. Any young lady desiring to attend the University, is asked to correspond with her. She delivers lectures in the University Chapel; she contributes to the Missouri University Magazine; she corresponds with Miss A. M. Longfellow, daughter of the poet, concerning their work--for Miss Longfellow holds at this time, practically the same position at Harvard, that Mrs. Carr does at Columbia; she advises with Representatives concerning the passage of bills at Jefferson City; she is in frequent consultation with Dr. Laws regarding the perplexing problems that are always arising in University life. In presenting the portrait of Dr. Laws to the young ladies of the Philalethian Society, in 1886, she compares the ladies department with its status ten years before--the year before Dr. Laws became president. It was natural for her to attribute the secret of the great development to the doctor's labors. Whatever may have caused the wonderful growth, there can be no doubt that much of it was due to Mrs. Carr. She says: "In the catalogue of 1876, all announcements concerning the young ladies are restricted to 33 lines. It records 39 lady students, only four of whom lived outside of Boone County. The catalogue of 1885 records a special service for young ladies; generous provisions for their physical education; a Girls Academic Course, equivalent in honor to any other academic course of the University; a neatly furnished and convenient study, on the first floor, and another in our elegant library room; a handsomely furnished society hall, lighted by electricity; and many other conveniences, and luxuries. We have 73 young ladies now attending the University. They represent 28 counties of Missouri, and four states. In 1875, no girl took a degree. In 1885, four received academic degrees, four, professional degrees, and one read the McAnally English Prize Essay. On Commencement, 1886, one read the Astronomical Prize Thesis, and another delivered the valedictory of the Normal graduates." A large and interesting volume could be filled with the lectures of Mrs. Carr. For biographical purposes, they need be simply referred to, as an indication of one form of her activity. The preparation of such discourses, replete with classical and historical illustrations, must have consumed many of these late hours snatched from the rightful claims of repose and relaxation. One might suppose that this woman, always frail, always wakeful, liable at any time to fall the victim to headache, would have found the University work with its many-sided life, much too great for her strength. For her physical strength, it was, no doubt; but that untiring mind found leisure, after its thousand details, to turn in another direction. As we have said, she had three separate sets of interests, during the ten years at the University. We are now to consider the second--her connection with the women's missionary work of her church. We have a threefold purpose in dealing with Mrs. Carr's work for the Christian Woman's Board of Missions. In the first place, it formed a large part in her life; in the second, the work in itself is interesting; and in the third, it proves how erroneous were the circulated reports that Mrs. Carr was opposed to organized missionary work. Concerning these reports we shall speak at another time. At present our difficulty is to select from among the many appeals to Mrs. Carr to speak at conventions; from reports of her addresses; from accounts of money sent in by her for the missionary magazine--the _Tidings_; and from the various conferences held by her with the members of the board,--lest our narrative be overburdened with a mass of similar instances. It seems almost incredible that one so absorbed as she in the University work, could have given not only her vacations, but special days during the school year, to the labor of organization, and platform addresses, appeals for money to the missionary cause, and for subscribers to the _Tidings_. That strangers to the Christian Woman's Board of Missions may understand just what it was, and that its friends may know how much it had accomplished at this time, we present a condensed account of the organization, delivered by Mrs. Carr at the Annual Convention, at Carthage, Mo., in 1885; by this means we are not only enabled to introduce the subject, but to give an adequate conception of Mrs. Carr as a public speaker: "I want to talk to you directly about our mission work, giving a historical sketch of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions from its incipiency to the present time. "In July, 1874, Mrs. Cornelia Neville Pearre suggested the desirability of effecting a missionary organization among the ladies of the Christian Church. The sisters were exhorted to consecrate monthly little sums of money from their allowances, or salaries, as individual means to the spread of the Gospel. The idea at once became popular. A little Aid Society in Indianapolis seized upon the thought, and discussed it. At their meeting a stirring letter was read from Mrs. Pearre setting forth the purposes and basis of the proposed society. At the same meeting, a brief article of incorporation was drawn up, to which eight names were signed. A president, secretary and treasurer were elected, and a meeting appointed. "The women composing the new society were inexperienced in the work. Not one of them had ever lifted her voice in a convention; all of them were wholly unskilled in parliamentary address. They were simply housekeepers, wives and mothers; but their hearts burned to do more for the Master, and they had the rare sense to know that organized effort is the surest and shortest road to success. Not long after, Brother Isaac Errett espoused their cause, and sounded forth the entreaty, 'Help these women!' "This led to a mass meeting of Christian women, held in Cincinnati at the same time as the General Convention of the Christian church. About seventy-five composed the meeting, over which Mrs. Pearre presided; in a most earnest and prayerful manner, she presented the purposes and plans; and then and there, the Christian Woman's Board of Missions assumed an organized form, and entered quietly upon its humble yet glorious career. "Indianapolis was made headquarters for the general officers. Five States were represented, and a vice president, a secretary and managers, were elected for each. After a full and free discussion it was resolved that Jamaica should be the first object of their care. The unanimous vote for the revival of the Jamaica Mission, which Brother Beardsley had been forced, in sorrow, to abandon, and whose resumption had long been postponed, brought delight to many hearts; though some present had hoped that a field nearer home would be chosen. "The following December the Executive Committee held its first meeting at Indianapolis, and determined to make an effort to establish Auxiliary Societies in every State and Territory of the Union. The following January $1,500 was in the treasury, and Brother W. H. Williams of Platte City, Missouri, sailed with his wife and child, for Jamaica. "The day after his arrival in Kingston, though debilitated from the rough voyage, he preached to about thirty, in a dilapidated Chapel. His audiences increased. He established prayer meetings, Sunday-schools, teachers' meetings, and carried the Gospel from house to house. Through his instruction, several native young men were soon prepared to render valuable assistance. When, in 1879, Brother Williams was forced to resign on account of his wife's ill-health, he was succeeded by Brother Isaac Tomlinson, under whom the work steadily advanced. "In 1882, Brother W. K. Azbill was appointed. Through his association with the Baptist ministers, he soon ascertained that the differences between their doctrine and his was merely nominal. His proposal that the name 'Christian' be substituted for 'Baptist' was joyfully accepted by several of the oldest and most intelligent ministers, who, with their entire congregations, planted themselves upon the Bible, and the Bible alone. A building-fund was established looking toward the permanent establishment of the work in Jamaica. "We are especially anxious to put our schools upon permanent basis, for the educational work is, after all, the best and most lasting missionary work. It is our earnest prayer that we may see, after a few more patient years, the desire of our heart fulfilled,--the cause of Jamaica, the oldest born of our love, self-supporting, under the exclusive management of native talent. "Brother and Sister DeLauney have, for several years, been supported by the Foreign Christian Missionary Society, at Paris, France. In the summer of 1879, the Christian Woman's Board of Missions, with hearts stirred by their success in Jamaica, determined to contribute to the French mission. At the Bloomington convention they pledged $500 to the salary of Sister DeLauney's assistant. Immediately after this, our beloved Brother Timothy Coop of England, without any knowledge of our purpose, presented us with £100. God put it into our hearts to promise $500, and He put it into Brother Coop's heart to pay it, so that the following year we were able to give $500 more to the French mission. "In 1881 we enlarged our mission by establishing a mission among the freedmen of the South. At Jacksonville, Mississippi, Elder R. Faurot is carrying forward the evangelical and educational work, among a large colored population. "In 1882 the Christian Woman's Board of Missions became a happy stockholder in the India Mission. The Foreign Christian Missionary Society sent Brother Albert Norton and Brother G. L. Wharton and their wives; we sent Miss Mary Greybiel, Miss Ada Boyd, Miss Laura Kinsey and Miss Mary Kingsbury. These offered themselves for that remote corner of the Lord's vineyard, without any stipulated salary. There is a work there which only women can do. In Oriental countries, the home must first be captured for Christ; and in these homes, men cannot give instruction to the hedged-in women. "Missouri had the honor to suggest the next field to be occupied--the far West. In June, 1883, Brother J. Z. Taylor assumed control of this department, and in a short time Brother M. L. Streator was established at Helena, and Brother Galen Hood at Deer Lodge. These two congregations were at that time the only ones in Montana. The Western field is immense, and the sooner it is occupied, the less the difficulty of occupation. "As I spent six years of my life 10,000 miles from home, helping my husband in his labors for the Master, I will not be thought sectional or narrow, though I say that I regard the Western mission as our most important one. Indifferentism, skepticism, Mormonism, and almost the whole catalogue of _isms_ are growing rank in the busy, rushing, money-loving Western heart; if the children of God do not eradicate these poisonous weeds, American civilization must inevitably deteriorate, for the character of a country's civilization depends upon the character of its people. "In the midst of infidelity at home and heathenism abroad, the Christian Woman's Board of Missions is pushing forward, in a quiet, womanly way, without the sound of trumpets, or the gleam of arms, its blessed work for the Master. We are doing something; but a completer organization will help us to a completer work. The best results can be accomplished only by a systematic plan, a comprehensive grasp and a disposition of forces: We must organize ever new auxiliaries; we must strengthen the weaklings, revive the dying, and, by the power of the living Christ, bring the dead from their graves of idleness. Let us have more and better societies. The gifted Mrs. Browning says: 'The world wails For help, beloved. Let us love so well, Our work shall be the better for our love. And still our love be sweeter for our work.' "Daily, we pass into the likeness of that which we believe. Very soon, Faith hangs out a label, and the whole woman becomes a confession of its truth. If you have faith in God to save souls, you will certainly be transformed into the perfect likeness of the missionary woman. You may have much to discourage you; it may be better for you, if you do. Those from whom you have the best right to expect sympathy, may be those who will misinterpret the truest purposes of your heart. He who engages in any work worth the doing, must antagonize somebody. But what of that? Is not woman the best burden-bearer? Can you not weep tears of bitterness,--yet press on, in the midst of all discouragements, to the beautiful likeness of the Great Missionary, who left the solemn injunction, 'Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature?' "We scatter the seed. But when we are old and feeble, who will gather in the golden sheaves? Where are the future reapers and sowers? They are in the Children's Bands. In them you will find the sure prophecy of the future of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions. Whether that prophesy be radiant with promise, depends upon how we are educating the girls of to-day, to be the women of tomorrow. Some time, our brains will grow dull, our hands helpless. Shall not the daughters receive the torch of truth from the hands of the mothers? "In conclusion, let it be felt as inevitable that we should often feel tired by the way; that we should hunger for human sympathy; that our best efforts at times prove barren of results, through the indifference of God's children; that the purest purposes of our hearts be impugned by those we love best; for a public work, however unobtrusively performed, and painful criticism, cannot be divorced. It is said that there is a grape which, transplanted from its native soil, loses its taste; but possesses the flavor of the soil, when grown upon the banks of the Rhine. It is only when our lives are planted in the aromatic soil of the love of humanity, that our lives shall be identified by the richness of Christianity; and no human hand, however unkindly strong, shall be able to transplant our affections into an alien soil, or take from our lives their flavor of piety and devotion." Having now placed before the reader the object and accomplishments of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions, in Mrs. Carr's own words, thus showing her attitude toward it, we come to speak of the third great purpose that influenced her life during the ten years' work at the University. It was none other than the same central idea of her life which we found developed in the Daughters College days of her girlhood. She realized that in her present position at Columbia, she had reached the highest step in her educational career; the highest, because she was thrown into touch with the greatest number of young lives which it became her privilege to shape toward lofty aims. Indeed, her entire history shows advance steps. The tentative experiment of her first school at Lancaster was fortunately relinquished for her work among the girls of Australia, with its broadening experiences. Having acquired that broader view of life that comes with the extended horizon of foreign lands, it would have been unfortunate, had she not returned to America to communicate the fruits of her observations. Hocker College was, accordingly, an advance upon the Melbourne work, just as Floral Hill, where she was sole authority, hence better able to carry out her original ideas,--was an advance upon Hocker. Her keen foresight, and unalterable determination to sacrifice personal feelings for the development of wider aims, led her to merge Floral Hill into Christian College, thus losing her identity in swelling the general good. As we have seen, the promotion from the Christian College to the State University was one of far-reaching importance. And yet, Mrs. Carr was not content. She had not reached that ideal toward which she had directed her gaze when a mere girl; and, in the elements of her nature, there were traits that refused to be satisfied by anything but the great object in view. Success did not for an hour swerve her aside from her fundamental purpose; to establish a college for girls in which she might develop her original ideas of government and tuition. Hence, all during the Columbia days, we find her seeking a promising opening. Her eyes were turned toward many fields. Her caution and prudence prevented her from relinquishing a great responsibility for an uncertain experiment; but her indefatigable mind, while rejecting one expedient after another, never wearied in the quest. Hence it is that during those years, we find her absorbed not only in University work, not only in missionary interests, but always, as well, in the great object of her life. It was particularly in the latter that her husband proved of invaluable assistance. Called to preach in many diverse scenes, it was his pleasure, and his care, to look about for a suitable opening where a college for girls might be established; a college whose foundation stone should be the Word of God, and whose every day's instruction should be permeated with the love and power of its truth. CHAPTER XVI. PURSUING ONE'S IDEAL. The letters presented in the present chapter are not only interesting in themselves, but are valuable as illustrating the threefold bent of Mrs. Carr's mind, as outlined in the preceding pages. They cover her University experiences. Here is a manuscript revealing Mrs. Carr's struggles with the Greek language. She has evidently just taken up this study; her exercises show the same thoroughness she exhibited in her German commonplace-book. Here is a receipt from the Christian Woman's Board of Missions for $50 which Mrs. Carr has sent on subscriptions to the _Tidings_. And Mrs. S. F. D. Eastin writes from St. Joseph, 1880, requesting Mrs. Carr to read her essay before the Moberly convention. "I know it will be worthy the attention of that erudite body," says Mrs. Eastin. Worthy _any_ erudite body it should have been; the subject is "John Stuart Mill and C. W. B. M." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr, October 23, 1880, from the Louisville convention: "Your letter was handed me in church just before Brother McGarvey's excellent address. Your words rang through my soul all the time he was preaching. The devotion to the Cause expressed in your letter is an echo of my heart, and I second your motion to go to Paris next summer, but I fear you will exhaust yourself in such abundant labors. Your spirit is too strong, and too active, for your body. I gave Sister Eastin your message and she says it is the very thing. This has been a glorious convention, most orderly and deeply pious. I delivered to the convention the messages of Brother and Sister Rogers and Brother and Sister Wilkes. To-day the convention closed in tears and in high hopes, for the future. Brother Magarey" (our "Alex." of Melbourne association) "went to Bethany yesterday. He looks a little older, but is the same blessed man. I love him. We had long talks. Brother Gore will visit home before long. All well at Brother Santo's. I got this sheet of paper from Jimmie Fox's desk. He is doing well--Adjunct Professor in the Male High School. I am writing at the office of the _Old Path Guide_. Brothers Hardin, Allen, Cline, et al., are talking all around me. Hardin goes to St. Louis tonight; I send this by him, that you may get it soon. Collis and Thurgood asked of you especially. I told Brother McGarvey of your work, of Brother Wilkes' estimation of you, of your position in the University, of the high praise President Laws gives you, etc., and Brother McGarvey says he wishes you could have a work directly in the interests of Christianity; but all he can advise is, to stay in the University until such a position opens up." W. W. Dowling to Mr. and Mrs. Carr: "I am publishing in the _Sunday School Teacher_, biographical sketches of some of our prominent Sunday-school workers. I want a sketch of both of you--a synopsis of your lives and labors." J. W. McGarvey to Mr. Carr, June 30, 1883: "I am glad you have the heart and ability to care for your aged parents as you do. In regard to educational affairs, I doubt the possibility of legally removing the Canton Institution. If you need an institution for the education of preachers, you cannot do better than to build a house, and endow two chairs in connection with the University. But I do not see that you need it for many years to come. Our College at Lexington can receive all your young men, and do a better part by them, at less expense. An attempt to have a Bible College in every State where we have a strong membership, will result in a large number of weaklings. The Baptists in all the South aim at but one; the Presbyterians, the same. We are now aiming at six or seven, and ours, the largest, has only 94. Since Geo. Bryant has gone home, I hear they are expecting 250 guests at Independence. I am surprised so many are expected. I have not heard whether Brother Oldham made a good reputation at first, or not. I am sure, however, that he will establish a reputation and secure success. I hope the preachers will help him." (Oldham was Bryant's successor at Christian College, Columbia. The institution referred to, at Independence, was Woodland College.) November 4, 1883, O. A. Carr issued a circular addressed to the Alumnæ of Christian College, urging them to send matter for the forthcoming book, "Biography of President J. K. Rogers, and History of Christian College." This was a book Mr. Carr had undertaken at the request of President Rogers's widow. The work was attended with much difficulty and many delays, on account of the alumnæ pursuing the usual course of alumnæ, by refusing, as a whole, to answer request or entreaty. Mrs. S. E. Shortridge, from Indianapolis, to Mrs. Carr, February 20: "I have been working all day steadily on the _Tidings_, and tonight, being too nervous to sleep, I take advantage of this halt to write to you, though the midnight hour is not far away." (Mrs. Shortridge was the Cor. Sec. of the C. W. B. M.) "Accept my thanks for the kindness and patience with which you have gone over the whole ground. I quite agree with you in the main; the only difference between us is, I believe, in the exceptions to the rule. I must assure you that we are of one mind here at Indianapolis. Perfect harmony and confidence prevail. This is particularly true of Sister Jameson and myself." (Mrs. Jameson was the president of the C. W. B. M.) "From her I have no secret. We are very near neighbors; I see her almost daily; yet I am continually finding new beauties of character to love and admire. I find the _Tidings_ cannot be enlarged this year: I wish it could." (At this time the _Tidings_ was a small four-page sheet, four columns to the page.) "We are not able to rent a room, or office, and we work at great disadvantage. I never look at the paper that my conscience does not stir uneasily, it reminds me so much of a motherless child. And yet--I am doing the best I can. I have no journalistic genius, Mrs. Goodwin always insisted that I had, but she was blinded by love. If I have talent, it is still dormant. I do believe in you, and trust you fully, my dear Sister Carr. I think of you as a lovely Christian woman, incapable of consciously doing an unjust thing." L. B. Wilkes, from Stockton, Cal., to Mrs. Carr: "I am better--nearly well. Still, if you were here to rub my head, I believe it would hurt me pretty often yet. You are in earnest--you would like to come to California--and will, if I can find a place for you and the doctor" (meaning Mr. Carr, of course.) "The school business is overdone among our folks. We have three colleges, all mixed schools, and pretty badly mixed. Just come to our house and stay till you find a place, let that be long or short. I don't know how to write a letter, so leave the gossipy part to my wife, she is good at it. I will start the doctor a paper in which I have a small piece on the organ." (For in those days one could write about the organ, when all other subjects failed.) To which letter, Mrs. Wilkes adds a postscript--"He says I am good at gossip; I deny the charge. He would have you both come on here; but selfish as I am, I cannot insist on your coming, for fear you might not like the place." In 1884 O. A. Carr was appointed State Evangelist for Missouri, and the following notes are taken from his letters to Mrs. Carr. The names of places are generally omitted: "March 3. We are poorly represented here. The people don't seem to believe the Bible. A woman, though, has been taking the rag off the bush. It is said she can out preach a man--goodness! my wife could beat nine-tenths of the preachers, but I'm glad she's a woman who wouldn't preach publicly before a promiscuous audience. There is a gloomy prospect here. Ignorance--you never saw the like. At Trenton I tried to raise money to seat the meeting house at ----, but they said, 'That is in the midst of a good agricultural district--why don't they build their own church?' They don't know that infidelity stalks abroad in daylight there, and that infidelity does not build meeting houses or anything else that is good. I have been talking to an old brother with his wife--mine host--on missionary work, trying to show that I am in as legitimate a business as the editor of the _Review_ when he publishes a paper. The woman yielded at last--said at least there is no harm in it. Good! My desire is to meet some more of such people, and convert them. I believe I can do it! I will have a heft at it here, I think. Some good old men have tried to preach and farm, and have not done either very well, I presume. It will be difficult to persuade these people to give $200 for once-a-month preaching, when they have been giving about five dollars. I have not done a thing on the Biography of President Rogers, nor do I see how I can at this rate. I have a bad cold. The door is warped and won't close, and last night the wind whipped around into the bed, and everywhere. I've got the stove between me and that crack in the door now, and some of the atmosphere will have to get warmed, before it reaches me. Brother A. B. Jones says I'd better stay at ---- and work it up; but there's nothing to work up, and the only chance I see is to get that place joined on to the congregation here. "March 6. I've tried to introduce the envelope system of contribution in the church here (Gallatin) and have run myself down today; from house to house. I am in a cold room, writing after speaking tonight at the Christian convention. I enclose $25 for you to forward to father, Wm. Carr, Maysville, Ky. Brother S. P. Richardson says, 'Give my love to Mrs. Carr.' He says he was in your class at the University, and thinks a great deal of you. He says he had a good time in your class. He was a law student. Will Sister Rogers be satisfied with delay of the Biography till fall? How I do wish I had the material for a complete biography. I don't like to blame anybody, but I have tried faithfully to collect it. I do not like to think of anything incomplete in connection with that grand, good man. "March 9. Thank you for that nice letter; there was great encouragement in it. A vision of you comes before me--it is a charming picture. You say you are anxious that I should succeed. But in my case, what is success? If adding members to the churches is a success, I have failed already. I have been setting churches in order, and teaching the brethren. Here at Gallatin, we meet in a hall. There is no house, and the members are poor. From Trenton I go to Breckenridge, or Grant City. Brother Floyd of the _Christian Herald_, of Oregon asks me for a Missouri sub-editor. I have recommended you to him. I have written my notes for the _Christian Standard_ and _Christian-Evangelist_. I will watch for your article and see if it sounds like I wrote it. That was a big joke! Did _I_ know what you could say about John Stuart Mill and the C. W. B. M.? I don't suppose Mill ever heard of such a thing as the C. W. B. M., and I don't know how you thought of both names at once. I wish you would write a dozen articles for our church papers--divide them around. Write on Women's Work, for the _Quarterly_. "April 15. I rode twelve miles horseback for your letter, which heightened the joy of receiving it. I am utterly discouraged about that Biography of Brother Rogers. I cannot find time and quiet to write. For instance, I walked nearly two miles to church, then two more to reach a place to stay all night--where I had to sit up, and be sociable till I was worn out. The people are generous here, and I think, religious. The church is ajar, and I am expected to set it in order. It is rather discouraging for me to have to do the hard work, then leave to set another church in order, while some one else follows me up, and holds the meetings and gets the additions. I am here, trying to get the members to act decently toward one another. It will take a week to warm them up, and then I will have to leave. "April 19. It rained so much last night, I could not get to meeting, and I am compelled to stay in doors. Mine host is a good man. He and wife and six children are all crowded together in two rooms, and we have confusion worse confounded. I have to cross a swampy valley to and from church (distance two miles) and a muddy, snaky river that is to be despised. Our toilette arrangements consists of a washpan outside the house. It will take a week to get the Christians to be friends with each other. I heat up in church and cool off walking home, and cough at night. Between coughs, I think of you, wondering if you are wearing yourself out with toil and anxiety. Learn to take life more leisurely! My idea is for you to become author--write a book or two, if you please, and contribute to the journals. Our papers need your talent. Please forward the enclosed $25 to mother." From J. W. McGarvey, Lexington, Kentucky, to Mrs. Carr, April 29, '84: "Brother Patterson is to continue at Hamilton College at least one more year. He is making money out of the school at a very handsome rate; but the fact that he is building a fine dwelling on the place he bought from Brother Lard's estate, indicates that he will not remain much longer than a year. When the time comes, you may rest assured that I will present your claims and merits before the Board, in all their attractiveness. I have no doubt you could make a success of it. I am sorry I cannot accept Brother J. A. Lord's invitation to lecture on 'Bible Colleges' at Columbia." The following of July 15th, shows Mrs. Carr working in a fresh field--the Women's Christian Temperance Union: "As Corresponding Secretary of the Columbia Union, I send you the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted at the last session of the Union: * * * Be it resolved that we as an individual Union protest against the resolution passed at the Sedalia Convention, namely, 'That the White Ribbon hosts of Missouri work for woman suffrage.' The woman suffrage attachment will necessarily complicate the nature of our plea. An organization already exists entitled, 'The Woman Suffrage Association', whose exclusive purpose is woman's suffrage. Many of our friends, and many in our own ranks, oppose the plea of woman's suffrage, as a part of our plea for temperance." Mrs. Carr writes to Mr. Carr concerning a church quarrel which he is striving to quell--judging from her letter his efforts at warming up the members has taken an unfortunate direction. The letter is interesting as showing Mrs. Carr's wisdom in such delicate affairs: "I cannot tell you how deeply I deplore this church difficulty. Deal with the matter very gently. Don't write sharply to any one, for if you do, you will be misrepresenting yourself, and injure the work. Let the matter readjust itself. I advise you to so arrange your work as not to be present at the county meeting. Your presence at this juncture might do harm to you and to the Cause. Stay away, and write them a good, fatherly letter, to be read before the convention. I'm sure, intuitively, that this will be best. Your success is the burden of my prayers. After a few more years I hope we shall be more together; we shall see each other every day." Robt. Graham to Mrs. Carr, from Lexington, July 9: "Your letter was duly received, and I immediately set to work to see what could be done to get you into the Midway Orphan School. I handed your letter to Brother McGarvey, and he agreed with me that there is little likelihood of the trustees placing the management under the control of a lady. I consulted members of the executive committee, and find they are resolved upon a man. It is very difficult to find the right one. Keith of California refused at once; Bartholomew of Louisville has a better position, etc. It is suggested that you buy the now vacant school at North Middleton, Bourbon County, and while I could not advise you to such a step, I mention it, that you may know of that opening. I see that Corinth Academy is for sale, but I don't suppose you would want to put your means there. Brother Patterson holds on for another year at Hamilton College. I can easily understand why you seek to be engaged in a school where you could work for the Cause we love; were it in my power, I would soon have you in a position more congenial to your tastes. As it is, you must be content to labor and to wait, till God opens up the way. I write this, knowing you have a position of great honor and emolument, one that many would gladly obtain; but I know your desire, and sympathize with it." More notes from Mr. Carr, as State Evangelist, to Mrs. Carr--July 18: "Letters forwarded. You don't miss me any more than I do you. I am going to hold some meetings during pleasant weather. I have very few additions to report. I have spent most of my time trying to set up torn-down churches. As to Vice President of the C. W. B. M., I don't object for that honor to be thrust upon my wife. I think it very complimentary; get up the program, and preside at Kansas City. How about that Biography? If _you_ could work on that, we would get it out. You ought to write much for the Brotherhood. Women can do that work, and not trespass on I Cor. 14:34-35. Drive out to church and hear Brother Powell, Sunday. Don't forget to fix up the genealogy of the Rogers family. Don't try to drive that horse by yourself. While you are resting, select the essays to be added to the second part of the Biography. Don't work hard, just lounge around, for this is your vacation, you know. "August 6. While at Savannah I received some letters forwarded by you to '_Sullivan_.' How they came to Savannah, marked thus, I don't know, I suppose there is no such postoffice as Sullivan, and they might as well come here as anywhere. Halt!--I had to go out to preach my ten o'clock sermon. I am preaching day and night. It's a hard row to hoe. The church is in a deplorable condition, and of course nobody will 'join.' But I am expected to stay up here, and keep digging. Brother J. H. Duncan asked me to help make out the C. W. B. M. program for the State meeting. Isn't he impudent? I told him you are president, and will manage it; but I helped him on the _male_ part. "November 27. This is Thanksgiving Day, and I am to eat at a hall--a dinner by the Methodists. I'm a good hand to eat for the benefit of a church. I hear they're going to have ice cream. Well, I can't help it. I must go. You will have to be thankful without me; I'll be as thankful as I can. We are to have a Thanksgiving sermon by a North Methodist preacher, and coming so soon after Cleveland's election, it is anticipated he will give us a gloomy kind of thanks. He will doubtless feel somewhat as Dr. Pinkerton did, when he told his wife he had nothing to be thankful for because there was no butter. Our meeting drags. I had to get this part of the county fixed up and friendly. There is a good prospect now. Received account from Brother D. O. Smart. Sorry I could not be with you and the young ladies and gentlemen at 'Narrow Gauge' today." From the Missionary _Tidings_, September, 1884: "Mrs. O. A. Carr of Columbia has been appointed vice-president of the C. W. B. M. of Missouri, to succeed Mrs. J. W. Morris, who was compelled to resign on account of ill health." The reader is referred to past files of the _Tidings_ for a full account of Mrs. Carr's labors as organizer, platform manager, speaker, and her committee work in the C. W. B. M. She was vice president in 1884, 1885, 1886, after which she became a State manager. During her first vice-presidency, the managers were Mmes. Hedges, A. B. Jones, J. H. Garrison, J. W. Monser, Dr. Petitt, T. E. Baskett, T. D. Strong, E. C. Browning, Kirk Baxter, Wm. Pruitt; during each of her terms, the secretary was Miss M. Lou Payne. In 1887 she was succeeded by Mrs. J. K. Rogers. On the 20th of March, 1885, the St. Louis publisher, John Burns, writes to O. A. Carr: "Last Friday I went to Columbia and had a pleasant interview with Sister Rogers about publishing her book. We agreed that the matter should be delayed no longer. The MS. should be in my hands with the least possible delay. It should be in type by the first of May, and the books ready by June 1st. As you are so constantly engaged away from home as our State Evangelist, it is thought best for Brother Mountjoy to read the proof. As to compensation for labors, Sister Rogers stated that she is anxious for you to be satisfied. I have agreed to bring out the work in first-class style. There is to be a steel engraving of Brother Rogers, and a wood cut of Christian College. The work will be in two bindings, one to be full Turkey Morocco, gilt. The John Burns Publishing Company will have entire control of the work, and have agreed to push the sale to the best of their ability. I expected to meet Mrs. Carr, to discuss the matter with her, but could not delay my stay in Columbia." At the foot of the foregoing, Mr. Carr writes a hurried note to his wife, on enclosing her the letter: "I wrote Brother Burns that I would rather trust you to read the proof than anybody. I am afraid I cannot get the work done, even next month. I have to settle a church here." While churches are thus wrangling among themselves, and sinners are standing aloof, taking notes on the War of the Christians, and the Biography is apparently fated never to get itself into type, Mrs. Maria Jameson, national president of the C. W. B. M., writes to Mrs. Carr: "I read your letter to the Board, and there was a unanimous expression of gratification at its contents. You are one of the women among us who can make public addresses. Now, if you are willing, we will utilize this talent. Public lectures, properly advertised, designed to attract attention to missionary work, particularly to the work of our women, might do great good. Of course, you will have to use judgment in selecting the places for the addresses. No provision has been made for an outlay of money in this matter, as we can ill afford to divert a dollar from regular work. I believe, as a public speaker, you will spread the name, and strengthen the influence, of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions." W. B. Johnson of the Christian Publishing Company, St. Louis, to Mrs. Carr: "Your C. W. B. M. notes will appear in next week's paper; and I will also speak of the University, and of your work there." M. B. Mason, Principal Meadville Public Schools, to Mrs. Carr: "We intend to celebrate Whittier's birthday with suitable entertainment. Will you please send some suggestions regarding arrangements, program, etc?" Mrs. Maria Jameson to Mrs. Carr, November 1: "Ever since our parting, I have purposed writing to express the pleasure given me by an increased acquaintance with you. During our recent convention, I learned to feel constantly that I had an able ally, quick to see what was needed in an emergency, and able to act intelligently and promptly. I wish you would write occasionally to me during the year; so many new sides of things are evolved by talking them over. My daughter and son-in-law are back from their trip abroad, and, of course, I have not had time for much, besides talking to them; but in a short time my thoughts will be turned to our work. With the help and blessing of God, I will do everything in my power this year for its development. Let 'For Christ's sake' be our motto, and in his blessed name we shall do many wonderful things. Pray always with me, and for me, my dear sister, that we may prove faithful until the end." Enough has been said about Mr. Carr's work as State Evangelist--his work of several years,--to suggest the arduous nature of that labor. Passing by any further details, we turn for a moment to the Biography, which did, after all, find its way into cloth and Morocco, in 1885, under the title, "Memorial of J. K. Rogers and History of Christian College." The book is divided into three parts: the first, of about 200 pages, is devoted to the Life, Letters and Addresses of J. K. Rogers; the second, of some 30 pages, is called "History of Christian College"; while the third of about 100 pages, bears the title--"Some Essays and Poems of Pupils of Christian College, Edited by Mrs. O. A. Carr, Principal of the Ladies Department of the University of the State of Missouri." This Part Third of the Memorial, is the only work left by Mrs. Carr, in book form. As we have seen, she undertook the editorship of the collection of essays and poems of the Alumnae, at the request of her husband, in order to hasten the publication of the book. Joseph Kirtley Rogers was born in Fayette County, Kentucky, in 1828. When he was two years of age, his parents left Lexington on a thirty days' journey to the wild and Indian-infested West, pitching their tent finally about twelve miles west of Palmyra, Missouri. Here they lived in their log cabin. "Game was abundant," says the Memorial; "panthers screamed, wolves howled; bears roamed the thick woods; deer were a common sight, and wild turkeys hovered in the tree tops." It was near the birthplace and boyhood scenes of Mark Twain, and the author of "Tom Sawyer" had no need to go outside of Marion County to find the original of his "Colonel Mulberry Sellers." When William Muldrow with others, borrowed $20,000 to establish "a great college"--Marion College--on the western prairie, purchasing therewith 4,969 acres, and confidently expecting a future hay crop to reimburse the teachers, he fathered a scheme that the "colonel" might have joyfully laid out with his toothpick upon his tablecloth. To this college Rogers went,--until it died; then he attended the University at Columbia. Christian College was the first institution for the collegiate education of Protestant women to receive a charter from the Legislature of Missouri. The enterprise was largely due to the work of D. P. Henderson, minister of the Christian Church at Columbia, and Dr. Samuel Hatch and Prof. Henry H. White of Bacon College, Harrodsburg, Ky. When Jas. Shannon of Bacon College, was elected to the presidency of Missouri University, he recommended a former pupil for the presidency of the contemplated college. This pupil, John Augustus Williams, held the position from the opening of Christian College until 1856, when he resigned to establish Daughters College at Harrodsburg. It is an odd coincidence that Williams should have gone from Columbia to Harrodsburg in time to shape the educational life and ideals of Mrs. Carr, and that Mrs. Carr should, in the course of years, have come from Harrodsburg to Columbia, to act as associate principal in the college inaugurated by her favorite teacher. John Augustus Williams was succeeded at Christian College by L. B. Wilkes. During the latter's administration, J. K. Rogers from Marion County, Mo., acted as instructor; at the close of President Wilkes' second year, Rogers became the third president of the institution; a position which he occupied for nearly twenty years, and which only a fatal disease compelled him to relinquish. During his administration there were 174 graduates, and it was the difficulty of hearing from so many, that delayed the Memorial. George S. Bryant was the fourth president,--from 1877 to 1884. His successor, W. A. Oldham, had scarcely finished his first year, when the Memorial was published. The book is true to its title; it is rather a Memorial than a biography, the work of a friend, who prefers to quote such men as G. W. Longan, J. W. McGarvey, etc., rather than to substitute words of his own. And if the life of a minister who, for twenty years, occupies the same chair in a school of learning, lacks the variety which gives to biography an interest to the general reader, still less can the history of that school be offered as a work of entertainment. Something more may be said for the part edited by Mrs. Carr. Whatever lack of merit her collection of essays and poems reveals, may be charged to the paucity and immaturity of the material in her hands. It is fair to conclude that she gave us the best that the alumnae gave her; and the impression that most of it might just as well not have been preserved, is dissipated when we are told that President Rogers was anxious to have the writings of his girls published as his memorial, even if no word be said about himself. Viewed, then, not as literature, but as the fruits of his instruction, these writings, breathing the deepest piety, and revealing both learning and grace, hold their fitting place in the memorial to the Christian teacher. But it is because this Part Third reveals the mind of her who edits it, that it is of moment to our biography. In the first chapter she gives us an indication of what she regards as of the utmost value in a woman's life: "In looking over the scores of letters I have received from the Alumnae of Christian College, I find that I have written on the envelopes of about nine out of ten, the word, _Christian_; on two out of ten, the word, _teacher_; and on each without exception, the golden word, _home-worker_. In this statistical catalogue of three words, is found the grandest record of Christian College. That the life-work of its Alumnae has been chiefly confined to the church, and the school-room, and the home, is its honor and renown." Mrs. Carr thus sues for toleration of "a wrong spirit" manifested in an essay on the "South." "Though the author evinces a little bitterness, we should forgive her. She wrote at the close of our sad civil war. When she writes vigorously and touchingly of 'A Washington, a Jefferson, a Calhoun, a Clay, a Breckenridge, a Benton,' when she proudly says, 'Behold on Virginia's consecrated ground, noble Bethany College, and Virginia's magnificent University,' when she turns lovingly to 'Kentucky University, one of the proudest in the Union,' and when, in the full bound of her loyalty she clasps to her heart her 'own Missouri University,'--then indeed we forgive, and our heart rejoices with hers in a common love." Mrs. Carr thus introduces her third chapter: "If no George Eliot was found in the previous chapter, so no Elizabeth Barrett Browning will be found in this. If the reader be generous, he will find some very sweet poetic thought expressed in verse; but he will feel no deep stirrings of an angelic genius, that looks through Casa Guida window up to the very gates of heaven. He will find only the rhythmical outpourings of ambitious girlish hearts; and if he laugh at their imperfections, he will only prove that his heart is old--" Reader, let us not delve into these ambitious poems, lest we laugh and prove ourselves no longer young. Let us come away, after noting this comment on a poem entitled 'Longfellow.' "Having once met him in his poet-home," says Mrs. Carr, "having felt the warm pressure of his hand, heard the low music of his voice, looked into the clear depth of his poetic eye--having felt, in short, the benediction of his presence, I find in the following simple dirge, a peculiar charm. That the modest author so tenderly loved her nation's poet, whose song like his own flower-de-luce, shall 'make forever the world more fair and sweet,' evinces both a refined taste, and a cultured heart." Gone, now, that good white poet, to mingle in the poesy of the past; and vanished is she who felt the warm pressure of his hand, and looked into the clear depth of his poetic eye. But the world is here as when they trod it beneath its daily sun; and here are you and I. Happy are we, if we find the world more fair and sweet because of those who have breathed their influence upon it. So we lay aside this Memorial, the joint work of Mr. and Mrs. Carr, the only book they ever produced, and go on with the story of their lives--a story full of incessant work, its routine broken by some such adventures as is suggested by the following from Anthony Haynes to Mrs. Carr: "You are invited to read a paper before the State Teachers' Association which meets at Sweet Springs, March 22-24, 1886. Your cabinet is just the thing we wish to see at the Display--bring it." From Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr, June 6th--showing that Mrs. Carr has her eyes unalterably set upon the future: "There is no advertisement of phonography in the _Cincinnati Enquirer_ or the _Courier-Journal_. So you have learned the shorthand alphabet! Well, I am sure it will require a great deal of practice to report verbatim. I do want you to take a rest this summer, whether you learn phonography or not. The truth is, you ought to be resting now." But the report of the Fourth Annual Convention of the Women's Christian Temperance Union shows that Mrs. Carr was doing anything but resting. The "Irrepressible Conflict" of this year, shows her laboring sturdily for temperance. Further letters show her struggling at spare moments with shorthand. What will she do with _that_? This from Mrs. S. E. Shortridge of the C. W. B. M., suggests a new activity: "Sister Jameson was very much pleased with the card of flowers you sent her. She is very greatly improved--able to see and enjoy her friends. We had a most delightful conference with her last Sunday afternoon. Brother Azbill, Dr. and Mrs. Pearre, A. M. Atkinson and wife were there, besides the member of the board, and others. Mrs. Jameson is still confined to her bed. She sends her love and says she will write very soon. Perhaps you can get your leaflet printed at Kansas City. The C. W. B. M. will highly appreciate your kindness in the preparation of a leaflet, in the midst of your various duties and obligations. There is a growing demand for such information. I am anxiously awaiting its appearance." In the same year, O. A. Carr attended a meeting of the Alumni of Kentucky University, and in a public address, thus referred to his own graduating class: "The class of 1867 has never appeared on this rostrum since commencement day nineteen years ago. We were three then; we are two now. We were called the Trio. For nigh six years of student life we were boon companions. We shared our mutual joys, our mutual burdens bore, in a most intimate friendship. We planned our future so that our paths might often cross each other, but duty called us to labor in fields as far apart as Colorado, California, Australia. When James C. Keith, President of Pierce Christian College, California, and I were corresponding, concerning this meeting of today, our hearts cried out for the absent one--the noble, generous, gifted, brilliant valedictorian of our class. In the hearts of those who knew him, there arises, as a sweet fragrance, the memory of Albert Myles." Not long after the delivery of this tribute, Mrs. O. A. Burgess wrote to Mrs. Carr: "I was in Indianapolis a few weeks ago, and found our dear Sister Jameson better than I hoped. I had a delightful visit with her. She realizes that she is soon to leave us, but is as bright and cheerful as she ever was in her life, and her interest in the C. W. B. M. is unabated. Allow me to congratulate you on the rapid growth of the C. W. B. M. in Missouri. You certainly must have efficient workers. Your article on 'How to Organize an Auxiliary' will meet a long felt need." November 27, 1886, Mrs. Shortridge wrote: "Am sending you our amended Constitution and the December _Tidings_. In the list of Missouri officers you will notice your name as a manager. I hope you will approve. The relation between yourself as Vice President, and the Executive Committee, has been so pleasant and congenial, that we are unwilling to sever it altogether. We need your help, and will be grateful at any time for suggestions. Your leaflet, you so kindly prepared, has been most useful to me in answering the question, How to Organize; and it has been a means of encouragement to a great many timid sisters. Indeed, my dear sister, when I think how promptly you have responded to my requests for help, how your loving words of appreciation have lifted me up when almost discouraged and ready to give up the struggle,--the tears come to my eyes, and I ask God to bless you abundantly." The leaflet referred to, is by Mrs. Carr, as President of the Missouri State Board, and is addressed to "The 39,000 Missouri Sisters who wear the badge of the C. W. B. M." It is an eloquent and logical presentation of the value of organization. From Mrs. Maria Jameson, came the following, October 4, 1886: "Your loving message with the pretty card was received with heartfelt thanks to God, who has given me the love of so many warm hearts. Surely in this regard, never was woman more blessed. With humble heart I accept it as one of the ways the kind Father 'is making his grace sufficient for me.' Of course, I am thinking much of the Kansas City convention. You and I have begun an acquaintance so pleasant--you enter so readily and heartily into my views and plans--so ready to render me judicious and active assistance, that I looked forward with increased pleasure to the labor of coming years. But 'man proposes and God disposes.' I almost dare think that He wished to give me a special lesson of the absolute dependence of all my plans upon His sovereign will. When I knew beyond a doubt that I could not be present, the question rose, Who will occupy the vacant chair? One day it flashed across my mind that now we had the opportunity of making a graceful public testimonial of our respect to the woman whom the C. W. B. M. delights to honor--Mrs. Pearre, who is this year, for almost the first time, free from school duties. You, as Vice President, will open the convention's sessions with the usual exercises. Mrs. Pearre's name will be received by acclamation, and you will conduct her to the chair, and give her all the help and encouragement you would have given me, staying beside her, informing her and supporting her according to requirement. What shall I say of myself? I have through all my life received wondrous good from God; shall I not patiently receive evil, also? Pray earnestly for me, that I may cheerfully yes, joyfully, submit to His will." In 1887, O. A. Carr went to Arkansas to look about for a promising field, where he might labor in the ministry, and his wife, in her own chosen profession. He writes from Fort Smith: "I lectured last night to a moderate audience. We have a neat little frame church here. The preacher has been re-elected; 22 for, 12 against. I am sorry for him; but he is going to stick to them. He is a pleasant man, and very kind. They are remarkably hospitable here. I send you a little bouquet from the front yard. Think of violets and roses, a month ahead of the Missouri bloom! You will recognize the two large leaves; they are maple! It is now about as warm as a June day at home. I don't believe you could have any success here during the summer, in teaching elocution and phonography; for I am told that the people take holiday during the summer months, and take it very extensively--even the laboring men, because they are afraid to work much. People are dropping in here quietly, buying, and slipping out. There will probably be a rise in property after the bridge is built into the Indian Territory. Work is begun on a U. S. court room and new post office. There is tied up in this nosegay a great deal of love for my wife. I go to Alma tomorrow." (So _now_ we begin to understand what that short hand meant! There are to be no more vacations, it seems.) April 13th, Mr. Carr wrote from Fayetteville, Arkansas: "Brother Ragland tries to convince me that we ought to come here, and establish a Young Ladies' College, in connection with the University--but young ladies attend the University. He says our church has no school in Arkansas, and Fayetteville is the educational center, etc. Brother Robt. Graham started a college here in 1858 and continued it successfully until the war broke it up in 1862. His college building was burned. He had five acres, most beautiful site. His residence is standing yet. I attended the opening exercises at the University. Some of the professors remembered you; they heard your lecture at Sweet Springs. The University is upon a hill and is imposing. I could not make an arrangement for a meeting at Fort Smith, because it is cotton-planting time, and the people are very busy. After preaching at Alma two days (and receiving $6) I came here. I will stop at Springfield, Mo., tonight, and may remain over Sunday, as I am told they have no preacher. I have seen several young ladies and talked up Christian College, distributed catalogues, etc., but they object that Columbia is too far away." Mr. Carr, from Springfield, Mo., May 13th, showing that Springfield is beginning to enter largely into his life; "I preached last night on 'Quench not the Spirit,' and ended the Ash Grove meeting. The sale of the college is postponed sixty days. Sister Bander said my sermon was much needed. There now! she is a judge. They want you to send some of your tracts on 'How to Organize an Auxiliary' here, to Springfield." Mr. Carr from Paris, Ky., June 9th: "I received your good letter, and was reading it in Morrison Chapel, as I sat beside Alex. Milligan. He saw the flowers enclosed, and said, 'I thought you were over that!' I told him that was an old bachelor's idea of the matter--just as though true love would ever get over it! I told Brother McGarvey what was in your letter. It is all right; but Brother Graham asked at first, if it was wise for you to give up your work at the University. When I see you, I'll tell you about Hamilton College. I am here over night with Minnie Fox. John is home from New York on a visit. We talked so late last night that I could scarcely get up this morning! Saw Brother Grubbs at Lexington. Monday I take the boat for Cincinnati, and expect to be in St. Louis at the Union Depot, Tuesday morning next. I had a fine sleep on the _St. Lawrence_, and didn't wake up till the boat whistled for Maysville. I hurried up and found mother busy skimming milk. She can not walk far; her ankle seems to be ossifying. She is all the while anxious about the children for whom she has worn out her strength. If I had not engaged at Springfield, I might have gone to Mt. Sterling or Louisville. I don't know but what Springfield is as good a place for regular employment as the other places. The idea is to be content, and do the work well. I want you to have a year's good rest. Now is your time to rest. Get the good out of old Jeff. Make him flutter around. I think he had better be sold to some one in Columbia where he is known. Minnie Fox is a fine girl. She says she would love to be with you in Springfield. John is home now for vacation, but is going to the coal mines in Southern Kentucky" (where his fancy is one day to follow the trail of the Lonesome Pine, and discover a little shepherd herding the sheep in "Kingdom Come.") "He says he would like to be one of the Assistants at the University. I told him you are going to rest, and he wants to know whether there would be a chance for him to get in. He could bring testimonials--his Harvard diploma would be something. If you think well of it, you could present his name. He took the honors at Harvard, and has been tutoring in New York ever since. He is a teacher by education and by nature. Do as you think best about it." From the foregoing it is clear that Mrs. Carr has definitely decided to relinquish her post of service at the University of Missouri. That she needed rest, there can be no doubt. That she needed undivided time in which to mature plans for her future college, against the day of opportunity, is equally certain. At Springfield, Missouri, Mr. Carr entered upon a three year's service. As soon as Mrs. Carr could sever her connections with the University, she joined him. Her work for the C. W. B. M. still continued. We find her delivering addresses, arranging programs, and lecturing. Mrs. Jameson, Mrs. Pearre, Mrs. Shortridge, etc., continue to write her for wise counsel, in grave times of anxious consideration--for instance, when the Constitution was altered, when plans were on foot to make the _Tidings_ a stronger magazine, etc. When Mrs. Carr ceased to hold an official position under the C. W. B. M. the appeals to her for advice and help came just as frequently as when she was President of the State Board. Her work in the W. C. T. U. was also unabated, and during 1888, she took an active part in the prohibition candidacy of John A. Brooks for the governorship. A letter from E. C. Browning requests Mrs. Carr to do the C. W. B. M. work of Mrs. Browning, whom ill-health prevents from performing her duties as manager in Southern Missouri. She is also engaged in lecturing on her tour of the world, taking opportunity as she goes from city to city, to investigate the prospects for a new college. In the _Nevada Daily Democrat_ of October 11th, we find this estimate of Mrs. Carr as a public lecturer: "The lady reads her lecture from manuscript, and has a very plain, clear voice which can be distinctly heard all over the room. Her diction is fine. She is, indeed, a pleasant reader, almost perfect in her pronunciation and emphasis." CHAPTER XVII. ACHIEVING ONE'S IDEAL. The six years following Mrs. Carr's connection with the University of the State of Missouri, might be characterized as the time of preparation, struggle and victory; preparation in the definite formulation of plans for her last educational experience; struggle to find the suitable place and the requisite means for the establishment of her college, and the victory of final achievement. This period extends from 1888 to 1894. As we have seen, it was Mr. Carr's earnest desire for his wife to take a long rest, on his acceptance of the church at Springfield; and no attentive reader of Mrs. Carr's life can doubt the need of rest at this time--a rest which, in her case, meant keeping house--the every-day work of many women. While she rests, this biography may also rest, in the respect of dealing with events, since the occurrences in the simple life are most enjoyed in proportion as they make dull reading, and the days at Springfield were happy days. To illustrate Mrs. Carr's force of character it may be related that one day when her finger was cut off, she found the dismembered part in the folding door, quickly fastened the end back in place, and held it there till help could be summoned. A brief note from the Ladies Aid Society of Sheldon, Missouri, asking if Mrs. Carr can come to deliver a lecture in their interests, must be taken as an example of countless others of a similar nature. The following statement from the President of the Missouri University, fitly serves as a transition from former experiences, to the new phase of Mrs. Carr's career. It is addressed to her: "During my administration of the Missouri University for thirteen years, you occupied faithfully and efficiently and acceptably the position of Lady Principal, for eight or ten years. This position you resigned of your own choice. It was not done at the advice, or the instance, of either the Board or the President of the institution. You had always done considerable teaching, as well as serving as Principal, and it was always my understanding that it was not your pleasure to hold the position apart from teaching; and as the care had so grown as to make that overburdensome, when you withdrew, a successor was appointed who has never done any teaching. As a matter of fact, when you resigned, I did not fully understand your reason for doing so. Allow me to express my appreciation for your great worth as an educator, and to assure you of my earnest hope that your enterprise at Sherman will more than realize your purposes and expectations." This letter from Dr. S. S. Laws was written in 1891, which brings us rather prematurely to the subject of "Sherman." The reader will find that in the course of events, all interests will presently center in that Texas city; but, as we have said, Mrs. Carr is now resting (1888-9) and the biography, as a chronicle of events, rests with her. But while household cares engage her time, her mind is ever active with that great idea of her life which has attended her since childhood days, and which we are, in the course of time, to find bringing her to the highest fulfillment of her powers. We have seen how that tireless nature has fought its way from battlefield to battlefield, ever progressing in its educational career. It is not clearly defined to her judgment how, or where, she is to take the final stand in her work of improving the greatest number of girls in the most effective way, yet, by following the clews given in the following letters, we may trace out her course to its final destination. But if Mrs. Carr has temporarily entered into what we may call--as distinguished from other years--her period of rest, the following clipping from a newspaper dated, May, 1889, will indicate that Mr. Carr has been far otherwise engaged: "Sunday night, O. A. Carr stated to his congregation that he had a secret of several months' standing which he was agonizing to disclose. The long cherished hope of his congregation, and indeed of the North Town disciples was about to be realized--the erection of a church building in North Springfield. He said the money is already raised and the building will begin as soon as specifications are determined upon. He stated that the disciples of Christ with whom he had been meeting in the Good Templars' Hall, for nearly two years, would begin, next Sunday, regular church work preparatory to entering their new church home in the near future. With the dawning light of the permanent prosperity of the church of North Springfield filling their hearts, the congregation was dismissed, and the scene of rejoicing that followed cannot be described." Mrs. Carr in commenting upon this news, adds, "North Springfield has a population of about 10,000, and a struggling little band of Christians have been praying and working for the above happy consummation, for years." This brief news-item reveals, to those who have built churches, years of labor, anxiety, and suffering. In the meantime, the quest for a suitable college opening is never relinquished. Now that the church is built, one is freer to look about. Mr. Carr, having served three years at Springfield, Mo., is invited to come to Arkansas and examine the field. "The brethren will help support and establish a college here," writes G. W. Hudspeth. "I would like to have it at Little Rock, but do not know that she would offer as much encouragement as a smaller town with no college. I have about 400 lots in a railroad town of which I will give sufficient grounds for a college building; and allow the other lots sold, and donate one-third of the proceeds to the support of the college." In December of the same year--1890--Mr. Carr writes from Bates City to Mrs. Carr: "It seems to me that the Sherman proposition is the best that has been made you, and I want you to see your way clear, and at the same time I want you to act on your own judgment. You say you will accept the terms, if they suit. I hope you will have some word of cheer to send before long. Do not be gloomy and downcast." A few days after, the following from J. W. McGarvey is written to Mr. Carr, showing that the terms of Sherman were far from persuasive: "Your letter surprises me, for I thought that you and Sister Carr had already moved to Sherman, Texas, and were at work there. The Broadway Church has engaged Brother Bartholomew to preach one year, and superintend the erection of a new house of worship, after which he returns to St. Louis to build a new house there. I hope the school at Sherman has not gone amiss, and that it will not be affected by the college boom at Dallas." Mrs. Carr, in explaining why Sherman was chosen as the site for her important venture, wrote: "After a long and arduous term of labor as Adjunct Professor and Principal of the Ladies Department in Missouri State University my nervous system broke down, and I am compelled to suspend my work. Mr. Carr accepted a call to preach at Springfield, Mo., believing the altitude would conduce to the restoration of my health. Breathing the ozone of the Ozarks, I was soon a new creature, and I determined to resume my professional labors. The thought, like an inspiration, came to me, 'Build a college for girls, consecrate your life to it, and _leave it as a bequest to the Church_.' I told Mr. Carr of my heart's desire, and after prayerful consideration, we resolved to devote our united lives to the work. I visited a number of towns and cities in Missouri, Tennessee and Kentucky, seeking a suitable location. After I had spent a year thus, Mr. Carr went to Sherman, Texas, to conduct a series of meetings, and some of the prominent citizens, having learned what we purposed, expressed a desire to have the college located at Sherman. A proposition was submitted, which Mr. Carr forwarded me at Springfield, advising me to come and look into the matter. I came, amused at the idea of locating our life-work in Texas; but I was then ignorant of her marvelous developments, and of her still more marvelous undeveloped resources. I visited a number of her splendid towns, and ascertained that in the wide territory of the State, the Church of Christ owned no college exclusively for girls." It would be a brief story to say that Sherman was finally selected and the college built there; but how, in that case, could the reader gain a knowledge of the almost insuperable difficulties overcome? It is by such a knowledge that we gain the clearest view of Mrs. Carr's character. She was, no doubt, often despondent, but she never relinquished her determination; nor did her zeal cause her to act too hastily. Although Sherman now appeared desirable, no stone must be left unturned to discover if there were towns more promising. January 18, 1891, we find President J. W. Ellis writing from Plattsburg College, Missouri, to Mr. Carr: "I wrote you a hasty note on receipt of your last. If you had carried the letter a little longer in your pocket, you might have weakened it so it might not have got here! In regard to Sister Carr's quest--Plattsburg College is now prosperous and has been for eleven years. I would be willing to sell it at a nominal price, to get rest from the long-continued service of a teacher and his wife. I see no reason why Sister Carr could not continue the flourishing condition of the school. Campus, four acres, unencumbered, non-taxable." February 12, 1891, Wm. Frazier wrote Mr. Carr from Calusa, California: "At the suggestion of Brethren J. C. Keith and W. P. Dorsey, I address you this note to say: For some 14 years, Brother Keith has been President of Pierce Christian College; lately he sent in his resignation; we will have to supply his place. I feel at liberty to ask if you will be open for engagement next session, beginning September 1st. I am President of the Board of Trustees, and the Board looks to me to attend to these matters. The church at College City will be without a preacher in June; so the President of the college will most likely be called to preach for the church. I ought to have said that Brother Keith's health has been poor for three years, and his physicians advise a change and rest." O. A. Carr, in forwarding this letter to his wife, adds, "The above received to-day. I answered by saying, 'Send on your proposition, I will consider it.' Why not get an appointment to lecture at Galveston? You could easily run down there from Sherman, and see the place." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr, March 2nd: "I have just written to Brother Keith in full asking all the questions you suggested, and several besides. I told him we would come, and I could begin preaching for the church right away. I asked him to send you a catalogue at Sherman. It may be that the California plan is better than the Texas one. I have but one objection, which I waive for your sake--I will be so far away from my kin, and the friends of early days. Besides, you know I prefer preaching to teaching; but I suppose I could do both at College City, after a fashion. So Brother Capp is to be at Springfield! Well, I would rather have him succeed me than any one else, for the good of the church. Address me at Omaha." L. B. Wilkes, at Stockton, California, to O. A. Carr: "I wrote to Brother Frazier. The place at College City is yours, it seems, if you want it. You had better have them as a _Board_, send an official letter, saying just what terms they mean to propose. If there's anything I can do, I am ready." Wm. Frazier to L. B. Wilkes, March 16th: "I have written to Sister Carr, making Brother Carr an offer to take our college, and am now anxiously awaiting an answer. What a grand service you could be to us, Brother Wilkes, if you could write to Brother Carr and induce him to come and see our college." Instead of quoting further, the Pierce College incident may be summed up as follows: The Executive Board called Mr. and Mrs. Carr to Pierce Christian College of California. The call was accepted. Mrs. Carr gave up the Sherman idea; all property at their death was to go to Pierce Christian College; an accident policy in favor of the college was arranged. She accordingly wired to College City that she would be there by the 30th; sold the ponies and carriage and the household goods at a sacrifice of about $1,000 (Mr. Carr was then in Nebraska), and was in due time joined by her husband. The ticket agent secured their tickets. They were on the eve of departure when a message from the President of the Board called off the agreement. Opposition had arisen on the grounds that Mr. Carr did not, in some of his opinions, accord with all of those on the Board. Mr. Carr, under the blow of this disappointment, wrote to Mr. Frazier as follows: "Your reasons for withdrawing your offer are as great a surprise to me as was the telegram announcing the fact. I stand where Brothers Wilkes, Keith, Graham, McGarvey and Grubbs stand. I emphatically encourage and practice progression heavenward. I will not desert the cause of Christ for the fashion of the giddy world. Having no children, Mrs. Carr has been planning for several years to locate in a college which, at my death, would receive our money. We had decided upon Pierce Christian College. I tell you this that you may know how completely you have upset our plans." The foregoing is introduced into this biography merely by way of illustrating the difficulties with which the Carrs were forced to contend, before the final victory. Thus is the California incident closed. The Carrs once more find themselves beset by uncertainties. Mr. Carr writes to their Springfield friend, Mrs. Weaver, showing how one pauses irresolutely before various openings: "I have been preaching at Council Bluffs, of late. I haven't yet decided where I shall labor. I am waiting to hear from different points, and then we'll go somewhere. President J. W. Ellis of Plattsburg, Mo., offers us his college. I don't know about it. There is no offer so good as Sherman, I think. Tell Miss Kate to write to me in shorthand if she likes. I leave the other side of this sheet for Mattie to say her say." Mrs. Carr adds: "It is good of you to say my room is waiting for me. I shall never forget your kindness, coming just when it was most needed. I do try to be cheerful and hopeful. We have the comfort that we have tried all along to do our duty, to the best of our ability. I believe the Lord has a bright day in store for us, by and by, if we will only be patient and stand for the right." June 23rd, F. W. Smith wrote to Mrs. Carr answering her questions regarding the Tennessee Female College at Franklin. He hesitates to advise her to accept it, but believes she could make of it a success, and assures her of his hearty support should she undertake the work there. About the same time, W. J. Loos writes to Mr. Carr from Louisville: "We have your article from the _Guide_; had just received a note from Mrs. Carr covering the same ground. I will keep an eye on the field, and if I see any favorable opening, will let you know. I think you ought to appear more frequently in the _Guide_." In 1891, the Carrs are thinking of going to Kentucky with their enterprise. In September, Mr. Carr writes to Mrs. Carr from "Brother McGarvey's study": "Brother Bartholomew says he will prepare you a prospective so that a cut can be made from it, of the college building, if you will give him the idea as to size, etc., and that it can be done in three or four days. For his work, he will charge nothing, but he will have to pay the man who does the drawing for the cut, and the cut will cost about $15." Tentative diagrams at this time, show that Mrs. Carr was making her own designs, arranging the rooms of her college--wherever it was to be--to suit her own ideas. It is no easy matter to make the cut of our college before there is any college. Still it must be done, to bring the scheme tangibly before the public, and one's imagination must become fixed in steel. September 9th, Mrs. Carr writes Mrs. Weaver from Omaha: "I hope to be with you next week. I shall be in Springfield only a few days, I presume. Then I shall go on to Sherman, to begin the College enterprise. My love to Tillie." (Tillie was Mrs. Weaver's little daughter.) "Tell the dear child to have a dozen kisses ready for me." Affairs seem to be crystalizing in and about Sherman, Texas. A site is provisionally chosen for the proposed college, "on a beautiful elevation," says Mrs. Carr, "in her eastern suburb, overlooking an immense circuit of country, as charming as the bluegrass region of our native State." A mass meeting of the citizens of Sherman was called, which Mrs. Carr addresses in the interests of the enterprise. The arguments she produces appear to cover all the ground in sight, and all probable contingencies of the future. She says: "If another girls college be established in Sherman, it will bring among you many more girls. They, in boarding-school vocabulary, will 'get awful hungry,' and must be fed. Our grocers will have to order a large supply of boarding-school staples, and our meat markets will have to multiply their sirloin roasts and porterhouse steaks. These girls will have boxes of roast turkey and French candies smuggled to them by sympathetic mamas, and nature in her mercy, will send a wave of nausea, and a cry will go up for our Homeopathic M. D. with his pleasant little pills, or for our old school dignified Regular with his calomel and quinine, or for our cautious Eclectic with his 'best' from all schools, and each will add to his list of patients, and our druggists will multiply their prescriptions, and their profits. These girls will delight in pretty dresses and becoming hats--." And so the dry goods stores will have their innings, and the milliners. Hope is next held out to the bookstores, the music supply companies, the opera house, the street car lines, etc. Perhaps it is not so apparent what advantage the new college may be to those institutions already established in the city. But Mrs. Carr promptly takes up this point, and elucidates it with faultless logic: "For example, Miss Smith, who is a member of the Christian Church, comes from Galveston, and attends the Christian College of Sherman. She is pleased with the school and delighted with our town. When she returns home, at the close of her session she tells her intimate Baptist friend, Miss Jones, and her intimate Methodist friend, Miss Brown, what a delightful place Sherman is, and how 'jolly' it would be for all to go to school in the same town, etc. What is the result? The following September Sherman Institute opens its doors to Miss Jones, and North Texas Female College welcomes Miss Brown. But that is not all. Miss Jones of Galveston has a brother who must be sent to college, and, with the true impulse of an affectionate sister, she says, 'Oh, brother Jimmie, get papa to send you to Austin College, or Mahan's Commercial College; and you can come to see me every Saturday.' Therefore, all the Baptists and Methodists of Sherman ought to encourage our enterprise to the extent of their financial ability." Mrs. Carr proceeds to point out how the building of her college will give employment to carpenters, brick masons, carters, etc., how it will help fill the purses of the dealers in hardware and furniture, and carpets, and coal, etc., until most of the industries known to man are shown to be directly concerned. "What I have said has been chiefly from a financial standpoint," she concludes, "but I know you love Sherman for Sherman's sake, and glory in her educational and religious progress. I believe you have the gallant Southern pride, and the intensely earnest desire for the education of women, to prompt at least one hundred and fifty of you to contribute to this enterprise at least $200 each, especially when you get in return a good-sized lot in one of the most beautiful suburbs of one of Texas' most beautiful cities." So the success of the enterprise is to depend, it seems, upon the sale of college-lots--an old story, and usually, a sad one! We shall see how it succeeds in this instance. In the meantime, Mrs. A. M. Laws, wife of the President of Missouri University, writes to Mrs. Carr, January 16, 1892: "I am glad you feel so much encouragement in your new enterprise. If there is such a thing as a fire-proof building, you ought to build fire-proof. I suppose you have heard of the calamity that has befallen our University. It is all in ruins. Last Saturday night a fire destroyed the entire building with its contents. Only the museum specimens, and law library, were saved, and not all of that. But already steps have been taken to rebuild and on a grander scale than before. In the meantime the classes are meeting in various places, all over town. All the portraits and statuary are gone to ashes. Mr. Laws' large oil portrait, and two other crayon portraits of him in the society halls, and one of myself, are destroyed. We will be glad to hear of your success in the new enterprise. Mr. Laws joins me in love and best wishes for a new year." At last, O. A. Carr comes back from holding meetings in Kentucky, and joins his wife at Sherman. Mrs. Carr, on February 2nd, writes to her Springfield friend, Mrs. Weaver: "I need not attempt to tell you how happy I am to be with my husband once more. He says it is almost like being married over. Nothing but the good work we are trying to accomplish could have persuaded me to stay away from him so long. I have been hard at work all winter, and have got the College enterprise into good shape, and it bids fair to be a splendid success. If we can only stem the tide of our financial troubles a year longer, I think we shall be safe. We think we can get the college in operation by September, 1893. If Brother Porterfield will keep our house until then, or sell it for us, or if we can get the Omaha property off at half-cost price, we will be safe. I believe the Lord will put it into the hearts of our friends to stand by us. When the college is up, we shall be able to return their kindness tenfold. How happy we shall be, when the college is built, and we have you and our dear little Tillie with us every winter! Pray without ceasing, dear Sister Weaver, that the college may be built, for we are so anxious to do a good work, and we want to _work together_, the remainder of our lives. The Reid case at Omaha will retard the college enterprise, for I will have to go there in April; but we trust in the Lord, since the work we are doing is for His Cause, and we believe He will give us success in His own good time. "We shall be hard pressed, for we are borrowing money, and indeed will be borrowing until the college is up, but after that, we hope to have plenty to live on and give to the Lord. Mr. Carr and I have keenly felt our financial embarrassment, but remember we have told no one but you just how great is that embarrassment; keep it locked up in your own heart. Keep your health and strength for Tillie. She is the special charge God has given you. Keep your energy for her. Is she taking music lessons--or do you think she is still too young? Bless her heart! how I wish I could kiss her this minute! Tell Brother Capp to bring you each _Homiletic Review_, after he has read it." About this time, J. W. McGarvey, President of the Bible College of Kentucky University, wrote: "It gives me great pleasure to learn that Brother and Sister Carr have undertaken, in connection with the brethren of Sherman, to establish a female college of high grade in that city. Their removal to Texas will not only promote the educational interests of that State,--for which work, Sister Carr has eminent qualifications and experience,--but it will add very materially to its evangelizing force. Brother Carr has had a great deal of successful experience as an evangelist, and his skill in organizing churches for effective work is not inferior to his presentation of the Gospel. I wish them abundant success in their undertakings, not for their own sakes merely, but for the sake of the cause of truth." Mrs. Carr's reference to money stringency may be explained by the fact that the payment of college lots did not fall due until the college building was actually begun. As our story advances, the reader must imagine the hundreds of attempts to find buyers for the lots, the hundreds of rebuffs, excuses, refusals, which cannot find place in this work, lest it sink under melancholy monotony. April 4th, Mrs. Carr wrote from Farmington, Texas, "I don't want to write to you, I want to talk to you, face to face. Tell little Tillie to help you pray for our success in the college enterprise. Sherman takes 150 lots; and if we can sell 100 additional outside of Sherman; the thing is a success. May our Heavenly Father be with us, and speed the work of our hearts. If our Springfield property could be sold, it would be such a help. Tell Brother Capp if he can sell ten lots for us, we will thoroughly educate one of his daughters, board and all, free of charge. Several preachers here, and one in Kentucky, have undertaken this, and I believe they will succeed. If he will undertake this, let me know at once, and I will send him map of lots, picture of building, and all necessary information." To this letter Mr. Carr adds a postscript: "We are in Grayson County, in the interests of the college. Mattie has lain down to read, after we had a talk about you, of the time which we hope will come, when, the college built, we shall have a home, and you and Tillie with us in the Sunny South. I had a visit from Brother J. D. McClure and his son-in-law from Iowa--where I had a vacation on leaving Springfield. I wish you could know these people. They are the right kind. He wrote before coming, 'I shall be as proud to see you as if you were my own brother.' You may be sure I was proud to see these true men and to introduce them to Mattie. They are booked for five lots in the college enterprise. Remember our address is Sherman, Texas, and letters will be forwarded us, wherever we may be." On October 10th, the following from the Sherman Soliciting Committee to Mrs. Carr, suggests some of her difficulties: "After a full discussion of the matter, the Soliciting Committee decides that it would be inopportune to try to sell the remainder of the College Park lots. It is thought best to defer this until after the November election; and, in fact, the opinion prevails among the majority of the Committee that it would be better, if possible, for you to finish selling your 100 lots, return to Sherman, report that you have carried out your part of the agreement, and that if Sherman does not come up to her part of the agreement, that you will proceed to go elsewhere with the college." Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr, January 13, 1893: "What a surprise to receive your card announcing that you are in Kansas City and will go to Springfield before returning to Sherman! Still it's all right, if you can sell the lots. I have had a fearful time, I sold only three at Clarksville. We will have to take off the names of ---- and ----, who say they cannot take their lots! All in all, I have sold 90 lots. Dear me! I have done my best, and have lost a great deal of time--rain and mud. I think we can close it up in about two weeks when you come. Sell all the lots you can, but do not delay, do not waste time. I don't believe any lots could be sold in Paris or Bonham. I tried faithfully. Joshua Burdette, son of Geo. Burdette of Clarksville, Texas, lives at Eufaula, Indian Territory. He is a member of the church and is making money; you might sell him a lot. Tell those Springfield preachers Jimmie Pinkerton" (son of our old favorite professor and doctor) "and John Hardin and Tom Capp, I say for them to put their names on your list for a lot each." In short, one thinks of little but lots, these days; one dreams of lots; one writes always, speaks always, of lots. People must learn that these lots are for sale, they must be persuaded that the purchase of them is for individual good, for educational enlargement, for the advancement of spiritual interests. The Carrs believe all this. Will others believe? Fortunately others are found to enter heartily into the project.[18] But, as one might naturally expect, there is great opposition, which one always finds as the shadow to bright deeds. It would seem that no light can shine in the world without casting the shadow of opposing forces upon the ground. There are some who treat the Carrs with rude incivility; will buy no lots, and will, if possible, persuade others from buying. On one occasion, Mrs. Carr was obliged to walk to the station from a distant farm-house--do you know those muddy Texas roads in the "Black Lands?"--because the farmer is opposed to buying the college lots; he watches her grimly as she makes her way along the difficult road, with no intention of offering his horses. We have before us letters written to Mrs. Carr by members of the church in good fellowship--men of recognized standing in their communities, and who, without doubt believe themselves to be excellent Christians. But alas! these letters, in refusing to buy the college lots, are not, as it would appear, the letters of gentlemen, so we must pass them by. These were in truth times of pressing need. Mrs. Carr often found it best to walk that she might save the expense of a cab. The Carrs had just suffered a loss of $12,000 in property at Omaha. Often Mr. Carr was obliged to go hungry in his expeditions of lot-selling, and on his way to hold meetings. There were taxes to be paid on vacant property, interest to be found that borrowed money demanded, while traveling expenses were necessarily large. "Will you please tell me where I can get a meal for twenty-five cents?" Mr. Carr inquired of a stranger in a town whither he had gone to lecture. The man indicated a restaurant. Mr. Carr went away, but soon returned to the stranger, saying, "Will you be so kind as to tell me where I could get the quarter?" "Yes," was the glum response; "at the bank." "And," said Mr. Carr, when referring to the incident, with a twinkle in his gray eye, "he wouldn't even promise to come to hear me lecture." In the meantime Mrs. Carr was also traveling, in the prospects of her future college. "Wherever she went," one writes, "she carried good cheer and a blessing to that home. There she would give instruction, impart advice, there she would help with the sewing, and, with pleasure, would teach and care for the children." But the thought that she should be thus financially embarrassed and placed in a dependent position, was most distressing to Mr. Carr. Yet there was no help for it, until the lots should have been sold. We do not dwell upon these days of heartache and suffering, to inspire remorse in the breast of anyone who offered obstacles to the great enterprise. We would, instead, pay a tribute to those who gave a welcome; who cheered up the way; who, instead of doubting the outcome, hoped for the best; who, instead of waiting for ultimate success, helped in time of need. It is he who smiles at his open door, who joins his song to that of the singer along life's highroad, and reaches out his hand to help, and waves to the departing traveler his confidence of victory,--he it is, who finds the world growing better. For the world is always growing better for him who makes it better for others. Those who helped the Carrs with friendship, and with a participation in their college-plans, cannot be named in this book; but we should like to think that those still living might read these lines, and each take them to himself. January 30, 1893, Mr. and Mrs. Carr issued this typewritten manifesto to subscribers for lots: "When you purchased one of the Christian College lots, we promised you that you would not be called on for the first payment before September, 1892. Because of Mrs. Carr's protracted suspension of the work, on account of sickness, the sale of lots has been, of course, retarded. We shall be ready, however, for the distribution of lots by March 1st, 1893, and write to you at this early date, that you may have ample time to arrange for making at that date the FIRST PAYMENT ($100). Please make your draft of $100 payable to Hon. T. J. Brown and Judge H. O. Head, Trustees, Sherman, Texas, who will make you a deed to your lot. If you desire to pay all cash, and it will be best of course, if you can, send the draft for $200 (the full amount) payable to the said Trustees. We shall begin the college building by the middle of next March, and open the first session in September, 1893." But if the reader supposes that all now glides smoothly forward, let him read this of May 20th: "The distribution of the Christian College lots has been unavoidably postponed until the first of July next, when it WILL POSITIVELY TAKE PLACE in the court house in Sherman, Texas, at 2 o'clock p. m. O. A. CARR, M. F. CARR." At last the ground is broken for the foundation of the college building, and Mrs. Carr proudly walks behind the plow, and guides it in the making of one long furrow. Can you not see her marching thus, grasping the handles with all her strength, her eyes aglow with the realization that she is digging deeper than a foundation of stone? O. A. Bartholomew is called upon to undertake the construction of the building, July 27th. He shows hesitation and remarks--while our heads nod mechanically, _Ah, how true!_ "I do not know what to say. The churches for which I have made the completest plans, have found the most fault. Especially, if I did not charge them much!" And we who have never built churches, yet feel like crying, Ah, yes, how true! Let us pass over the months of sleepless nights, of anxious days. There was one matter that brought great hindrance to the scheme. It was currently reported that the college was merely a private enterprise of the Carrs, like any other private school; and the Carrs would reap all its advantages and profits: and that the claim that it was deeded to the church was a specious pretense made in order to induce people to buy lots. These charges were made, not by the enemies of education and Christianity, not by unfriendly denominations, but by the members of the Christian church; in other words, by the very body to whom the college was deeded, to be theirs forever. This accusation had its staunch adherents, men who for years were ready to argue warmly, if not dispassionately, in its support. The fact that it could have been disproved by simply glancing at the records, seems to have lessened none of its force. It wrought much delay in selling the lots, and, after the college was built, it served to lessen the attendance. Carr-Burdette College was, indeed, a free and loving gift,--given, one might almost say, in spite of the reluctance of the beneficiary, and held in his possession while he disclaimed its ownership. It is not our wish to lessen the patient helpfulness of many of the members of the church. Had the Carrs worked themselves to death they could not have disposed of the lots, had not people been found to buy them. People there were found, as we have seen, who co-operated with the Carrs to the extent of their ability, and many of these were among the most illustrious of the Texan brotherhood. But for years, one might find at a general convention, the spirit of suspicion and hostility to Carr-Burdette College--as "Christian College" was finally named, and, at important committee meetings, it would be plainly declared that the college was a private enterprise and did not belong to the church. But we will never get our college up at this rate. Let us pass on to the winter of 1893, which takes O. A. Carr once more to Kentucky. Who would ever have thought that the Kentucky boy of May's Lick, chalking his problems on his father's barn-door, would, at a later day, be going up and down his native State, selling college lots, and looking out for prospective pupils of his own? These pupils are for next year. The day for laying the corner-stone of the college, is to dawn while Mr. Carr is far away from Sherman. On December 26th, Mrs. Carr writes to him: "I hope you will have a happy time with your kindred. I am very lonely without you; but it must be thus, until those twenty lots are sold. Necessity is a stern tyrant. But we have borne thus far, and we can bear a little longer. How happy we'll be, when we can be at home together all the time! The corner-stone will be laid New Year's Day at 3 p. m. I am dispatching you tonight to have your message in your own hand writing, to be read on the occasion, and it will be deposited in the bowl of the corner-stone. It is too bad you can't be here. This sacrifice should make a heart-appealing chapter in my book. Have your speech here without fail, in your own hand writing. Your message in your letter to me is beautiful, and I'll read that if necessary, but there are other things in that letter I don't want to go into the corner-stone. Suppose you send a dispatch, for fear your speech will not come in time. Do this at once. I send this to Maysville, and a copy to Carmel. A merry Christmas to all! How I wish I were with you!" As to the "book" referred to, that, of course, is the "History of Carr-Burdette College;" the book which Mrs. Carr intends to write--after the college is built, of course; a book which will tell of almost superhuman struggles, of cruel sacrifices and, thank God! of words of love and cheer, and of final peace "in our home, where we shall live together." But the book was never written. Here and there among groups of old letters we find a document superscribed "Important," or, "For the Book"--and we know Mrs. Carr wrote that, with her mind upon some future day, when she would have time--time in her old age, the heat of battle dying away, and the calm of memory softening the past--a time that never came, else _this_ book would have had no being. January 10, 1894, Mr. Carr to Mrs. Carr: "I go to hold a meeting at Vanceburg, Kentucky. I am sorry I could not be at Sherman when the corner-stone was laid. Of course, it was laid right side up, with care; and as my wife is to see to it, I'm sure it will be well done. But it is too bad that I have to be away, causing you to work yourself down, and get sick. I am devoutly thankful to Sister Hildebrand for her care of you. Tell her she shall have her reward, by and by! I suppose the corner-stone was laid on the 7th--" sickness having made New Year's Day impossible. "I do hope you will excuse me for not sending a message worthy of the occasion. I wonder what you did with my poetry? If you planted it in the rock, I will have to get up something else for your Book. Look here! What did you think of that poetry? Perhaps there has been another delay of corner-stone ceremonies,--pshaw! if I could get into the spirit of it, I could write something, but I am so unsettled and so put out from not doing anything, that I can scarcely write a letter, to say nothing of writing what is to be left as a monument!" The following, from Mr. Carr, January 24th, is a fitting trumpet-note with which to close the discords and harmonies of the college-overture: "I received a paper to-day--Picture of college is fine. Hurrah! Your address is grand--Just the thing! You are doing fine work." [18] Their names are in those "Envelopes" at the College inscribed "for my book" and Mrs. Carr intended to honor them thus; memory of them and incidents she often recalled; and she praised them always. CHAPTER XVIII. That was, without a doubt, the proudest day in Mrs. Carr's life when she faced the expectant multitude, on the day of the corner-stone ceremonies, and told in simple words, the story of her striving and achievement. It was, in truth, the day most significant in her history. She could cast her eyes over that plowed field, and in fancy see rising before her, the outlines of the college which she had designed as her monument. The money was all raised; never was Carr-Burdette to rest under the shadow of mortgage, or suspend payments. Fresh in the minds of her audience were many instances of plans for the selling of lots to erect college buildings,--plans that had resulted in forced sales, spasmodic flickerings of uncertain life, and humiliating defeat. She and her husband had accomplished what well-organized boards and influential committees with fleet financial agents, had not been able to consummate. They had accomplished this, not because Texas felt a great educational want,--a vacuum in the intellectual thermometer,--but in spite of the fact that many Texans believed they had schools a-plenty. This they had accomplished, although misunderstood and misrepresented by different factions; although it was persistently denied that the property belonged to the church; and although the State papers, on more than one occasion, refused to print an advertisement of the enterprise. Mrs. Carr did not rehearse these difficulties, save in general and mild terms. A record of her sad experiences was placed by her own hand in the dark recess of the corner-stone; but we, who are unable to hide our record in so sacred a receptacle, must be content to lay it before the public eye, with all good-will, and, we trust, all fairness. In her address, that January day of 1894, Mrs. Carr said: "To sell 250 lots at $200 each and to collect the money, was the work to be accomplished in order to secure the college--a work that demanded enormous courage and indomitable will power and persistence. We struck out the word "fail," and all its derivatives from our vocabulary, and addressed ourselves to the task. We traveled in five different States; and, amid the distraction of the most intense political excitement and under the pressure of the severest financial crisis the country has ever experienced since 1873, we completed the sale of the lots after nearly two long years of labor, worry and anxiety inexpressible. The way has been long and hard, but you have been kind to us and God has been with us. The corner-stone of our life-work is laid to-day; we behold the consummation of our heart's desire, and we feel generous towards all and profoundly grateful to our Heavenly Father for the many and devoted friends that He has given us to cheer us by their kind words and deeds when our burden seemed ofttimes greater than we could bear. The sacrifice that we have made and the trials and humiliations that we have endured are too sacred to be told, even in this paper that shall be hid in the silence and darkness of the corner-stone, whose peace the cyclonic onrush of the Twentieth Century may never disturb. They are known only to our own hearts and to God. But we count them all joy and would endure tenfold more if need be, because we believe that for the Christian girls who shall be educated here from generation to generation there shall work out a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. We are building, not for ourselves, but for coming generations of girls. This thought has been from the beginning our inspiration and our strength; and it is useless to say that to donate this college to the Church of Christ in Texas for the education of the daughters of the South is the supremest happiness of our united lives. It is the child of our adoption, and to its interests we consecrate the best energies of our remaining years. Of all the glad New Years this is to me the gladdest. The only thing that disturbs the fitness and happiness of the hour is the unavoidable absence in Kentucky of my husband, who has labored so long and so faithfully under circumstances the most painful to "humor his wife (as he expresses it) in helping her to bring to a successful issue the pet scheme of her life." But a gladder time is yet before us--the Jubilee Opening next September, 1894, of the completed college--when it shall be lighted by the faces of happy girls, and when Mr. Carr will participate in person as well as in spirit, and nothing will be lacking to perfect our joy in the crowning work of our lives. And best of all, the years of blessed work that shall follow! Oh, I pray that our Heavenly Father may give us health and strength, and length of days, and that the fruits of our labors may be abundant; so 'That when our summons comes to join The innumerable caravan that moves To that mysterious realm where each shall take His chamber in the silent halls of death, We go, not like the quarry-slave at night, Scourged to his dungeon; but, sustained and soothed By an unfaltering trust, approach our grave Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch About him and lies down to pleasant dreams.'" But was the work now ended? It was only about to begin; all else had been preparation. But how different to work in uncertainty, and to work in confidence! There were the catalogues to be thought of, and notices in the papers to be judiciously given out, and furniture to be bought, and trees, and shrubbery, and pianos, and charts, and all things else needful to college life. Above all, there is the building itself to be erected. And, of course, many who have subscribed for lots do not want to pay for them, when paytime comes due,--and are indignant at being held to their bond, and say bitter things, and spread unkind rumors. And some have to be excused from paying interest, else they will pay nothing; and some move away, one knows not whither! "Mrs. O. A. Carr is in the city," says a daily paper. "Carr-Burdette Christian College at Sherman will open in September. The college has been donated to the Christian churches in the State, but will be open to all denominations. Mr. and Mrs. Carr are doing much for the educational interests of Texas, and their philanthropic devotion to this interest sets an example which we hope will be emulated." [Illustration: "The College is Built at Last."--Carr-Burdette.] Mrs. Carr clips the foregoing and sends it to the _Gospel Advocate_, hoping they will reproduce all, or a part, of the "local". "My dear Sister," says the _Gospel Advocate_--it is in August of the corner-stone year, "it is our settled policy not to advertise one school more than another. We do not see any reason why we should advertise the Carr-Burdette College any more than the Add Rann College. There are a number of good schools controlled by the brethren, to whom we have never given free advertisement. Yours truly and fraternally--" Very fraternally, without doubt. So Mrs. Carr may be in our city as often as she pleases, and she and her husband do all they can, for a dozen colleges, but we mustn't mention the fact; such is our policy! John A. Brooks, pastor of the Christian church at Memphis, writes to Mr. and Mrs. Carr: "I am pleased to see that you are about to open a female school in Sherman. I know your education and character are such as to commend you to the public as most competent teachers. Most heartily I wish you both a successful voyage on the sea of life." This from Palestine, Texas, July 13th, to Mrs. Carr, is a voice from the camp of misconception: "I have read your letter with much interest. I accord to you the purest and best motives in your work, and believe you to be a noble woman. But it is reported, on good authority, that you and Brother Carr are not in sympathy with our work in Texas, the United States and abroad. I shall not enter the lists against you and your work, however--I shall attend to my own business, which will keep me busy enough * * * Fraternally yours--" That word "Fraternally," which we find closing so many bitter and discourteous letters, seems to be used as a parting blow. They all write "Fraternally"--that stereotyped phrase of a stereotyped brotherhood! But the present biographer feels indeed fraternally toward these indignant and suspicious and mistaken letter-writers, and shall prove it by reproducing none of their letters. For these writers who were so warmly "fraternal" did not understand, and seemingly would not understand, that the Carrs had deeded the college and the extensive grounds to the Church; that the Carrs furnished the buildings throughout, at their own expense, to present them to the Church fully and beautifully equipped; that the Carrs had insured, and would keep insured, the buildings, not for themselves, but for the Church; that they did not, and never would, receive a penny of money-contributions from anyone; and that this Carr-Burdette College, this monument to Mrs. Carr, was given to the Church as the most priceless gift in her possession, to the cause dearest to her heart. In the meantime, college-work did not wholly absorb the life of this busy woman. Here comes a letter from the Christian Woman's Board of Missions in Missouri; the state-secretary, at this time, is Mrs. Elizabeth Bantz. Mrs. Bantz writes: "This year marks the twenty-fifth year of the C. W. B. M. in Missouri--1894. My board has authorized me to issue an historical sketch of the work. We are publishing the faces of many of those who served us officially. We want your picture for this book. Please, my dear sister, send me a half-tone cut, as soon as possible." Mrs. A. B. Jones of Liberty, Mo., seconds the request: "I have been asked to write an historical sketch of our C. W. B. M. for a book which our state secretary is preparing for our 25th anniversary. We want our state officers from the time of our organization. Will you kindly send a photo, or cut, to Mrs. Bantz at St. Louis? I would be so glad to have a picture of yourself and Brother Carr. Both of you are lovingly remembered by us." Now that the college is built at last, and Mr. and Mrs. Carr have assumed its management, the story of their lives enters the peaceful channel of daily service together. A few events of distinction stand out from among the minor affairs of fourteen years. The incessant work in the school room, the canvassing tours during vacations,--involving lectures with the stereopticon,--the correspondence with new pupils, old pupils and prospective pupils, the worrying over misunderstandings and misrepresentations; the struggle against prejudice, and jealousy; the sweet companionship with each other, and with congenial friends--all this is the story of daily living, that does not belong to the world of books. Let the reader imagine the interlinked events of these fourteen years--the fourteen years that followed the accomplishment of Mrs. Carr's life-work. The honors bestowed upon her and her girls at the Confederate Reunion at New Orleans, and at the World's Fair at St. Louis, may be found fully described in the great daily papers of those days. The mass of printed programs that lie before me tell of brilliant success before the footlights--and hint at long hours of nerve-racking rehearsals. And here are confessions of school-girls who have done wrong, and who ask to be forgiven; and other letters which wound cruelly and do not ask for pardon. But shall we not forgive all? And how can we forgive, if we do not forget? Upon my table lies documents from disobedient pupils of Carr-Burdette College, ungrateful pupils, narrow-minded pupils, and parents naturally championing the cause of their daughters--in which, all these stand self-accused. Here is one who has discovered how unjust were charges she had made against the Carrs--but not until she had spread those reports to willing ears. And here is one who asks with tears that she may be forgiven; but who laments that the harm she has done can never be overcome. But what of it all, now! I should not mention these things if it were not for this: that the evil reports live in some minds and, no doubt, are handed down to strangers. Here are the refutations to several such reports, but we push them aside. Can falsehood wound beyond the grave? Nor would we expose anyone to shame by bringing her name upon the printed page, with quotations of her own rash words. There is no punishment for a malicious nature so terrible as the vengeance of its own malice which reacts upon itself, dwarfing, embittering, deadening the higher capabilities of the soul that harbors it. He who took the snake to his warm hearth to nourish it to life, is not he who suffers from the ingratitude of a friend, but rather he who admits hate to warm it in his own bosom; for it wounds him, first of all. Fourteen years of labor in the work Mrs. Carr loved best, amid surroundings best adapted to call forth one's greatest capabilities, and then--the last journey. The school year of 1907-8 had opened prosperously. September passed, and in the warmth of its haze, and in the tender blue of its Texan sky, there was no hint that its sister-month would bring the chill of death. It was on the thirty-first of October that there came the summons of which she had spoken in her dedicatory speech. Not, indeed, as a quarry slave, scourged to his dungeon, did she go to meet that call, but rather as one who had followed her Lord across the seas, who had dwelt with him in many lands, and who was now to abide with Him forever. He who was left behind, dwells in the lofty halls her wisdom and her love fashioned out of brick and stone. The great work of her life is continued by President O. A. Carr, and when one visits that "College Beautiful," that "College Home," tapestries and statuary, pictures and mosaics, engravings and flowers--all seem instinct with the presence of Mrs. Carr. One passes through spacious reception-rooms and ample halls, into parlors of refined and exquisite workmanship. Yonder is the winding stairway, with its "Cosy Nook" behind the ferns. Here is the library with its cheerful hearth. Nothing is to be seen to suggest Latin and Geometry! It is, first of all, a home for young ladies. But when we are shown the mystic way that leads to schoolrooms, we find them stript, as it were, for service. Here is little or no adornment. They are placed before us in stern reality--desk and blackboard and floor--with no pretense that knowledge walks on velvet carpets. In this wing, we find ourselves indeed in a school; and we feel instinctively that if we do not immediately fall to, at some difficult textbook, we have no business here, and should be sent home to our parents. And that is just what Mrs. Carr would have done for us. Education had always for her, meant something serious, something life-long, something to become an integral part of one's character. First, Carr-Burdette College is to be a _home_ in which young ladies are to be taught conduct and hygiene; but it is a _College_ Home, where study is not play, any more than play is study. We cannot determine where we feel Mrs. Carr's influence stronger--whether in these unadorned schoolrooms, or in the luxurious parlors. Taken together, they typify the extremes of her character. She sought to build in every soul that came under her moulding touch, the firm foundation of eternal truth; and upon this foundation to erect a structure traced with all the beauty of eternal love. [Illustration: "He Who was Left Behind."] THE END APPENDIX. By O. A. Carr. (Page 31.) Our mother made our clothes from the same piece, which, for many years, was her own weaving; and our resemblance was such in childhood that many thought we were twins. For sixteen years we were together day and night--in the field, in the school-room, in the home. "Bud and Ol.," our familiar names, were pronounced together, and the presence of one suggested the other. Our separation came when I said good-by to go to Kentucky University, and then to the other side of the earth. I can even now recall my feelings when I would go into Fitzroy Gardens, Melbourne, Australia, where, alone, I would read Owen's letters over and over. Though himself not a preacher, he came as near as any one I ever knew to an identification of his life with the lives of those who preach the word. After my return from Australia it was our happiness to go together to a church composed of many whom I baptized when I began preaching forty-five years ago, some of them our relatives. The building was within a mile of where we were born, and near the site of the first school-house we ever entered. There were the boys and girls with whom we played in childhood, heads of families now. Such an audience was an inspiration to me, and especially the presence of "Bud." I ever felt that I could preach better when he was hearing. We went over the familiar roads planning a meeting to be held when the weather would permit, and I thought this happiness would be mine, but alas! there came the telegram: "Bud is very sick, come at once." We all came to him, except one brother who was far away. There were the chairs my mother used, my father's desk, the little chair in which I sat in earliest childhood, and the pictures on the wall of those whom my brother loved. There, amid all to remind me of early days, I took my seat beside him with the sad duty on me to report to the physician his pulse and fever day and night. What was revealed by his tearful eyes fixed upon us can never be put in a book; but when the physician told him he must die, he simply said "I am ready." With the exception of a short sojourn in Missouri and Illinois Owen spent his life in Kentucky, at May's Lick, also at Lexington, Maysville and Mt. Carmel. The call for a young man who neither blasphemed nor drank secured for him his first business engagement at Lexington. He was engaged in Maysville many years, and he spent his earnings in helping our afflicted parents; and from the needy he never turned away. After the death of father and mother, Owen made his home with his sister, Mary E. Goddard, near Mt. Carmel, whence he was called to go up higher, Thursday, January 14, 1902. Owen Carr was a Christian. His life was very quiet, but useful. His faith was simple, his convictions were strong and he was true to them. To maintain what he held to be truth I believe he would have laid down his life. Yes, he did this in effect, toiling for the good of others, bearing heavy burdens of suffering, fulfilling his mission to the family, in the community, in the church. How can I speak his praise? Does he know, now, how we all loved him? No words could ever tell it. A companion wrote: "Though our association was not long at any one time, yet he was so transparent and companionable that in a short time I knew Owen Carr well. He was one of the few men in the world that I really loved ardently; and I have his obituary on the 'Treasure page' of my little scrap book. He was the divinest and sweetest impersonation of unostentatious unselfishness and of transparent honesty and integrity that I ever knew among men. J. H. M." IN MEMORY OF THE NOBLE. (Page 46.) "Not of the blood," though they were Englishmen: "nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man", and yet the Myalls, Eneas, Jonas, George and Edward, stand in memory as NOBLE MEN. In the days of their activity, their motto seemed to be: "We will do more than any others". Of these four men two--Jonas at May's Lick, and Edward, at Maysville, Kentucky--still live, and they are my witnesses. Eneas and Jonas Myall were blacksmiths; and they shod one hundred mules in a day, at a time when mules were driven overland to market! Energy, perseverance, generosity characterized these men--each in his own way.--Remembrance of them has been with me and has been presented to the young men in many lands and on both sides of the earth. Of Eneas Myall Longfellow's words in "THE VILLAGE BLACKSMITH" are true in almost every line. If money was to be raised for benevolent purposes Eneas Myall was the one to secure it; for he headed the list with a liberal offering, and while others did the talking, he did the work. He was more eloquent in deed than they were in speech: hence May's Lick church was in the lead of all churches in that part of the country in expenditures at home and abroad. As a deacon in the church he was well nigh perfection. I have never seen a better. His constancy made him great in usefulness. For more than sixty years he led the songs in the May's Lick church. For a period of twenty years he was never known to be absent from the meeting on Lord's day morning and night and the Wednesday night prayer meeting except on one occasion, when he went to Paris to see his sick brother. His best singing was done, as it seems, on occasions when the boy, his protege, was in the pulpit. Such singing is seldom heard now-a-days as was heard when these men, Ed., George, Jonas and Eneas Myall sang together with Eneas to lead. There was only one occasion, as I remember, when Eneas Myall could not sing, and that was the morning when my father came forward to confess his faith in Jesus. He wept for joy; but could not talk--could not sing. The circumstances seemed to me to magnify his sincerity; for it was just at the close of the war. Eneas Myall was of strong prejudice, and he was opposed to my father politically, but the welcome he extended seemed to say: we differ out yonder in the world where political troubles are, and war rages; but here, in the church, there is peace, and we have fellowship. When I took my father down into the water to bury him with Christ in baptism, Eneas Myall had recovered himself so as to sing: "How happy are they, who their Savior obey." It is not strange that a man possessed of such firmness, such perseverance and such energy should become wealthy. His earnings increased: He sowed with an unsparing hand, and he reaped bountifully. Wealth did not make him proud nor dry up the fountain of his generosity. He seemed never so happy as when he was dividing what he possessed with his friends. When he and his good wife, "aunt Sallie" would spread the banquet, and he would gather all the preachers he could find and those who loved such company to his house, and around the table where he presided, what a feast for body and soul was there! What preacher who has ever been at May's Lick does not remember Eneas Myall and his family? He has gone; and shall we ever see his like again? Before him across the silent river had passed his faithful wife and the elders of the May's Lick church, as nearly models, as mortals could be expected to be, of what the Scriptures say of bishops, elders, pastors. What a church that was! over which Aaron Mitchell, Waller Small and Benjamin James presided, and taught by precept and example and led and protected, in those days when Walter Scott did the preaching and Eneas Myall led in song! MY SHEEP. (Page 272.) "A sheep can never become a goat!" True of the woolly quadruped but this fact is no reply to my sermon; for the Savior was not talking about animals. He meant people when he said "My sheep hear my voice and follow me". That is what sheep (animals) do; hence people who hear his voice and follow him he calls his sheep; and says "they shall never perish". Who? His sheep; that is, people who hear his voice and follow him. If they should cease to hear his voice and follow they would cease to be his sheep and the Savior did not say of such, "they shall never perish." But were they his sheep before they heard his voice. They might have been called "sheep" on account of some other resemblance, such as proneness to wander away, need of guidance, of protection; but for these reasons it would not be true of them that "they shall never perish". It is certain that they would perish; hence the Great Good Shepherd came and called them home, saved and protected them. If you say they were his sheep because he died for them--"laid down his life for the sheep", I answer: He called them his sheep before he laid down his life for them; and when he died it was not for them alone but "he died for all". The truth is that the characteristic of sheep, to hear and follow, is possessed by all mankind; and whose sheep they are depends upon whose voice they hear and whom they follow. They are not the Savior's sheep unless they hear HIS voice and follow HIM. When persons do turn away from other voices and give heed to HIS they become HIS sheep. Would you say, this is not true, and give as a reason, "a GOAT can never become a SHEEP?" As well say this as to say "a sheep can never become a goat" as a proof that a believer may not, can not, cease to be a believer. The one expression is fate fixed as fatally as is the other; and neither of them contains any Scripture idea. * * * * * The TRIAL was unique. The purpose was to determine whether I should be permitted to use their baptistry; and this depended on whether I was sound on what they called "the design of the ordinance." There were the officers of the Baptist Church to hear and a lawyer to ask questions. He put them in such a way that each question could be answered by simply quoting the Scripture; and that was happy; it was right, too, whether he intended it or not: "What do you believe baptism is for--what purpose has it?" Answer. "Repent and be baptized--in the name of Jesus the Christ FOR the remission of sins, and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit." Acts 2:38. "Do you regard it as a saving ordinance?" Answer--"He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved." Mark 16:15-16. "Yes, we believe that: of course, we believe the Scriptures, but what do YOU THINK? Do you think a person cannot be saved without baptism?" Answer--"I think just what the Savior says: 'He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved.' It is not my privilege to THINK anything except what the Savior said, and what his Apostles preached and practiced. Aside from this I have no ability to think; for I have nothing to think about." "Well, our Savior says: 'he that believeth not shall be damned' and he does not say he that believeth not and is not baptized shall be damned." "Does not this show that baptism is not necessary to salvation, that it is not a saving ordinance?" Answer--"Baptism is not named in that clause, hence, we cannot think what that clause says and have baptism in mind at all; since it is not there. The way to be saved, Jesus says, is: 'he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved;' but the way to be damned, he says, is, 'he that believeth not shall be damned.' I think just what the Savior says on the subject of DAMNATION; and I think just what he says on the subject of SALVATION." Then Brother Jones, a Baptist, addressed the meeting in substance thus: "Brethren, I have heard every sermon our young brother has preached in Hobart, and I have found no fault with it. He says just what the Scriptures say, and surely you cannot refuse that. You heard the sermon on, 'What must I do to be saved'"? Then Brother Jones gave an outline of that sermon--the first I had ever heard that I understood--heard it from W. T. Moore at May's Lick, Ky., and from him I learned how to preach it. Thereupon a good man of the company of Baptists arose and said: "I would rather give up my life than countenance FREE-GRACE preaching." I did not want him to give up his life, and so the interview ended with my resolution not to use the baptistry; I would use the public baths instead. MRS. CARR AND A LITTLE BOY--THIRTY-FIVE YEARS AGO. (Page 198.) A letter to be read between the lines. "Melbourne, Australia, September 5, 1909." "DEAR BROTHER CARR: "Father wishes me to express to you how very sorry he was to hear of Mrs. Carr's death, and how deeply he was moved by the touching references to and description of her beautiful life and character. She, indeed, was a wonderful woman, and must be sorely missed by many. It must be a terrible blank in your home and we deeply feel for you. Father felt it very much and very often spoke of her. Indeed, I felt it too. My mind goes back to my school days when my sister, Eliza (now gone many years) and I attended Mrs. Carr's school in Melbourne. I was then but a little fellow--about eleven years of age--(I am now forty-five and have three children.) It was a school for young ladies, but four of us boys were allowed to go--George Thomson, Willie Robinson, Willie Church and myself--and many a heart ache, I think, we boys gave Mrs. Carr. I can remember that Mrs. Carr put me in a room by myself for fighting Willie Church. I was in terrible disgrace that day; and I remember you came into the room and asked me what I had been doing. I told you I had been fighting Willie Church; for which you gave me to understand how naughty it was to fight. Then, I think, you were sorry for me, and said: 'Never mind Nat., we will have some fun,' which we did; and in the midst of it all Mrs. Carr came in and we both got in for it. The poor dear lady was doing what she thought best for me, and instead of punishment I was having a good time, with you. However, she was always very, very kind. I do not know that during my young life anyone so impressed me as the dear soul that has gone from us all; and I see by the book you sent us that I am not alone in this respect. "The Church at Lygon Street is still to the fore. What delight it would give us all in Melbourne if you could manage to pay us a visit! Would it be possible for you to do so? You know the distance now is not so great as when you were here. The trip would do you good; and you could stay at my house (and we would have some fun.) The fine, grand steamers now running out to Australia should tempt you, and what a pleasure it would give us all to know that you were coming--won't you come? NAT. HADDOW." "AVOID ALL OFFENSE." (Page 186.) The admonition, so impressive then, and needed always, caused the revision of many a manuscript from that time on. "That which offends will never convince." But then, when one's position is assailed, the very assault is considered an offense: such is human nature. Few are sufficiently civilized to discuss religious differences and at the same time "avoid all offense;" for each one holds his religious position as sacred, whereas, it is sacred only when it is true, when it is divine. The Rev. James Ballantyne, a prominent preacher in Melbourne, had issued a tract. It was no offense for him so to do: it was right--even noble from his view of it. But did he present the truth? was the question, and it is the question even now, and ought to be inquired into by everyone. To help in this it was resolved that a REPLY be issued. To "avoid all offense" Mrs. Carr was requested to go over the manuscript word by word. What she approved it is hoped will not be an "offense" to the reader. The language of the author was quoted, his very words, and the reply followed each paragraph, thus: "BAPTISM"--"ITS ORIGIN." "It is not of man, but of God. Jesus Christ himself instituted it. We find it in the apostolic commission, 'Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in (into) the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost.'" TRUE. "ITS DESIGN." "It represents and seals the union of the soul with Christ. It is the pledge that all covenant blessings will be bestowed. It is the visible sign of our engagement to be Christ's, by receiving him in faith, and laying ourselves on the altar of his service. It is our initiation into the membership of the visible Church. It is the badge of our public Christian profession, proclaiming our separation from the world and our union with all who bear the name of Jesus." THE ABOVE IS IN SUBSTANCE, WHAT THE PRESBYTERIAN CONFESSION OF FAITH SAYS, INSTEAD OF WHAT THE BIBLE SAYS IS THE DESIGN OF BAPTISM. WHOEVER READ IN THE BIBLE THAT BAPTISM IS A SIGN OR A SEAL, OR A SYMBOL OF ANYTHING? PAUL SAYS, "YE WERE SEALED WITH THE HOLY SPIRIT," EPH. 1:13 AND 4:30. THE REV. BALLANTYNE SAYS, BAPTISM IS THE SEAL. THE OBJECT OF HIS TRACT, AS STATED IN HIS PREFACE WAS TO UTTER A WARNING WORD TO THE YOUNG, NOT TO LET FEELING TAKE THE PRECEDENCE OF ENLIGHTENED CONVICTION, AND NOT TO MAKE TOO MUCH OF BAPTISM. AND THIS IS THE WAY HE BEGINS: BY PUTTING BAPTISM IN THE PLACE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT, AND BY MAKING BAPTISM SEAL THE UNION OF THE SOUL WITH CHRIST. REMEMBER THIS: "YE ARDENT AND IMPULSIVE MINDS" WHAT SAITH THE SCRIPTURE ON THE DESIGN OF BAPTISM, "THUS IT BECOMETH US TO FULFILL ALL RIGHTEOUSNESS," MAT. 3:15; "HE THAT BELIEVETH AND IS BAPTIZED SHALL BE SAVED," MARK 16:16; "REPENT AND BE BAPTIZED IN THE NAME OF JESUS THE CHRIST FOR THE REMISSION OF SINS, AND YE SHALL RECEIVE THE GIFT OF THE HOLY SPIRIT," ACTS 2:38; "AS MANY OF YOU AS HAVE BEEN BAPTIZED INTO CHRIST HAVE PUT ON CHRIST," GAL. 3:27. BAPTISM IS A BIBLE THEME, AND WHY NOT WRITE ABOUT IT IN BIBLE LANGUAGE? "The words do not declare that Faith must go before Baptism. The Greek word translated BAPTIZED is baptistheis. The proper meaning of this is, HAVING BEEN BAPTIZED. Anyone who knows the parts of the Greek verb knows this. The passage, then, reads thus: 'He that believeth, having been baptized, shall be saved.' So then, after all, the passage is just as favorable to infant baptism as any passage could be." BAPTISTHEIS MEANS HAVING BEEN BAPTIZED. THIS IS STRICTLY TRUE. IT IS ALSO STRICTLY TRUE THAT "PISTEUSAS" IS THE FIRST AORIST PARTICIPLE, AND LITERALLY MEANS HAVING BELIEVED. "ANYONE WHO KNOWS THE PARTS OF THE GREEK VERB KNOWS THIS." THE PASSAGE, THEN, READS THUS: "HE HAVING BELIEVED, AND HAVING BEEN BAPTIZED SHALL BE SAVED." SO, THEN, AFTER ALL, THE PASSAGE IS JUST AS UNSUITABLE TO INFANT BAPTISM AS ANY PASSAGE COULD BE. * * * * * FROM THE ALUMNAE. How often do we recall the mornings dear Mrs. Carr called us into the study hall, or kept us in the dining room to give us those sweet, motherly 'little talks.' How often her words come to us as we see her standing there among us, and, in her gentle, tactful way, a way which belonged only to her, telling us and advising us about those little things which play such important part in the formation of habits and character. Well do we all remember the little talk about the dirt's being swept into the corner, or left behind the door; how that in time such habits would tell upon our characters; that a neatly kept room was but an expression of a girl's inner self. Her precious words we treasure in our hearts and value beyond all price. How often have we heard her say: "My dear girls, this I say for your good. It may be hard for you to receive it, and you may not know now the value of it; but you will know in after life." And then would follow those talks about decorum. "Think nothing, do nothing that you would be ashamed for your father and mother to know. Write nothing to your intimate friend that would not bear the light. Admit nothing here into your college home that would defile. Carr-Burdette College is the child of my brain and heart, dedicated to you. Our home is our castle, and let us guard it sacredly. Character is everything in a young lady's life; knowledge is good, but the wisdom which is from above is best. I know that some of you girls think I am exacting, think that I am too strict; but you will know hereafter that your best friend is the one who tells you kindly of your faults and helps you to correct them; and you will be grateful after awhile for having given heed to many things that you do not like now. You will say in your hearts: 'I see now that Mrs. Carr was right, and I am glad she said NO to many of my wishes and warned me against so many little things that tempted me.' I would deny you nothing you want except those things that I think will injure you. I am sleepless at night, thinking of you, planning for your good, how I can best discharge the weighty responsibility that is on me." She was happiest when she knew she was pleasing us, would join in our merry-making, and laugh aloud at our pranks. To reward us was her delight. What happy talks she made when she bestowed medals and honors! Talks, sparkling with wit and glowing with love and enthusiasm, on that last night of the session before we all went home. She is on the rostrum, the medals in their cases are on the stand; she takes them up, displays them to the audience, one by one, and talks about each, its meaning, what it is for, talks to the audience about the girl who is to receive it and who could ever equal her grace of diction and whole-souled sympathy? How she kept the audience in suspense, in excitement; how she amused all by her wit, and then, with tearful joy, pinned the medal on the girl whom she called to the rostrum to receive it. Holding up the house-keeper's medal, she would say to the audience: "This medal I esteem the best of all; the best house-keeper is to be the most honored. To be neat, to be orderly, to show ability to keep a home, to mind the little things that make for neatness, to sweep in the corners, to be tasteful--all this is to be lovely in conduct; and, remember, that all honors of every kind bestowed by Carr-Burdette College have this meaning namely, every medal, every diploma is hedged about by conduct." * * * * * TO MATTIE'S MEMORY. [From a letter written by O. A. Carr.] "Carr-Burdette College, Sherman, Texas, is the monument to the memory of my dear departed wife. She gave the last thirteen years of her life to the college. I feel that she literally sacrificed her life in the accomplishment of her high purpose; for I know she toiled beyond her strength, forgetful of self. She conceived of building the college as a Home and School for young women, and of how the funds were to be secured. She planned the building, which was erected under her immediate supervision, and there is not an idea in it that is not hers. She devised and toiled to within a few days of her death, and expended all earnings on the college, that she might attain her ideal. According to her heart's desire that the college should never suspend its work, and that her purposes may be carried out as nearly as possible, I, with the assistance of able and devoted teachers, continue the struggle. I can not do the work my dear wife did; nor do I think that any one else could do what she has been doing all these years; but an honest effort will be made to accomplish her purpose--that Carr-Burdette College may continue to be her IDEAL, as it is now her MONUMENT. Saturday, October 26, 1907, on her return from shopping with some of the students, I offered to assist Mattie with the writing. She said: "I am not able to think now; I must rest." The next day she was unable to rise. The physician pronounced the trouble lagrippe, and he assured me, even at noon, Thursday, that she would recover. Alas! at 7:30 p. m. the same day, death came. There was no symptom of suffering. She seemed to be sleeping. The loving hands of students and teachers and kind friends arranged all for the funeral--the first public assembly held in the college over which she did not preside and direct in detail. Her lifeless body lay in her own beautiful college parlor, where the funeral was conducted by Brother J. H. Fuller and Brother A. O. Riall assisted by Brother R. D. Smith, and Dr. Clyce, President of Austin College. Mattie told me years ago that she wished Brother Graham, with whom she was associated at Hamilton College, and Brother McGarvey, to preach her funeral; but Brother Graham had gone where there are no funerals, and Brother McGarvey could not be here. The students in a line of march descended the stairway, preceded by a young girl in white, who bore their beautiful floral offering. They stood on either side of the casket and sang (1) "Some Day", (2) "Going Home", (3) "My Savior First of All", (4) "I Am Only Waiting Here", (5) "Sweet By and By." One who knew Mattie well wrote me years ago, saying, "I know of no one who can show a more valid claim than yourself to have a living commentary on the last chapter of Proverbs". That chapter was read from the twelfth verse to the conclusion, by Brother Smith, and Brother Fuller chose as the text for his beautiful, hopeful discourse, "The gift of God is eternal life, through our Lord Jesus the Christ". For nearly forty years Mattie and I have toiled together. She took responsibility, financial and domestic from me, and bore it herself. I trusted to her judgment, and felt that all was well when she approved. And now, at night, I sit alone where we used to sit together. I look around to see her, but see only her empty chair." [Illustration: Mattie's Grave.] * * * * * Transcriber's Note: Inconsistent spellings and hyphenation have been retained. Obvious printer errors fixed. Many punctuation errors repaired. In the footnote of page 192 missing letters "Alex. would have me take him to see the mother of Brother Be. sley who went to Australia..." 
20958	----	[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. Author's spelling has been maintained.] The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS London: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4 C. F. CLAY, Manager [Illustration: Arms] New York: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. Toronto: J. M. DENT & SONS, Ltd. Tokyo: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA _All rights reserved_ [Illustration: The Student's Progress (From Gregor Reisch's _Margarita philosophica_, Edition of 1504, Strassburg)] LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITY BY ROBERT S. RAIT, M.A. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD Cambridge: at the University Press 1918 _First Edition, 1912_ _Reprinted 1918_ _With the exception of the coat of arms at the foot, the design on the title page is a reproduction of one used by the earliest known Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1521._ NOTE ON THE FRONTISPIECE In this picture the schoolboy is seen arriving with his satchel and being presented with a hornbook by Nicostrata, the Latin muse Carmentis, who changed the Greek alphabet into the Latin. She admits him by the key of _congruitas_ to the House of Wisdom ("Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars," _Proverbs_ ix. 1). In the lowest story he begins his course in Donatus under a Bachelor of Arts armed with the birch; in the next he is promoted to Priscian. Then follow the other subjects of the _Trivium_ and the _Quadrivium_ each subject being represented by its chief exponent--logic by Aristotle, arithmetic by Boethius, geometry by Euclid, etc. Ptolemy, the philosopher, who represents astronomy, is confused with the kings of the same name. Pliny and Seneca represent the more advanced study of physical and of moral science respectively, and the edifice is crowned by Theology, the long and arduous course for which followed that of the Arts. Its representative in a medieval treatise is naturally Peter Lombard. NOTE I wish to express my obligations to many recent writers on University history, and to the editors of University Statutes and other records, from which my illustrations of medieval student life have been derived. I owe special gratitude to Dr Hastings Rashdall, Fellow of New College and Canon of Hereford, my indebtedness to whose great work, _The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, is apparent throughout the following pages. Dr Rashdall has been good enough to read my proof-sheets, and to make valuable criticisms and suggestions, and the Master of Emmanuel has rendered me a similar service. R. S. R. _23rd January 1912._ CONTENTS Chapter I--INTRODUCTORY Chaucer and the Medieval Student -- The Great Period of University-Founding -- The words "Universitas," "Collegium," "Studium Generale" -- Bologna -- Growth of Studia Generalia -- Paris, Oxford, Cambridge -- Definition of "Universitas"..... 1 Chapter II--LIFE IN THE STUDENT-UNIVERSITIES Student-Guilds at Bologna -- "Nations" -- The College of Doctors -- Relations with the City -- Position of an English Law Student at Bologna, and his relations to his Nation and his Universitas -- The Office of Rector -- Powers of the University over Citizens -- The Degradation of the Bologna Masters -- Examinations -- The Doctorate -- Regulations -- Padua -- Limitations of the Rector's Powers at Florence -- Spanish Universities -- Married Dons.......................... 13 Chapter III--THE UNIVERSITIES OF MASTERS Early History of the University of Paris -- Faculties -- "Nations" -- Struggle with the Chancellor -- Position of the Rector -- Oxford --"Nations" -- The Proctors -- University Jurisdiction -- Germany -- Scotland........................... 41 Chapter IV--COLLEGE DISCIPLINE Origin of the College System -- Merton -- Imitations of the Merton Rule -- New College -- Increase in Number of Regulations --Latin-Speaking -- Conversation in Hall -- Meals -- College Rooms -- Amusements -- Penalties -- Introduction of Corporal Punishment --The Tonsure -- Attendance at Chapel -- Vacations -- Hospitality -- The Career of an English Student -- Meaning of "Poor and Indigent Scholars" -- The College System at Paris -- Sconcing -- Other French Universities -- A Visitation of a Medieval College............ 49 Chapter V--UNIVERSITY DISCIPLINE Growth of Disciplinary Regulations at Paris and Oxford --Records of the Chancellor's Court -- Discipline in Unendowed Halls -- Academic Dress restricted to Graduates -- Louvain -- Leipsic -- Leniency of Punishments -- The Scottish Universities -- Table Manners at Aberdeen -- Life at Heidelberg......................................... 94 Chapter VI--THE "JOCUND ADVENT" Admission of the Bajan at Paris -- The Universities of Southern France -- The Abbas Bejanorum -- The "Jocund Advent" in Germany -- the "Depositio" -- Oxford -- Scotland.. 109 Chapter VII--TOWN AND GOWN Vienna -- St Scholastica's Day at Oxford -- Assaults by Members of the University -- Records of the "Acta Rectorum" at Leipsic -- Parisian Scholars and the Monks of St Germain.. 124 Chapter VIII--SUBJECTS OF STUDY, LECTURES, EXAMINATIONS Instruction given in Latin -- Preparation for the University --Grammar Masters -- French taught at Oxford -- The "Act" in Grammar --The Seven Liberal Arts and the Three Philosophies -- Text-books -- Ordinary and Cursory Lectures -- Methods of Lecturing -- Repetitions and Disputations -- University and College Teaching -- Examinations at Paris, Louvain, and Oxford -- The Determining Feast -- Walter Paston at Oxford... 133 APPENDIX..................................................... 157 BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................. 159 INDEX........................................................ 163 LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITY (p. 001) CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY "A Clerk ther was of Oxenford also, That unto logik hadde longe y-go As lene was his hors as is a rake, And he was not right fat, I undertake; But loked holwe, and therto soberly, Ful thredbar was his overest courtepy, For he had geten him yet no benefyce, Ne was so worldly for to have offyce. For him was lever have at his beddes heed Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed, Of Aristotle and his philosophye, Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrye. But al be that he was a philosophre, Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre; But al that he might of his freendes hente, On bokes and on lerninge he it spente, And bisily gan for the soules preye Of hem that yaf him wherwith to scoleye, Of studie took he most cure and most hede, Noght o word spak he more than was nede, And that was seyd in forme and reverence And short and quik, and ful of hy sentence. Souninge in moral vertu was his speche. And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche." An account of life in the medieval University might well take the (p. 002) form of a commentary upon the classical description of a medieval English student. His dress, the character of his studies and the nature of his materials, the hardships and the natural ambitions of his scholar's life, his obligations to founders and benefactors, suggest learned expositions which might in judicious hands Extend from here to Mesopotamy, and will serve for a modest attempt to picture the environment of one of the Canterbury pilgrims. Chaucer's famous lines do more than afford opportunities of explanation and comment; they give us an indication of the place assigned to universities and their students by English public opinion in the later Middle Ages. The monk of the "Prologue" is simply a country gentleman. No accusation of immorality is brought against him, but he is a jovial huntsman who likes the sound of the bridle jingling in the wind better than the call of the church bells, a lover of dogs and horses, of rich clothes and great feasts. The portrait of the friar is still less sympathetic; he is a frequenter of taverns, a devourer of widows' houses, a man of gross, perhaps of evil, life. The monk abandons his cloister and its rules, the friar despises the poor and the leper. The poet is making no socialistic attack upon the (p. 003) foundations of society, and no heretical onslaught upon the Church; he draws a portrait of two types of the English regular clergy. His description of two types of the English secular clergy forms an illuminating contrast. The noble verses, in which he tells of the virtues of the parish priest, certainly imply that the seculars also had their temptations and that they did not always resist them; but the fact remains that Chaucer chose as the representative of the parochial clergy one who "wayted after no pompe and reverence, Ne maked him a spyced conscience, But Cristes lore, and his apostles twelve, He taughte, but first he folwed it himselve." The history of pious and charitable foundations is a vindication of the truth of the portraiture of the "Prologue." The foundation of a new monastery and the endowment of the friars had alike ceased to attract the benevolent donor, who was turning his attention to the universities, where secular clergy were numerous. The clerks of Oxford and Cambridge had succeeded to the place held by the monks, and, after them, by the friars, in the affection and the respect of the nation. Outside the kingdom of England the fourteenth century was also a great period in the growth of universities and colleges, to which, all (p. 004) over Europe, privileges and endowments were granted by popes, emperors, kings, princes, bishops and municipalities. To attempt to indicate the various causes and conditions which, in different countries, led to the growth, in numbers and in wealth, of institutions for the pursuit of learning would be to wander from our special topic; but we may take the period from the middle of the fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century as that in which the medieval University made its greatest appeal to the imagination of the peoples of Europe. Its institutional forms had become definite, its terminology fixed, and the materials for a study of the life of the fourteenth century student are abundant. The conditions of student life varied, of course, with country and climate, and with the differences in the constitutions of individual universities and in their relations to Church and State. No single picture of the medieval student can be drawn, but it will be convenient to choose the second half of the fourteenth century, or the first half of the fifteenth, as the central point of our investigation. We have already used technical terms, "University," "College," "Student," which require elucidation, and others will arise in the course of our inquiry. What is a University? At the present day a University is, in England, a corporation whose power of granting (p. 005) certain degrees is recognised by the State; but nothing of this is implied in the word "University." Its literal meaning is simply an association. Recent writers on University history have pointed out that _Universitas vestra_, in a letter addressed to a body of persons, means merely "the whole of you" and that the term was by no means restricted to learned bodies. It was frequently applied to municipal corporations; Dr Rashdall, in his learned work, tells us that it is used by medieval writers in addressing "all faithful Christian people," and he quotes an instance in which Pisan captives at Genoa in the end of the thirteenth century formed themselves into a "Universitas carceratorum." The word "College" affords us no further enlightenment. It, too, means literally a community or association, and, unlike the sister term University, it has never become restricted to a scholastic association. The Senators of the "College of Justice" are the judges of the Supreme Court in Scotland. We must call in a third term to help us. In what we should describe as the early days of European universities, there came into use a phrase sometimes written as _Studium Universale_ or _Studium Commune_, but more usually _Studium Generale_. It was used in much the same sense in which we speak of a University to-day, and a short sketch of its (p. 006) history is necessary for the solution of our problem. The twelfth century produced in Europe a renewal of interest and a revival of learning, brought about partly by the influence of great thinkers like St Anselm and Abelard, and partly by the discovery of lost works of Aristotle. The impulse thus given to study resulted in an increase in the numbers of students, and students were naturally attracted to schools where masters and teachers possessed, or had left behind them, great names. At Bologna there was a great teacher of the Civil Law in the first quarter of the twelfth century, and a great writer on Canon Law lived there in the middle of the same century. To Bologna, therefore, there flocked students of law, though not of law alone. In the schools of Paris there were great masters of philosophy and theology to whom students crowded from all parts of Europe. Many of the foreign students at Paris were Englishmen, and when, at the time of Becket's quarrel with Henry II., the disputes between the sovereigns of England and France led to the recall of English students from the domain of their King's enemy, there grew up at Oxford a great school or Studium, which acquired something of the fame of Paris and Bologna. A struggle between the clerks who studied at Oxford and the people of the town broke out at the time of John's defiance of the (p. 007) Papacy, when the King outlawed the clergy of England, and this struggle led to the rise of a school at Cambridge. In Italy the institutions of the Studium at Bologna were copied at Modena, at Reggio, at Vicenza, at Arezzo, at Padua, and elsewhere, and in 1244 or 1245 Pope Innocent IV. founded a Studium of a different constitution, in dependence upon the Papal Court. In Spain great schools grew up at Palencia, Salamanca, and Valladolid; in France at Montpellier, Orleans, Angers, and Toulouse, and at Lyons and Reims. The impulse given by Bologna and Paris was thus leading to the foundation of new Studia or the development of old ones, for there were schools of repute at many of the places we have mentioned before the period with which we are now dealing (_c._ 1170-1250). It was inevitable that there should be a rivalry among these numerous schools, a rivalry which was accentuated as small and insignificant Studia came to claim for themselves equality of status with their older and greater contemporaries. Thus, in the latter half of the thirteenth century, there arose a necessity for a definition and a restriction of the term Studium Generale. The desirability of a definition was enhanced by the practice of granting to ecclesiastics dispensations from residence in their benefices for purposes of study; to prevent abuses it was essential that such permission should be limited to a number of (p. 008) recognised Studia Generalia. The difficulty of enforcing such a definition throughout almost the whole of Europe might seem likely to be great, but in point of fact it was inconsiderable. In the first half of the thirteenth century, the term Studium Generale was assuming recognised significance; a school which aspired to the name must not be restricted to natives of a particular town or country, it must have a number of masters, and it must teach not only the Seven Liberal Arts (of which we shall have to speak later), but also one or more of the higher studies of Theology, Law and Medicine (_cf._ Rashdall, vol. i. p. 9). But the title might still be adopted at will by ambitious schools, and the intervention of the great potentates of Europe was required to provide a mechanism for the differentiation of General from Particular Studia. Already, in the twelfth century, an Emperor and a Pope had given special privileges to students at Bologna and other Lombard towns, and a King of France had conferred privileges upon the scholars of Paris. In 1224 the Studium Generale of Naples was founded by the Emperor Frederick II., and in 1231 he gave a great privilege to the School of Medicine at Salerno, a Studium which was much more ancient than Bologna, but which existed solely for the study of Medicine and exerted no influence upon the (p. 009) growth of the European universities. Pope Gregory IX. founded the Studium at Toulouse some fifteen years before Innocent IV. established the Studium of the Roman Court. In 1254 Alfonso the Wise of Castile founded the Studium Generale of Salamanca. Thus it became usual for a school which claimed the status of a Studium Generale to possess the authority of Pope or Emperor or King. A distinction gradually arose between a Studium Generale under the authority of a Pope or an Emperor and one which was founded by a King or a City Republic, and which was known as a _Studium Generale respectu regni_. The distinction was founded upon the power of the Emperor or the Pope to grant the _jus ubique docendi_. This privilege, which could be conferred by no lesser potentate, gave a master in one Studium Generale the right of teaching in any other; it was more valuable in theory than in practice, but it was held in such esteem that in 1292 Bologna and Paris accepted the privilege from Pope Nicholas IV. Some of the Studia which we have mentioned as existing in the first half of the thirteenth century--Modena in Italy, and Lyons and Reims in France--never obtained this privilege, and as their organisation and their importance did not justify their inclusion among Studia Generalia, they never took rank among the universities of Europe. The status of Bologna and of Paris was, of course, (p. 010) universally recognised before and apart from the Bulls of Nicholas IV.; Padua did not accept a Papal grant until 1346 and then merely as a confirmation, not a creation, of its privileges as a Studium Generale; Oxford never received, though it twice asked for, a declaratory or confirmatory Bull, and based its claim upon immemorial custom and its own great position. Cambridge, which in the thirteenth century was a much less important seat of learning than Oxford, was formally recognised as a Studium Generale by Pope John XXII. in 1318; but its claim to the title had long been admitted, at all events within the realm of England. After 1318 Cambridge could grant the _licentia ubique docendi_, which Oxford did not formally confer, although Oxford men, as the graduates of a Studium Generale, certainly possessed the privilege. Long before the definition of a Studium Generale as a school possessing, by the gift of Pope or Emperor, the _jus ubique docendi_, was generally accepted throughout Europe, we find the occurrence of the more familiar term, "Universitas," which we are now in a position to understand. A Universitas was an association in the world of learning which corresponded to a Guild in the world of commerce, a union among men living in a Studium and possessing some common interests to protect and advance. Originally, a Universitas could exist in a less (p. 011) important school than a Studium Generale, but with exceptional instances of this kind we are not concerned. By the time which we have chosen for the central point of our survey, the importance of these guilds or Universitates had so greatly increased that the word "Universitas" was coming to be equivalent to "Studium Generale." In the fifteenth century, Dr Rashdall tells us, the two terms were synonymous. The Universitas Studii, the guild of the School, became, technically and officially, the Studium Generale itself, and Studia Generalia were distinguished by the kind of Universitates or guilds which they possessed. It is usual to speak of Bologna and Paris as the two great archetypal universities, and this description does not depend upon mere priority of date or upon the impetus given to thought and interest in Europe by their teachers or their methods. Bologna and Paris were two Studia Generalia with two different and irreconcilable types of Universitas. The Universitates of the Studium of Bologna were guilds of students; the Universitas of the Studium of Paris was a guild of masters. The great seats of learning in Medieval Europe were either universities of students or universities of masters, imitations of Bologna or of Paris, or modifications of one or the other or of both. It would be impossible to draw up a list and divide medieval (p. 012) universities into compartments. Nothing is more difficult to classify than the constitutions of living societies; a constitution which one man might regard as a modification of the constitution of Bologna would be in the opinion of another more correctly described as a modification of the constitution of Paris, and a development in the constitution of a University might be held to have altered its fundamental position and to transfer it from one class to another. Where students legislated for themselves, their rules were neither numerous nor detailed. Our information about life in the student-universities is, therefore, comparatively small, and it is with the universities of masters that we shall be chiefly concerned. It is, however, essential to understand the powers acquired by the student-guilds at Bologna, the institutions of which were reproduced by most of the Italian universities, by those of Spain and Portugal, and, much less accurately, by the smaller universities of France. CHAPTER II (p. 013) LIFE IN THE STUDENT-UNIVERSITIES The Universitates or guilds which were formed in the Studium Generale of Bologna were associations of foreign students. The lack of political unity in the Italian peninsula was one of the circumstances that led to the peculiar and characteristic constitution evolved by the Italian universities. A famous Studium in an Italian city state must of necessity attract a large proportion of foreign students. These foreign students had neither civil nor political rights; they were men "out of their own law," for whom the government under which they lived made small and uncertain provision. Their strength lay in their numbers, and in the effect which their presence produced upon the prosperity and the reputation of the town. They early recognised the necessity of union if full use was to be made of the offensive and defensive weapons they possessed. The men who came to study law at Bologna were not schoolboys; some of them were beneficed ecclesiastics, others were lawyers, and most of them were possessed of adequate means of living. The provisions of Roman Law favoured the creation of such protective guilds; the privileges and immunities of the clergy (p. 014) afforded an analogy for the claim of foreign students to possess laws of their own; and the threat of the secession of a large community was likely to render a city state amenable to argument. The growth of guilds or communities held together by common interests and safeguarded by solemn oaths is one of the features of European history of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the students of Bologna took no unusual or extra-ordinary step when they formed their Universitates. The distinction of students into "Nations," which is still preserved in some of the Scottish universities, is derived from this guild-forming movement at Bologna at the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century. No citizen of Bologna was permitted to be a member of a guild, the protection of which he did not require. The tendency at first was towards the formation of a number of Universitates, membership of which was decided by considerations of nationality. But the conditions which had led to the formation of these Universitates were also likely to produce some measure of unification, and the law-students at Bologna soon ceased to have more than two great guilds, distinguished on geographical principles as the Universitas Citramontanorum and the Universitas Ultramontanorum. Each was sub-divided into nations; the cis-Alpine (p. 015) University consisting of Lombards, Tuscans, and Romans, and the trans-Alpine University of a varying number, including a Spanish, a Gascon, a Provençal, a Norman, and an English nation. The three cis-Alpine nations were, of course, much more populous at Bologna than the dozen or more trans-Alpine nations, and they were therefore sub-divided into sections known as Consiliariae. The students of Arts and Medicine, who at first possessed no organisation of their own and were under the control of the great law-guilds, succeeded in the fourteenth century in establishing a new Universitas within the Studium. The influence of Medicine predominated, for the Arts course was, at Bologna, regarded as merely a preparation for the study of Law and, especially, of Medicine; but this third Universitas gave a definite status and definite rights to the students of Arts. In the same century the two jurist universities came to act together so constantly that they were, for practical purposes, united, so that, by the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Studium Generale of Bologna contained virtually two universities, one of Law, and the other of Arts and Medicine, governed by freely-elected rectors. The peculiar relations of Theology to the Studium and to the universities is a topic which belongs to constitutional history, and not to our (p. 016) special subject. The universities of Bologna had to maintain a struggle with two other organisations, the guilds of masters and the authorities of this city state. They kept the first in subjection; they ultimately succumbed to the second. A guild of masters, doctors, or professors had existed in the Studium before the rise of the Universitates, and it survived with limited, but clearly defined, powers. The words "Doctor," "Professor," and "Magister" or "Dominus" were at first used indifferently, and a Master of Arts of a Scottish or a German University is still described on his diploma as a Doctor of Philosophy. The term "Master" was little used at Bologna, but it is convenient to employ "master" and "student" as the general terms for teacher and taught. The masters were the teachers of the Studium, and they protected their own interests by forming a guild the members of which, and they alone, had the right to teach. Graduation was originally admission into the guild of masters, and the chief privilege attached to it was the right to teach. This privilege ultimately became merely a theoretical right at Bologna, where the teachers tended to become a close corporation of professors, like the Senatus of a Scottish University. The Guild or College of Masters who taught law in the Studium of (p. 017) Bologna naturally resented the rise of the universities of students. The doctors, they said, should elect the rectors, as they do at Paris. The scholars follow no trade, they are merely the pupils of those who do practise a profession, and they have no right to choose rulers for themselves any more than the apprentices of the skinners. The masters were citizens of Bologna, and it might be expected that the State would assist them in their struggle with a body of foreign apprentices; but the threat of migration turned the scales in favour of the students. There were no buildings and no endowments to render a migration difficult, and migration did from time to time take place. The masters themselves were dependent upon fees for their livelihood; they were, at Bologna, frequently laymen with no benefice to fall back upon, and with wives and children to maintain. As time went on and the teaching masters became a limited number of professors, they were given salaries, at first by the student-universities themselves and afterwards by the city, which feared to offend the student-universities. They thus passed, to a large extent, under the control of the universities; how far, we shall see as our story progresses. The city authorities tried ineffectually to curb the universities and to prevent migrations, but the students, with the support of the Papacy, succeeded in maintaining the strength of their organisations, and (p. 018) when, in the middle of the fourteenth century, secessions from Bologna came to an end, the students had obtained the recognition and most of the privileges they desired. In course of time the authority of the State increased at Bologna and elsewhere, bodies of Reformatores Studii came to be appointed by republics or tyrants in Italian university cities, and these boards gradually absorbed the government of the universities. The foundation of residential colleges, and the erection of buildings by the universities themselves, deprived the students of the possibility of reviving the long disused weapon of a migration, and when the power of the Papacy became supreme in Bologna, the freedom of its student-universities came to an end. This, however, belongs to a later age. We must now attempt to obtain some picture of the life of a medieval student at Bologna during the greatness of the Universitates. We will choose an Englishman who arrives at Bologna early in the fifteenth century to study law. He finds himself at once a member of the English nation of the Trans-montane University; he pays his fee, takes the oath of obedience to the Rector, and his name is placed upon the "matricula" or roll of members of the University. He does not look about for a lodging-house, like a modern student in a Scottish University, but joins with some companions (_socii_) probably of (p. 019) his own nation, to take a house. If our new-comer had been a Spaniard, he might have been fortunate enough to find a place in the great Spanish College which had been founded in the latter half of the fourteenth century; as it is, he and his friends settle down almost as citizens of Bologna. The success of the universities in their attempt to form a citizenship outside the state had long ago resulted in the creation also of a semi-citizenship within the state. The laws of the city of Bologna allowed the students to be regarded as citizens so long as they were members of a University. Our young Englishman has, of course, no share in the government of the town, but he possesses all rights necessary for the protection of his person and property; he can make a legal will and bring an action against a citizen. The existence of these privileges, unusual and remarkable in a medieval state, may excite his curiosity about the method by which they were acquired, and he will probably be told strange and terrible tales of the bad old times when a foreign student was as helpless as any other foreigner in a strange town, and might be tortured by unfair and tyrannous judges. If he is historically minded, he will learn about the rise of the smaller guilds which are now amalgamated in his Universitas; how, like other guilds, they were benefit societies caring for the sick and the poor, burying the dead, and providing (p. 020) for common religious services and common feasts. He will be told (in language unfamiliar at Oxford) how the proctors or representatives of the guild were sent to cheer up the sick and, if necessary, to relieve their necessities, and to reconcile members who had quarrelled. The corporate payment for feasts included the cost of replacing broken windows, which (at all events among the German students at Bologna) seem to have been associated with occasions of rejoicing. The guild would pay for the release of one of its members who was in prison, but it would also insist upon the payment of the debts, even of those who had "gone down." It was essential that the credit of the guild with the citizens of Bologna should be maintained. Many of these purposes were still served by the "nation" to which our Bologna freshman belonged: but the really important organisation was that of his Universitas. One of his first duties might happen to be connected with the election of a new Rector. The title of the office was common in Italy and was the equivalent of the Podesta, or chief magistrate, of an Italian town. The choice of a new Rector would probably be limited, for the honour was costly, and the share of the fines which the Rector received could not nearly meet his expenses. As his jurisdiction included clerks, it was necessary, by the Canon (p. 021) Law, that he should have the tonsure, and be, at all events technically, a clerk. He could not belong to any religious order, his obligations to which might conflict with his duty to the Universitas, and the expense of the office made it desirable that he should be a beneficed clergyman who was dispensed from residence in his benefice; he could enter upon his duties at the age of twenty-four, and he was not necessarily a priest or even a deacon. Our freshman played a small part in the election. As a member of the English nation, he would help to choose a Consiliarius, who had a vote in the election, and who became one of the Rector's permanent Council. The dignity of the Rector's position would be impressed upon our novice by his senior contemporaries, who could boast that, if a Cardinal came to Bologna, he must yield precedence to the Rector, and the lesson would be emphasised by a great feast on the occasion of the solemn installation and possibly by a tournament and a dance, certainly by some more magnificent banquet than that given by a Rector of the University of Arts and Medicine. After our student's day there grew up a strange ceremony of tearing the robe of the new Rector and selling back the pieces to him, and statutes had to be passed prohibiting the acceptance of money for the fragments, although if any student succeeded in capturing the robe without injuring it, he might (p. 022) claim its redemption. The state and hospitality which the office entailed led to its being made compulsory to accept the offer of it, but this arrangement failed to maintain the ancient prestige of the Rectorship which, after the decline of the Universitates themselves, had outlived its usefulness. Magnificent as was the position of the Rector of a Universitas, our young Englishman would soon discover that his Rector was only a constitutional sovereign. He had to observe the statutes and to consult his Council upon important questions. He had no power to dispense with the penalties imposed by the regulations, and for any mismanagement of the pecuniary affairs of the Universitas he was personally liable, when at the end of his period of office he had to meet a Committee and to render an account of his stewardship. He could sentence offending students to money fines, but he must have the consent of his Council before expelling them or declaring them subject to the ecclesiastical and social penalties of the perjured man. He claimed to try cases brought by students against townsmen, and about the time of our scholar's arrival, the town had admitted that he might try students accused of criminal offences forbidden by the University statutes, and had agreed to carry out his sentences. Too free a use of the secular arm would naturally lead to unpopularity and trouble; (p. 023) the spectacle of a student being handed over to the gaolers of the Podesta or of the Bishop can never have been pleasant in the eyes of a Universitas. Changes in the statutes of the University could not be made by the Rector; every twenty years eight "Statutarii" were appointed to revise the code, and alterations made at other times required the consent of the Congregation, which consisted of all students except citizens of Bologna and a few poor scholars who did not subscribe to the funds of the Universitas. By the time of which we are speaking, the two jurist-universities at Bologna met together in one Congregation, and if a Congregation happens to be held during our Englishman's residence at Bologna, he will find himself bound under serious penalties to attend its session, where he will mix on equal, terms with members of the Cismontane University, listening to, or taking part in, the debates (conducted in Latin) and throwing his black or white bean into the ballot box when a vote is necessary. Although the city of Bologna never admitted the jurisdiction of a Universitas over citizens of the town, there were some classes of citizens whose trade or profession made them virtually its subjects. Landlords, stationers, and masters or doctors were in a peculiar relation to the universities, which did not fail to use their advantage to the uttermost. If our English student and his socii (p. 024) had any dispute about the rent of their house, there was a compulsory system of arbitration; if he found an error in a MS. which he had hired or purchased from a Bologna bookseller he was bound to report it to a University Board whose duty it was to inspect MSS. offered for sale or hire, and the bookseller would be ordered to pay a fine; he was protected from extortionate prices by a system which allowed the bookseller a fixed profit on a second-hand book. MSS. were freely reproduced by the booksellers' clerks, and were neither scarce nor unduly expensive, although elaborately illuminated MSS. were naturally very valuable. The landlords and the booksellers were kept in proper submission by threats of _interdictio_ or _privatio_. A citizen who offended the University was debarred from all intercourse with students, who were strictly forbidden to hire his house or his books; if a townsman brought a "calumnious accusation" against a student, and disobeyed a rectorial command to desist, he and his children, to the third generation, and all their goods, were to lie under an interdict, "_sine spe restitutionis_." _Interdictio_, or discommuning, was also the great weapon which might be employed against the masters of the Studium. The degradation of the masters was a gradual process, and it was never complete. The privileges given by Frederick Barbarossa to Lombard scholars in (p. 025) the middle of the twelfth century included a right of jurisdiction over their pupils, and a Papal Bull of the end of the century speaks of masters and scholars meeting together in congregations. The organisation of the Universitas ultimately confined membership of congregation to students, and the powers of the Rector rendered the magisterial jurisdiction merely nominal. The loss of their privileges is attributed by Canon Rashdall to the attitude they adopted in the early struggles between the municipality and the student-guilds. The doctors, who were citizens of Bologna, allied themselves, he says, "with the City against the students in the selfish effort to exclude from the substantial privileges of the Doctorate all but their own fellow-citizens.... It was through identifying themselves with the City rather than with the scholars that the Doctors of Bologna sank into their strange and undignified servitude to their own pupils." They made a further mistake in quarrelling with the town--the earliest migrations were migrations of professors--and when, in the middle of the thirteenth century, a permanent _modus vivendi_ was arrived at between the city and the universities, the rights of the doctors received no consideration. Other citizens of Bologna were forbidden to take an oath of obedience to the rectors, but the masters, who, in theory, possessed rights of jurisdiction over their pupils, were, (p. 026) in fact, compelled by the universities to take this oath. Even those of them who received salaries from the town were not exempted. A doctor who refused to take a vow of obedience to the representative of his pupils had no means of collecting his lecture-fees, which remained of some importance even after the introduction of salaries, and he was liable to further punishment at the will of the Rector. The ultimate penalty was _deprivatio_, and when this sentence was pronounced, not only were the lectures of the offending doctor boycotted, but all social intercourse with him was forbidden; students must avoid his company in private as well as decline his ministrations in the Studium. His restoration could only be accomplished by a vote of the whole University solemnly assembled in Congregation. The oath of obedience was not merely a constitutional weapon kept in reserve for occasional serious disputes; it affected the daily life of the Studium, and the masters were subject to numerous petty indignities, which could not fail to impress our English student if he was familiar with University life in his own country. He would see, with surprise, a doctor's lecture interrupted by the arrival of a University Bedel, as the debates of the House of Commons are interrupted by the arrival of Black Rod, and his instructor would maintain a reverent silence while the Rector's officer delivered some message from the (p. 027) University, or informed the professor of some new regulation. If the learned doctor "cut" a lecture, our student would find himself compelled to inform the authorities of the University, and he would hear of fines inflicted upon the doctors for absence, for lateness, for attracting too small an audience, for omitting portions of a subject or avoiding the elucidation of its difficulties, and for inattention while the "precepta" or "mandata" of the Rector were being read in the schools. He and his fellow-students might graciously grant their master a holiday, but the permission had to be confirmed by the Rector; if a lecture was prolonged a minute after the appointed time, the doctor found himself addressing empty benches. The humiliation of the master's position was increased by the fact that his pupils were always acting as spies upon him, and they were themselves liable to penalties for conniving at any infringement of the regulations on his part. At Bologna, even the privilege of teaching was, to a slight extent, shared by the doctors with their pupils. Lectures were divided into two classes, ordinary and extra-ordinary; the ordinary lectures were the duty of the doctors, but senior students (bachelors) were authorised by the Rector to share with the doctors the duty of giving extra-ordinary lectures. There were six chairs, endowed by the (p. 028) city, which were held by students, and the occupant of one of these was entitled to deliver ordinary lectures. Dr Rashdall finds the explanation of this anomaly in an incident in the fourteenth century history of Bologna, when the Tyrant of the City forbade the professors to teach. The student-chairs were rather endowments for the Rectorship or for poor scholars than serious rivals to the ordinary professorships, and the extra-ordinary lectures delivered by students or bachelors may be regarded as a kind of apprenticeship for future doctors. There remained one department of the work of the Studium in which our Bologna student would find his masters supreme. The sacred right of examining still belonged to the teachers, even though the essential purpose of the examination was changed. The doctors of Bologna had succeeded in preserving the right to teach as a privilege of Bolognese citizens and even of restricting it, to some extent, to certain families, and the foreign student could not hope to become a professor of his own studium. But the prestige of the University rendered Bolognese students ambitious of the doctorate, and the doctorate had come to mean more than a mere licence to teach. This licence, which had originally been conferred by the doctors themselves, required, after the issue of a Papal Bull in 1219, the consent of the Archdeacon (p. 029) of Bologna, and the Papal grant of the _jus ubique docendi_ in 1292 increased at once the importance of the mastership and of the authority of the Archdeacon, who came to be described as the Chancellor and Head of the Studium. "Graduation," in Dr Rashdall's words, "ceased to imply the mere admission into a private Society of teachers, and bestowed a definite legal status in the eyes of Church and State alike.... The Universities passed from merely local into ecumenical organisations; the Doctorate became an order of intellectual nobility with as distinct and definite a place in the hierarchical system of medieval Christendom as the Priesthood or the Knighthood." The Archdeacon of Bologna, even when he was regarded as the Chancellor, did not wrest from the college of doctors the right to decide who should be deemed worthy of a title which Cardinals were pleased to possess. The licence which he required before admitting a student to the doctorate continued to be conferred by the Bologna doctors after due examination. We will assume that our English student has now completed his course of study. He has duly attended the prescribed lectures--not less than three a week. He has gone in the early mornings, when the bell at St Peter's Church was ringing for mass, to spend some two hours listening to the "ordinary" lecture delivered by a doctor in his own house (p. 030) or in a hired room; his successors a generation or two later would find buildings erected by the University for the purpose. The rest of his morning and an hour or two in the afternoon have also, if he is an industrious student, been devoted to lectures, and he has not been neglectful of private study. He has enjoyed the numerous holidays afforded by the Feasts of the Church, and several vacations in the course of the year, including ten days at Christmas, a fortnight at Easter, and about six weeks in the autumn. After five years of study, if he is a civilian, and four if he is a canonist, the Rector has raised him to the dignity of a Bachelor by permitting him to give "extra-ordinary" lectures--and after two more years spent in this capacity he is ready to proceed to the doctorate. The Rector, having been satisfied by the English representative in his Council that the "doctorand" has performed the whole duty of the Bolognese student, gives him permission to enter for the first or Private Examination, and he again takes the oath of obedience to that dignitary. The doctor under whom he has studied vouches for his competence, and presents him first to the Archdeacon and some days afterwards to the College of Doctors, before whom he takes a solemn oath never to seek admittance into the Bolognese College of Doctors, or to teach, or attempt to perform any of the functions of a doctor, at Bologna. They then (p. 031) give him a passage for exposition and send him home. He is followed to his house by his own doctor who hears his exposition in private, and brings him back to the august presence of the College of Doctors and the Archdeacon. Here he treats his thesis and is examined upon it by two or more doctors, who are ordered by the University statutes not to treat any victim of this rigorous and tremendous examination otherwise than if he were their own son, and are threatened with grave penalties, including suspension for a year. The College then votes upon his case, each doctor saying openly and clearly, and without any qualification, "Approbo" or "Reprobo," and if the decision is favourable he is now a Licentiate and has to face only the expensive but not otherwise formidable ordeal of the second or Public Examination. As a newly appointed Scottish judge is, to this day, admitted to his office by trying cases, so the Bologna doctor was admitted to his new dignity by an exercise in lecturing. The idea is common to many medieval institutions, and it survived at Bologna, even though the licentiate had, at his private examination, renounced the right of teaching. Our Englishman and his socii go together to the Cathedral, where he states a thesis and defends it against the attacks of other licentiates. His own doctor, known in Bologna (and elsewhere) as the Promoter, (p. 032) presents him to the Chancellor, who confers upon him the _jus ubique docendi_. He is then seated in a master's chair, and the Promotor gives him an open book and a gold ring and (in the terminology of a modern Scottish University) "caps" him with the biretta. He is dismissed with a benediction and the kiss of peace, and is conducted through the town, in triumphal procession, by his friends, to whom he gives a feast. The feast adds very considerably to the expenses of the doctorate, for which fees are, of course, exacted by the authorities of the University, the College of Doctors, and the Archdeacon. A considerable proportion of the disciplinary regulations, made by the student-universities, aimed at restricting the expenditure on feasting at the inception of a new doctor and on other occasions. When our young English Doctorand received the permission of his Rector to proceed to his degree, he was made to promise not to exceed the proper expenditure on fees and feasts, and he was expressly forbidden to organise a tournament. The spending of money on extravagant costume was also prohibited by the statutes of the University, which forbade a student to purchase, either directly or through an agent, any costume other than the ordinary black garment, or any outer covering other than the black cappa or gabard. Other disciplinary restrictions at (p. 033) Bologna dealt with quarrelling and gambling. The debates of Congregation were not to be liable to interruption by one student stabbing his opponent in Italian fashion, and no one was allowed to carry arms to a meeting of Congregation; if a student had reason to apprehend personal violence from another, the Rector could give him a dispensation from the necessity of attendance. Gaming and borrowing from unauthorised money-lenders were strictly forbidden; to enter a gaming-house, or to keep one, or to watch a game of dice was strictly forbidden. The University of Arts and Medicine granted a dispensation for three days at Christmas, and a Rector might use his own discretion in the matter. The penalties were fines, and for contumacy or grave offences, suspension or expulsion. There are indications that the conduct of the doctors in these respects was not above suspicion; they were expressly prohibited from keeping gaming-houses; and the appointment of four merchants of the town, who alone were empowered to lend money to students, was a protection not only against ordinary usurers, but also against doctors who lent money to students in order to attract them to their lectures. That the ignominious position of the Bologna doctors had an evil effect upon their morals, is evident not only from this, but also from the existence of bribery, in connection with examinations for the (p. 034) doctorate, although corruption of this kind was not confined to the student-universities. The regulations of the greatest of the residential colleges of Bologna, the College of Spain, naturally interfere much more with individual liberty than do the statutes of the student-universities, even though the government of the College was a democracy, based upon the democratic constitution of the University. We shall have an opportunity of referring to the discipline of the Spanish College when we deal with the College system in the northern universities, and meanwhile we pass to some illustrations of life in student-universities elsewhere than at Bologna. At Padua we find a "Schools-peace" like the special peace of the highway or the market in medieval England; special penalties were prescribed for attacks on scholars in the Schools, or going to or returning from the Schools at the accustomed hours. The presence of the Rector also made a slight attack count as an "atrocious injury." The University threatened to interdict, for ten years, the ten houses nearest to the place where a scholar was killed; if he was wounded the period was four or six years. At Florence, where the Faculty of Medicine was very important, there is an interesting provision for the study of anatomy. An agreement was made with the town, by which (p. 035) the students of Medicine were to have two corpses every year, one male and one female. The bodies were to be those of malefactors, who gained, to some extent, by the arrangement, for the woman's penalty was to be changed from burning, and the man's from decapitation, to hanging. A pathetic clause provides that the criminals are not to be natives of Florence, but of captive race, with few friends or relations. If the number of medical students increased, they were to have two male bodies. At Florence, as almost everywhere, we find regulations against gambling, but an exception was made for the Kalends of May and the days immediately before and after, and no penalty could be inflicted for gambling in the house of the Rector. The records, of Florence afford an illustration of the checks upon the rectorial power, to which we have referred in speaking of the typical Student-University at Bologna. In 1433, a series of complaints were brought against a certain Hieronimus who had just completed his year of office as Rector, and a Syndicate, consisting of a Doctor of Decrees (who was also a scholar in civil law), a scholar in Canon Law, and a scholar in Medicine, was appointed to inquire into the conduct of the late Rector and of his two Camerarii. The accusations were both general and personal, and the Syndics, after deciding that (p. 036) Hieronimus must restore eight silver _grossi_ of University money which he had appropriated, proceeded to hear the charges brought by individuals. A lecturer in the University complained that the Rector had unjustly and maliciously given a sentence against him and in favour of a Greek residing at Florence, and that he had unjustly declared him perjured; fifty gold florins were awarded as damages for this and some other injuries. A doctor of Arts and Medicine obtained a judgment for two florins for expenses incurred when the Rector was in his house. A student complained that he had been denounced as "infamis" in all the Schools for not paying his matriculation-fee, and that his name had been entered in the book called the "Speculum." The Syndics ordered the record of his punishment to be erased. The most interesting case is that of student of Civil Law, called Andreas Romuli de Lancisca. He averred that he had sold Hieronimus six measures of grain, to be paid for at the customary price. After four months' delay, the Rector paid seven pounds, and when asked to complete the payment, gave Andreas a book of medicine, "for which I got five florins." Some days later he demanded the return of the book, to which Andreas replied: "Date mihi residuum et libenter restituam librum." To this request the Rector, "in superbiam elevatus," answered, "Tu reddes librum et non solvam tibi." The quarrel continued, and (p. 037) one morning, when Andreas was in the Schools at a lecture, Hieronimus sent the servant of the Podesta, who seized him "ignominiose et vituperose" in the Schools and conducted him to the town prison like a common thief. For all these injuries Andreas craved redress and a sum of forty florins. The damages, he thought, should be high, not merely for his personal wrongs, but also for the insult to the scholar's dress which he wore, and, indeed, to the whole University. He was allowed twenty pounds in addition to the sum due for the grain. The Syndicate of 1433 must have been an extreme case; matters were complicated by the fact that the Rector's brother was "Executor Ordinamentorum Justitiæ Civitatis Florentiæ," and he was therefore suspected of playing into the hands of the city. But the knowledge that such an investigation was possible must have restrained the arbitrary tendencies of a Rector. A reference to the imitation of the Bolognese constitution in Spain must close this portion of our survey. At Lerida, in the earliest code of statutes (about 1300), we find the doctors and master sworn to obey the Rector, who can fine them, though he must not expel them without the consent of the whole University. Any improper criticisms of the Rector ("verba injuriosa vel contumeliosa") by anyone, of whatsoever (p. 038) dignity, are to be punished by suspension until satisfaction is made, and so great is the glory of the office ("Rectoris officium tanta [excellentia] præfulget") that an ex-Rector is not bound to take the oath to his successor. The regulations affecting undergraduates are more detailed than at Bologna, and indicate a stricter discipline. After eight days' attendance at a doctor's lecture, a student must not forsake it to go to another doctor; no scholar is to go to the School on horseback unless for some urgent cause; scholars are not to give anything to actors or jesters or other "truffatores" (troubadours), nor to invite them to meals, except on the feasts of Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, or at the election of a Rector, or when doctors or masters are created. Even on these occasions only food may be given, although an ordinance of the second Rector allows doctors and masters to give them money. No students, except boys under fourteen, are to be allowed to play at ball in the city on St Nicholas' day or St Katherine's day, and none are to indulge in unbecoming amusements, or to walk about dressed up as Jews or Saracens--a rule which is also found in the statutes of the University of Perpignan. If scholars are found bearing arms by day in the students' quarter of the town, they are to forfeit their arms, and if they are found at night with either arms or musical instruments in the students' quarter, they are to (p. 039) forfeit arms or instruments. If they are found outside their own quarters, by night or by day, with arms or musical instruments, the town officials will deal with laymen, and the Bishop or the Rector with clerks. Laymen might be either students or doctors in Spain as in Italy; at Salamanca, a lecturer's marriage was included among the necessary causes which excused a temporary absence from his duties. In the universities of Southern France, the marriage of resident doctors and students was also contemplated, and the statutes of the University of Aix contain a table of charges payable as "charivari" by a rector, a doctor, a licentiate, a bachelor, a student, and a bedel. In each case the amount payable for marrying a widow was double the ordinary fee. If the bridegroom declined to pay, the "dominus promotor," accompanied by "dominis studentibus," was, by permission of the Rector, to go to his house armed with frying-pans, bassoons, and horns, and to make a great tumult, without, however, doing any injury to his neighbours. Continued recusancy was to be punished by placing filth outside the culprit's door on feast-days. In the University of Dôle, there was a married Rector in 1485, but this was by a special dispensation. There are traces of the existence of married undergraduates at Oxford in the fifteenth century, and, in the (p. 040) same century, marriage was permitted in the Faculty of Medicine at Paris, but the insistence upon celibacy in the northern universities is one of the characteristic differences between them and the universities of Southern Europe. CHAPTER III (p. 041) THE UNIVERSITIES OF MASTERS The Guild or Universitas which grew up in the Studium Generale of Paris was a Society of masters, not of students. The Studium Generale was, in origin, connected with the Cathedral Schools, and recognition as a Master was granted by the Chancellor of the Cathedral, whose duty it was to confer it upon every competent scholar who asked for it. The successful applicant was admitted by the existing masters into their Society, and this admission or inception was the origin of degrees in the University of Paris. The date of the growth of an organised Guild is uncertain; Dr Rashdall, after a survey of the evidence, concludes that "it is a fairly safe inference that the period 1150-1170--probably the latter years of that period--saw the birth of the University of Paris." Such organisation as existed in the twelfth century was slight and customary, depending, as the student-universities of Bologna and in other medieval guilds, upon no external authority. The successors of these early masters, writing in the middle of the thirteenth century, relate how their predecessors, men reverend in character (p. 042) and famous for learning, decided, as the number of their pupils increased, that they could do their work better if they became a united body, and that they therefore formed themselves into a College or University, on which Church and State conferred many privileges. The bond of union they describe as a "jus speciale" ("si quodam essent juris specialis vinculo sociati"), and this conception explains the appearance of their earliest code of statutes in the first decade of the thirteenth century. The Guild of masters, at Paris, like the Guild of students at Bologna, could use with advantage the threat of a migration, and, after a violent quarrel with the town in the year 1200, they received special privileges from Philip Augustus. Some years later, Pope Innocent III. permitted the "scholars of Paris" to elect a procurator or proctor to represent their interests in law-suits at Rome. Litigation at Rome was connected with disputes with the Chancellor of the Cathedral. Already the scholars of Paris had complained to the Pope about the tyranny of the Chancellor, and Innocent had supported their cause, remarking that when he himself studied at Paris he had never heard of scholars being treated in this fashion. It moved and astonished the Pope not a little that the Chancellor should attempt to exact an oath of obedience and payment of money from the masters, and, in the end, that official was (p. 043) compelled to give up his claim to demand fees or oaths of fealty or obedience for a licence to teach, and to relax any oaths that had already been taken. The masters, as Dr Rashdall points out, already possessed the weapon of boycotting, and ordering their students to boycott, a teacher upon whom the Chancellor conferred a licence against the wish of their guild, but they could not at first compel him to grant a licence to anyone whom they desired to admit. After the Papal intervention of 1212, the Chancellor was bound to licence a candidate recommended by the masters. In the account of their own history, from which we have already quoted, the Parisian masters speak of their venerable "gignasium litterarum" as divided into four faculties, Theology, Law, Medicine, and Philosophy, and they compare the four streams of learning to the four rivers of Paradise. The largest and most important was the Faculty of Arts, and the masters of that Faculty were the protagonists in the struggle with the Chancellor, a struggle which continued long after the intervention of Innocent III. In the course of this long and successful conflict, the Faculty of Arts developed an internal organisation, consisting of four nations, distinguished as the French, the Normans, the Picards, and the English. Each nation elected a proctor, and the four proctors or other representatives of the (p. 044) nations elected a Rector, who was the Head of the Faculty of Arts. The division into nations and the title of Rector may have been copied from Bologna, but the organisation at Paris was essentially different. The Parisian nations were governed by masters, not by students, and whereas, at Bologna, the artists were an insignificant minority, at Paris, the Rector became, by the end of the thirteenth century, the most powerful official of the University, and, by the middle of the fourteenth, was recognised as its Head. The superior Faculties of Theology, Canon Law, and Medicine, though they possessed independent constitutions under their own Deans, consisted largely of men who had taken a Master's or a Bachelor's degree in Arts, and, from the middle of the thirteenth century, they took an oath to the Rector, which was held to be binding even after they became doctors. The non-artist members of these Faculties were not likely to be able to resist an authority whose existence was generally welcomed as the centre of the opposition to the Chancellor. Ultimately, the whole University passed under the sway of the Rector, and the power of the Chancellor was restricted to granting the _jus ubique docendi_ as the representative of the Pope. Even this was little more than a formality, for the Chancellor "ceased," says Dr Rashdall, "to have any real control over the grant or refusal of Licences, except in so far as he retained (p. 045) the nomination of the Examiners in Arts." At Oxford, the University was also a Guild of masters, but Oxford was not a cathedral city, and there was no conflict with the Bishop or the Chancellor. In the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century, the masters of the Studium probably elected a Rector or Head in imitation of the Parisian Chancellor. After the quarrel with the citizens, which led to the migration to Cambridge, and when King John had submitted to the Pope, the masters were able to obtain an ordinance from the Papal legate determining the punishment of the offenders, and providing against the recurrence of such incidents. The legate ordered that if the citizens should seize the person of a clerk, his surrender might be demanded by "the Bishop of Lincoln, or the Archdeacon of the place or his Official, or the Chancellor, or whomsoever the Bishop of Lincoln shall depute to this office." The clause lays stress upon the authority of the Bishop of Lincoln, which must in no way be diminished by any action of the townsmen. The ecclesiastical authority of the Bishop was welcomed by the University as a protection against the town, and the Chancellor was too far away from Lincoln to press the privileges of the Diocese or the Cathedral against the clerks who were under his special (p. 046) care. The Oxford Chancellor was a master of the Studium, and, though he was the representative of the Bishop, he was also the Head of the masters guild, and from very early times was elected by the masters. Thus he came to identify himself with the University, and his office increased in importance as privileges were conferred upon the University by kings and popes. No Rectorship grew up as a rival to the Chancellorship, though some of the functions of the Parisian Rector were performed at Oxford by the Proctors. There were only two "Nations" at Oxford, for the Oxford masters were, as a rule, Englishmen; men from north of the Trent formed the Northern Nation, and the rest of England the Southern Nation. Scotsmen were classed as Northerners, and Welshmen and Irishmen as Southerners. The division into Nations was short-lived, and the two Rectors or Proctors, though still distinguished as Northern and Southern, soon became representatives elected by the whole Faculty of Arts. As at Paris, the Faculty of Arts was the moving spirit in the University, and Theology, Law, and Medicine never developed at Oxford any independent organisation. The proctors, as Dr Rashdall has shown, thus became the Executive of the University as a whole, and not merely of the Faculty of Arts. An essential difference between Bologna and its two great northern (p. 047) sisters lies in the fact that, at Paris and at Oxford, masters and scholars alike were all clerks, possessing the tonsure and wearing the clerical garb, though not necessarily even in minor orders. They could thus claim the privileges of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and at Oxford this jurisdiction was exercised by the Chancellor, who also, along with the proctors, was responsible for academic discipline and could settle disputes between members of the University. In this, the University of Oxford had a position of independence which Paris never achieved, for though the Parisian Rector's court dealt with cases of discipline and with internal disputes, criminal jurisdiction remained the prerogative of the Bishop. In the middle of the fourteenth century, royal grants of privileges to the University of Oxford culminated in the subjection of the city, and from the middle of the fifteenth "the burghers lived in their own town almost as the helots or subjects of a conquering people." (_Cf._ Rashdall, vol. ii. chap. 12, sec. 3). The constitution of Oxford was closely imitated at Cambridge, where the Head of the University was also the Chancellor, and the executive consisted of two rectors or proctors. In the fifteenth century the University freed itself from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Bishop of Ely. Germany possessed no universities before the fourteenth century. (p. 048) Prague was founded in 1347-8, and was followed before 1400 by Vienna, Erfurt, Heidelberg, and Cologne, and in the first quarter of the next century by Würzburg, Leipsic, Rostock, and in the Low Countries by Louvain. The first Scottish University dates from the early years of the fifteenth century. While the provincial universities of France tended to follow Bologna rather than Paris as their model, the German universities approximated to the Parisian type, and although the founders of the Scottish universities were impressed by some of the conditions of the student-universities, and provided for them a theoretical place in their constitutions, yet the three medieval Scottish universities of Scotland, in their actual working, more nearly resembled the master type. CHAPTER IV (p. 049) COLLEGE DISCIPLINE We are now in a position to approach the main part of our subject--life in a medieval University of masters--and we propose to proceed at once to its most characteristic feature, life in a medieval College. The system originated in Paris. In the early days of the University, students at Paris lived freely in private houses, which a number of "socii" hired for themselves. A record of a dispute which occurred in 1336 shows that it was usual for one member of such a community to be responsible for the rent, "tanquam principalis dictae domus," and the member who was held to be responsible in the particular case is described as a "magister." At first it was not necessary that he should be a master, but this soon became usual, and ultimately (though not till the close of the Middle Ages) it was made compulsory by the University. Dr Rashdall has drawn attention to the democratic character of these Hospicia or Halls, the members of which elected their own principal and made the regulations which he enforced. This democratic constitution is found at Oxford as well as at Paris, and was, indeed, common to all the early universities. (p. 050) When a benevolent donor endowed one of these halls, he invariably gave it not only money, but regulations, and it was the existence of an endowment and of statutes imposed by an external authority that differentiated the College from the Hall. The earliest College founders did not necessarily erect any buildings for the scholars for whose welfare they provided; a College is essentially a society, and not a building. The quadrangular shape which is now associated with the buildings of a College was probably suggested accidentally by the development of Walter de Merton's College at Oxford; but, long after the foundation of Merton College in 1263 or 1264, it was not considered necessary by a founder to build a home for his scholars, who secured a suitable lodging-house (or houses) and were prepared to migrate should such a step become desirable in the interest of the University. The statutes of Merton provide us with a picture of an endowed Hall at the period when such endowments were beginning to change the character of University life. The conception of a College, as distinguished from the older Halls, developed very rapidly, and the Founder's provisions for the organisation of his society were altered three times within ten years. In 1264, Walter de Merton, sometime Chancellor of England, (p. 051) drew up a code of statutes for the foundation of a house, to be called the House of the Scholars of Merton. His motive was the good of Holy Church and the safety of the souls of his benefactors and relations, and these objects were to be served by providing for the maintenance of twenty poor scholars and two or three priests in the schools of Oxford, or elsewhere, if learning should, in these days of civil war, flourish elsewhere than at Oxford. The endowment which he provided was to consist of his manors of Maldon and Farleigh, in Surrey, to which was added the Merton estate, at the end of what are now the "Backs" in Cambridge. This was purchased in 1269-70. The lands were given to his scholars, to be held under certain conditions, in their own name. His own kindred were to have the first claim upon places in the new Society, and, after them, natives of the diocese of Winchester; they were to have allowances of forty shillings each per annum, to live together in a Hall, and to wear uniform garb in token of unity and mutual love. As vacancies arose, by death, by admission into a religious order, by the acceptance of livings in the Church, or by appointments in other callings, they were to be filled up, and if the funds of the society permitted, the numbers, both of scholars and of priests, were to be increased. Scholars who proved to be incorrigibly idle, or who led evil lives, were to be deprived; but the sick and (p. 052) infirm were to be treated generously, and any of the Founder's kin who suffered from an incurable malady, and were incapable of earning an honest living in the Studium or elsewhere, were to be maintained till their death. It was assumed that the scholars had already received the preliminary training in Latin which was necessary for their studies, but provision was made for the elementary instruction of poor or orphan boys of the Founder's kin, until they were ready to enter the University. Once or twice a year all the members of the foundation were to meet and say mass for their Founder and his benefactors, living and dead. The management of the property was entrusted to a Warden, who was to reside not at Oxford or any other Studium where the Hall might happen to be, but at Maldon or Farleigh. The Warden was a member of the Society, but had no authority over the scholars, except that, in cases of disputed elections, he, or the Chancellor or Rector of the University where the Hall happened to be at the time, was to act on the advice of six or seven of the senior scholars, and the senior scholars, rather than the Warden, were looked upon by the founder as the natural leaders of his Society. Every year, eight or ten of the seniors were to go to Surrey to stay for eight days to inquire into the management of their property, and, if at any (p. 053) other time, evil rumours about the conduct of the Warden reached the Hall, two or three of them were to go to investigate. The scholars could, with the consent of the Patron, the Bishop of Winchester, bring about the deposition of the Warden, and elections to the Wardenship were entrusted to the twelve seniors. They were to consult the "brothers" who assisted the Warden at Merton, and were also to obtain the sanction of the Bishop of Winchester. These first Merton statutes clearly contemplate an endowed Hall, differing from other Halls only in the existence of the endowment. Some regulations are necessary in order that the tenure of the property of the Society may be secure and that its funds may not be misapplied, and the brief code of statutes is directed to these ends. Walter de Merton's earliest rules make the minimum of change in existing conditions. But the preparation of this code of statutes must have suggested to the Founder that his generosity gave him the power of making more elaborate provisions. The Mendicant Orders had already established at Oxford and at Paris houses for their own members, and the Monastic Orders in France were following the example of the Friars. These houses were, of course, governed by minute and detailed regulations, and it may have seemed desirable to introduce some stricter discipline into the secular halls. At all events, in (p. 054) 1270, Walter de Merton took the opportunity of an increase in his endowments to issue a code of statutes more than twice as long as that of 1264. These new statutes mark a distinct advance in the Founder's ideal of College life. The Warden becomes a much more important factor in the conduct of the Hall as well as in the management of the property; in the election and in the expulsion of scholars he is given a greater place; his allowances are increased, and his presence at Oxford seems to be implied. The scholars are to proceed from Arts to Theology; four or five of them may be permitted to study the Canon Law, and the Warden may allow some of them to devote some time to the Civil Law. Two Sub-Wardens are to be appointed, one at Maldon and one in Oxford; Deans are to watch over the morals of the scholars, and senior students are to preside over the studies of the freshmen. The scholars are to be silent at meals and to listen to a reader; there must be no noise in their chambers, and a senior is to be in authority in each chamber, and to report breaches of regulations. Conversation is to be conducted in Latin. We have here the beginnings of a new system of University life, and we can trace the tendency towards collegiate discipline still more clearly in the Founder's statutes of 1274, which are much longer and more elaborate than in 1270. The scholars or Fellows are now to (p. 055) obey the Warden, as their Superior; the Deans and the seniors in chambers are to bear rule under him and, in the first instance, to report to him; the Sub-Warden is to take his place in his absence and to assist him at other times; three Bursars are to help him in the management, of the property. The Patron or Visitor, may inquire into the conduct of the Warden or into any accusations brought against him, and has the power of depriving him of his office. The Warden is not an absolute sovereign; the thirteen seniors are associated with him in the government of the College, and the Sub-Warden and five seniors are to inspect his accounts once a year. At the periodical scrutinies, when the conduct of all the members of the College is to be examined, accusations can be brought against him and duly investigated. This custom, and others of Walter de Merton's regulations, were clearly borrowed from the rules of monastic houses, and a company of secular clerks seems to have had difficulty in realising that they were bound by them, for as early as 1284 the Archbishop of Canterbury, who had become the Visitor of the College, had to issue a series of orders for the observances of the statutes. The Warden and Fellows of Merton had permitted the study of medicine: they had interpreted too liberally the permission to study law; they had increased their own allowances (p. 056) and the salaries of their brewer and their cook; the Fellows had resisted the authority of the Warden; they had neglected the attendances at divine service enjoined by the Founder, and they had been lax about expulsions. The change which Walter de Merton had made in a scholar's life was so far-reaching that a secular would probably not have shared the astonishment of Archbishop Peckham (himself a friar) at the unwillingness of the Merton scholars to recognise the loss of their traditional freedom. The system inaugurated by Walter de Merton was destined to have a great development. In the document of 1284, Peckham speaks of Merton as a "College," and its Founder was the founder of the Oxford College system. Although he repeated in his last statutes his permission to move his Society from Oxford, he regarded Oxford as its permanent home. Now that the civil war was over and England at peace, he had, he says, purchased a place of habitation and a house at Oxford, "where a University of students is flourishing." Not only had he provided a dwelling-place, he had also magnificently rebuilt a parish church to serve as a College-Chapel. The example he set was followed both at Oxford and at Cambridge, and the rule of Merton became the model on which College founders based elaborate codes of statutes. English founders generally followed Walter de Merton in making their (p. 057) societies self-governing communities, with an external Visitor as the ultimate court of appeal. There were in many colleges "poor boys" who were taught grammar, performed menial offices, and were not members, nor always eligible for election as members, of the Society; but as a general rule the Fellows or Socii all had a share in the management of the affairs of the House. Routine business was frequently managed by the Head, the officers, and a limited number of the Senior Fellows, but the whole body of Fellows took part in the election of a new Head. A period of probation, varying from one year to three, was generally prescribed before an entrant was admitted a "full and perpetual" Fellow, and during this period of probation he had no right of voting. This restriction was sometimes dispensed with in the case of "Founder's kin," who became full Fellows at once, and the late Sir Edward Wingfield used to boast that in his Freshman term (1850) he had twice voted in opposition to the Warden of New College in a College meeting. As in a monastic house, this freedom was combined with a strict rule of obedience, and though the Head of a medieval College might be irritated by incidents of this kind, he possessed great dignity and high authority within his domain. As founders did more for their students, they expected a larger obedience from them, and (p. 058) attempted to secure it by minute regulations; and the authority of the Head of the College increased with the number of rules which he was to enforce. The foundation of New College at Oxford in 1379 marks the completion of the collegiate ideal which had advanced so rapidly under the successive constitutions of Merton College a hundred years before. William of Wykeham, in providing for the needs of his scholars, availed himself of the experience of the past and created a new model for the future. The Fellows of New College were to be efficiently equipped at Winchester for the studies of the University, and, as we shall see, they were to receive in College special instruction in addition to the teaching of the University. Their magnificent home included, besides their living-rooms, a noble chapel and hall, a library, a garden, and a beautiful cloister for religious processions and for the burial of the dead. King Henry VI. built a still more magnificent house for his Cambridge scholars, and his example was followed by Henry VIII. The later College-founders, as we have said, expected obedience in proportion to their munificence, and the simpler statutes of earlier colleges were frequently revised and assimilated to those of later foundations. We reserve for a later section what we have to say about education, and deal here with habits and customs. The Merton rule that conversation must be in Latin is generally (p. 059) found in College statutes. At Peterhouse, French might occasionally be spoken, should just and reasonable cause arise, but English very rarely. At New College, Latin was to be spoken even in the garden, though English might be used in addressing a layman. At Queen's College, Oxford, which was founded by a courtier, French was allowed as a regular alternative for Latin, and at Jesus College, Oxford, conversation might be in Greek, Latin, or Hebrew. In spite of the influence of the Renaissance, it seems unlikely that either Greek or Hebrew was much used as an alternative to Latin, but the Latin-speaking rule had become less rigid and in sixteenth-century statutes more generous provision is made for dispensations from it. The Latin rule was not merely an educational method; it was deliberately intended to be a check upon conversation. College founders accepted the apostolic maxim that the tongue worketh great evil, and they were convinced that a golden rule of silence was a protection against both ribaldry and quarrels. In the later statutes of Clare, the legislator recognises that not merely loss of time, but the creation of a disposition to be interested in trifles can be traced to "frequentes collocutiones," and he forbids any meetings in bedrooms (even meetings of Masters of Arts) for the purpose of feasting or of talking. If anyone wishes to (p. 060) receive a friend at dinner or supper, he must apply to the Master for leave, and such leave is to be very rarely given. Conversation in Hall was prohibited by the rule of silence and by the provision of a reader, which we have already found at Merton. The book read was almost invariably the Bible. William of Wykeham, who was followed in this, as in other respects, by later College founders, forbade his scholars to remain in Hall after dinner or supper, on the ground that they were likely to talk scandal and quarrel; but on great Feast days, when a fire was allowed in the Hall, they might sit round and indulge in canticles and in listening to poems and chronicles and "mundi hujus mirabilia." The words, of the statute (which reappear in those of later colleges) seem to imply that even on winter evenings a fire burned in the Hall only on Feast days, and the medieval student must have suffered severely from cold. There were, as a rule, no fireplaces in private rooms until the sixteenth century, when we find references to them, _e.g._ in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford; and the wooden shutters which took the place of windows shut out the scanty light of a winter day. When a Disputation (_cf._ p. 146) was held in Hall at night, a fire was lit, but we are not told how, when there was no Disputation or Colleges meeting, the medieval student spent the time between supper and the "nightcap" which accompanied (p. 061) Compline. Dinner was at ten in the morning and supper at six in the evening. Dr Caius, in the middle of the sixteenth century, ordered his students to be in bed by eight o'clock in the evening, and "early to bed" must have been the custom on winter nights in a medieval College. "Early to rise" was the stern law, even in the dark mornings, for the student's day began at six o'clock, and he must often have listened to lectures which commenced in the dark, although dawn overtook the lecturer before he finished his long exposition. In early times there was no provision for breakfast, and, though the existence of such a meal is distinctly contemplated in the statutes of Queen's College, Oxford, there is no hint of it in those of New College. Probably some informal meal was usual everywhere, and was either paid for privately or winked at by the authorities. The absence of any general provision for breakfast led to its being taken in private rooms and not in Hall, and this is the humble origin of the College breakfast party. The number of occupants of a single room varied in different colleges. Special provision was made in later College statutes for the Head of the College; at New College he was given (for the first time) a separate establishment and an allowance of plate and kitchen utensils; he (p. 062) was to dine in Hall only on some twenty great Feasts of the Church, and to sit at a separate table on these occasions. Henry VI. followed this precedent at King's, and elsewhere we find that the Head of a College is to have "principalem mansionem" with garden and stabling for the horses, without which it was not becoming that he should travel on College business. It was generally the duty of the Head to apportion the rooms among other members of the College, and to see that the juniors were under proper supervision. At Peterhouse, and in many other colleges, there were to be two in each chamber. When William of Wykeham built on a large scale, he ordered that there should be four occupants in the ground-floor rooms and three in the first-floor rooms. At King's, the numbers were three in ground-floor rooms and two in first-floor rooms. At Magdalen, the numbers were the same as at New College, but two of the beds in the upper rooms and one in the lower were to be "lectuli rotales, _Trookyll beddys_ vulgariter appellati." Separate beds were usually provided, though sometimes boys under fourteen or fifteen years of age were denied this luxury. The bedrooms were also studies; at Oxford there was no general sitting-room, except in monastic colleges, though Cambridge College statutes speak of a "parlura," corresponding to the modern parlour or combination room. Each of the occupants of a room in New College was the (p. 063) proprietor of a small window, at which he worked, probably at some "study" or desk like the old Winchester "toys." The rooms had four windows and four "studiorum loca," and the general type of a College chamber, after the foundation of New College, was a room with one large window, and two, three, or four small windows for "studies." A large proportion of the care of statute-makers was devoted to the prohibition of amusements. The statutes of Peterhouse forbade dogs or falcons, "for if one can have them in the House, all will want them, and so there will arise a constant howling" to disturb the studious. Dice and chess, being forbidden games to clerks, were also prohibited, and the scholars of Peterhouse were forbidden to frequent taverns, to engage in trade, to mix with actors, or to attend theatrical performances. These enactments are repeated in later College statutes, with such additions as the legislator's knowledge of human nature dictated and with occasional explanations of some interest in themselves. The keeping of dogs is often described as "taking the children's bread and giving it to dogs," and the Founder of Queen's College, Oxford, ordered that no animals were to be kept under the Fellows' rooms, since purity of air is essential for study. William of Wykeham expressly forbade chess, which he classed with games (p. 064) leading to the loss of money or estate, but King Henry VI., who made large use of the statutes of New College, omitted the mention of chess from his King's College statutes, while he added to Wykeham's denunciation of ferrets and hawks, an _index expurgatorius_ of animals which included monkeys, bears, wolves, and stage, and he expressly forbade nets for hunting or fishing. The principle on which modern Deans of colleges have sometimes decided that "gramophones are dogs" and therefore to be excluded from College, can be traced in numerous regulations against musical instruments, which disturb the peace essential to learning. That the medieval student felt the temptations of "ragging" in much the same way as his modern successors, appears from many threats directed against those who throw stones and other missiles to the danger of the buildings. Wykeham thought it necessary to forbid the throwing of stones in Chapel, to the danger of the windows and reredos, and for the safety of the reredos he prohibited dancing or jumping in the Hall, which is contiguous to the Chapel. Games in the Hall were also forbidden for the comfort of the chaplains who lived in the rooms underneath. King Henry VI. forbade dancing or jumping, or other dangerous and improper games in the Chapel, cloister, stalls, and Hall of King's College. Other disciplinary regulations common to all colleges deal with (p. 065) carrying arms, unpunctuality, talking during the reading in Hall or disturbing the Chapel services, bringing strangers into College, sleeping out of College, absence without leave, negligence and idleness, scurrilous or offensive language, spilling water in upper rooms to the detriment of the inhabitants of the lower rooms, and failure to attend the regular "scrutinies" or the stated general meetings for College business. At these scrutinies, any serious charges against members of the Society were considered, and it is in keeping with some of the judicial ideas of the time that some statutes forbid the accused person to have a copy of the indictment against him. For contumacy, for grave moral offences, for crimes of violence, and for heresy, the penalty was expulsion. Less serious offences were punished by subtraction of "commons," _i.e._ deprivation of allowances for a day or a week (or longer), or by pecuniary fines. When College founders provided clothes as well as board and lodging for their scholars, the forfeiture of a robe took its place among the penalties with which offenders were threatened. The "poor boys" who sang in Chapel and waited on the Fellows were whipped like boys elsewhere, who were being taught grammar, but the birch was unknown as a punishment for undergraduates till late in the middle ages. The introduction (p. 066) of corporal punishment into college life in England may be traced by a comparison of William of Wykeham's statutes with those of Henry VI. The King's College statute "De correctionibus faciendis circa delicta leviora" is largely a transcript of a New College statute, with the same title, and both contemplate subtraction of commons as the regular penalty. But the King's College statute contains an additional clause, to the effect that scholars and younger Fellows may be punished with stripes. In the statutes of Magdalen, dated some seventeen years later, William of Waynflete returned to the New College form of the statute, but he provided that his demys (_i.e._ scholars who received half the commons of a Fellow) should be subject to the penalty of whipping in the Grammar School. The statutes of Christ's College prescribe a fine of a farthing for unpunctuality on the part of the scholars, studying in the Faculty of Arts, and heavier fines for absence, and it is added that if the offender be not an adult, a whipping is to be substituted for the pecuniary penalty. At Brasenose, where the Fellows were all of the standing of at least a Bachelor of Arts, the undergraduate scholars were subjected to an unusually strict discipline, and offenders were to be punished either by fines or by the rod, the Principal deciding the appropriate punishment in each case. For unpunctuality, for negligence and idleness, for playing, (p. 067) laughing, talking, making a noise or speaking English in, a lecture-room, for insulting fellow-students, or for disobedience to his pastors and masters, the Brasenose undergraduate was to be promptly flogged. Among the crimes for which the birch is ordered we find "making odious comparisons," a phrase which throws some light on the conversational subjects of sixteenth-century undergraduates. The kind of comparison is indicated in the statute; remarks about the country, the family, the manners, the studies, and the ability, or the person, of a fellow-student must be avoided. Similarly, at Jesus College, Cambridge, it is forbidden to compare country to country, race to race, or science to science, and William of Wykeham and other founders had to make similar injunctions. The medieval student was distinctly quarrelsome, and such records as the famous Merton "scrutiny" of 1339, and investigations by College Visitors, show that the seniors set the undergraduates a bad example. The statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, provide for two new penalties. An offending undergraduate might be sentenced to feed by himself, at a small table in the middle of the Hall, and in aggravated cases to the monastic penalty of bread and water. An alternative penalty was detention in the library at the most inconvenient time ("per horam (p. 068) vel horas cum minime vellet"), and the performance of an imposition to be shown up in due course. The rough and ready penalty of the birch is, however, frequently mentioned in the statutes of Corpus and of other sixteenth-century Colleges. Cardinal Wolsey thought it proper that an undergraduate should be whipped until he had completed his twentieth year. At Trinity, Cambridge (where offenders were sociably flogged before the assembled College on Friday evenings) the age was eighteen. Dr Caius restricted the rod to scholars who were not adult. "We call those adults," he says, "who have completed their eighteenth year. For before that age, both in ancient times and in our own memory, youth was not accustomed to wear _brâccas_, being content with _tibialia_ reaching to the knees." The stern disciplinarian might find an excuse for prolonging the whipping age in the Founder's wish that, "years alone should not make an adult, but along with years, gravity of deportment and good character." As late as the foundation of Pembroke College at Oxford (1624) whipping is the penalty contemplated for undergraduates under eighteen. But when we come to the statutes which were drawn up in 1698 with a view to the foundation of Worcester College, not only is there no mention of the birch, but even pecuniary penalties are deprecated for minor offences, for which impositions (p. 069) and gating are suggested. Minor penalties were enforced by the Head of a college, the Vice-Head, the Deans, and, in sixteenth-century colleges, by the tutors. By later college statutes, these officers received for their personal use a portion of the fines they inflicted, and appeals were sometimes permitted from an officer to the Head, and even to the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor of the University. The oath taken by scholars frequently bound them to reveal to the authorities, any breach of the statutes, and there are indications that members of the College were encouraged to report each other's misdeeds. Thus the Master of Christ's is to fine anyone whom he hears speaking one complete sentence in English, or anyone whom he may know to have been guilty of this offence, except in sleeping-rooms or at times when permission had been given. Oxford and Cambridge Colleges were, as we have seen, endowed homes for the education of secular clerks. All of them, on entrance, had to have the tonsure, and provision was often made for the cutting of their hair and beard. At Christ's College, there was a regular College barber "qui ... caput et barbam radet ac tondebit hebdomadis singulis." They wore ordinary clerical dress, and undue expenditure on clothes and ornaments was strictly prohibited, _e.g._ the Fellows of (p. 070) Peterhouse were forbidden to wear rings on their fingers "ad inanem gloriam et jactantiam." The early founders did not insist upon Holy Orders for the Heads or Fellows of their colleges, though many of them would naturally proceed to the priesthood, but in later college statutes all the Fellows were ultimately to proceed, at stated times, to Holy Orders and to the priesthood, though dispensations for delay might be granted, and students of Medicine were sometimes excused from the priesthood. When they became priests they were, like other priests, to celebrate mass regularly in the Chapel, but were not to receive payment for celebrations outside the College. As mere tonsured undergraduates, they were not, at first, subject to regulations for daily attendance at divine service; but later founders were stricter in this, as in other matters. Bishop Bateman, who, in the middle of the fourteenth century, legislated for the infant Gonville College, ordered that every Fellow should hear one mass daily and say certain prayers, and in his own foundation of Trinity Hall, he repeated the injunction. The prescribed prayers included petitions for the Founder, or for the repose of his soul; every Fellow of Trinity Hall was to say, immediately upon rising in the morning and before going to bed at night, the prayer "Rege quaesumus Domine," during the Bishop's lifetime, and after his death, "Deus qui inter Apostolicos Sacerdotes," and (p. 071) to say the psalm "De profundis clamavi" and a "Kurie eleeson" for the repose of the soul of the Founder's father and mother, his predecessors in the see of Norwich, and after his death for his own soul. The ten priests, who served the Chapel at New College, said masses for the Founder and his benefactors, but every Fellow was to attend mass every day and to say prayers in his own room, morning and evening, including "Rege, quaesumus, Domine, Willielmum Pontificem Fundatorem nostrum" or, after his death, "Deus qui inter Apostolicos sacredotes famulum tuum Fundatorem nostrum pontificali dignitate"; and every day, both after High Mass in Chapel, and after dinner and supper in Hall, the psalm "De profundis" was said. Penalties were prescribed for negligence, and as time went on, a whipping was inflicted for absence from Chapel, _e.g._ at Christ's College, and at Balliol, for which new statutes were drawn up in 1507. Residence in College was continuous throughout the year, even during the University vacation, which lasted from early in July to the beginning of October. Leave of absence might be granted at any time in the year, on reasonable grounds, but was to be given generally in vacations. General rules were laid down for behaviour in keeping with the clerical profession during absence, and students on leave were (p. 072) forbidden to frequent taverns or otherwise transgress the rules which were binding upon them in the University. Occasionally we find some relaxation in these strict regulations, as when the Founder of Corpus Christi at Oxford allows "moderate hunting or hawking" when one of his scholars is on holiday away from Oxford. The same indulgent Founder, after the usual prohibition of games in College, allows a game of ball in the garden for the sake of healthy exercise. ("Non prohibemus tamen lusum pilae ad murum, tabulata, aut tegulas, in horto, causa solum modo exercendi corporis et sanitatis.") Associations with home life were maintained by vacation visits, but the influx of "people" to the University was, of course, unknown. The ancient statutes of Peterhouse permit a woman (even if she be not a relation) to talk with a Fellow in the Hall, preferably in the presence of another Fellow, or at least, a servant; but the legislator had grave fears of the results of such "confabulationes," and the precedent he set was not followed. A Fellow or scholar is frequently permitted by College statutes to entertain his father, brother, nephew, or a friend, obtaining first the consent of the Head of the College, and paying privately for the entertainment, but no such guest might sleep in College, and the permission is carefully restricted to the male sex. Women were, as (p. 073) a rule, not allowed within a College gate; if it was impossible to find a man to wash clothes, a laundress might be employed, but she must be old and of unprepossessing appearance. A scholar or Fellow of a college had not, however, committed himself irrevocably to a celibate life, for marriage is included among the "causas rationabiles et honestas" which vacated a fellowship. It was possible, though probably infrequent, for a Fellow who had not proceeded to Holy Orders to leave the College "uxore ducta," giving up his emolument, his clerical dress, and the tonsure. Even if a Fellow enjoyed the Founder's provision for the long period of his course in Arts and Theology, and proceeded in due time to Holy Orders, it was not contemplated that he should remain a Fellow till his death. "... he had geten him yet no benefyce, Ne was so worldly for to have offyce," says Chaucer, indicating the natural end of a scholar's career. He might betake himself to some "obsequium," and rise high in the service of the king, or of some great baron or bishop, and become, like one of Wykeham's first New College scholars, Henry Chichele, an archbishop and a College founder himself. Should no such great career open up for him, he can, at the least, succeed to one of the livings which the founders of English colleges purchased for this purpose. His "obsequium" would naturally lead to his ceasing to reside, and so vacate his (p. 074) fellowship, and his acceptance of a benefice over a certain value brought about the same result. Some such event was expected to happen to every Fellow; unless he happened to be elected to the Headship, it was not intended that he should grow old in the College, and at Queen's College, Oxford, the arbitrary or unreasonable refusal of a benefice vacated a Fellowship. The object of the College Founder was, that there should never be wanting a succession of men qualified to serve God in Church and State, and to Chaucer's unworldly clerk, if he was a member of a College, there would come, in due course, the country living and goodbye to the University. But statutes were not always strictly observed and the idle life-Fellow, who survived to be the scandal of early Victorian days, was not unknown in the end of the Middle Ages. One of the causes of vacating a fellowship throws some light upon the class of men who became members of Oxford and Cambridge Colleges. The opening sentences of founders' statutes usually contain some such phrase as "collegium pauperum et indigentium scholarium"; but later sections of the statutes contemplate the possibility of their succeeding to property--"patrimonium, haereditatem, feudumve saeculare, vel pensionem annuam"--and if such property exceeded the annual value of a hundred shillings, a Fellowship was _ipso facto_ vacated. The (p. 075) "pauperes et indigentes" expressions must not be construed too literally; the Founder was establishing a claim to the merits of him that considereth the poor, and the language he used was part of the ordinary formulas of the time, and ought not to be interpreted more strictly than the ordinary phrases of legal and Diplomatic documents or than the conventional terms of courtesy, which begin and conclude a modern letter. That an English College Founder wished to give help where help was required, is undeniable, but help was required by others than the poorest. The advancement of the study of theology was near the heart of every medieval founder, and the study of theology demanded the surrender of the best years of a man's life, and the extension of the period of education long after he might be expected to be earning his own living. A curriculum in the University which covered at least sixteen years, and might be followed by nothing more remunerative than the cure of Chaucer's poor priest, required some substantial inducement if it was to attract the best men. Canon Law, Civil Law and Medicine, if they offered more opportunity of attaining a competency, required also a very long period of apprenticeship in the University. There were many youths in the Middle Ages (as there are to-day) neither "pauperes" nor "indigentes" in the strict (p. 076) sense of the word, but too poor to be able to afford sixteen years of study in the University. The length of the medieval curriculum produced some of the necessities which colleges were established to meet. That the founders were not thinking of the poorest classes of the community, is evident from many provisions of their statutes. They frequently provided only board and lodging, and left their beneficiaries to find elsewhere the other necessities of life; they appointed penalties (such as the subtraction of commons for a month) which would have meant starvation to the penniless; they contemplated entertainments and journeys, and in the case of a New College Doctor, even the maintenance of a private servant, at the personal expense of their scholars and Fellows; they prohibited the expenditure of money on extravagant dress and amusements. William of Wykeham made allowances for the expense of proceeding to degrees in the University when one of his Fellows had no private means and no friends to assist him ("propter paupertatem, inopiam, et penuriam, carentiamque amicorum"); but the sum to be thus administered was strictly limited and the recipient had to prove his poverty, and to swear to the truth of his statement. The very frequent insistence upon provisions for a Founder's kin, suggests that the society, to which he wished a (p. 077) large number of his relations to belong, was of higher social standing than an almshouse; and the liberal allowances for the food of the Fellows, as contrasted with the sums allotted to servants and choristers, show that life in College was intended to be easy and comfortable. The fact that menial work was to be done by servants and that Fellows were to be waited on at table by the "poor boys" is a further indication of the dignity of the Society. At New College, it was the special duty of one servant to carry to the schools, the books of the Fellows and scholars. The possession of considerable means by a medieval Fellow, is illustrated by two wills, printed in "Munimenta Academica." Henry Scayfe, Fellow of Queen's College, left in 1449, seven pounds to his father, smaller sums to a large number of friends, including sixpence to every scholar of the College, and also disposed by will of sheep, cattle and horses. In 1457, John Seggefyld, Fellow of Lincoln College, bequeathed to his brother tenements in Kingston by Hull, which had been left him by his father, twelve pence to each of his colleagues, and thirteen shillings and four pence to his executor. Whether the possessions of these men ought to have led to the resignation of their Fellowships, is a question which may have interested their colleagues at the time; to us the facts are important, as illustrating the private means of members of a (p. 078) society of "poor and indigent" scholars, and as indicating the class from which such scholars were drawn. College regulations in other countries add considerably to our knowledge of medieval student-life. In Paris, where the system had its humble beginning in the hire of a room for eighteen poor scholars, by a benevolent Englishman returning from a pilgrimage to Palestine in 1180, the college ideal progressed slowly and never reached its highest development. Even when most of the students of Paris came to live in colleges, the college was not the real unit of university life, nor was a Parisian college a self-governing community like Merton or Peterhouse. The division of the University of Paris into Nations affected its social life, and the Faculties were separated at Paris in a manner unknown in England. A college at Paris was organised in accordance with Faculty divisions, an arrangement so little in harmony with the ideas of English founders, that William of Wykeham provided that Canonists and Civilists, should be mixed in chambers with students of other Faculties "ad nutriendam et conservandam majorem dilectionem, amicitiam et charitatem inter eosdem." As colleges at Paris were frequently confined to natives of a particular district, they tended to become sub-divisions of the Nations. The (p. 079) disadvantages of restricting membership of a college to a diocese or locality, were seen and avoided by the founder of the College of Sorbonne, in the middle of the thirteenth century, and the founder of the sixteenth century College of Mans protested against the custom, by instructing his executors to open his foundation to men, from every nation and province, insisting that association with companions of different languages and customs, would make the scholars "civiliores, eloquentiores, et doctiores," and that the friendships thus formed would enable them to render better service to the State. The tenure of his _bursa_ or emolument, by a member of a Paris college, was so precarious that he could not count upon proceeding to a higher Faculty in his own college, and the existence of an outside body of governors and of Patrons or Visitors, who had the power of filling up vacancies further checked the growth of corporate feeling and college patriotism. The large powers entrusted to an external authority made the position of the Head of a college at Paris, much less important than at Oxford or Cambridge. The differences between English and Parisian colleges may best be realised by a reference to the statutes of some early Paris founders. About 1268, Guillaume de Saone, Treasurer of Rouen, founded at Paris, the "Treasurer's College" for natives of his own diocese. It was (p. 080) founded for poor clerks, twelve of whom were to be scholars in Theology, and twelve in Arts. They were to be selected by the archdeacons of the Cathedral of Rouen, who then resided at Grand-Caux and Petit-Caux, from natives of these places, or, failing them, from the Diocese of Rouen. The scholars were to have rooms and a weekly allowance, not for the whole year, but for forty-five weeks from the feast of St Dionysius; no provision was made for the seven weeks of the vacation, except for two theologians, who were to take charge of the house at Paris. The revenues were collected and distributed by the Prior of the Hospital of St Mary Magdalen at Rouen, and the Archbishop of Rouen was Rector and Patron. The students in Arts never formed part of the foundation, for the Treasurer almost immediately restricted his community to Theologians, and their tenure of the endowment was strictly limited to two years after obtaining their licence. "For we do not wish to grant them anything more, because our intention is only to induce them to proceed to the degree of master in theology." They were furnished with books, which they were forbidden to lend, and they were placed under the immediate superintendence of the senior Bursar or Foundationer, whose duty it was to call them together once a week, and inquire into their conduct and their progress in their (p. 081) studies. Some general rules were laid down by the Founder, and offenders against them were to be expelled at these meetings. They were permitted to receive a peaceful commoner, who paid for his chamber and was a student of Theology. The interest of the Treasurer of Rouen in Theology is characteristic, and the great College of the Sorbonne, founded about the same time, was also restricted to theologians. The College of Navarre, founded in 1304, provided for twenty students of grammar, twenty in logic and philosophy (Arts) and twenty in Theology, each Faculty forming a sub-college, with a separate hall. A doctor in grammar was to superintend both the studies and the morals of the grammarians and to receive double their weekly allowance of four shillings, and similarly, a master of Arts was to supervise the Artists and receive double their weekly allowance of six shillings. The "Dean and University of the masters of the scholars of the theological Faculty at Paris" were to choose a secular clerk to be Rector of the College, and to govern it in conjunction with the body that appointed him. The masters of the Faculty of Theology, or their representatives, were to visit the College annually, to inquire into the financial and domestic arrangements, and into the behaviour of the Rector, masters, and scholars, and to punish as they deemed necessary. Membership of the College was restricted to the kingdom of France. (p. 082) Similarly, the College du Plessis, founded in 1322, by Geoffrey du Plessis, Notary Apostolic, and Secretary of Philip the Long, was restricted to Frenchmen, with preference to certain northern dioceses. Its forty scholars were in separate societies, with a Grand Master who had to be a master or, at least, a bachelor in Theology. The affairs of the College, as far as concerned the election, discipline and the deprivation of its members, were to be administered by two bishops and an abbot, in conjunction with the Master and with the Chancellor of the Cathedral of Paris, or, in the absence of the great dignitaries, by the Master and the Chancellor. But the financial administration was entrusted to a provisor or procurator, who undertook the collection and distribution of the revenues. The details of college statutes at Paris, bear a general resemblance to the regulations of Oxford and Cambridge founders, and discipline became more stringent as time went on. Attendance at Chapel (the only meeting-place of students in different Faculties in the same College) came to be strictly required. Punctuality at meals was frequently insisted upon, under pain of receiving nothing but bread. Silence was enjoined at meal times and the Bible was read. Latin was, from the first, the only lawful medium of conversation. All the members of (p. 083) a college, had to be within the gates when the curfew bell rang. Bearing arms or wearing unusual clothes was forbidden, and singing, shouting and games were denounced as interfering with the studies of others, although the Parisian legislators were more sympathetic with regard to games, than their English contemporaries. Even the Founder of the Cistercian College of St Bernard, contemplated that permission might be obtained for games, though not before dinner or after the bell rang for vespers. A sixteenth-century code of statutes for the College of Tours, while recording the complaints of the neighbours about the noise made by the scholars playing ball ("de insolentiis, exclamationibus et ludis palmariis dictorum scolarium, qui ludunt ... pilis durissimis") permitted the game under less noisy conditions ("pilis seu scophis mollibus et manu, ac cum silentio et absque clamoribus tumultuosis"). The use of dice was, as a rule, absolutely prohibited, but the statutes of the College of Cornouaille permitted it under certain conditions. It might be played to amuse a sick fellow on feast days, or without the plea of sickness, on the vigils of Christmas, and of three Holy Days. But the stakes must be small and paid in kind, not in money ("pro aliquo comestibili vel potabili"). Penalties for minor offences were much the same as in England--forfeiture of commons for varying periods, pecuniary fines, and in the (p. 084) sixteenth century, whipping. In the College of Le Mans, bursars who were not graduates were to be whipped for a first offence in a school, and for a second offence in the Hall ("prout mos est in universitate Parisiensi"). The obligation of reporting each other's faults, of which there are indications in English statutes, was almost universal at Paris, where all were bound to reveal offences "sub secreto" to the authorities. The penalty of "sconcing," still inflicted at Oxford, for offences against undergraduate etiquette, finds a place in the Parisian statutes among serious punishments. We find it in the Statutes of Cornouaille for minor offences; if a man carries wine out of the College illicitly, he is to pay for double the quantity to be drunk by the members who were present at the time; if anyone walks through the confines or chambers in pattens ("cum calepodiis, id est cum patinis") he is to be mulcted in a pint of wine. If a stranger is introduced without leave ("ad mensam communitatis ad comedendum vel videndum secretum mensae"), the penalty is a quart of good wine for the fellows present in Hall. For unseemly noise, especially at meals, and at time of prayers, the ordinary penalty is a quart of ordinary wine ("vini mediocris"). For speaking in the vernacular, there is a fine of "the price of a pint of wine," but, as the usual direction about drinking it, is omitted, this was probably not a sconce; at (p. 085) the Cistercian College, the penalty for this offence was a sconce. So far, the offences for which a sconce is prescribed, might in most cases, be paralleled in more recent times in an English college, but the statutes of Cornouaille also make sconcing the penalty for striking a servant, unless the injury was severe, in which case, more serious punishments were imposed. The whole sentence is an illustration of the lack of control over outbursts of bad temper, which is characteristic of medieval life. All the scholars are to be careful not to strike the servants in anger or with ill-will, or to injure them; he who inflicts a slight injury is to be fined a quart of wine; if the injury be more severe, the master is to deprive him of his burse for one day or more, at his own discretion and that of a majority of the scholars: if there is a large effusion of blood or a serious injury, the provisor (the Bishop of Paris or his Vicar General) is to be informed, and to deprive the offender of his burse, or even punish him otherwise. At the Sorbonne, an assault on a servant was to be followed by the drinking of a quart of specially good wine by the Fellows, at the culprit's expense; for talking too loud in Hall, the sconce was two quarts (presumably of ordinary wine). Dr Rashdall quotes from the MS. Register of the Sorbonne, actual instances of the infliction of sconces: "A Doctor of Divinity is sconced a quart of wine for (p. 086) picking a pear off a tree in the College garden, or again, for forgetting to shut the Chapel door, or for taking his meals in the kitchen. Clerks are sconced a pint for 'very inordinately' knocking 'at the door during dinner ...' for 'confabulating' in the court late at night, and refusing to go to their chambers when ordered.... The head cook is sconced for 'badly preparing the meat for supper,' or for not putting salt in the soup." Among the examples given by Dr Rashdall from this source are a sconce of two shillings for drunkenness and a sconce in wine inflicted upon the head cook for being found "cum una meretrice." An offence so serious in a bursar, is by many college statutes to be followed by expulsion, and Dr Rashdall quotes an instance of this penalty: but Parisian College Founders, were less severe in dealing with moral offences than English Founders. At the monastic College of Marmoutier, it was only on the second offence that bringing into College ("mulierem suspectam et inhonestam") led to expulsion, and at the College of Cornouaille, the penalty for a first offence was loss of commons or bursa for fifteen days, and for a second offence a month's deprivation; but even at Cornouaille actual incontinence was to be punished by expulsion. A late code of statutes of the fourteenth-century College of (p. 087) Dainville, give us a picture of a student's day. The hour of rising was five o'clock, except on Sundays and Feast days when an hour's grace was allowed. Chapel service began at 5.30, prayers, meditation, and a New Testament lesson being followed by the mass of the College at six. All students resident in the College had to be present. The reception of commoners, an early instance of which we noted in the College of the Treasurer, had developed to such an extent, that all Colleges had, in addition to their bursars or foundations, a large number of "foranei scholares," who paid their own expenses but were subject to College discipline, and received a large part of their education in College. After mass, the day's work began; attendance at the Schools and the performance of exercises for their master in College. Dinner was about twelve o'clock, when either a bursar or an external student read, "first Holy Scripture, then a book appointed by the master, then a passage from a martyrology." After dinner, an hour was allowed for recreation--walking within the precincts of the College, or conversation--and then everyone went to his own chamber. Supper was at seven, with reading as at dinner, and the interval until 8.30 was again free for "deambulatio vel collocutio." At 8.30 the gates of the College were closed, and evening Chapel began. Rules against remaining in Hall after supper occur in Parisian as well (p. 088) as in English statutes, and we find prohibitions against carrying off wood to private rooms. The general arrangement of Parisian college chambers, probably resembled those of Oxford, or Cambridge, and we find references to "studies." The statutes of the monastic college of Clugny order that "because the mind is rendered prudent by sitting down and keeping quiet, the said students at the proper and wonted hours for study shall be, and sit, alone in their cells and at their studies." Parisian statutes are stricter than English statutes in insisting upon frequent inspections of students' chambers, and a sixteenth-century code for a Parisian college orders the officials to see their pupils every night before bed time, and to make sure, before they themselves retire for the night, that the students are asleep and not wandering about the quadrangles. Strict supervision is found in colleges in other French universities, even in those which belong to the student type. It was, of course, especially strict in monastic colleges, which carried their own customs to the University; in the College of Notre Dame de Pitié, at Avignon, the master of the novices lived in a room adjoining their dormitory, and had a window, through which he might watch their proceedings. Supervision was sometimes connected with precautions against fire, _e.g._ at the College of Saint Ruf, at Montpellier, (p. 089) an officer was appointed every week to go round all chambers and rooms at night, and to warn anyone who had a candle or a fire in a dangerous position, near his bed or his study. He was to carry a pail of water with him to be ready for emergencies. A somewhat similar precaution was taken in the Collegium Maius at Leipsic, where water was kept in pails beside the dormitories, and leather pails, some centuries old, are still to be seen at Oxford. As a rule, the dormitories seem to have contained a separate bed for each occupant, but in the College of St Nicholas de Pelegry at Cahors, students in arts (who entered about the age of fourteen) were to sleep two in a bed. Insistence on the use of Latin is almost universal; the scholars of the College de Foix at Toulouse are warned that only ploughmen, swineherds and other rustics, use their mother tongues. Silence and the reading of the Bible at meals was usual, and students are sometimes told to make their needs known, if possible, by signs. Fines for lateness at meals are common, and there are injunctions against rushing into Hall with violence and greed: no one is to go near the kitchen to seize any food, and those who enter Hall first, are to wait till the rest arrive, and all are to sit down in the proper order. Prohibitions against dogs are infrequent in the French statutes; at the College des Douze Medecins at Montpellier, one watchdog was allowed to live in College. Women (p. 090) were often forbidden to enter a college, "quia mulier caput est peccati, arma dyaboli, expulsio paradysi, et corruptio legis antiquae." The College of Saint Ruf at Montpellier, in the statutes of which this formula occurs, did, however, allow women to stand in the Chapel at mass, provided that they did not enter the choir. The monastic institution of Our Lady of Pity at Avignon, went so far as to have a matron for the young boys, an old woman, entitled "Mater Novitiorum Collegiatorum." At the College of Breuil at Angers, a woman might visit the College by day if the Principal was satisfied that no scandal could arise. Penalties for going about the town in masked bands and singing or dancing, occur in many statutes, but processions in honour of saints and choruses to celebrate the taking of degrees, are sometimes permitted. Blasphemy and bad language greatly troubled the French statute-makers, and there are many provisions against blaspheming the Blessed Virgin. At the College of Breuil at Angers, a fine of twopence, was imposed for speaking or singing "verba inhonesta tam alte," especially in public places of the College; in Germany, the Collegium Minus at Leipsic provides also against writing "impudentia dicta" on the walls of the College. The usual penalties for minor offences are fines and subtraction of commons: references to (p. 091) flogging are rare, though it is found in both French and German colleges. More serious crimes were visited with suspension and expulsion. At the College of Pelegry, at Cahors, to enter the college by a window or otherwise after the great gate was closed, involved rustication for two months for the first offence, six months for the second offence, and expulsion for a third. At the College de Verdale, at Toulouse, expulsion was the penalty for a list of crimes which includes theft, entering the college by stealth, breaking into the cellar, bringing in a meretrix, witch-craft, alchemy, invoking demons or sacrificing to them, forgery, and contracting "carnale vel spirituale matrimonium." We may close our survey of the Medieval College, with a glimpse of a French college in the fourteenth century. We have the record of a visitation of the Benedictine foundation of St Benedict, at Montpellier, partly a monastery and partly a college. The Prior is strictly questioned about the conduct of the students. He gives a good character to most of them: but the little flock contained some black sheep. Peter is somewhat light-headed ("aliquantulum est levis capitis") but not incorrigible; he has been guilty of employing "verba injuriosa et provocativa," but the Prior has corrected him, and he has taken the correction patiently. Bertrand's life is "aliquantulum (p. 092) dissoluta," and he has made a conspiracy to beat (and, as some think, to kill) Dominus Savaricus, who had beaten him along with the rest, when he did not know his lessons. (Bertrand says he is eighteen and looks like twenty-one, but this is a monastic college and the beating is monastic discipline.) The Prior further reports that Bertrand is quarrelsome; he has had to make him change his bed and his chamber, because the others could not stand him; he is idle and often says openly, that he would rather be a "claustralis" than a student. Breso is simple and easily led, and was one of Bertrand's conspirators. William is "pessimae conversationis" and incorrigible, scandalous in word and deed, idle and given to wandering about the town. Correction is vain in his case. After the Prior has reported, the students are examined _viva voce_ upon the portions of the decretals, which they are studying, and the results of the examination bear out generally the Prior's views. Bertrand, Breso and William, are found to know nothing, and to have wasted their time. The others acquit themselves well, and the examiners are merciful to a boy who is nervous in _viva voce_, but of whose studies Dominus Savaricus, who has recovered from the attack made upon him, gives a good account. Monks, and especially novices, were human, and the experience of St Benedict's at Montpellier was probably similar to that of secular colleges in (p. 093) France and elsewhere. Even in democratic Bologna, it was found necessary in the Spanish College (from the MS. statutes of which, Dr Rashdall quotes) to establish a discipline which included a penalty of five days in the stocks and a meal of bread and water, eaten sitting on the floor of the Hall, for an assault upon a brother student; if blood was shed, the penalty was double. The statutes of the Spanish College were severe for the fourteenth century, and they penalise absence from lecture, unpunctuality, nocturnal wanderings and so forth, as strictly as any English founder. CHAPTER V (p. 094) UNIVERSITY DISCIPLINE The growing tradition of strict college discipline ultimately led to disciplinary statutes in the universities. From very early times, universities had, of course, made regulations about the curriculum, and the border-line between a scholar's studies and his manners and morals, could not be absolutely fixed. At Paris, indeed, it is not until the fifteenth century that we find any detailed code of disciplinary statutes; but fourteenth-century regulations about dress were partly aimed at checking misdeeds of students disguised as laymen, and in 1391 the English Nation prohibited an undue number of "potationes et convivia," in celebration of the "jocund advent" of a freshman or on other occasions. It was not till the middle of the fifteenth century that the University of Paris, awoke to the realisation of its own shortcomings in manners and morals; Cardinal William de Estoutville was commissioned by Nicholas V. to reform it, and internal reform, the necessity of which had been recognised for some years, began about the same time with an edict of the Faculty of Arts ordering a general improvement, and especially forbidding the (p. 095) celebration of feasts "cum mimis seu instrumentis altis." Estoutville's ordinances are largely concerned with the curriculum, he was at least as anxious to reform the masters as the pupils, and his exhortations are frequently in general or scriptural terms. The points of undergraduate discipline on which he lays stress are feasting, dressing improperly or wearing the clothes of laymen, quarrelling, and games and dances "dissolutas et inhonestas." Four masters or doctors are to inspect annually the colleges and pedagogies, in which the students live, and are to see that proper discipline is maintained. From time to time, similar regulations were made by the Faculty of Arts, _e.g._ in 1469, it is ordered that no student is to wear the habit of a fool, except for a farce or a morality (amusements permitted at this period). Any one carrying arms or wearing fools' dress is to be beaten in public and in his own hall. These last regulations are doubtless connected with town and gown riots, for which the Feast of Fools afforded a tempting opportunity. The absence of disciplinary regulations in the records of the University of Paris, is largely to be explained by the fact that criminal charges against Parisian scholars were tried in the Bishop's Court, and civil actions in the Court of the Provost of Paris. At Oxford, where the whole jurisdiction belonged to the Chancellor of (p. 096) the University, disciplinary statutes are much more numerous. We find, from the middle of the thirteenth century onwards, a series of edicts against scholars who break the peace or carry arms, who enter citizens' houses to commit violence, who practise the art of sword and buckler, or who are guilty of gross immorality. A statute of 1250 forbids scholars to celebrate their national feast days disguised with masks or garlands, and one of 1313 restricts the carrying of arms to students who are entering on, or returning from, long journeys. Offenders who refuse to go to prison, or who escape from it, are to be expelled. As early as the middle of the thirteenth century, it was the duty of the proctors and of the principals of halls, to investigate into, and to report the misdeeds of scholars who broke the rules of the University or lived evil lives. A list of fines drawn up in 1432 (a period when in the opinion of the University a pecuniary penalty was more dreaded than anything else) prescribes fines of twelve pence for threatening violence, two shillings for wearing arms, four shillings for a violent shove with the shoulders or a blow with the fist, six shillings and eight pence for a blow with a stone or stick, ten shillings for a blow with a sword, a knife, a dagger or any similar "bellicose weapon," twenty shillings for carrying bows and arrows with evil intent, thirty shillings for collecting an (p. 097) assembly to break the peace, hinder the execution of justice, or make an attack upon anyone, and forty shillings for resisting the execution of justice or wandering about by night. In every case damages have also to be paid to any injured person. The device of overaweing a court (familiar in Scottish history) is prohibited by a regulation that no one shall appear before the Chancellor with more than two companions. The records of the Chancellor's Court furnish us with instances of the enforcement of these regulations. In 1434, a scholar is found wearing a dagger and is sentenced to be "inbocardatus,"[1] _i.e._ imprisoned in the Tower of the North Gate of the city, and another offender, in 1442, suffers a day's imprisonment, pays his fine of two shillings, and forfeits his arms. In the same year, John Hordene, a scholar of Peckwater Inn, is fined six shillings and eightpence for breaking the head of Thomas Walker, manciple of Pauline Hall, and Thomas Walker is fined the like sum for drawing his sword on Hordene and for gambling. In 1433, two scholars, guilty of attacking Master Thomas Rygby in Bagley Wood and stealing twelve shillings and sevenpence from him, fail to appear, and are expelled from the University, their goods (estimated to be worth about thirteen shillings) being (p. 098) confiscated. In 1457, four scholars are caught entering with weapons into a warren or park to hunt deer and rabbits; they are released on taking an oath that, while they are students of the University, they will not trespass again, in closed parks or warrens. In 1452, a scholar of Haburdaysh Hall is imprisoned for using threatening language to a tailor, and is fined twelvepence and imprisoned; the tailor insults the prisoner and is fined six shillings and eightpence. We have quoted instances of undergraduate offences, but the evil-doers are by no means invariably young students, _e.g._ in 1457 the Vicar of St Giles has to take an oath to keep the peace, his club is forfeited, and he is fined two shillings; and in the same year the Master of St John's Hospital, who has been convicted of divers enormous offences, is expelled the University for breaking prison. [Footnote 1: The prison was called "Bocardo" because, like the mood known as "Bocardo" in the syllogism, it was difficult to get out of.] The increased stringency of disciplinary regulations at Oxford in the end of the medieval period is best illustrated by the statutes which, in the fifteenth century, the University enforced upon members of the unendowed Halls. Students who were not members of a College lived, for the most part, in one of the numerous Halls which, up to the Reformation, were so important a feature of the University. A code of these statutes, printed for the first time by Dr Rashdall, shows that the liberty of the earlier medieval undergraduate had largely (p. 099) disappeared, and that the life of a resident in a Hall, in the end of the fifteenth century, was almost as much governed by statute and regulation as if he were the partaker of a founder's bounty. He must hear mass and say matins and vespers every day, under pain of a fine of a penny, and attend certain services on feast days. His table manners are no longer regulated by the customs and etiquette of his fellows, but by the rules of the University. His lapses from good morals are no longer to be visited with penalties imposed by his own society; if he gambles or practises with sword and buckler, he is to pay fourpence; if he sins with his tongue, or shouts or makes melody when others wish to study or sleep, or brings to table an unsheathed knife, or speaks English, or goes into the town or the fields unaccompanied by a fellow-student, he is fined a farthing; if he comes in after 8 P.M. in winter or 9 P.M. in summer, he contracts a gate bill of a penny; if he sleeps out, or puts up a friend for the night, without leave of his Principal, the fine is fourpence; if he sleeps with another student in the Hall but not in his own bed, he pays a penny; if he brings a stranger to a meal or a lecture or any other "actum communem" in the Hall, he is fined twopence; if he is pugnacious and offensive and makes odious comparisons, he is to pay sixpence; if he attacks a fellow-member or a servant, the University has (p. 100) appointed penalties varying with the severity of the assault, and for a second offence he must be expelled. He has to obey his Principal much as members of a College obey their Head, and, in lieu of the pecuniary penalties, the Principal may flog him publicly on Saturday nights, even though his own master may certify that he has already corrected him, or declare his willingness to correct him, for his breaches of the statutes. The private master or tutor was, as Dr Rashdall suggests, probably a luxury of the rich boy, to whom his wealth might thus bring its own penalty. It is startling to the modern mind to find University statutes and disciplinary regulations forbidding not only extravagant and unbecoming dress, but sometimes also the wearing of distinctive academic costume by undergraduates, for distinctive academic costume was the privilege of a graduate. The scholar wore ordinary clerical dress, unless the Founder of a College prescribed a special livery. The master had a _cappa_ or cope, such as a Cambridge Vice-Chancellor wears on Degree Days, with a border and hood of minever, such as Oxford proctors still wear, and a _biretta_ or square cap. In 1489, the insolence of many Oxford scholars had grown to such a pitch that they were not afraid to wear hoods in the fashion of masters, whereas bachelors, to their own damnation and the ruin of the University, (p. 101) were so regardless of their oaths as to wear hoods not lined throughout with fur. Penalties were prescribed for both kinds of offenders; but though the Oxford undergraduate never succeeded in annexing the hood, he gradually acquired the _biretta_, which his successor of to-day is occasionally fined for not wearing. The modern gown or toga is explained by Dr Rashdall as derived from the robe or cassock which a medieval Master of Arts wore under his _cappa_. The disciplinary regulations of fifteenth-and sixteenth-century Oxford may be paralleled from other universities. At Louvain there was a kind of proctorial walk undertaken by the University official known as the Promotor. On receiving three or four hours' notice from the Rector, the Promotor, with a staff of servants, perambulated the streets at night, and he and his "bulldogs" received a fine from anyone whom they apprehended. Offending students caught _in flagrante delicto_ he conducted to the University prison, and others he reported to the Rector. "Notabiles personæ" might be incarcerated in a monastery incorporated with the University. Arms found upon anyone were forfeited. The Promotor was also the University gaoler, and was responsible for the safe custody of prisoners, and he might place in fetters dangerous prisoners or men accused of serious crimes. (p. 102) Interviews with captives had to take place in his presence; male visitors had to give up their knives or other weapons before being admitted, and female visitors had to leave their cloaks behind them. Students were forbidden to walk in the streets at night after the bell of St Michael's Church had been rung at nine o'clock in winter, and ten o'clock in summer, unless they were accompanied by a doctor or a "gravis persona" and were bearing a torch or lantern. The list of offences at Louvain are much the same as elsewhere, but an eighteenth-century code of statutes specially prohibits bathing and skating. The laws against borrowing and lending were unusually strict, and no student under twenty-five years was allowed to sell books without the consent of his regent, the penalty for a sixteenth-century student in Arts being a public flogging in his own college. At Leipsic, the University was generally responsible for the discipline, sometimes even when the offences had been committed in the colleges; and a record of the proceedings of the Rector's Court from 1524 to 1588, which was published by Friedrich Zarncke, the learned historian of Leipsic, gives us a large variety of incidents of University life in sixteenth-century Germany. Leipsic possessed a University prison, and we find, in 1524, two students, Philippus (p. 103) Josman and Erasmus Empedophillus, who had quarrelled, and insulted each other, sentenced to perform, in the prison, impositions for the Rector. Six or eight days' imprisonment is a frequent penalty for a drunken row. A college official brings to the Rector's Court in 1545 one of his pupils, John Ditz, who had lost much money by gambling. Ditz and one of his friends, Caspar Winckler, who had won six florins and some books from him, have already been flogged by their preceptors; they are now sentenced to imprisonment, but as the weather is very cold, they are to be released after one day's detention, and sent back to their preceptors to be flogged again. Their companions are sentenced to return any money, books or garments which they had won in gambling games. A student of the name of Valentine Muff complains to the Rector that his pedagogue has beaten and reproved him undeservedly: after an inquiry he is condemned to the rods "once and again." For throwing stones at windows a student is fined one florin in addition to the cost of replacing them. For grave moral offences fines of three florins are imposed, and the penalty is not infrequently reduced. A month's imprisonment is the alternative of the fine of three florins, but if the weather is cold, the culprit, who has been guilty of gross immorality, is let off with two florins. A drunken youth who meets some girls in the evening and tries to (p. 104) compel them to enter his college, is sentenced to five days' imprisonment, but is released on the intercession of the girls and many others. An attack on a servant with a knife is punished by forfeiture of the knife and a fine of half a florin, and a penalty of a florin (divided among the four victims) is inflicted for entering a house with arms and wounding the fingers of some of its inhabitants. A ruffian of noble birth, who had been guilty of gross immorality and of violence, declines to appear in the Rector's Court, and is duly sentenced to expulsion. But his father promises to satisfy the University and the injured party, and seven nobles write asking that he should be pardoned, and a compromise is made, by which he appears in court and pays a fine. For the University offence of having as an attendant a boy who is not enrolled, Valentine Leo is fined three florins, which were paid. "But since he appeared to be good and learned, and produced an excellent specimen of his singular erudition, and wrote learned verses and other compositions to the Rector and his assessors, by which he begged pardon and modestly purged his offence, and especially as a doctor, whose sons he taught, and others interceded for him, he easily procured that the florins, should be returned to the doctor who had paid them for him." The leniency of the punishments for grave moral offences, as (p. 105) contrasted with the strict insistence upon the lesser matters of the law, cannot fail to impress modern readers, but this is not a characteristic peculiar to Leipsic. Fines, and in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, whippings were frequently inflicted in all universities for violent attacks upon the person. Dr Rashdall quotes a case at Ingolstadt where a student who had killed another in a drunken bout was let off with the confiscation of his goods, and the penalty of expulsion was remitted; and the eighteenth-century history of Corpus Christi College at Oxford supplies more recent instances of punishments which could scarcely be said to fit the crime. The statutes of the French universities outside Paris and of the three medieval Scottish universities (St Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen) supply many illustrations of the regulations we have noted elsewhere, but contain little that is unusual. St Andrews, which allowed hawking, forbade the dangerous game of football. The Faculty of Arts at Glasgow in 1532 issued an edict which has a curious resemblance to the Eton custom of "shirking." Reverence and filial fear were so important, said the masters, that no student was to meet the Rector, the Dean, or one of the Regents openly in the streets, by day or by night; immediately he was observed he must slink away and escape as best (p. 106) he could, and he must not be found again in the streets without special leave. The penalty was a public flogging. Similarly, even a lawful game must not be played in the presence of a regent. Flogging was a recognised penalty in all the Scottish universities; it found its way into the system at St Andrews and Glasgow, and was introduced at once at Aberdeen. The early statutes of Aberdeen University (King's College) unfortunately exist only in the form in which they were edited in the seventeenth century. They include a rhymed series of rules for behaviour at table, which, though post-medieval in date, give us some clue to the table manners of the medieval students:-- Majorem ne praevenia- } Locum assignatum tenea- } Mensae assignatae accumba- } Manibus mundis nudis eda- } Aperientes caput faciem ne obtega- } Vultus hilares habea- } Rite in convictu comeda- } Sal cultello capia- } Salinum ne dejicia- } Manubrium haud aciem porriga- } tis Tribus cibos digitis prehenda- } Cultro priusquam dente tera- } . . . . . } Ossa in orbem depona- } Vel pavimentum jacia- } Modeste omnia facia- } Ossa si in convivas jacia- } Nedum si illos vulnera- } Ne queramini si vapula- } . . . . . } Post haustum labia deterga- } (p. 107) Modicum, sed crebro biba- } . . . . . } Os ante haustum evacua- } Ungues sordidulos fugia- } tis . . . . . } Ructantes terga reflecta- } Ne scalpatis cavea- } . . . . . } Edere mementote ut viva- } Non vivere ut comed- } The Economist's accounts at Aberdeen have been preserved for part of the year 1579, and show that the food of a Scottish student, just after the medieval period, consisted of white bread, oat bread, beef, mutton, butter, small fish, partans (crabs), eggs, a bill of fare certainly above the food of the lower classes in Scotland at the time. The drinks mentioned are best ale, second ale, and beer. His victuals interested the medieval student; the conversation of two German students, as pictured in a "students' guide" to Heidelberg (_cf._ p. 116), is largely occupied with food. "The veal is soft and bad: the calf cannot have seen its mother three times: no one in my country would eat such stuff: the drink is bitter." The little book shows us the two students walking in the meadows, and when they reach the Neckar, one dissuades the other from bathing (a dangerous enterprise forbidden in the statutes of some universities, including Louvain (p. 108) and Glasgow). They quarrel about a book, and nearly come to blows; one complains that the other reported him to the master for sleeping in lecture. Both speak of the "lupi," the spies who reported students using the vernacular or visiting the kitchen. The "wolves" were part of the administrative machinery of a German University; a statute of Leipsic in 1507 orders that, according to ancient custom, "lupi" or "signatores" be appointed to note the names of any student who talked German ("vulgarisantes") that they might be fined in due course, the money being spent on feasts. One of the two Heidelberg students complains of having been given a "signum" or bad mark "pro sermone vulgariter prolato," and the other has been caught in the kitchen. They discuss their teachers; one of them complains of a lecture because "nimis alta gravisque materia est." The little book gives, in some ways, a remarkable picture of German student life, with its interests and its temptations; but it raises more problems than it solves, and affords a fresh illustration of the difficulty of attempting to recreate the life of the past. CHAPTER VI (p. 109) THE JOCUND ADVENT The medieval student began his academic career with an initiation ceremony which varied in different countries and at different dates, but which, so far as we know, always involved feasting and generally implied considerable personal discomfort. The designation, "bejaunus" or bajan, which signifies yellow-beak ("bec jaune"), seems to have been given almost everywhere to the freshman, and the custom of receiving the fledgeling into the academic society was, towards the close of the Middle Ages, no mere tradition of student etiquette, but an acknowledged and admitted academic rite. The tradition, which dates from very early times, and which has so many parallels outside University history, was so strong that the authorities seem to have deemed it wisest to accept it and to be content with trying to limit the expense and the "ragging" which it entailed. We have no detailed knowledge of the initiation of the Parisian student, but a statute made by the University in 1342 proves that the two elements of bullying the new-comer and feasting at his expense were both involved in it. It relates that quarrels frequently (p. 110) arise through the custom of seizing the goods of simple scholars on the occasion of their "bejaunia," and compelling them to expend on feasting the money on which they intended to live. Insults, blows, and other dangers are the general results of the system, and the University orders that no one shall exact money or anything else from bajans except the "socii" with whom they live, and they may take only a free-will offering. Bajans are to reveal, under heavy penalties, the names of any who molest them by word or blow, threatening them or offering them insults. Offenders are to be handed over to the Provost of Paris to be punished, but not "ad penam sanguinis." A fifteenth-century code of statutes of the Cistercian College at Paris (generally much less stern than one would expect in a house of that severe Order) refers to the traditions that had grown up in the College about the initiation of a bajan, and to the "insolentias et enormitates multas" which accompanied their observance. The whole of the ceremonies of initiation are therefore forbidden--"omnes receptiones noviter venientium, quos voluntaria opinione Bejanos nuncupare solent, cum suis consequentiis, necnon bajulationes, fibrationes ... tam in capitulo, in dormitorio, in parvis scholis, in jardinis, quam ubiubi, et tam de die quam de nocte." With these evil customs is to go the very name of the Abbas Bejanorum, and all (p. 111) "vasa, munimenta, et instrumenta" used for these ceremonies are to be given up. New-comers in future are to be entrusted to the care of discreet seniors, who will instruct them in the honourable customs of the College, report their shortcomings in church, in walks, and in games, supervise their expenditure, and prevent their being overcharged "pro jocundo adventu" or in other ways. So strong was the tradition of the "jocund advent" that it thus finds a place even in a reformer's constitution, and we find references to it elsewhere in the statutes of Parisian colleges. An undated early code, drawn up for the Treasurer's College, orders the members to fulfil honestly their jocund advent in accordance with the advice of their fellow students. At Cornouaille, the new-comer is instructed to pay for his jocund advent neither too meanly nor with burdensome extravagance, but in accordance with his rank and his means. At the College of Dainville the expense of the bajan-hood is limited to a quart of good wine ("ultra unum sextarium vini non mediocris suis sociis pro novo sub ingressu seu bejanno non solvat"). At the College of Cambray, a bursar is to pay twenty shillings for utensils, and to provide a pint of good wine for the fellows then present in hall. Dr Rashdall quotes from the Register of the Sorbonne an instance in which the Abbot of the Bajans was fined eight shillings (to be expended in wine) because he had (p. 112) not fulfilled his duties in regard to the cleansing of the bajans by an aspersion of water on Innocents' Day. The bajans were not only washed, but carried in procession upon asses. The statutes of the universities of Southern France, and especially of Avignon and Aix, give us some further information, and we possess a record of the proceedings at Avignon of the Court of the Abbot of the Bajans, referred to in the passage we have quoted from the regulations of the Cistercian College at Paris. Similar prohibitions occur in other College statutes. At Avignon, the Confraternity of St Sebastian existed largely for the purgation of bajans and the control of the abuses which had grown up in connection with the jocund advent. One of its statutes, dated about 1450, orders that no novice, commonly called a bajan, shall be admitted to the purgation of his sins or take the honourable name of student until he has paid the sum of six _grossi_ as entrance money to the Confraternity. There is also an annual subscription of three _grossi_, and the payment of these sums is to be enforced by the seizure of books, unless the defaulter can prove that he is unable to pay his entrance fee or subscription, as the case may be. The Prior and Councillors of the Fraternity have power to grant a dispensation on the ground of poverty. After providing his feast, and taking an (p. 113) oath, the bajan is to be admitted "jocose et benigne," is to lose his base name, and after a year is to bear the honourable title of student. Noblemen and beneficed clergy are to pay double. The bajan is implored to comply with these regulations "corde hilarissimo," and his "socii" are adjured to remember that they should not seek their own things but the things of Christ, and should therefore not spend on feasts anything over six _grossi_ paid by a bajan, but devote it to the honour of God and St Sebastian. The Court of the Abbot of the Bajans, at the College of Annecy, in the same University, throws a little more light on the actual ceremony of purgation. The bajans are summoned into the Abbot's Court, where each of them receives, _pro forma_, a blow from a ferule. They all stand in the Court, with uncovered heads and by themselves ("Mundus ab immundo venit separandus"); under the penalty of two blows they are required to keep silence ("quia vox funesta in judiciis audiri non debet.") The bajan who has patiently and honestly served his time and is about to be purged, is given, in parody of an Inception in the University, a passage in the Institutes to expound, and his fellow-bajans, under pain of two blows, have to dispute with him. If he obtains licence, the two last-purged bajans bring water "pro lavatione et purgatione." The other rules of the Abbot's Court deal with the duties to be (p. 114) performed by the youngest freshman in Chapel (and at table if servants are lacking), and order bajans to give place to seniors and not to go near the fire in hall when seniors are present. No one, either senior or freshman, is to apply the term "Domine" to a bajan, and no freshman is to call a senior man a bajan. The Court met twice a week, and it could impose penalties upon senior men as well as bajans, but corporal punishment is threatened only against the "infectos et fetidissimos bejannos." At Aix, a fifteenth-century code of statutes orders every bajan to pay fees to the University, and to give a feast to the Rector, the Treasurer, and the Promotor. The Rector is to bring one scholar with him, and the Promotor two, to help "ad purgandum bejaunum," and the bajan is to invite a bedel and others. Dispensations on the ground of poverty could be obtained from the Rector, and two or three freshmen might make their purgation together, "cum infinitas est vitanda," even an infinity of feasts is to be avoided. The Promotor gives the first blow with a frying-pan, and the scholars who help in the purgation are limited to two or three blows each, since an infinity of blows is also to be avoided. The Rector may remit a portion of the penalty at the request of noble or honourable ladies who happen to be present, (p. 115) for it is useless to invite ladies if no remission is to be obtained. If the bajan is proud or troublesome, the pleas of the ladies whom he has invited will not avail; he must have his three blows from each of his purgators, without any mercy. If a freshman failed to make his purgation within a month, it was to take place "in studio sub libro super anum"; the choice between a book and a frying-pan as a weapon of castigation is characteristic of the solemn fooling of the jocund advent. The seizure of goods and of books, mentioned in some of the statutes we have quoted, is frequently forbidden. At Orleans the statutes prohibit leading the bajan "ut ovis ad occisionem" to a tavern to be forced to spend his money, and denounce the custom as provocative of "ebrietates, turpiloquia, lascivias, pernoctationes" and other evils. They also forbid the practice of compelling him to celebrate the jocund advent by seizing books, one or more, or by exacting anything from him. There are numerous other references in French statutes, some of which denounce the _bejaunia_ as sufficiently expensive to deter men from coming to the University, but details are disappointingly few. The initiation of the bajan attained its highest development in the German universities, where we find the French conception of the bajan, as afflicted with mortal sin and requiring purification, combined (p. 116) with the characteristic German conception of him as a wild animal who has to be tamed. His reformation was accomplished by the use of planes, augers, saws, pincers and other instruments suitable for removing horns, tusks and claws from a dangerous animal, and the Deposition, or "modus deponendi cornua iis qui in numerum studiosorum co-optari volunt," became a recognised University ceremony. The statutes attempt to check it, _e.g._ at Vienna the bajan is not to be oppressed with undue exactions or otherwise molested or insulted, and at Leipsic the insults are not to take the form of blows, stones, or water. At Prague, "those who lay down (deponent) their rustic manners and ignorance are to be treated more mildly and moderately than in recent years (1544), and their lips or other parts of their bodies are not to be defiled with filth or putrid and impure substances which produce sickness." But the Prague statute contemplates a Deposition ceremony in which the freshman is assumed to be a goat with horns to be removed. A black-letter handbook or manual for German students, consisting of dialogues or conversational Latin (much on the principle of tourists' conversational dictionaries), opens with a description of the preparations for a Deposition. The book, which has been reprinted in Zarncke's _Die Deutschen Universitäten im Mittelalter_, is (p. 117) (from internal evidence) a picture of life at Heidelberg, but it is written in general terms. The new-comer seeks out a master that he may be entered on the roll of the University and be absolved from his bajan-ship. "Are your parents rich?" is one of the master's first questions, and he is told that they are moderately prosperous mechanics who are prepared to do the best for their son. The master takes him to the Rector to be admitted, and then asks him, "Where do you intend to have your 'deposition' as a bajan?" The boy leaves all arrangements in the master's hands, reminding him of his poverty, and it is agreed to invite three masters, two bachelors, and some friends of the master to the ceremony. With a warning that he must not be afraid if strangers come and insult him, for it is all part of the tradition of a bajan's advent, the master goes to make arrangements for the feast. Two youths, Camillus and Bartoldus, then arrive, and pretend to be greatly disturbed by a foul smell, so strong that it almost drives them from the room. Camillus prepares to go, but Bartoldus insists upon an investigation of the cause. Camillus then sees a monster of terrible aspect, with huge horns and teeth, a nose curved like the beak of an owl, wild eyes and threatening lips. "Let us flee," he says, "lest it attack us." Bartoldus then guesses that it is a bajan, a creature (p. 118) which Camillus has never seen, but of whose ferocity he has heard. The bold Bartoldus then addresses the bajan. "Domine Joannes," he says, "whence do you come? Certainly you are a compatriot of mine, give me your hand." Joannes stretches out his hand, but is met with the indignant question, "Do you come to attack me with your nails? Why do you sit down, wild ass? Do you not see that masters are present, venerable men, in whose presence it becomes you to stand?" Joannes stands, and is further insulted. His tormentors then affect to be sorry for him and make touching references to his mother's feelings ("Quid, si mater sciret, quae unice eum amat?"), but relapse into abuse (O beane, O asine, O foetide hirce, O olens capra, O bufo, O cifra, O figura nihili, O tu omnino nihil). "What are we to do with him?" says Camillus, and Bartoldus suggests the possibility of his reformation and admission into their society. But they must have a doctor. Camillus is famous and learned in the science of medicine, and can remove his horns, file down his teeth, cure his blindness, and shave his long and horrible beard. While he goes for the necessary instruments, Bartoldus tells the victim to cheer up, for he is about to be cured from every evil of mind and body, and to be admitted to the privileges of the University. Camillus returns with ointment, (p. 119) and they proceed to some horseplay which Joannes resists (Compesce eius impetus et ut equum intractatum ipsum illum constringe). Tusks and teeth having been removed, the victim is supposed to be dying, and is made to confess to Bartoldus a list of crimes. His penance is to entertain his masters "largissima coena," not forgetting the doctor who has just healed him, and the confessor who has just heard his confession, for they also must be entertained "pingui refectione." But this confessor can only define the penance, he cannot give absolution, a right which belongs to the masters. Joannes is then taken to his master for the Deposition proper. Dr Rashdall describes the scene, from a rare sixteenth-century tract, which contains an illustration of a Deposition, and a defence of it by Luther, who justified his taking part in one of these ceremonies by giving it a moral and symbolical meaning. The bajan lies upon a table, undergoing the planing of his tusks, "while a saw lies upon the ground, suggestive of the actual de-horning of the beast. The work itself and later apologies for the institution mention among the instruments of torture a comb and scissors for cutting the victim's hair, an _auriscalpium_ for his ears, a knife for cutting his nails; while the ceremony further appears to include the adornment of the youth's chin with a beard by means of burned cork or other pigment, and the administration, (p. 120) internal or external, of salt and wine." In the English universities we have no trace of the "jocund advent" during the medieval period, but it is impossible to doubt that this kind of horseplay existed at Oxford and Cambridge. The statutes of New College refer to "that most vile and horrid sport of shaving beards"; it was "wont to be practised on the night preceding the Inception of a Master of Arts," but the freshmen may have been the victims, as they were in similar ceremonies at the Feast of Fools in France. Antony à Wood, writing of his own undergraduate days in the middle of the seventeenth century, tells that charcoal fires were made in the Hall at Merton on Holy Days, from All Saints' Eve to Candlemas, and that "at all these fires every night, which began to be made a little after five of the clock, the senior undergraduates would bring into the hall the juniors or freshmen between that time and six of the clock, there make them sit downe on a forme in the middle of the hall, joyning to the declaiming desk; which done, every one in order was to speake some pretty apothegme, or make a jest or bull, or speake some eloquent nonsense, to make the company laugh. But if any of the freshmen came off dull, or not cleverly, some of the forward or pragmatised seniors would "tuck" them, that is, set the nail of their thumb to their chin, just (p. 121) under the lower lipp, and by the help of their other fingers under the chin, they would give him a mark, which sometimes would produce blood." On Shrove Tuesday, 1648, Merton freshmen entertained the other undergraduates to a brass pot "full of cawdel." Wood, who was a freshman, describes how "every freshman according to seniority, was to pluck off his gowne and band and if possible to make himself look like a scoundrell. This done, they conducted each other to the high table, and there made to stand on a forme placed thereon; from whence they were to speak their speech with an audible voice to the company; which if well done, the person that spoke it was to have a cup of cawdle and no salted drink; if indifferently, some cawdle and some salted drink; but if dull, nothing was given to him but salted drink or salt put in college beere, with tucks to boot. Afterwards when they were to be admitted into the fraternity, the senior cook was to administer to them an oath over an old shoe, part of which runs thus: 'Item tu jurabis quod penniless bench (a seat at Carfax) non visitabis' &c. The rest is forgotten, and none there are now remembers it. After which spoken with gravity, the Freshman kist the shoe, put on his gown and band and took his place among the seniors." "This," says Wood, "was the way and custom that had been used in (p. 122) the college, time out of mind, to initiate the freshmen; but between that time and the restoration of K. Ch. 2 it was disused, and now such a thing is absolutely forgotten." His whole description, and especially the parody of the master's oath not to visit Stamford, goes to show that he was right in attributing the ceremonies to remote antiquity, and there are indications that the initiation of freshmen was practised elsewhere in Oxford. Hearne speaks of similar customs at Balliol and at Brasenose, and an eighteenth-century editor of Wood asserts, that "striking traces" of the practice "may be found in many societies in this place, and in some a very near resemblance of it has been kept up till within these few years." Our quotation from Wood may therefore serve to illustrate the treatment of the medieval freshman at Oxford. We possess no details of the jocund advent at Cambridge, but in the medieval Scottish universities, where the name of bajan still survives, there were relics of it within recent times. At St Andrews, a feast of raisins was the last survival of the bajan's "standing treat," and attacks made by "Semis" (second year men) upon a bajan class emerging from a lecture-room were an enlivening feature of student life at Aberdeen up to the end of the nineteenth century. The weapons in use were notebooks, and the belabouring of Aberdeen (p. 123) bajans with these instruments may be historically connected with the chastisement which we have found in some of the medieval initiation ceremonies. It would be fanciful to connect the gown-tearing, which was also a feature of these attacks, with the assaults upon the Rector's robe at Bologna. CHAPTER VII (p. 124) TOWN AND GOWN The violence which marked medieval life as a whole was not likely to be absent in towns where numbers of young clerks were members of a corporation at variance with the authorities of the city. University records are full of injuries done to masters and students by the townsfolk, and of privileges and immunities obtained from Pope or King or Bishop at the expense of the burgesses. When a new University was founded, it was sometimes taken for granted that these conflicts must arise, and that the townsmen were certain to be in the wrong. Thus, when Duke Rudolf IV. founded the University of Vienna in 1365, he provided beforehand for such contingencies by ordaining that an attack on a student leading to the loss of a limb or other member of the body was to be punished by the removal of the same member from the body of the assailant, and that for a lesser injury the offender's hand was to be wounded ("debet manus pugione transfigi"). The criminal might redeem his person by a fine of a hundred silver marks for a serious injury and of forty marks for slighter damages, the victim to (p. 125) receive half of the fine. Assailants of students were not to have benefit of sanctuary. Oxford history abounds in town and gown riots, the most famous of which is the battle of St Scholastica's Day (10th February) 1354. The riot originated in a tavern quarrel; some clerks disapproved of the wine at an inn near Carfax, and (in Antony Wood's words) "the vintner giving them stubborn and saucy language, they threw the wine and vessel at his head." His friends urged the inn-keeper "not to put up with the abuse," and rang the bell of St Martin's Church. A mob at once assembled, armed with bows and arrows and other weapons; they attacked every scholar who passed, and even fired at the Chancellor when he attempted to allay the tumult. The justly indignant Chancellor retorted by ringing St Mary's bell and a mob of students assembled, also armed (in spite of many statutes to the contrary). A battle royal raged till nightfall, at which time the fray ceased, no one scholar or townsman being killed or mortally wounded or maimed. If the matter had ended then, little would have been heard of the story, but next day the townsmen stationed eighty armed men in St Giles's Church, who sallied out upon "certain scholars walking after dinner in Beaumont killed one of them, and wounded others." A second battle followed, in which the citizens, aided by some countrymen, defeated the scholars, and ravaged their halls, (p. 126) slaying and wounding. Night interrupted their operations, but on the following day, "with hideous noises and clamours they came and invaded the scholars' houses ... and those that resisted them and stood upon their defence (particularly some chaplains) they killed or else in a grievous sort wounded.... The crowns of some chaplains, that is, all the skin so far as the tonsure went, these diabolical imps flayed off in scorn of their clergy." The injured University was fully avenged. The King granted it jurisdiction over the city, and, especially, control of the market, and the Bishop of Lincoln placed the townsmen under an interdict which was removed only on condition that the Mayor and Bailiffs, for the time being, and "threescore of the chiefest Burghers, should personally appear" every St Scholastica's Day in St. Mary's Church, to attend a mass for the souls of the slain. The tradition that they were to wear halters or silken cords has no authority, but they were each "to offer at the altar one penny, of which oblation forty pence should be distributed to forty poor scholars of the University." The custom, with some modifications, survived the Reformation, and it was not till the nineteenth century that the Mayor of Oxford ceased to have cause to regret the battle of St Scholastica's Day. The accounts of St Scholastica's Day and of most other riots which (p. 127) have come down to us are written from the standpoint of the scholars, but the records of the city of Oxford give less detailed but not less credible instances of assaults by members of the University. On the eve of St John Baptist's Day in 1306, for example, the tailors of Oxford were celebrating Midsummer "cum Cytharis Viellis et aliis diversis instrumentis." After midnight, they went out "de shoppis suis" and danced and sang in the streets. A clerk, irritated by the noise, attacked them with a drawn sword, wounded one of them, and was himself mortally wounded in the skirmish. Of twenty-nine coroners' inquests which have been preserved for the period 1297-1322, thirteen are murders committed by scholars. Attacks on townsmen were not mere undergraduate follies, but were countenanced and even led by officials of the University, _e.g._ on a March night in 1526 one of the proctors "sate uppon a blocke in the streete afore the shoppe of one Robert Jermyns, a barber, havinge a pole axe in his hand, a black cloake on his backe, and a hatt on his head," and organised a riot in which many townsmen were "striken downe and sore beaten." Citizens' houses were attacked and "the saide Proctour and his company ... called for fire," threatening to burn the houses, and insulting the inmates with opprobrious names. When such an incident as this was possible, it (p. 128) was of little use for the University to issue regulations or even to punish less exalted sinners, and the town must have suffered much from the outrages of scholars and of the "chamber-dekens" or pretended scholars of the University, who were responsible for much of the mischief. At Paris things became so bad that the Parlement had to issue a series of police regulations to suppress the bands of scholars, or pretended scholars, who wandered about the streets at night, disguised and armed. They attacked passers-by, and if they were wounded in the affray, their medical friends, we are told, dressed their wounds, so that they eluded discovery in the morning. The history of every University town provides instances of street conflicts--the records of Orleans and Toulouse abound in them--but we must be content with a tale from Leipsic. The pages of the "Acta Rectorum" at Leipsic are full of illustrations of the wilder side of student life, from which we extract the story of one unhappy year. The year 1545 opened very badly, says the "Rector's Chronicle," with three homicides. On Holy Innocents' Day, a bachelor was murdered by a skinner in a street riot, and the murderer, though he was seen by some respectable citizens, was allowed to escape. A student who killed a man on the night of the Sunday after the (p. 129) Epiphany was punished by the University in accordance with its statutes (_i.e._ by imprisonment for life in the bishop's prison). The third murder was that of a young bachelor who was walking outside the city, when two sons of rustics in the neighbourhood fell on him and killed him. Their names were known, but the city authorities refused to take action, and the populace, believing that they would not be punished, pursued the members of the University with continued insults and threats. After an unusually serious attack _cum bombardis_, (in which, "by the divine clemency," a young mechanic was wounded), the University, failing to obtain redress, appealed to Prince Maurice of Saxony, who promised to protect the University. A conference between the University and the city authorities took place, and edicts against carrying arms were published, but the skinners immediately indulged in another outrage. One of them, Hans von Buntzell on Whitsunday, attacked, with a drawn sword, the son of a doctor of medicine, "a youth (as all agree) most guiltless," and wounded him in the arm, and if another student had not unexpectedly appeared, "would without doubt have killed this excellent boy." The criminal was pursued to the house of a skinner called Meysen, where he took refuge. The city authorities, inspired by the Prince's intervention, offered to impose three (p. 130) alternative sentences, and the University was asked to say whether Hans von Buntzell should lose one of his hands, or be publicly whipped and banished for ten years, or should have a certain stigma ("quod esset manus amittendae signum") burned in his hand and be banished. The University replied that it was for the city to carry out the commands of the Prince, and declined to select the penalty. On the following Monday a scaffold was erected in the market-place, on which were placed rods and a knife for cutting off the hand, "which apparatus was thought by the skinners to be much too fierce and cruel, and a concourse began from all parts, composed not of skinners alone, but of mechanics of every kind, interceding with the Council for the criminal." The pleadings of the multitude gained the day, and all the preparations were removed from the market-place amid the murmurs of the students. After supper, three senior members of the skinners came to the Rector, begging for a commutation of the punishment, and offering to beat Hans themselves in presence of representatives of the University and the Town Council, with greater ferocity than the public executioner could do if he were to whip him three times in public. The Rector replied that he must consult the University, and the proposal was thrown out in Congregation. On the Saturday after the Feast of (p. 131) Trinity, the stigma was burned on the criminal's hand, and as a necessary consequence he was banished. Town riots do not complete the tale of violence. There were struggles with Jews, and a Jewish row at Oxford in 1268 resulted in the erection of a cross, with the following inscription:-- Quis meus auctor erat? Judaei. Quomodo? Sumptu Quis jussit? Regnans. Quo procurante? Magistri. Cur? Cruce pro fracta ligni. Quo tempore? Festo Ascensus Domini. Quis est locus? Hic ubi sisto. Clerks' enemies were not always beyond their own household. The history of Paris, the earlier history of Oxford, and the record of many another University give us instances of mortal combats between the Nations. The scholars of Paris, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, had to face the mortal enmity of the monks of the Abbey of St Germain, the meadow in front of which was claimed by the Faculty of Arts. The sight of Paris students walking or playing on the Pré-aux-clercs had much the same effect upon the Abbot and monks as the famous donkeys had upon the strong-minded aunt of David Copperfield, but the measures they took for suppressing the nuisance were less exactly proportioned to the offence. One summer day in 1278, masters and scholars went for recreation to the meadow, when the (p. 132) Abbot sent out armed servants and retainers of the monastery to attack them. They came shouting "Ad mortem clericorum," death to the clerks, "verbis crudelibus, _ad mortem ad mortem_, inhumaniter pluries repetitis." A "famous Bachelor of Arts" and other clerks were seriously wounded and thrown into horrible dungeons; another victim lost an eye. The retreat into the city was cut off, and fugitives were pursued far into the country. Blood flowed freely, and the scholars who escaped returned to their halls with broken heads and limbs and their clothes torn to fragments. Some of the victims died of their wounds, and the monks were punished by King and Pope, the Abbot being pensioned off and the Abbey compelled to endow two chaplains to say masses for scholars. Forty years later the University had again to appeal to the Pope to avenge assaults by retainers of the Abbey upon scholars who were fishing in the moat outside the Abbey walls. The monks, of course, may have given a different version of the incidents. CHAPTER VIII (p. 133) SUBJECTS OF STUDY, LECTURES AND EXAMINATIONS The student of a medieval University was, as we have seen, expected to converse in Latin, and all instruction was given in that language. It was therefore essential that, before entering on the University curriculum, he should have a competent knowledge of Latin. College founders attempted to secure this in various ways, sometimes by an examination (_e.g._ at the College of Cornouaille, at Paris no one was admitted a bursar until he was examined and found to be able to read) and sometimes by making provision for young boys to be taught by a master of grammar. The Founder of New College met the difficulty by the foundation of Winchester College, at which all Wykehamists (except the earliest members of New College) were to be thoroughly grounded in Latin. It was more difficult for a University to insist upon such a test, but in 1328, the University of Paris had ordered that before a youth was admitted to the privileges of "scholarity" or studentship, he must appear before the Rector and make his own application in continuous Latin, without any French words. Formulae for this (p. 134) purpose would, doubtless, soon be invented and handed down by tradition, and the precaution cannot have been of much practical value. There were plenty of grammar schools in the Middle Ages, and a clever boy was likely to find a patron and a place of education in the neighbourhood of his home. The grammar schools in University towns had therefore originally no special importance, but many of the undergraduates who came up at thirteen or fourteen required some training such as William of Waynflete provided for his younger demies in connexion with the Grammar School which he attached to Magdalen, or such as Walter de Merton considered desirable when he ordained that there should be a Master of Grammar in his College to teach the poor boys, and that their seniors were to go to him in any difficulty without any false shame ("absque rubore"). Many universities extended certain privileges to boys studying grammar, by placing their names on matriculation rolls, though such matriculation was not part of the curriculum for a degree. Masters in Grammar were frequently, but not necessarily, University graduates; at Paris there were grammar mistresses as well as grammar masters. The connexion between the grammar schools and the University was exceptionally close at Oxford and Cambridge, where degrees in grammar came to be given. The (p. 135) University of Oxford early legislated for "inceptors" who were taking degrees in grammar, and ordered the grammar masters who were graduates to enrol, _pro forma_, the names of pupils of non-graduates, and to compel non-graduate masters to obey the regulations of the University. A meeting of the grammar masters twice a term for discussions about their subject and the method of teaching it was also ordered by the University, which ultimately succeeded in wresting the right of licensing grammar masters from the Archdeacon or other official to whom it naturally belonged. A fourteenth-century code of statutes for the Oxford grammar schools orders the appointment of two Masters of Arts to superintend them, and gives some minute instructions about the teaching. Grammar masters are to set verses and compositions, to be brought next day for correction; and they are to be specially careful to see that the younger boys can recognise the different parts of speech and parse them accurately. In choosing books to read with their pupils, they are to avoid the books of Ovid "de Arte Amandi" and similar works. Boys are to be taught to construe in French as well as in English, lest they be ignorant of the French tongue. The study of French was not confined to the grammar boys: the University recognised the wisdom of learning a language necessary for composing (p. 136) charters, holding lay-courts, and pleading in the English fashion, and lectures in French were permitted at any hour that did not interfere with the regular teaching of Arts subjects. Such lectures were under the control of the superintendents of the grammar masters. The degrees which Oxford and Cambridge conferred in Grammar did not involve residence or entitle the recipients to a vote in Convocation; but the conferment was accompanied by ceremonies which were almost parodies of the solemn proceedings of graduation or inception in a recognised Faculty, a birch taking the place of a book as a symbol of the power and authority entrusted to the graduand. A sixteenth-century Esquire Bedel of Cambridge left, for the benefit of his successors, details of the form for the "enteryng of a Master in Gramer." The "Father" of the Faculty of Grammar (at Cambridge the mysterious individual known as the "Master of Glomery") brought his "sons" to St Mary's Church for eight o'clock mass. "When mass is done, fyrst shall begynne the acte in Gramer. The Father shall have hys sete made before the Stage for Physyke (one of the platforms erected in the church for doctors of the different faculties, etc.) and shall sytte alofte under the stage for Physyke. The Proctour shall say, Incipiatis. When the Father hath argyude as shall plese the Proctour, the Bedeyll in (p. 137) Arte shall bring the Master of Gramer to the Vyce-chancelar, delyveryng hym a Palmer wyth a Rodde, whych the Vyce-chancelar shall gyve to the seyde Master in Gramer, and so create hym Master. Then shall the Bedell purvay for every master in Gramer a shrewde Boy, whom the master in Gramer shall bete openlye in the Scolys, and the master in Gramer shall give the Boy a Grote for Hys Labour, and another Grote to hym that provydeth the Rode and the Palmer &c. de singulis. And thus endythe the Acte in that Facultye." We know of the existence of similar ceremonies at Oxford. "Had the ambition to take these degrees in Grammar been widely diffused," says Dr Rashdall, "the demand for whipping boys might have pressed rather hardly upon the youth of Oxford; but very few of them are mentioned in the University Register." The basis of the medieval curriculum in Arts is to be found in the Seven Liberal Arts of the Dark Ages, divided into the _Trivium_ (Grammar, Rhetoric and Dialectic) and the _Quadrivium_ (Music, Arithmetic, Geometry and Astronomy). The _Quadrivium_ was of comparatively little importance; Geometry and Music received small attention; and Arithmetic, and Astronomy were at first chiefly useful for finding the date of Easter; but the introduction of mathematical learning from Arabian sources in the thirteenth century greatly (p. 138) increased the scope of Geometry and Arithmetic, and added the study of Algebra. The Grammar taught in the universities assumed a knowledge of such a text-book as that of Alexander de Villa Dei, and consisted of an analysis of the systems of popular grammarians, based on the section _De barbarismo_ in the _Ars Grammatica_ of Ælius Donatus, a fourth-century grammarian, whose work became universally used throughout Europe. Latin poets were read in the grammar schools, and served for grammatical and philological expositions in the universities, and the study of Rhetoric depended largely on the treatises of Cicero. The "Dialectic" of the _Trivium_ was the real interest of the medieval student among the ancient seven subjects, but the curriculum in Arts came to include also the three Philosophies, Physical, Moral, and Metaphysical. The arms of the University of Oxford consist of a book with seven clasps surrounded by three crowns, the clasps representing the seven Liberal Arts and the crowns the three Philosophies. The universities were schools of philosophy, mental and physical, and the attention of students in Arts was chiefly directed to the logic, metaphysics, physics, and ethics of Aristotle. Up to the twelfth century, Aristotle was known only through the translations into Latin of the sections of the _Organon_, (p. 139) entitled _De Interpretatione_ and _Categoriae_, and through the logical works of Boethius. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the range of medieval studies was greatly enlarged by the introduction of other works of Aristotle from translations partly from the Arabic and partly direct from the Greek. The conservatism of the University of Paris at first forbade the study of the new Aristotle, but it soon became universal in the medieval universities. In addition to the works of Aristotle, as they were known in the Middle Ages, medieval students read such books as Porphyry's _Isagoge_, or Introduction to Aristotle; the criticism of Aristotle's _Categories_, by Gilbert de la Porrée, known as the _Sex Principia_; the _Summulae Logicales_, a semi-grammatical, semi-logical treatise by Petrus Hispanus (Pope John XXI.); the _Parva Logicalia_ of Marsilius of Inghen; the _Labyrinthus_ and _Grecismus_ of Eberhard; the Scriptural commentaries of Nicolaus de Lyra; the _Tractatus de Sphaera_, an astronomical work by a thirteenth-century Scotsman, John Holywood (Joannes de Sacro Bosco); and they also studied Priscian, Donatus, Boethius, Euclid, and Ptolemy. In 1431 the _Nova Rhetorica_ of Cicero, the _Metamorphoses_ of Ovid, and the works of Virgil were prescribed at Oxford as alternatives to the fourth book of the _Topica_ of Boethius. By the end of the century Humanism had found a place in the universities, (p. 140) and sixteenth-century colleges at Oxford and Cambridge provided for the study of the literatures of Greece and Rome. In Scotland the medieval teaching of Aristotle reigned supreme in all its three universities until the appointment of Andrew Melville as Principal at Glasgow in 1574, and in 1580 he had some difficulty in persuading the masters at St Andrews to "peruse Aristotle in his ain language." Lectures were either "ordinary" or "cursory," a distinction which, as Dr Rashdall has shown, corresponded to the "ordinary" and "extra-ordinary" lectures at Bologna. The ordinary lectures were the statutable exercises appointed by the Faculty, and delivered by its properly accredited teachers in the hours of the morning, which were sacred to the prelections of the masters. Cursory lectures were delivered in the afternoon, frequently by bachelors; but as College teaching became more important than the lectures given in the Schools, the distinction gradually disappeared. Ordinary lectures were delivered "solemniter" and involved a slow and methodical analysis of the book. The statutes of Vienna prescribe that no master shall read more than one chapter of the text "ante quaestionem vel etiam quaestione expedita." Various references in College and University statutes show that the cursory lecture was not regarded as the (p. 141) full equivalent of an ordinary lecture. At Oxford, attendance on a lecture on the books or any book of the Metaphysics, or on the Physics, or the Ethics, was not to count for a degree, except in the case of a book largely dealing with the opinions of the ancients. The third and fourth books of the Metaphysics were excepted from the rule, "they being usually read cursorily, that the ordinary reading of the other books might proceed more rapidly." The cursory lecture was clearly beloved of the pupil, for Oxford grammar masters are reproved for lecturing "cursorie" instead of "ordinarie" for the sake of gain; and at Vienna, the tariff for cursory lectures is double that for ordinary lectures. At Paris the books of Aristotle de Dialectica were to be read "ordinarie et non ad cursum," and students of medicine had to read certain books "semel ordinarie, bis cursorie." The statutes of Heidelberg contrast "cursorie" with "extense." In the Faculty of Canon Law there was an additional distinction, the ordinary lecture being generally restricted to the Decretum; at Oxford, the book of Decretals is to be read at the morning hours at which the doctors of law are wont to deliver ordinary lectures, and at Vienna the doctors are forbidden to read anything but the Decretals in the morning at ordinary lectures. The instructions given to the Vienna doctors of (p. 142) law illustrate the thoroughness of the medieval lecture in all faculties. They are first to state the case carefully, then to read the text, then to restate the case, then to remark on "notabilia," and then to discuss questions arising out of the subject, and finally, to deal with the Glosses. So, at Oxford, the Masters in Arts are to read the books on logic and the philosophies "rite," with the necessary and adequate exposition of the text, and with questions and arguments pertinent to the subject-matter. A problem, still unsolved, about the methods of lecturing disturbed the minds of the Parisian masters. Were they to dictate lectures or to speak so fast that their pupils could not commit their words to writing? From the standpoint of teachers who delivered frequent lectures, all of the same type, and on a few set books, it was probably desirable that there should not be opportunities of possessing such copies of a professor's lectures as used to circulate, not many years ago, in Scottish and in German universities. In 1229 the Faculty of Arts at Paris made a statute on the methods of lecturing. It explains that there are two ways of reading books in the liberal arts. The masters of philosophy may deliver their expositions from their chairs so rapidly that, although the minds of their audience may grasp their meaning, their hands cannot write it (p. 143) down. This, they say, was the custom in other faculties. The other way is to speak so slowly that their hearers can take down what they say. On mature reflection, the Faculty has decided that the former is the better way, and henceforth in any lecture, ordinary or cursory, or in any disputation or other manner of teaching, the master is to speak as in delivering a speech, and as if no one were writing in his presence. A lecturer who breaks the new rule is to be suspended for a year, and if the students showed their dislike to it, by shouting, hissing, groaning, or throwing stones, they were to be sent down for a year. More than two hundred years later, in 1452, the statute was rescinded by Cardinal Estoutville, but it was probably never operative. Estoutville permitted either method of lecturing, and contented himself with forbidding lecturers to use questions and lectures which were not of their own composition, or to deliver their lectures (however good) to be read by one of their scholars as a deputy. He instructs the masters to lecture regularly according to the statutes and to explain the text of Aristotle, "de puncto in punctum," and, holding that fear and reverence are the life-blood of scholastic discipline, he repeats an injunction which we find in 1336, that the students in Arts are to sit not on benches or raised seats, but on (p. 144) the floor, "ut occasio superbiae a juvenibus secludatur." The name of the street in which lectures were given, Vicus Stramineus, is said to have been derived from the straw on which the students sat. The question whether lectures should be committed to writing or not, troubled the masters of other universities besides Paris, and the statutes of the College de Verdale at Toulouse accept, in 1337, the view taken at Paris a hundred years earlier. Since study is a vehement application of the mind, and requires the whole man, the scholars are forbidden to fatigue themselves with too many lectures--not more than two or three a day--and in lecture they are not to take down the lecturer's words, nor, trusting in writings of this kind, to blunt their "proprium intellectum." In the Schools, they must not use "incausta" or pencils except for correcting a book, etc. And what they have been able to retain in their memory they must meditate on without delay. The insistence on meditation was a useful educational method, but as teaching became more organised, the student was not left without guidance in his meditations. The help which he received outside lectures was given in Repetitions or Resumptions. The procedure at Repetitions may be illustrated from the statutes of the College of Dainville at Paris: "We ordain that all bursars in grammar and (p. 145) philosophy speak the Latin tongue, and that those who hear the same book ordinarily and cursorily shall attend one and the same master (namely, one whom the master [of the College] assigns to them), and after the lecture they shall return home and meet in one place to repeat the lecture. One after another shall repeat the whole lecture, so that each of them may know it well, and the less advanced shall be bound daily to repeat the lectures to the more proficient." A later code of the same College provides that "All who study humane letters shall, on every day of the schools read in the morning a composition, that is a speech in Latin, Greek or the vernacular, to their master, being prepared to expound the writer or historian who is being read in daily lecture in their schools. At the end of the week, that is on Friday or Saturday, they shall show up to their master a résumé of all the lectures they have learned that week, and every day before they go to the schools they shall be bound to make repetitions to one of the philosophers or of the theologians whom the [College] master shall choose; for this work." At Louvain, the time between 5 A.M. and the first lecture (about seven) was spent in studying the lesson that the students might better understand the lecture; after hearing it, they returned to their own rooms to revise it and commit it to memory. After dinner, their books were placed on a table, and all the (p. 146) scholars of one Faculty repeated their lesson and answered questions. A similar performance took place in the two hours before supper. After supper, the tutor treated them for half an hour to a "jocum honestum," and before sending them to bed gave them a light and pleasant disputation. The disputation was a preparation for the disputations which formed part of what we should now term the degree examinations. A thesis was propounded, attacked, and defended ("impugned and propugned") with the proper forms of syllogistic reasoning. The teaching, both in lectures and in disputations, was originally University teaching, and the younger Masters of Arts, the "necessary regents," were bound to stay up for some years and lecture in the Schools. They were paid by their scholars, and the original meaning of the word "Collections," still in frequent use at Oxford, is traditionally supposed to be found in the payments made for lectures at the end of each term. Thus, at Oxford, a student paid threepence a term (one shilling a year) to his regent for lectures in Logic, and fourpence a term for lectures in Natural Philosophy. The system was not a satisfactory one, and alike in Paris, in Oxford, and in Cambridge, it succumbed to the growth of College teaching. The Head of a Parisian College, from the first, superintended the studies of (p. 147) the scholars, and, although this duty was not required of an Oxford or Cambridge Head, provision was gradually made in the statutes of English colleges for the instruction of the junior members by their seniors. The first important step in this direction was taken by William of Wykeham, who ordered special payment to be made by the College to Fellows who undertook the tuition of the younger Fellows. His example was followed in this, as in other matters, by subsequent founders both at Oxford and at Cambridge, and gradually University teaching was, in the Faculty of Arts, almost entirely superseded by College tuition. In other universities, lectures continued to be given by University officials. The medieval undergraduates had a tendency to "rag" in lectures, a tradition which is almost unknown at Oxford and Cambridge, but which persisted till quite recent times in the Scottish universities. Prohibitions of noise and disturbance in lecture-rooms abound in all statutes. At Vienna, students in Arts are exhorted to behave like young ladies (more virginum) and to refrain from laughter, murmurs, and hisses, and from tearing down the schedules in which the masters give notice of their lectures. At Prague, also, the conduct of young ladies was held up as a model for the student at lecture, and, at Angers, students who hissed in contempt of a doctor were to be expelled. The career of a student was divided into two parts by his (p. 148) "Determination," a ceremony which is the origin of the Bachelor's degree. At Paris, where, at all events in the earlier period of its history, examinations were real, the "Determination" was preceded by "Responsions," and no candidate was admitted to determine until he had satisfied a Regent Master in the Schools, in public, "de Questione respondens." The determination itself was a public disputation, after which the determiner might wear the bachelor's "cappa" and lecture on the Organon. He continued his attendance on the lectures in the Schools up to the time of his "Inception" as a master. The Inception was preceded by an examination for licence and by a disputation known as the Quodlibetica, at which the subject was chosen by the candidate. The bachelor who was successful in obtaining the Chancellor's licence proceeded to the ceremony of Inception, and received his master's _biretta_. The stringency of examinations varied in different universities and at different times. The proportion of successful candidates seems to have been everywhere very large, and in some universities rejection must have been almost unknown. We do find references to disappointed candidates, _e.g._ at Caen, where medical students who have been "ploughed" have to take an oath not to bring "malum vel damnum" upon the examiners. But even at Louvain, where the examination system (p. 149) was fully developed in the Middle Ages, and where there were class lists in the fifteenth century (the classes being distinguished as _Rigorosi_, _Transibiles_, and _Gratiosi_), failure was regarded as an exceptional event ("si autem, quod absit, aliqui inveniantur simpliciter gratiosi seu refutabiles, erunt de quarto ordine"). The regulations for examinations at Louvain prescribe that the examiners are not to ask disturbing questions ("animo turbandi aut confundendi promovendos") and forbid unfair treatment of pupils of particular masters and frivolous or useless questions; although at his Quodlibeticum, the bachelor might indulge in "jocosas questiones ad auditorii recreationem." The element of display implied in the last quotation was never absent from medieval examinations, and at Oxford, there seems to have been little besides this ceremonial element. A candidate had to prove that he had complied with the regulations about attendance at lectures, etc., and to obtain evidence of fitness from a number of masters. A bachelor had to dispute several times with a master, and these disputations, which were held at the Augustinian Convent, came to be known as "doing Austins." The medieval system, as it lingered at Oxford in the close of the eighteenth century, is thus described by Vicesimus Knox. "The youth whose heart pants for the honour of a Bachelor of (p. 150) Arts degree must wait patiently till near four years have revolved.... He is obliged during this period, once to oppose and once to respond.... This opposing and responding is termed, in the cant of the place, _doing generals_. Two boys or men, as they call themselves, agree to _do generals_ together. The first step in this mighty work is to procure arguments. These are always handed down, from generation to generation, on long slips of paper, and consist of foolish syllogisms on foolish subjects, of the foundation or significance of which the respondent and opponent seldom know more than an infant in swaddling cloaths. The next step is to go for a _liceat_ to one of the petty officers, called the Regent-Master of the Schools, who subscribes his name to the questions and receives sixpence as his fee. When the important day arrives, the two doughty disputants go into a large dusty room, full of dirt and cobwebs.... Here they sit in mean desks, opposite to each other from one o'clock till three. Not once in a hundred times does any officer enter; and, if he does, he hears a syllogism or two, and then makes a bow, and departs, as he came and remained, in solemn silence. The disputants then return to the amusement of cutting the desks, carving their names, or reading Sterne's Sentimental Journey, or some other edifying novel. When the exercise is duly performed by both parties, they have a right to the title and insignia of _Sophs_: but not before they have been formally _created_ (p. 151) by one of the regent-masters, before whom they kneel, while he lays a volume of Aristotle's works on their heads, and puts on a hood, a piece of black crape, hanging from their necks, and down to their heels.... There remain only one or two trifling forms, and another disputation almost exactly similar to _doing generals_, but called _answering under bachelor_ previous to the awful examination. Every candidate is obliged to be examined in the whole circle of the sciences by three masters of arts _of his own choice_.... _Schemes_, as they are called, or little books containing forty or fifty questions on each science, are handed down from age to age, from one to another. The candidate employs three or four days in learning these by heart, and the examiners, having done the same before him, know what questions to ask, and so all goes on smoothly. When the candidate has displayed his universal knowledge of the sciences, he is to display his skill in philology. One of the masters therefore asks him to construe a passage in some Greek or Latin classic, which he does with no interruption, just as he pleases, and as well as he can. The statutes next require that he should translate familiar English phrases into Latin. And now is the time when the masters show their wit and jocularity.... This familiarity, however, only takes place when the examiners are pot-companions of the candidate, which indeed is usually the case; for it is reckoned good management to get acquainted with two or three jolly (p. 152) young masters of arts, and supply them well with port previously to the examination. If the vice-chancellor and proctors happen to enter the school, a very uncommon event, then a little solemnity is put on.... As neither the officer, nor anyone else, usually enters the room (for it is reckoned very _ungenteel_), the examiners and the candidates often converse on the last drinking-bout, or on horses, or read the newspapers or a novel." The supply of port was the eighteenth-century relic of the feasts which used to accompany Determination and Inception, and with which so many sumptuary regulations of colleges and universities are concerned. There is a reference to a Determining Feast in the Paston Letters, in which the ill-fated Walter Paston, writing in the summer of 1479, a few weeks before his premature death, says to his brother: "And yf ye wyl know what day I was mead Baschyler, I was maad on Fryday was sevynyth, and I mad my fest on the Munday after. I was promysyd venyson ageyn my fest of my Lady Harcort, and of a noder man to, but I was desevyd of both; but my gestes hewld them plesyd with such mete as they had, blyssyd be God. Hoo have yeo in Hys keeping. Wretyn at Oxon, on the Wedenys day next after Seynt Peter." A few glimpses of the life of this fifteenth-century Oxonian may (p. 153) conclude our survey. Walter Paston had been sent to Oxford in 1473, under the charge of a priest called James Gloys. His mother did not wish him to associate too closely with the son of their neighbour, Thomas Holler. "I wold," she says, "Walter schuld be copilet with a better than Holler son is ... howe be it I wold not that he schuld make never the lesse of hym, by cause he is his contre man and neghbour." The boy was instructed to "doo welle, lerne well, and be of good rewle and disposycion," and Gloys was asked to "bydde hym that he be not to hasty of takyng of orderes that schuld bynd him." To take Orders under twenty-three years of age might lead, in Margaret Paston's opinion, to repentance at leisure, and "I will love hym better to be a good secular man than to be a lewit priest." We next hear of Walter in May 1478 when he writes to his mother recommending himself to her "good moderchypp," and asking for money. He has received £5, 16s. 6d., and his expenses amount to £6, 5s. 5d. "That comth over the reseytys in my exspenses I have borrowed of Master Edmund and yt draweth to 8 shillings." He might have applied for a loan to one of the "chests" which benevolent donors had founded for such emergencies, depositing some article of value, and receiving a temporary loan: but he preferred to borrow from his new tutor, (p. 154) Edmund Alyard. By March 1479, Alyard was able to reassure the anxious mother about her boy's choice of a career; he was to go to law, taking his Bachelor's degree in Arts at Midsummer. His brother, Sir John, who was staying at the George at Paul's Wharf in London, intended to be present at the ceremony, but his letter miscarried: "Martin Brown had that same tyme mysch mony in a bage, so that he durst not bryng yt with hym, and that same letter was in that same bage, and he had forgete to take owt the letter, and he sent all togeder by London, so that yt was the next day after that I was maad Bachyler or than the letter cam, and so the fawt was not in me." This is the last we hear of Walter Paston. On his way home, on the 18th August 1479, he died at Norwich, after a short illness. He left a number of "togae" to his Oxford friends, including Robert Holler, the son of his Norfolk neighbour, to whom he also bequeathed "unum pulvinar vocatum _le bolstar_." The rest of his Oxford goods he left to Alyard, but his sheep and his lands to his own family. The cost of his illness and funeral amounted to about thirty shillings. No books are mentioned in the will; possibly they were sold for his inception feast, or he may never have possessed any. As a junior student, he would not have been allowed to use the great library which Humphrey of Gloucester had (p. 155) presented to the University; but there were smaller libraries to which he might have access, for books were sometimes chained up in St Mary's Church that scholars might read them. APPENDIX (p. 157) My attention has been called (too late for a reference in the text) to a medieval Latin poem giving a gloomy account of student life in Paris in the twelfth century. The verses, which have been printed in the _American Journal of Philology_ (vol. xi. p. 80), insist upon the hardships of the student's life, and contrast his miserable condition with the happier lot of the citizens of Paris. For him there is no rejoicing in the days of his youth, and no hope even of a competence in the future. His lodgings are wretched and neglected; his dress is miserable, and his appearance slovenly. His food consists of peas, beans, and cabbage, and "libido Mensæ nulla venit nisi quod sale sparsa rigorem Esca parum flectit." His bed is a hard mattress stretched on the floor, and sleep brings him only a meagre respite from the toils of the day:-- "Sed in illa pace soporis Pacis eget studii labor insopitus, et ipso Cura vigil somno, libros operamque ministrat Excitæ somnus animæ, nec prima sopori Anxietas cedit, sed quæ vigilaverat ante Sollicitudo redit, et major summa laboris Curarum studiis in somnibus obicit Hydram." In the early hours of the morning he goes to his lectures, and the (p. 158) whole of his day is given to study. The description of the student at lecture is interesting:-- "Aure et mente bibit et verba cadentia promo Promptus utroque levat, oculique et mentis in illo Fixa vigilque manet acies aurisque maritat Pronuba dilectam cupida cum meute Minervam." SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY (p. 159) Savigny: Geschichte der römischen Rechts im Mittelalter. (Heidelberg, 1834.) Sir William Hamilton: Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education, and University Reform. (London, 1852.) Denifle: Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400. (Berlin, 1885.) Rashdall: The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. (Oxford, 1895.) Kaufmann: Geschichte der Deutschen Universitäten. (Stuttgart, 1888.) Article on Universities in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_. Archiv für Lit. u. Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters. Jurist Statutes of Padua (1331) in vol. vi.; Salamanca documents in vol. v. Malagola: Statuti della università e dei collegi dello studio bolognese. (Bologna, 1888.) Denifle and Chatelain: Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. (Paris, 1889-1897.) (Many of the statutes of the Colleges of Paris will be found scattered through Felibien: Histoire de la Ville de Paris. Paris, 1725.) Antony Wood: History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford. (Ed. Gutch. Oxford, 1792-6.) ---- History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of Oxford. (Ed. Gutch. Oxford, 1786.) Anstey: Munimenta Academica. (Rolls Series, 1868.) Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford. (London, 1853.) Clark: The Colleges of Oxford. (London, 1892.) (The best account of Oxford will be found in vol. ii., Part ii., of Dr Rashdall's "Universities of Europe." There are two short histories (p. 160) of the University by Maxwell Lyte (London, 1886) and Brodrick (London, 1886.).) Documents relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge. (London, 1852.) Mullinger: The University of Cambridge from the Earliest Times to the Royal Injunctions of 1535. (Cambridge, 1873.) In two subsequent volumes Mr Mullinger has continued the narrative to the latter half of the seventeenth century, and he has also written a short "History of the University of Cambridge." (Epochs of Church History. London, 1888.) Gherardi: Statuti della università e studio Fiorentino. (Florence, 1881.) Villanueva: Statutes of the University of Lerida in "Viage Literario á las Iglesias de España." T. xvi. (Madrid, 1851.) Marcel Fournier: Les Statuts et Privilèges des Universités françaises depuis leur fondation jusqu'en 1789. (Paris, 1890-92.) Dittrich und Spirk: Monumenta Historica Universitatis Pragensis. (Prague, 1830.) Kink: Geschichte der Kaiserl. Univ. zu Wien. (Vienna, 1854.) Hautz: Geschichte der Universität Heidelberg. (Mannheim, 1862.) Vernulæus: Academia Lovaniensis. (Louvain, 1667.) Molanus: Historiæ Lovaniensium, ed. De Ram. (Brussels, 1861.) Zarncke: Die Statutenbücher der Univ. Leipzig. (Leipzig, 1861.) ---- Acta Rectorum Univ. Lipsiensis. (Leipzig, 1858.) Evidence taken and received by the Scottish Universities Commissioners of 1826. (London, 1837.) Innes: Fasti Aberdonenses. Spalding Club. (Aberdeen, 1854.) INDEX (p. 163) Abelard, 6. Aberdeen, Univ. of, 105, 106, 107, 122-3. Ælius Donatus, 138. Aix, Univ. of, 39, 112, 114. Alexander de Villa Dei, 138. Alfonso the Wise, 9. Alyard, Edmund, 153-4. Angers, Univ. of, 7, 147. ---- Coll. of Breuil at, 90. Anselm, St, 6. Arezzo, Studium at, 7. Aristotle, 138-143. Arts, The Seven Liberal, 137-9. Avignon, Univ. of, 88, 112. ---- College of Annecy at, 113. ---- College of Notre Dame de Pitié at, 88, 90. ---- Confraternity of St Sebastian at, 112. Bagley Wood, 97. Bateman, Bishop, 70. Boethius, 139. Bologna, Spanish College at, 19, 34, 93. ---- Studium Generale at, 6, 8, 9. ---- Universities of, 11-34, 44, 46-7, 48, 140. Caen, Univ. of, 148. Cahors, College of St Nicholas de Pelegry at, 89, 91. Caius, Dr, 61, 68. Cambridge, Univ. of, 3, 7, 10, 120, 136-7, 146-7. ---- College discipline at, 49-78. ---- Colleges of-- Caius, 61, 68, 70; Christ's, 66, 69, 71; Clare, 59; Jesus, 67; King's, 62, 64, 66; Peterhouse, 58, 62, 63, 69, 72; Trinity, 68; Trinity Hall, 70. Chaucer, Prologue to Canterbury Tales, 1-3, 73, 74, 75. Chichele, Archbishop, 73. Cicero, 138, 139. College, meaning of word, 5. Cologne, Univ. of, 48. Dôle, Univ. of, 39. Eberhard, 139. Ely, Bishop of, 47. Erfurt, Univ. of, 48. Estoutville, Cardinal, 94-5, 143-4. Euclid, 139. Farleigh, 51, 52. Florence, Univ. of, 34-7. France, Universities of, 12. Frederick Barbarossa, 24-5. Frederick II., 8. Germany, Universities of, 47-8, 142. Gilbert de la Porrée, 139. Glasgow, Univ. of, 105, 106, 140. Gloys, James, 153. Gregory IX., 9. Hearne, Thomas, 122. Heidelberg, Univ. of, 48, 107-8, 117, 141. Henry II., 6. Henry VI., 58, 61, 63, 66. Henry VIII., 58. Holler, Thomas, 153. ---- Robert, 154. Holywood, John, 139. Ingolstadt, Univ. of, 105. Innocent III., 42, 43. ---- IV., 7, 9. John XXI., 139. ---- XXII., 10. ---- King, 7, 45. Knox, Vicesimus, 149. Leipsic, Univ. of, 48. ---- Collegium Maius at, 89. ---- Collegium Minus at, 90. ---- University discipline at, 102-5, 108. ---- "Town and Gown" at, 128-131. Lerida, Univ. of, 37-8. Lincoln, See of, 45, 46. Louvain, Univ. of, 48, 145-6, 149. ---- University, discipline at, 101-2, 116. Lyons, Studium at, 7, 9. Lyra, Nicolaus de, 139. Maldon, 51, 52, 54. Marsilius, 139. Melville, Andrew, 140. Modena, Studium at, 7, 9. Merton, Walter de, 50-6, 134. Montpellier, Univ. of, 7. ---- College of Douze Medecins at, 89. ---- College of St Benedict at, 91-3. ---- College of Saint Ruf at, 89, 90. Naples, Univ. of, 8. "Nations," 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 43, 44, 46, 78, 79, 131. Nicholas IV., 9, 10. Orleans, Univ. of, 7, 115, 128. Ovid, 139. Oxford, Univ. of, 6, 10, 39, 45, 47, 49, 120, 133-142, 146, 147, 149-155. ---- College discipline at, 49-78. ---- University discipline at, 95-101. ---- "Town and Gown" at, 124-128. Oxford, Colleges of-- Balliol, 71, 122; Brasenose, 66, 67, 122; Christ Church, 68; Corpus Christi, 60, 67, 68, 72, 105; Jesus, 59; Lincoln, 77; Magdalen, 62, 66, 134; Merton, 50-6, 60, 67, 120, 121, 122, 134; New College, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 71, 76, 77, 120, 133, 147; Pembroke, 68; Queen's, 59, 61, 63, 74, 77; Worcester, 68. Oxford, Halls of-- Haburdaysh Hall, 98; Pauline Hall, 97; Peckwater Inn, 97. Padua, Univ. of, 7, 10, 34. Palencia, Studium at, 7. Paris, Univ. of, 6, 7, 9, 11, 40, 41-5, 49, 128, 133, 134, 139, 141, 142-6, 148, 157-8. ---- College discipline at, 78-88. ---- "Jocund Advent" at, 109-112. ---- Univ. discipline at, 94-5. Paris, Colleges of-- Cambray, 111; Clugny, 88; Cornouaille, 83, 84, 85, 86, 111, 133; Dainville, 87, 111, 144-6; Le Mans, 79, 84; Marmoutier, 86; Plessis, 82; St Bernard, 83, 85, 86, 110; Sorbonne, 81, 85, 86, 111, 112; Tours, 83; Treasurer's, 79, 80, 87, 111. Paston, John, 154. ---- Margaret, 153. ---- Walter, 152-5. Peckham, Archbishop, 55-6. Perpignan, Univ. of, 38. Petrus Hispanus, 139. Philip Augustus, 42. Plessis, Geoffrey du, 82. Porphyry, 139. Prague, Univ. of, 48, 116, 147. Priscian, 139. Ptolemy, 139. Reggio, Studium at, 7. Reims, Studium at, 7. Rostock, Univ. of, 48. Rouen, 79, 80, 81. Rudolf IV., 124. St Andrews, Univ. of, 105, 106, 122. St Scholastica's Day, 125-6. Salamanca, Studium at, 7, 9, 39. Salerno, Univ. of, 9. Saone, Guillaume de, 79. Scayfe, Henry, 77. Scotland, Universities of, 48, 105, 140, 142. Seggefyld, John, 77. Studium Generale, meaning of, 5-12. Toulouse, Univ. of, 7, 9, 128. ---- College de Foix at, 89. ---- College de Verdale at, 91, 144. Universitas, meaning of, 4, 5, 10, 11. Valladolid, Studium at, 7. Vicenza, Studium at, 7. Vienna, Univ. of, 48, 124, 140, 141, 142, 147. Virgil, 139. Waynflete, William of, 66, 134. Wingfield, Sir E., 57. Wood, Antony à, 120-2, 125-126. Wolsey, Cardinal, 68. Würzburg, Univ. of, 48. Wykeham, William of, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 76, 147. Zarncke, Friedrich, 102. TURNBULL AND SPEARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH 
12864	----	A COLLECTION OF COLLEGE WORDS AND CUSTOMS. BY B.H. HALL. "Multa renascentur quæ jam cecidere, cadentque Quæ nunc sunt in honore, vocabula." "Notandi sunt tibi mores." HOR. _Ars Poet._ REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by B.H. HALL, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. INTRODUCTION. The first edition of this publication was mostly compiled during the leisure hours of the last half-year of a Senior's collegiate life, and was presented anonymously to the public with the following "PREFACE. "The Editor has an indistinct recollection of a sheet of foolscap paper, on one side of which was written, perhaps a year and a half ago, a list of twenty or thirty college phrases, followed by the euphonious titles of 'Yale Coll.,' 'Harvard Coll.' Next he calls to mind two blue-covered books, turned from their original use, as receptacles of Latin and Greek exercises, containing explanations of these and many other phrases. His friends heard that he was hunting up odd words and queer customs, and dubbed him 'Antiquarian,' but in a kindly manner, spared his feelings, and did not put the vinegar 'old' before it. "Two and one half quires of paper were in time covered with a strange medley, an olla-podrida of student peculiarities. Thus did he amuse himself in his leisure hours, something like one who, as Dryden says, 'is for raking in Chaucer for antiquated words.' By and by he heard a wish here and a wish there, whether real or otherwise he does not know, which said something about 'type,' 'press,' and used other cabalistic words, such as 'copy,' 'devil,' etc. Then there was a gathering of papers, a transcribing of passages from letters, an arranging in alphabetical order, a correcting of proofs, and the work was done,--poorly it may be, but with good intent. "Some things will be found in the following pages which are neither words nor customs peculiar to colleges, and yet they have been inserted, because it was thought they would serve to explain the character of student life, and afford a little amusement to the student himself. Society histories have been omitted, with the exception of an account of the oldest affiliated literary society in the United States. "To those who have aided in the compilation of this work, the Editor returns his warmest thanks. He has received the assistance of many, whose names he would here and in all places esteem it an honor openly to acknowlege, were he not forbidden so to do by the fact that he is himself anonymous. Aware that there is information still to be collected, in reference to the subjects here treated, he would deem it a favor if he could receive through the medium of his publisher such morsels as are yet ungathered. "Should one pleasant thought arise within the breast of any Alumnus, as a long-forgotten but once familiar word stares him in the face, like an old and early friend; or should one who is still guarded by his Alma Mater be led to a more summer-like acquaintance with those who have in years past roved, as he now roves, through classic shades and honored halls, the labors of their friend, the Editor, will have been crowned with complete success. "CAMBRIDGE, July 4th, 1851." Fearing lest venerable brows should frown with displeasure at the recital of incidents which once made those brows bright and joyous; dreading also those stern voices which might condemn as boyish, trivial, or wrong an attempt to glean a few grains of philological lore from the hitherto unrecognized corners of the fields of college life, the Editor chose to regard the brows and hear the voices from an innominate position. Not knowing lest he should at some future time regret the publication of pages which might be deemed heterodox, he caused a small edition of the work to be published, hoping, should it be judged as evil, that the error would be circumscribed in its effects, and the medium of the error buried between the dusty shelves of the second-hand collection of some rusty old bibliopole. By reason of this extreme caution, the volume has been out of print for the last four years. In the present edition, the contents of the work have been carefully revised, and new articles, filling about two hundred pages, have been interspersed throughout the volume, arranged under appropriate titles. Numerous additions have been made to the collection of technicalities peculiar to the English universities, and the best authorities have been consulted in the preparation of this department. An index has also been added, containing a list of the American colleges referred to in the text in connection with particular words or customs. The Editor is aware that many of the words here inserted are wanting in that refinement of sound and derivation which their use in classical localities might seem to imply, and that some of the customs here noticed and described are "More honored in the breach than the observance." These facts are not, however, sufficient to outweigh his conviction that there is nothing in language or manners too insignificant for the attention of those who are desirous of studying the diversified developments of the character of man. For this reason, and for the gratification of his own taste and the tastes of many who were pleased at the inceptive step taken in the first edition, the present volume has been prepared and is now given to the public. TROY, N.Y., February 2, 1856. A COLLECTION OF COLLEGE WORDS AND CUSTOMS. _A_. A.B. An abbreviation for _Artium Baccalaureus_, Bachelor of Arts. The first degree taken by students at a college or university. It is usually written B.A., q.v. ABSIT. Latin; literally, _let him be absent_; leave of absence from commons, given to a student in the English universities.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ ACADEMIAN. A member of an academy; a student in a university or college. ACADEMIC. A student in a college or university. A young _academic_ coming into the country immediately after this great competition, &c.--_Forby's Vocabulary_, under _Pin-basket_. A young _academic_ shall dwell upon a journal that treats of trade, and be lavish in the praise of the author; while persons skilled in those subjects hear the tattle with contempt.--_Watts's Improvement of the Mind_. ACADEMICALS. In the English universities, the dress peculiar to the students and officers. I must insist on your going to your College and putting on your _academicals_.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 382. The Proctor makes a claim of 6s. 8d. on every undergraduate whom he finds _inermem_, or without his _academicals_.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 8. If you say you are going for a walk, or if it appears likely, from the time and place, you are allowed to pass, otherwise you may be sent back to college to put on your _academicals_.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 177. ACKNOWLEDGMENT. At Harvard College, every student admitted upon examination, after giving a bond for the payment of all college dues, according to the established laws and customs, is required to sign the following _acknowledgment_, as it is called:--"I acknowledge that, having been admitted to the University at Cambridge, I am subject to its laws." Thereupon he receives from the President a copy of the laws which he has promised to obey.--_Laws Univ. of Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 13. ACT. In English universities, a thesis maintained in public by a candidate for a degree, or to show the proficiency of a student.--_Webster_. The student proposes certain questions to the presiding officer of the schools, who then nominates other students to oppose him. The discussion is syllogistical and in Latin and terminates by the presiding officer questioning the respondent, or person who is said _to keep the act_, and his opponents, and dismissing them with some remarks upon their respective merits.--_Brande_. The effect of practice in such matters may be illustrated by the habit of conversing in Latin, which German students do much more readily than English, simply because the former practise it, and hold public disputes in Latin, while the latter have long left off "_keeping Acts_," as the old public discussions required of candidates for a degree used to be called.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 184. The word was formerly used in Harvard College. In the "Orders of the Overseers," May 6th, 1650, is the following: "Such that expect to proceed Masters of Arts [are ordered] to exhibit their synopsis of _acts_ required by the laws of the College."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 518. Nine Bachelors commenced at Cambridge; they were young men of good hope, and performed their _acts_ so as to give good proof of their proficiency in the tongues and arts.--_Winthrop's Journal, by Mr. Savage_, Vol. I. p. 87. The students of the first classis that have beene these foure years trained up in University learning (for their ripening in the knowledge of the tongues, and arts) and are approved for their manners, as they have _kept_ their publick _Acts_ in former yeares, ourselves being present at them; so have they lately _kept_ two solemn _Acts_ for their Commencement.--_New England's First Fruits_, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Vol. I. p. 245. But in the succeeding _acts_ ... the Latin syllogism seemed to give the most content.--_Harvard Register_, 1827-28, p. 305. 2. The close of the session at Oxford, when Masters and Doctors complete their degrees, whence the _Act Term_, or that term in which the _act_ falls. It is always held with great solemnity. At Cambridge, and in American colleges, it is called _Commencement_. In this sense Mather uses it. They that were to proceed Bachelors, held their _Act_ publickly in Cambridge.--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. 4, pp. 127, 128. At some times in the universities of England they have no public _acts_, but give degrees privately and silently.--_Letter of Increase Mather, in App. to Pres. Woolsey's Hist. Disc._, p. 87. AD EUNDEM GRADUM. Latin, _to the same degree_. In American colleges, a Bachelor or Master of one institution was formerly allowed to take _the same_ degree at another, on payment of a certain fee. By this he was admitted to all the privileges of a graduate of his adopted Alma Mater. _Ad eundem gradum_, to the same degree, were the important words in the formula of admission. A similar custom prevails at present in the English universities. Persons who have received a degree in any other college or university may, upon proper application, be admitted _ad eundem_, upon payment of the customary fees to the President.--_Laws Union Coll._, 1807, p. 47. Persons who have received a degree in any other university or college may, upon proper application, be admitted _ad eundem_, upon paying five dollars to the Steward for the President.--_Laws of the Univ. in Cam., Mass._, 1828. Persons who have received a degree at any other college may, upon proper application, be admitted _ad eundem_, upon payment of the customary fee to the President.--_Laws Mid. Coll._, 1839, p. 24. The House of Convocation consists both of regents and non-regents, that is, in brief, all masters of arts not honorary, or _ad eundems_ from Cambridge or Dublin, and of course graduates of a higher order.--_Oxford Guide_, 1847, p. xi. Fortunately some one recollected that the American Minister was a D.C.L. of Trinity College, Dublin, members of which are admitted _ad eundem gradum_ at Cambridge.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 112. ADJOURN. At Bowdoin College, _adjourns_ are the occasional holidays given when a Professor unexpectedly absents himself from recitation. ADJOURN. At the University of Vermont, this word as a verb is used in the same sense as is the verb BOLT at Williams College; e.g. the students _adjourn_ a recitation, when they leave the recitation-room _en masse_, despite the Professor. ADMISSION. The act of admitting a person as a member of a college or university. The requirements for admission are usually a good moral character on the part of the candidate, and that he shall be able to pass a satisfactory examination it certain studies. In some colleges, students are not allowed to enter until they are of a specified age.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 12. _Laws Tale Coll._, 1837, p. 8. The requisitions for entrance at Harvard College in 1650 are given in the following extract. "When any scholar is able to read Tully, or such like classical Latin author, _extempore_, and make and speak true Latin in verse and prose _suo (ut aiunt) Marte_, and decline perfectly the paradigms of nouns and verbs in the Greek tongue, then may he be admitted into the College, nor shall any claim admission before such qualifications."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 515. ADMITTATUR. Latin; literally, _let him be admitted_. In the older American colleges, the certificate of admission given to a student upon entering was called an _admittatur_, from the word with which it began. At Harvard no student was allowed to occupy a room in the College, to receive the instruction there given, or was considered a member thereof, until he had been admitted according to this form.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798. Referring to Yale College, President Wholsey remarks on this point: "The earliest known laws of the College belong to the years 1720 and 1726, and are in manuscript; which is explained by the custom that every Freshman, on his admission, was required to write off a copy of them for himself, to which the _admittatur_ of the officers was subscribed."--_Hist. Disc, before Grad. Yale Coll._, 1850, p. 45. He travels wearily over in visions the term he is to wait for his initiation into college ways and his _admittatur_.--_Harvard Register_, p. 377. I received my _admittatur_ and returned home, to pass the vacation and procure the college uniform.--_New England Magazine_, Vol. III. p. 238. It was not till six months of further trial, that we received our _admittatur_, so called, and became matriculated.--_A Tour through College_, 1832, p. 13. ADMITTO TE AD GRADUM. _I admit you to a degree_; the first words in the formula used in conferring the honors of college. The scholar-dress that once arrayed him, The charm _Admitto te ad gradum_, With touch of parchment can refine, And make the veriest coxcomb shine, Confer the gift of tongues at once, And fill with sense the vacant dunce. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, Ed. 1794, Exeter, p. 12. ADMONISH. In collegiate affairs, to reprove a member of a college for a fault, either publicly or privately; the first step of college discipline. It is followed by _of_ or _against_; as, to admonish of a fault committed, or against committing a fault. ADMONITION. Private or public reproof; the first step of college discipline. In Harvard College, both private and public admonition subject the offender to deductions from his rank, and the latter is accompanied in most cases with official notice to his parents or guardian.--See _Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 21. _Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 23. Mr. Flynt, for many years a tutor in Harvard College, thus records an instance of college punishment for stealing poultry:--"November 4th, 1717. Three scholars were publicly admonished for thievery, and one degraded below five in his class, because he had been before publicly admonished for card-playing. They were ordered by the President into the middle of the Hall (while two others, concealers of the theft, were ordered to stand up in their places, and spoken to there). The crime they were charged with was first declared, and then laid open as against the law of God and the House, and they were admonished to consider the nature and tendency of it, with its aggravations; and all, with them, were warned to take heed and regulate themselves, so that they might not be in danger of so doing for the future; and those who consented to the theft were admonished to beware, lest God tear them in pieces, according to the text. They were then fined, and ordered to make restitution twofold for each theft."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 443. ADOPTED SON. Said of a student in reference to the college of which he is or was a member, the college being styled his _alma mater_. There is something in the affection of our Alma Mater which changes the nature of her _adopted sons_; and let them come from wherever they may, she soon alters them and makes it evident that they belong to the same brood.--_Harvard Register_, p. 377. ADVANCE. The lesson which a student prepares for the first time is called _the advance_, in contradistinction to _the review_. Even to save him from perdition, He cannot get "_the advance_," forgets "_the review_." _Childe Harvard_, p. 13. ÆGROTAL. Latin, _ægrotus_, sick. A certificate of illness. Used in the Univ. of Cam., Eng. A lucky thought; he will get an "_ægrotal_," or medical certificate of illness.--_Household Words_, Vol. II. p. 162. ÆGROTAT. Latin; literally, _he is sick_. In the English universities, a certificate from a doctor or surgeon, to the effect that a student has been prevented by illness from attending to his college duties, "though, commonly," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "the real complaint is much more serious; viz. indisposition of the mind! _ægrotat_ animo magis quam corpore." This state is technically called _ægritude_, and the person thus affected is said to be _æger_.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. pp. 386, 387. To prove sickness nothing more is necessary than to send to some medical man for a pill and a draught, and a little bit of paper with _ægrotat_ on it, and the doctor's signature. Some men let themselves down off their horses, and send for an _ægrotat_ on the score of a fall.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. Ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 235. During this term I attended another course of Aristotle lectures, --but not with any express view to the May examination, which I had no intention of going in to, if it could be helped, and which I eventually escaped by an _ægrotat_ from my physician.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 198. Mr. John Trumbull well describes this state of indisposition in his Progress of Dullness:-- "Then every book, which ought to please, Stirs up the seeds of dire disease; Greek spoils his eyes, the print's so fine, Grown dim with study, and with wine; Of Tully's Latin much afraid, Each page he calls the doctor's aid; While geometry, with lines so crooked, Sprains all his wits to overlook it. His sickness puts on every name, Its cause and uses still the same; 'Tis toothache, colic, gout, or stone, With phases various as the moon, But tho' thro' all the body spread, Still makes its cap'tal seat, the head. In all diseases, 'tis expected, The weakest parts be most infected." Ed. 1794, Part I. p. 8. ÆGROTAT DEGREE. One who is sick or so indisposed that he cannot attend the Senate-House examination, nor consequently acquire any honor, takes what is termed an _Ægrotat degree_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 105. ALMA MATER, _pl._ ALMÆ MATRES. Fostering mother; a college or seminary where one is educated. The title was originally given to Oxford and Cambridge, by such as had received their education in either university. It must give pleasure to the alumni of the College to hear of his good name, as he [Benjamin Woodbridge] was the eldest son of our _alma mater_.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 57. I see the truths I have uttered, in relation to our _Almæ Matres_, assented to by sundry of their children.--_Terræ-Filius_, Oxford, p. 41. ALUMNI, SOCIETY OF. An association composed of the graduates of a particular college. The object of societies of this nature is stated in the following extract from President Hopkins's Address before the Society of Alumni of Williams College, Aug. 16, 1843. "So far as I know, the Society of the Alumni of Williams College was the first association of the kind in this country, certainly the first which acted efficiently, and called forth literary addresses. It was formed September 5, 1821, and the preamble to the constitution then adopted was as follows: 'For the promotion of literature and good fellowship among ourselves, and the better to advance the reputation and interests of our Alma Mater, we the subscribers, graduates of Williams College, form ourselves into a Society.' The first president was Dr. Asa Burbank. The first orator elected was the Hon. Elijah Hunt Mills, a distinguished Senator of the United States. That appointment was not fulfilled. The first oration was delivered in 1823, by the Rev. Dr. Woodbridge, now of Hadley, and was well worthy of the occasion; and since that time the annual oration before the Alumni has seldom failed.... Since this Society was formed, the example has been followed in other institutions, and bids fair to extend to them all. Last year, for the first time, the voice of an Alumnus orator was heard at Harvard and at Yale; and one of these associations, I know, sprung directly from ours. It is but three years since a venerable man attended the meeting of our Alumni, one of those that have been so full of interest, and he said he should go directly home and have such an association formed at the Commencement of his Alma Mater, then about to occur. He did so. That association was formed, and the last year the voice of one of the first scholars and jurists in the nation was heard before them. The present year the Alumni of Dartmouth were addressed for the first time, and the doctrine of Progress was illustrated by the distinguished speaker in more senses than one.[01] Who can tell how great the influence of such associations may become in cherishing kind feeling, in fostering literature, in calling out talent, in leading men to act, not selfishly, but more efficiently for the general cause through particular institutions?"--_Pres. Hopkins's Miscellaneous Essays and Discourses_, pp. 275-277. To the same effect also, Mr. Chief Justice Story, who, in his Discourse before the Society of the Alumni of Harvard University, Aug. 23, 1842, says: "We meet to celebrate the first anniversary of the society of all the Alumni of Harvard. We meet without any distinction of sect or party, or of rank or profession, in church or in state, in literature or in science.... Our fellowship is designed to be--as it should be--of the most liberal and comprehensive character, conceived in the spirit of catholic benevolence, asking no creed but the love of letters, seeking no end but the encouragement of learning, and imposing no conditions, which say lead to jealousy or ambitious strife. In short, we meet for peace and for union; to devote one day in the year to academical intercourse and the amenities of scholars."--p. 4. An Alumni society was formed at Columbia College in the year 1829, and at Rutgers College in 1837. There are also societies of this nature at the College of New Jersey, Princeton; University of Virginia, Charlottesville; and at Columbian College, Washington. ALUMNUS, _pl._ ALUMNI. Latin, from _alo_, to nourish. A pupil; one educated at a seminary or college is called an _alumnus_ of that institution. A.M. An abbreviation for _Artium Magister_, Master of Arts. The second degree given by universities and colleges. It is usually written M.A., q.v. ANALYSIS. In the following passage, the word _analysis_ is used as a verb; the meaning being directly derived from that of the noun of the same orthography. If any resident Bachelor, Senior, or Junior Sophister shall neglect to _analysis_ in his course, he shall be punished not exceeding ten shillings.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 129. ANNARUGIANS. At Centre College, Kentucky, is a society called the _Annarugians_, "composed," says a correspondent "of the wildest of the College boys, who, in the most fantastic disguises, are always on hand when a wedding is to take place, and join in a most tremendous Charivari, nor can they be forced to retreat until they have received a due proportion of the sumptuous feast prepared." APOSTLES. At Cambridge, England, the last twelve on the list of Bachelors of Arts; a degree lower than the [Greek: oi polloi] "Scape-goats of literature, who have at length scrambled through the pales and discipline of the Senate-House, without being _plucked_, and miraculously obtained the title of A.B."--_Gradus ad Cantab._ At Columbian College, D.C., the members of the Faculty are called after the names of the _Apostles_. APPLICANT. A diligent student. "This word," says Mr. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, "has been much used at our colleges. The English have the verb _to apply_, but the noun _applicant_, in this sense, does not appear to be in use among them. The only Dictionary in which I have found it with this meaning is Entick's, in which it is given under the word _applier_. Mr. Todd has the term _applicant_, but it is only in the sense of 'he who applies for anything.' An American reviewer, in his remarks on Mr. Webster's Dictionary, takes notice of the word, observing, that it 'is a mean word'; and then adds, that 'Mr. Webster has not explained it in the most common sense, a _hard student_.'--_Monthly Anthology_, Vol. VII. p. 263. A correspondent observes: 'The utmost that can be said of this word among the English is, that perhaps it is occasionally used in conversation; at least, to signify one who asks (or applies) for something.'" At present the word _applicant_ is never used in the sense of a diligent student, the common signification being that given by Mr. Webster, "One who applies; one who makes request; a petitioner." APPOINTEE. One who receives an appointment at a college exhibition or commencement. The _appointees_ are writing their pieces.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, p. 193. To the gratified _appointee_,--if his ambition for the honor has the intensity it has in some bosoms,--the day is the proudest he will ever see.--_Ibid._, p. 194. I suspect that a man in the first class of the "Poll" has usually read mathematics to more profit than many of the "_appointees_," even of the "oration men" at Yale.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 382. He hears it said all about him that the College _appointees_ are for the most part poor dull fellows.--_Ibid._, p. 389. APPOINTMENT. In many American colleges, students to whom are assigned a part in the exercises of an exhibition or commencement, are said to receive an _appointment_. Appointments are given as a reward for superiority in scholarship. As it regards college, the object of _appointments_ is to incite to study, and promote good scholarship.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, p. 69. If e'er ye would take an "_appointment_" young man, Beware o' the "blade" and "fine fellow," young man! _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 210. Some have crammed for _appointments_, and some for degrees. _Presentation Day Songs_, Yale Coll., June 14, 1854. See JUNIOR APPOINTMENTS. APPROBAMUS. Latin; _we approve_. A certificate, given to a student, testifying of his fitness for the performance of certain duties. In an account of the exercises at Dartmouth College during the Commencement season in 1774, Dr. Belknap makes use of this word in the following connection: "I attended, with several others, the examination of Joseph Johnson, an Indian, educated in this school, who, with the rest of the New England Indians, are about moving up into the country of the Six Nations, where they have a tract of land fifteen miles square given them. He appeared to be an ingenious, sensible, serious young man; and we gave him an _approbamus_, of which there is a copy on the next page. After which, at three P.M., he preached in the college hall, and a collection of twenty-seven dollars and a half was made for him. The auditors were agreeably entertained. "The _approbamus_ is as follows."--_Life of Jeremy Belknap, D.D._, pp. 71, 72. APPROBATE. To express approbation of; to manifest a liking, or degree of satisfaction.--_Webster_. The cause of this battle every man did allow and _approbate_.--_Hall, Henry VII., Richardson's Dict._ "This word," says Mr. Pickering, "was formerly much used at our colleges instead of the old English verb _approve_. The students used to speak of having their performances _approbated_ by the instructors. It is also now in common use with our clergy as a sort of technical term, to denote a person who is licensed to preach; they would say, such a one is _approbated_, that is, licensed to preach. It is also common in New England to say of a person who is licensed by the county courts to sell spirituous liquors, or to keep a public house, that he is approbated; and the term is adopted in the law of Massachusetts on this subject." The word is obsolete in England, is obsolescent at our colleges, and is very seldom heard in the other senses given above. By the twelfth statute, a student incurs ... no penalty by declaiming or attempting to declaim without having his piece previously _approbated_.--_MS. Note to Laws of Harvard College_, 1798. Observe their faces as they enter, and you will perceive some shades there, which, if they are _approbated_ and admitted, will be gone when they come out.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, p. 18. How often does the professor whose duty it is to criticise and _approbate_ the pieces for this exhibition wish they were better! --_Ibid._, p. 195. I was _approbated_ by the Boston Association, I suspect, as a person well known, but known as an anomaly, and admitted in charity.--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, p. lxxxv. ASSES' BRIDGE. The fifth proposition of the first book of Euclid is called the _Asses' Bridge_, or rather "Pons Asinorum," from the difficulty with which many get over it. The _Asses' Bridge_ in Euclid is not more difficult to be got over, nor the logarithms of Napier so hard to be unravelled, as many of Hoyle's Cases and Propositions.--_The Connoisseur_, No. LX. After Mr. Brown had passed us over the "_Asses' Bridge_," without any serious accident, and conducted us a few steps further into the first book, he dismissed us with many compliments.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 126. I don't believe he passed the _Pons Asinorum_ without many a halt and a stumble.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 146. ASSESSOR. In the English universities, an officer specially appointed to assist the Vice-Chancellor in his court.--_Cam. Cal._ AUCTION. At Harvard College, it was until within a few years customary for the members of the Senior Class, previously to leaving college, to bring together in some convenient room all the books, furniture, and movables of any kind which they wished to dispose of, and put them up at public auction. Everything offered was either sold, or, if no bidders could be obtained, given away. AUDIT. In the University of Cambridge, England, a meeting of the Master and Fellows to examine or _audit_ the college accounts. This is succeeded by a feast, on which occasion is broached the very best ale, for which reason ale of this character is called "audit ale."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ This use of the word thirst made me drink an extra bumper of "_Audit_" that very day at dinner.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 3. After a few draughts of the _Audit_, the company disperse.--_Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 161. AUTHORITY. "This word," says Mr. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, "is used in some of the States, in speaking collectively of the Professors, &c. of our colleges, to whom the _government_ of these institutions is intrusted." Every Freshman shall be obliged to do any proper errand or message for the _Authority_ of the College.--_Laws Middlebury Coll._, 1804, p. 6. AUTOGRAPH BOOK. It is customary at Yale College for each member of the Senior Class, before the close of his collegiate life, to obtain, in a book prepared for that purpose, the signatures of the President, Professors, Tutors, and of all his classmates, with anything else which they may choose to insert. Opposite the autographs of the college officers are placed engravings of them, so far as they are obtainable; and the whole, bound according to the fancy of each, forms a most valuable collection of agreeable mementos. When news of his death reached me. I turned to my _book of classmate autographs_, to see what he had written there, and to read a name unusually dear.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, p. 201. AVERAGE BOOK. At Harvard College, a book in which the marks received by each student, for the proper performance of his college duties, are entered; also the deductions from his rank resulting from misconduct. These unequal data are then arranged in a mean proportion, and the result signifies the standing which the student has held for a given period. In vain the Prex's grave rebuke, Deductions from the _average book_. _MS. Poem_, W.F. Allen, 1848. _B_. B.A. An abbreviation of _Baccalaureus Artium_, Bachelor of Arts. The first degree taken by a student at a college or university. Sometimes written A.B., which is in accordance with the proper Latin arrangement. In American colleges this degree is conferred in course on each member of the Senior Class in good standing. In the English universities, it is given to the candidate who has been resident at least half of each of ten terms, i.e. during a certain portion of a period extending over three and a third years, and who has passed the University examinations. The method of conferring the degree of B.A. at Trinity College, Hartford, is peculiar. The President takes the hands of each candidate in his own as he confers the degree. He also passes to the candidate a book containing the College Statutes, which the candidate holds in his right hand during the performance of a part of the ceremony. The initials of English academical titles always correspond to the _English_, not to the Latin of the titles, _B.A._, M.A., D.D., D.C.L., &c.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 13. See BACHELOR. BACCALAUREATE. The degree of Bachelor of Arts; the first or lowest degree. In American colleges, this degree is conferred in course on each member of the Senior Class in good standing. In Oxford and Cambridge it is attainable in two different ways;--1. By examination, to which those students alone are admissible who have pursued the prescribed course of study for the space of three years. 2. By extraordinary diploma, granted to individuals wholly unconnected with the University. The former class are styled Baccalaurei Formati, the latter Baccalaurei Currentes. In France the degree of Baccalaureat (Baccalaureus Literarum) is conferred indiscriminately upon such natives or foreigners and after a strict examination in the classics, mathematics, and philosophy, are declared to be qualified. In the German universities, the title "Doctor Philosophiæ" has long been substituted for Baccalaureus Artium or Literarum. In the Middle Ages, the term Baccalaureus was applied to an inferior order of knights, who came into the field unattended by vassals; from them it was transferred to the lowest class of ecclesiastics; and thence again, by Pope Gregory the Ninth to the universities. In reference to the derivation of this word, the military classes maintain that it is either derived from the _baculus_ or staff with which knights were usually invested, or from _bas chevalier_, an inferior kind of knight; the literary classes, with more plausibility, perhaps, trace its origin to the custom which prevailed universally among the Greeks and Romans, and which was followed even in Italy till the thirteenth century, of crowning distinguished individuals with laurel; hence the recipient of this honor was style Baccalaureus, quasi _baccis laureis_ donatus.--_Brande's Dictionary_. The subjoined passage, although it may not place the subject in any clearer light, will show the difference of opinion which exists in reference to the derivation of this work. Speaking of the exercises of Commencement at Cambridge Mass., in the early days of Harvard College, the writer says "But the main exercises were disputations upon questions wherein the respondents first made their Theses: For according to Vossius, the very essence of the Baccalaureat seems to lye in the thing: Baccalaureus being but a name corrupted of Batualius, which Batualius (as well as the French Bataile [Bataille]) comes à Batuendo, a business that carries beating in it: So that, Batualii fuerunt vocati, quia jam quasi _batuissent_ cum adversario, ac manus conseruissent; hoc est, publice disputassent, atque ita peritiæ suæ specimen dedissent."--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. p. 128. The Seniors will be examined for the _Baccalaureate_, four weeks before Commencement, by a committee, in connection with the Faculty.--_Cal. Wesleyan Univ._, 1849, p. 22. BACHELOR. A person who has taken the first degree in the liberal arts and sciences, at a college or university. This degree, or honor, is called the _Baccalaureate_. This title is given also to such as take the first degree in divinity, law, or physic, in certain European universities. The word appears in various forms in different languages. The following are taken from _Webster's Unabridged Dictionary_. "French, _bachelier_; Spanish, _bachiller_, a bachelor of arts and a babbler; Portuguese, _bacharel_, id., and _bacello_, a shoot or twig of the vine; Italian, _baccelliere_, a bachelor of arts; _bacchio_, a staff; _bachetta_, a rod; Latin, _bacillus_, a stick, that is, a shoot; French, _bachelette_, a damsel, or young woman; Scotch, _baich_, a child; Welsh, _bacgen_, a boy, a child; _bacgenes_, a young girl, from _bac_, small. This word has its origin in the name of a child, or young person of either sex, whence the sense of _babbling_ in the Spanish. Or both senses are rather from shooting, protruding." Of the various etymologies ascribed to the term _Bachelor_, "the true one, and the most flattering," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "seems to be _bacca laurus_. Those who either are, or expect to be, honored with the title of _Bachelor of Arts_, will hear with exultation, that they are then 'considered as the budding flowers of the University; as the small _pillula_, or _bacca_, of the _laurel_ indicates the flowering of that tree, which is so generally used in the crowns of those who have deserved well, both of the military states, and of the republic of learning.'--_Carter's History of Cambridge, [Eng.]_, 1753." BACHELOR FELLOW. A Bachelor of Arts who is maintained on a fellowship. BACHELOR SCHOLAR. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a B.A. who remains in residence after taking his degree, for the purpose of reading for a fellowship or acting as private tutor. He is always noted for superiority in scholarship. Bristed refers to the bachelor scholars in the annexed extract. "Along the wall you see two tables, which, though less carefully provided than the Fellows', are still served with tolerable decency and go through a regular second course instead of the 'sizings.' The occupants of the upper or inner table are men apparently from twenty-two to twenty-six years of age, and wear black gowns with two strings hanging loose in front. If this table has less state than the adjoining one of the Fellows, it has more mirth and brilliancy; many a good joke seems to be going the rounds. These are the Bachelors, most of them Scholars reading for Fellowships, and nearly all of them private tutors. Although Bachelors in Arts, they are considered, both as respects the College and the University, to be _in statu pupillari_ until they become M.A.'s. They pay a small sum in fees nominally for tuition, and are liable to the authority of that mighty man, the Proctor." --_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 20. BACHELORSHIP. The state of one who has taken his first degree in a university or college.--_Webster_. BACK-LESSON. A lesson which has not been learned or recited; a lesson which has been omitted. In a moment you may see the yard covered with hurrying groups, some just released from metaphysics or the blackboard, and some just arisen from their beds where they have indulged in the luxury of sleeping over,--a luxury, however, which is sadly diminished by the anticipated necessity of making up _back-lessons_.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 202. BALBUS. At Yale College, this term is applied to Arnold's Latin Prose Composition, from the fact of its so frequent occurrence in that work. If a student wishes to inform his fellow-student that he is engaged on Latin Prose Composition, he says he is studying _Balbus_. In the first example of this book, the first sentence reads, "I and Balbus lifted up our hands," and the name Balbus appears in almost every exercise. BALL UP. At Middlebury College, to fail at recitation or examination. BANDS. Linen ornaments, worn by professors and clergymen when officiating; also by judges, barristers, &c., in court. They form a distinguishing mark in the costume of the proctors of the English universities, and at Cambridge, the questionists, on admission to their degrees, are by the statutes obliged to appear in them.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ BANGER. A club-like cane or stick; a bludgeon. This word is one of the Yale vocables. The Freshman reluctantly turned the key, Expecting a Sophomore gang to see, Who, with faces masked and _bangers_ stout, Had come resolved to smoke him out. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XX. p. 75. BARBER. In the English universities, the college barber is often employed by the students to write out or translate the impositions incurred by them. Those who by this means get rid of their impositions are said to _barberize_ them. So bad was the hand which poor Jenkinson wrote, that the many impositions which he incurred would have kept him hard at work all day long; so he _barberized_ them, that is, handed them over to the college barber, who had always some poor scholars in his pay. This practice of barberizing is not uncommon among a certain class of men.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 155. BARNEY. At Harvard College, about the year 1810, this word was used to designate a bad recitation. To _barney_ was to recite badly. BARNWELL. At Cambridge, Eng., a place of resort for characters of bad report. One of the most "civilized" undertook to banter me on my non-appearance in the classic regions of _Barnwell_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 31. BARRING-OUT SPREE. At Princeton College, when the students find the North College clear of Tutors, which is about once a year, they bar up the entrance, get access to the bell, and ring it. In the "Life of Edward Baines, late M.P. for the Borough of Leeds," is an account of a _barring-out_, as managed at the grammar school at Preston, England. It is related in Dickens's Household Words to this effect. "His master was pompous and ignorant, and smote his pupils liberally with cane and tongue. It is not surprising that the lads learnt as much from the spirit of their master as from his preceptions and that one of those juvenile rebellions, better known as old than at present as a '_barring-out_,' was attempted. The doors of the school, the biographer narrates, were fastened with huge nails, and one of the younger lads was let out to obtain supplies of food for the garrison. The rebellion having lasted two or three days, the mayor, town-clerk, and officers were sent for to intimidate the offenders. Young Baines, on the part of the besieged, answered the magisterial summons to surrender, by declaring that they would never give in, unless assured of full pardon and a certain length of holidays. With much good sense, the mayor gave them till the evening to consider; and on his second visit the doors were found open, the garrison having fled to the woods of Penwortham. They regained their respective homes under the cover of night, and some humane interposition averted the punishment they had deserved."-- Am. Ed. Vol. III. p. 415. BATTEL. To stand indebted on the college books at Oxford for provisions and drink from the buttery. Eat my commons with a good stomach, and _battled_ with discretion. --_Puritan_, Malone's Suppl. 2, p. 543. Many men "_battel_" at the rate of a guinea a week. Wealthier men, more expensive men, and more careless men, often "_battelled_" much higher.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 274. Cotgrave says, "To _battle_ (as scholars do in Oxford) être debteur an collège pour ses vivres." He adds, "Mot usé seulement des jeunes écoliers de l'université d'Oxford." 2. To reside at the university; to keep terms.--_Webster_. BATTEL. Derived from the old monkish word _patella_, or _batella_, a plate. At Oxford, "whatsoever is furnished for dinner and for supper, including malt liquor, but not wine, as well as the materials for breakfast, or for any casual refreshment to country visitors, excepting only groceries," is expressed by the word _battels_.--_De Quincey_. I on the nail my _Battels_ paid, The monster turn'd away dismay'd. _The Student_, Vol. I. p. 115, 1750. BATTELER, BATTLER. A student at Oxford who stands indebted, in the college books, for provisions and drink at the buttery.--_Webster_. Halliwell, in his Dict. Arch. and Prov. Words, says, "The term is used in contradistinction to gentleman commoner." In _Gent. Mag._, 1787, p. 1146, is the following:--"There was formerly at Oxford an order similar to the sizars of Cambridge, called _battelers_ (_batteling_ having the same signification as sizing). The _sizar_ and _batteler_ were as independent as any other members of the college, though of an inferior order, and were under no obligation to wait upon anybody." 2. One who keeps terms, or resides at the University.--_Webster_. BATTELING. At Oxford, the act of taking provisions from the buttery. Batteling has the same signification as SIZING at the University of Cambridge.--_Gent. Mag._, 1787, p. 1146. _Batteling in a friend's name_, implies eating and drinking at his expense. When a person's name is _crossed in the buttery_, i.e. when he is not allowed to take any articles thence, he usually comes into the hall and battels for buttery supplies in a friend's name, "for," says the Collegian's Guide, "every man can 'take out' an extra commons, and some colleges two, at each meal, for a visitor: and thus, under the name of a guest, though at your own table, you escape part of the punishment of being crossed."--p. 158. 2. Spending money. The business of the latter was to call us of a morning, to distribute among us our _battlings_, or pocket money, &c.--_Dicken's Household Words_, Vol. I. p. 188. BAUM. At Hamilton College, to fawn upon; to flatter; to court the favor of any one. B.C.L. Abbreviated for _Baccalaureus Civilis Legis_, Bachelor in Civil Law. In the University of Oxford, a Bachelor in Civil Law must be an M.A. and a regent of three years' standing. The exercises necessary to the degree are disputations upon two distinct days before the Professors of the Faculty of Law. In the University of Cambridge, the candidate for this degree must have resided nine terms (equal to three years), and been on the boards of some College for six years, have passed the "previous examination," attended the lectures of the Professor of Civil Law for three terms, and passed a _series_ of examinations in the subject of them; that is to say in General Jurisprudence, as illustrated by Roman and English law. The names of those who pass creditably are arranged in three classes according to merit.--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 284. This degree is not conferred in the United States. B.D. An abbreviation for _Baccalaureus Divinitatis_, Bachelor in Divinity. In both the English Universities a B.D. must be an M.A. of seven years' standing, and at Oxford, a regent of the same length of time. The exercises necessary to the degree are at Cambridge one act after the fourth year, two opponencies, a clerum, and an English sermon. At Oxford, disputations are enjoined upon two distinct days before the Professors of the Faculty of Divinity, and a Latin sermon is preached before the Vice-Chancellor. The degree of Theologiæ Baccalaureus was conferred at Harvard College on Mr. Leverett, afterwards President of that institution, in 1692, and on Mr. William Brattle in the same year, the only instances, it is believed, in which this degree has been given in America. BEADLE, BEDEL, BEDELL. An officer in a university, whose chief business is to walk with a mace, before the masters, in a public procession; or, as in America, before the president, trustees, faculty, and students of a college, in a procession, at public commencements.--_Webster_. In the English universities there are two classes of Bedels, called the _Esquire_ and the _Yeoman Bedel_. Of this officer as connected with Yale College, President Woolsey speaks as follows:--"The beadle or his substitute, the vice-beadle (for the sheriff of the county came to be invested with the office), was the master of processions, and a sort of gentleman-usher to execute the commands of the President. He was a younger graduate settled at or near the College. There is on record a diploma of President Clap's, investing with this office a graduate of three years' standing, and conceding to him 'omnia jura privilegia et auctoritates ad Bedelli officium, secundum collegiorum aut universitatum leges et consuetudines usitatas; spectantia.' The office, as is well known, still exists in the English institutions of learning, whence it was transferred first to Harvard and thence to this institution."--_Hist. Disc._, Aug., 1850, p. 43. In an account of a Commencement at Williams College, Sept. 8, 1795, the order in which the procession was formed was as follows: "First, the scholars of the academy; second, students of college; third, the sheriff of the county acting as _Bedellus_," &c.--_Federal Orrery_, Sept. 28, 1795. The _Beadle_, by order, made the following declaration.--_Clap's Hist. Yale Coll._, 1766, p. 56. It shall be the duty of the Faculty to appoint a _College Beadle_, who shall direct the procession on Commencement day, and preserve order during the exhibitions.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 43. BED-MAKER. One whose occupation is to make beds, and, as in colleges and universities, to take care of the students' rooms. Used both in the United States and England. T' other day I caught my _bed-maker_, a grave old matron, poring very seriously over a folio that lay open upon my table. I asked her what she was reading? "Lord bless you, master," says she, "who I reading? I never could read in my life, blessed be God; and yet I loves to look into a book too."--_The Student_, Vol. I. p. 55, 1750. I asked a _bed-maker_ where Mr. ----'s chambers were.--_Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 118. While the grim _bed-maker_ provokes the dust, And soot-born atoms, which his tomes encrust. _The College.--A sketch in verse_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. The _bed-makers_ are the women who take care of the rooms: there is about one to each staircase, that is to say, to every eight rooms. For obvious reasons they are selected from such of the fair sex as have long passed the age at which they might have had any personal attractions. The first intimation which your bed-maker gives you is that she is bound to report you to the tutor if ever you stay out of your rooms all night.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 15. BEER-COMMENT. In the German universities, the student's drinking code. The _beer-comment_ of Heidelberg, which gives the student's code of drinking, is about twice the length of our University book of statutes.--_Lond. Quar. Rev._, Am. Ed., Vol. LXXIII. p. 56. BEMOSSED HEAD. In the German universities, a student during the sixth and last term, or _semester_, is called a _Bemossed Head_, "the highest state of honor to which man can attain."--_Howitt_. See MOSS-COVERED HEAD. BENE. Latin, _well_. A word sometimes attached to a written college exercise, by the instructor, as a mark of approbation. When I look back upon my college life, And think that I one starveling _bene_ got. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 402. BENE DISCESSIT. Latin; literally, _he has departed honorably_. This phrase is used in the English universities to signify that the student leaves his college to enter another by the express consent and approbation of the Master and Fellows.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ Mr. Pope being about to remove from Trinity to Emmanuel, by _Bene-Discessit_, was desirous of taking my rooms.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 167. BENEFICIARY. One who receives anything as a gift, or is maintained by charity.--_Blackstone_. In American colleges, students who are supported on established foundations are called _beneficiaries_. Those who receive maintenance from the American Education Society are especially designated in this manner. No student who is a college _beneficiary_ shall remain such any longer than he shall continue exemplary for sobriety, diligence, and orderly conduct.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 19. BEVER. From the Italian _bevere_, to drink. An intermediate refreshment between breakfast and dinner.--_Morison_. At Harvard College, dinner was formerly the only meal which was regularly taken in the hall. Instead of breakfast and supper, the students were allowed to receive a bowl of milk or chocolate, with a piece of bread, from the buttery hatch, at morning and evening; this they could eat in the yard, or take to their rooms and eat there. At the appointed hour for _bevers_, there was a general rush for the buttery, and if the walking happened to be bad, or if it was winter, many ludicrous accidents usually occurred. One perhaps would slip, his bowl would fly this way and his bread that, while he, prostrate, afforded an excellent stumbling-block to those immediately behind him; these, falling in their turn, spattering with the milk themselves and all near them, holding perhaps their spoons aloft, the only thing saved from the destruction, would, after disentangling themselves from the mass of legs, arms, etc., return to the buttery, and order a new bowl, to be charged with the extras at the close of the term. Similar in thought to this account are the remarks of Professor Sidney Willard concerning Harvard College in 1794, in his late work, entitled, "Memories of Youth and Manhood." "The students who boarded in commons were obliged to go to the kitchen-door with their bowls or pitchers for their suppers, when they received their modicum of milk or chocolate in their vessel, held in one hand, and their piece of bread in the other, and repaired to their rooms to take their solitary repast. There were suspicions at times that the milk was diluted by a mixture of a very common tasteless fluid, which led a sagacious Yankee student to put the matter to the test by asking the simple carrier-boy why his mother did not mix the milk with warm water instead of cold. 'She does,' replied the honest youth. This mode of obtaining evening commons did not prove in all cases the most economical on the part of the fed. It sometimes happened, that, from inadvertence or previous preparation for a visit elsewhere, some individuals had arrayed themselves in their dress-coats and breeches, and in their haste to be served, and by jostling in the crowd, got sadly sprinkled with milk or chocolate, either by accident or by the stealthy indulgence of the mischievous propensities of those with whom they came in contact; and oftentimes it was a scene of confusion that was not the most pleasant to look upon or be engaged in. At breakfast the students were furnished, in Commons Hall, with tea, coffee, or milk, and a small loaf of bread. The age of a beaker of beer with a certain allowance of bread had expired."--Vol. I. pp. 313, 314. No scholar shall be absent above an hour at morning _bever_, half an hour at evening _bever_, &c.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 517. The butler is not bound to stay above half an hour at _bevers_ in the buttery after the tolling of the bell.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 584. BEVER. To take a small repast between meals.--_Wallis_. BIBLE CLERK. In the University of Oxford, the _Bible clerks_ are required to attend the service of the chapel, and to deliver in a list of the absent undergraduates to the officer appointed to enforce the discipline of the institution. Their duties are different in different colleges.--_Oxford Guide_. A _Bible clerk_ has seldom too many friends in the University.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Vol. LX., Eng. ed., p. 312. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., "a very ancient scholarship, so called because the student who was promoted to that office was enjoined to read the Bible at meal-times."--_Gradus ad Cantab._ BIENNIAL EXAMINATION. At Yale College, in addition to the public examinations of the classes at the close of each term, on the studies of the term, private examinations are also held twice in the college course, at the close of the Sophomore and Senior years, on the studies of the two preceding years. The latter are called _biennial_.--_Yale Coll. Cat._ "The _Biennial_," remarks the writer of the preface to the _Songs of Yale_, "is an examination occurring twice during the course,--at the close of the Sophomore and of the Senior years,--in all the studies pursued during the two years previous. It was established in 1850."--Ed. 1853, p. 4. The system of examinations has been made more rigid, especially by the introduction of _biennials_.--_Centennial Anniversary of the Linonian Soc._, Yale Coll., 1853, p. 70. Faculty of College got together one night, To have a little congratulation, For they'd put their heads together and hatched out a load, And called it "_Bien. Examination_." _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. BIG-WIG. In the English universities, the higher dignitaries among the officers are often spoken of as the _big-wigs._ Thus having anticipated the approbation of all, whether Freshman, Sophomore, Bachelor, or _Big-Wig_, our next care is the choice of a patron.--_Pref._ to _Grad. ad Cantab._ BISHOP. At Cambridge, Eng., this beverage is compounded of port-wine mulled and burnt, with the addenda of roasted lemons and cloves.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ We'll pass round the _Bishop_, the spice-breathing cup. _Will. Sentinel's Poems_. BITCH. Among the students of the University of Cambridge, Eng., a common name for tea. The reading man gives no swell parties, runs very little into debt, takes his cup of _bitch_ at night, and goes quietly to bed. --_Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 131. With the Queens-men it is not unusual to issue an "At home" Tea and Vespers, alias _bitch_ and _hymns_.--_Ibid., Dedication_. BITCH. At Cambridge, Eng., to take or drink a dish of tea. I followed, and, having "_bitched_" (that is, taken a dish of tea) arranged my books and boxes.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 30. I dined, wined, or _bitched_ with a Medallist or Senior Wrangler. --_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 218. A young man, who performs with great dexterity the honors of the tea-table, is, if complimented at all, said to be "an excellent _bitch_."--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 18. BLACK BOOK. In the English universities, a gloomy volume containing a register of high crimes and misdemeanors. At the University of Göttingen, the expulsion of students is recorded on a _blackboard_.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ Sirrah, I'll have you put in the _black book_, rusticated, expelled.--_Miller's Humors of Oxford_, Act II. Sc. I. All had reason to fear that their names were down in the proctor's _black book_.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 277. So irksome and borish did I ever find this early rising, spite of the health it promised, that I was constantly in the _black book_ of the dean.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 32. BLACK-HOOD HOUSE. See SENATE. BLACK RIDING. At the College of South Carolina, it has until within a few years been customary for the students, disguised and painted black, to ride across the college-yard at midnight, on horseback, with vociferations and the sound of horns. _Black riding_ is recognized by the laws of the College as a very high offence, punishable with expulsion. BLEACH. At Harvard College, he was formerly said to _bleach_ who preferred to be _spiritually_ rather than _bodily_ present at morning prayers. 'T is sweet Commencement parts to reach, But, oh! 'tis doubly sweet to _bleach_. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 123. BLOOD. A hot spark; a man of spirit; a rake. A word long in use among collegians and by writers who described them. With some rakes from Boston and a few College _bloods_, I got very drunk.--_Monthly Anthology_, Boston, 1804, Vol. I. p. 154. Indulgent Gods! exclaimed our _bloods_. _The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 15. BLOOD. At some of the Western colleges this word signifies excellent; as, a _blood_ recitation. A student who recites well is said to _make a blood_. BLOODEE. In the Farmer's Weekly Museum, formerly printed at Walpole, N.H., appeared August 21, 1797, a poetic production, in which occurred these lines:-- Seniors about to take degrees, Not by their wits, but by _bloodees_. In a note the word _bloodee_ was thus described: "A kind of cudgel worn, or rather borne, by the bloods of a certain college in New England, 2 feet 5 inches in length, and 1-7/8 inch in diameter, with a huge piece of lead at one end, emblematical of its owner. A pretty prop for clumsy travellers on Parnassus." BLOODY. Formerly a college term for daring, rowdy, impudent. Arriving at Lord Bibo's study, They thought they'd be a little _bloody_; So, with a bold, presumptuous look, An honest pinch of snuff they took. _Rebelliad_, p. 44. They roar'd and bawl'd, and were so _bloody_, As to besiege Lord Bibo's study. _Ibid._, p. 76. BLOW. A merry frolic with drinking; a spree. A person intoxicated is said to be _blown_, and Mr. Halliwell, in his Dict. Arch. and Prov. Words, has _blowboll_, a drunkard. This word was formerly used by students to designate their frolics and social gatherings; at present, it is not much heard, being supplanted by the more common words _spree_, _tight_, &c. My fellow-students had been engaged at a _blow_ till the stagehorn had summoned them to depart.--_Harvard Register_, 1827-28, p. 172. No soft adagio from the muse of _blows_, E'er roused indignant from serene repose. _Ibid._, p. 233. And, if no coming _blow_ his thoughts engage, Lights candle and cigar. _Ibid._, p. 235. The person who engages in a blow is also called a _blow_. I could see, in the long vista of the past, the many hardened _blows_ who had rioted here around the festive board.--_Collegian_, p. 231. BLUE. In several American colleges, a student who is very strict in observing the laws, and conscientious in performing his duties, is styled a _blue_. "Our real delvers, midnight students," says a correspondent from Williams College, "are called _blue_." I wouldn't carry a novel into chapel to read, not out of any respect for some people's old-womanish twaddle about the sacredness of the place,--but because some of the _blues_ might see you.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 81. Each jolly soul of them, save the _blues_, Were doffing their coats, vests, pants, and shoes. _Yale Gallinipper_, Nov. 1848. None ever knew a sober "_blue_" In this "blood crowd" of ours. _Yale Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. Lucian called him a _blue_, and fell back in his chair in a pouting fit.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 118. To acquire popularity,... he must lose his money at bluff and euchre without a sigh, and damn up hill and down the sober church-going man, as an out-and-out _blue_.--_The Parthenon, Union Coll._, 1851, p. 6. BLUE-LIGHT. At the University of Vermont this term is used, writes a correspondent, to designate "a boy who sneaks about college, and reports to the Faculty the short-comings of his fellow-students. A _blue-light_ is occasionally found watching the door of a room where a party of jolly ones are roasting a turkey (which in justice belongs to the nearest farm-house), that he may go to the Faculty with the story, and tell them who the boys are." BLUES. The name of a party which formerly existed at Dartmouth College. In The Dartmouth, Vol. IV. p. 117, 1842, is the following:--"The students here are divided into two parties,--the _Rowes_ and the _Blues_. The Rowes are very liberal in their notions; the _Blues_ more strict. The Rowes don't pretend to say anything worse of a fellow than to call him a Blue, and _vice versa_" See INDIGO and ROWES. BLUE-SKIN. This word was formerly in use at some American colleges, with the meaning now given to the word BLUE, q.v. I, with my little colleague here, Forth issued from my cell, To see if we could overhear, Or make some _blue-skin_ tell. _The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 22. BOARD. The _boards_, or _college boards_, in the English universities, are long wooden tablets on which the names of the members of each college are inscribed, according to seniority, generally hung up in the buttery.--_Gradus ad Cantab. Webster_. I gave in my resignation this time without recall, and took my name off the _boards_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 291. Similar to this was the list of students which was formerly kept at Harvard College, and probably at Yale. Judge Wingate, who graduated at the former institution in 1759, writes as follows in reference to this subject:--"The Freshman Class was, in my day at college, usually _placed_ (as it was termed) within six or nine months after their admission. The official notice of this was given by having their names written in a large German text, in a handsome style, and placed in a conspicuous part of the College Buttery, where the names of the four classes of undergraduates were kept suspended until they left College. If a scholar was expelled, his name was taken from its place; or if he was degraded (which was considered the next highest punishment to expulsion), it was moved accordingly."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 311. BOGS. Among English Cantabs, a privy.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ BOHN. A translation; a pony. The volumes of Bohn's Classical Library are in such general use among undergraduates in American colleges, that _Bohn_ has come to be a common name for a translation. 'Twas plenty of skin with a good deal of _Bohn_. _Songs, Biennial Jubilee_, Yale Coll., 1855. BOLT. An omission of a recitation or lecture. A correspondent from Union College gives the following account of it:--"In West College, where the Sophomores and Freshmen congregate, when there was a famous orator expected, or any unusual spectacle to be witnessed in the city, we would call a 'class meeting,' to consider upon the propriety of asking Professor ---- for a _bolt_. We had our chairman, and the subject being debated, was generally decided in favor of the remission. A committee of good steady fellows were selected, who forthwith waited upon the Professor, and, after urging the matter, commonly returned with the welcome assurance that we could have a _bolt_ from the next recitation." One writer defines a _bolt_ in these words:--"The promiscuous stampede of a class collectively. Caused generally by a few seconds' tardiness of the Professor, occasionally by finding the lock of the recitation-room door filled with shot."--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. The quiet routine of college life had remained for some days undisturbed, even by a single _bolt_.--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 192. BOLT. At Union College, to be absent from a recitation, on the conditions related under the noun BOLT. Followed by _from_. At Williams College, the word is applied with a different signification. A correspondent writes: "We sometimes _bolt_ from a recitation before the Professor arrives, and the term most strikingly suggests the derivation, as our movements in the case would somewhat resemble a 'streak of lightning,'--a thunder-_bolt_." BOLTER. At Union College, one who _bolts_ from a recitation. 2. A correspondent from the same college says: "If a student is unable to answer a question in the class, and declares himself unprepared, he also is a '_bolter_.'" BONFIRE. The making of bonfires, by students, is not an unfrequent occurrence at many of our colleges, and is usually a demonstration of dissatisfaction, or is done merely for the sake of the excitement. It is accounted a high offence, and at Harvard College is prohibited by the following law:--"In case of a bonfire, or unauthorized fireworks or illumination, any students crying fire, sounding an alarm, leaving their rooms, shouting or clapping from the windows, going to the fire or being seen at it, going into the college yard, or assembling on account of such bonfire, shall be deemed aiding and abetting such disorder, and punished accordingly."--_Laws_, 1848, _Bonfires_. A correspondent from Bowdoin College writes: "Bonfires occur regularly twice a year; one on the night preceding the annual State Fast, and the other is built by the Freshmen on the night following the yearly examination. A pole some sixty or seventy feet long is raised, around which brush and tar are heaped to a great height. The construction of the pile occupies from four to five hours." Not ye, whom midnight cry ne'er urged to run In search of fire, when fire there had been none; Unless, perchance, some pump or hay-mound threw Its _bonfire_ lustre o'er a jolly crew. _Harvard Register_, p. 233. BOOK-KEEPER. At Harvard College, students are allowed to go out of town on Saturday, after the exercises, but are required, if not at evening prayers, to enter their names before 10 P.M. with one of the officers appointed for that purpose. Students were formerly required to report themselves before 8 P.M., in winter, and 9, in summer, and the person who registered the names was a member of the Freshman Class, and was called the _book-keeper_. I strode over the bridge, with a rapidity which grew with my vexation, my distaste for wind, cold, and wet, and my anxiety to reach my goal ere the hour appointed should expire, and the _book-keeper's_ light should disappear from his window; "For while his light holds out to burn, The vilest sinner may return."--_Collegian_, p. 225. See FRESHMAN, COLLEGE. BOOK-WORK. Among students at Cambridge, Eng., all mathematics that can be learned verbatim from books,--all that are not problems.--_Bristed_. He made a good fight of it, and ... beat the Trinity man a little on the _book-work_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 96. The men are continually writing out _book-work_, either at home or in their tutor's rooms.--_Ibid._, p. 149. BOOT-FOX. This name was at a former period given, in the German universities, to a fox, or a student in his first half-year, from the fact of his being required to black the boots of his more advanced comrades. BOOTLICK. To fawn upon; to court favor. Scorns the acquaintance of those he deems beneath him; refuses to _bootlick_ men for their votes.--_The Parthenon_, Union Coll., Vol. I. p. 6. The "Wooden Spoon" exhibition passed off without any such hubbub, except where the pieces were of such a character as to offend the delicacy and modesty of some of those crouching, fawning, _bootlicking_ hypocrites.--_The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. BOOTLICKER. A student who seeks or gains favor from a teacher by flattery or officious civilities; one who curries favor. A correspondent from Union College writes: "As you watch the students more closely, you will perhaps find some of them particularly officious towards your teacher, and very apt to linger after recitation to get a clearer knowledge of some passage. They are _Bootlicks_, and that is known as _Bootlicking_; a reproach, I am sorry to say, too indiscriminately applied." At Yale, and _other colleges_, a tutor or any other officer who informs against the students, or acts as a spy upon their conduct, is also called a _bootlick_. Three or four _bootlickers_ rise.--_Yale Banger_, Oct. 1848. The rites of Wooden Spoons we next recite, When _bootlick_ hypocrites upraised their might. _Ibid._, Nov. 1849. Then he arose, and offered himself as a "_bootlick_" to the Faculty.--_Yale Battery_, Feb. 14, 1850. BOOTS. At the College of South Carolina it is customary to present the most unpopular member of a class with a pair of handsome red-topped boots, on which is inscribed the word BEAUTY. They were formerly given to the ugliest person, whence the inscription. BORE. A tiresome person or unwelcome visitor, who makes himself obnoxious by his disagreeable manners, or by a repetition of visits.--_Bartlett_. A person or thing that wearies by iteration.--_Webster_. Although the use of this word is very general, yet it is so peculiarly applicable to the many annoyances to which a collegian is subjected, that it has come by adoption to be, to a certain extent, a student term. One writer classes under this title "text-books generally; the Professor who marks _slight_ mistakes; the familiar young man who calls continually, and when he finds the door fastened demonstrates his verdant curiosity by revealing an inquisitive countenance through the ventilator."--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. In college parlance, prayers, when the morning is cold or rainy, are a _bore_; a hard lesson is a _bore_; a dull lecture or lecturer is a _bore_; and, _par excellence_, an unwelcome visitor is a _bore_ of _bores_. This latter personage is well described in the following lines:-- "Next comes the bore, with visage sad and pale, And tortures you with some lugubrious tale; Relates stale jokes collected near and far, And in return expects a choice cigar; Your brandy-punch he calls the merest sham, Yet does not _scruple_ to partake a _dram_. His prying eyes your secret nooks explore; No place is sacred to the college bore. Not e'en the letter filled with Helen's praise, Escapes the sight of his unhallowed gaze; Ere one short hour its silent course has flown, Your Helen's charms to half the class are known. Your books he takes, nor deigns your leave to ask, Such forms to him appear a useless task. When themes unfinished stare you in the face, Then enters one of this accursed race. Though like the Angel bidding John to write, Frail ------ form uprises to thy sight, His stupid stories chase your thoughts away, And drive you mad with his unwelcome stay. When he, departing, creaks the closing door, You raise the Grecian chorus, [Greek: kikkabau]."[02] _MS. Poem_, F.E. Felton, Harv. Coll. BOS. At the University of Virginia, the desserts which the students, according to the statutes of college, are allowed twice per week, are respectively called the _Senior_ and _Junior Bos_. BOSH. Nonsense, trash, [Greek: phluaria]. An English Cantab's expression.--_Bristed_. But Spriggins's peculiar forte is that kind of talk which some people irreverently call "_bosh_."--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XX. p. 259. BOSKY. In the cant of the Oxonians, being tipsy.--_Grose_. Now when he comes home fuddled, alias _Bosky_, I shall not be so unmannerly as to say his Lordship ever gets drunk.--_The Sizar_, cited in _Gradus ad Cantab._, pp. 20, 21. BOWEL. At Harvard College, a student in common parlance will express his destitution or poverty by saying, "I have not a _bowel_." The use of the word with this signification has arisen, probably, from a jocular reference to a quaint Scriptural expression. BRACKET. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the result of the final examination in the Senate-House is published in lists signed by the examiners. In these lists the names of those who have been examined are "placed in individual order of merit." When the rank of two or three men is the same, their names are inclosed in _brackets_. At the close of the course, and before the examination is concluded, there is made out a new arrangement of the classes called the _Brackets_. These, in which each is placed according to merit, are hung upon the pillars in the Senate-House.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 93. As there is no provision in the printed lists for expressing the number of marks by which each man beats the one next below him, and there may be more difference between the twelfth and thirteenth than between the third and twelfth, it has been proposed to extend the use of the _brackets_ (which are now only employed in cases of literal equality between two or three men), and put together six, eight, or ten, whose marks are nearly equal. --_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 227. BRACKET. In a general sense, to place in a certain order. I very early in the Sophomore year gave up all thoughts of obtaining high honors, and settled down contentedly among the twelve or fifteen who are _bracketed_, after the first two or three, as "English Orations."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 6. There remained but two, _bracketed_ at the foot of the class.--_Ibid._, p. 62. The Trinity man who was _bracketed_ Senior Classic.--_Ibid._, p. 187. BRANDER. In the German universities a name given to a student during his second term. Meanwhile large tufts and strips of paper had been twisted into the hair of the _Branders_, as those are called who have been already one term at the University, and then at a given signal were set on fire, and the _Branders_ rode round the table on chairs, amid roars of laughter.--_Longfellow's Hyperion_, p. 114. See BRAND-FOX, BURNT FOX. BRAND-FOX. A student in a German university "becomes a _Brand-fuchs_, or fox with a brand, after the foxes of Samson," in his second half-year.--_Howitt_. BRICK. A gay, wild, thoughtless fellow, but not so _hard_ as the word itself might seem to imply. He is a queer fellow,--not so bad as he seems,--his own enemy, but a regular _brick_.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 143. He will come himself (public tutor or private), like a _brick_ as he is, and consume his share of the generous potables.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 78. See LIKE A BRICK. BRICK MILL. At the University of Vermont, the students speak of the college as the _Brick Mill_, or the _Old Brick Mill_. BUCK. At Princeton College, anything which is in an intensive degree good, excellent, pleasant, or agreeable, is called _buck_. BULL. At Dartmouth College, to recite badly; to make a poor recitation. From the substantive _bull_, a blunder or contradiction, or from the use of the word as a prefix, signifying large, lubberly, blundering. BULL-DOG. In the English universities, the lictor or servant who attends a proctor when on duty. Sentiments which vanish for ever at the sight of the proctor with his _bull-dogs_, as they call them, or four muscular fellows which always follow him, like so many bailiffs.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. Ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 232. The proctors, through their attendants, commonly called _bull-dogs_, received much certain information, &c.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 170. And he had breathed the proctor's _dogs_. _Tennyson, Prologue to Princess_. BULLY CLUB. The following account of the _Bully Club_, which was formerly a most honored transmittendum at Yale College, is taken from an entertaining little work, entitled Sketches of Yale College. "_Bullyism_ had its origin, like everything else that is venerated, far back in antiquity; no one pretends to know the era of its commencement, nor to say with certainty what was the cause of its establishment, or the original design of the institution. We can only learn from dim and doubtful tradition, that many years ago, no one knows how many, there was a feud between students and townsmen: a sort of general ill-feeling, which manifested itself in the lower classes of society in rudeness and insult. Not patiently borne with, it grew worse and worse, until a regular organization became necessary for defence against the nightly assaults of a gang of drunken rowdies. Nor were their opponents disposed to quit the unequal fight. An organization in opposition followed, and a band of tipsy townsmen, headed by some hardy tars, took the field, were met, no one knows whether in offence or defence, and after a fight repulsed, and a huge knotty club wrested from their leader. This trophy of personal courage was preserved, the organization perpetuated, and the _Bully Club_ was every year, with procession and set form of speech, bestowed upon the newly acknowledged leader. But in process of time the organization has assumed a different character: there was no longer need of a system of defence,--the "Bully" was still acknowledged as class leader. He marshalled all processions, was moderator of all meetings, and performed the various duties of a chief. The title became now a matter of dispute; it sounded harsh and rude to ears polite, and a strong party proposed a change: but the supporters of antiquity pleaded the venerable character of the customs identified almost with the College itself. Thus the classes were divided, a part electing a marshal, class-leader, or moderator, and a part still choosing a _bully_ and _minor bully_--the latter usually the least of their number--from each class, and still bestowing on them the wonted clubs, mounted with gold, the badges of their office. "Unimportant as these distinctions seem, they formed the ground of constant controversy, each party claiming for its leader the precedence, until the dissensions ended in a scene of confusion too well known to need detail: the usual procession on Commencement day was broken up, and the partisans fell upon each other pell-mell; scarce heeding, in their hot fray, the orders of the Faculty, the threats of the constables, or even the rebuke of the chief magistrate of the State; the alumni were left to find their seats in church as they best could, the aged and beloved President following in sorrow, unescorted, to perform the duties of the day. It need not be told that the disputes were judicially ended by a peremptory ordinance, prohibiting all class organizations of any name whatever." A more particular account of the Bully Club, and of the manner in which the students of Yale came to possess it, is given in the annexed extract. "Many years ago, the farther back towards the Middle Ages the better, some students went out one evening to an inn at Dragon, as it was then called, now the populous and pretty village of Fair Haven, to regale themselves with an oyster supper, or for some other kind of recreation. They there fell into an affray with the young men of the place, a hardy if not a hard set, who regarded their presence there, at their own favorite resort, as an intrusion. The students proved too few for their adversaries. They reported the matter at College, giving an aggravated account of it, and, being strongly reinforced, went out the next evening to renew the fight. The oystermen and sailors were prepared for them. A desperate conflict ensued, chiefly in the house, above stairs and below, into which the sons of science entered pell-mell. Which came off the worse, I neither know nor care, believing defeat to be far less discreditable to either party, and especially to the students, than the fact of their engaging in such a brawl. Where the matter itself is essentially disgraceful, success or failure is indifferent, as it regards the honor of the actors. Among the Dragoners, a great bully of a fellow, who appeared to be their leader, wielded a huge club, formed from an oak limb, with a gnarled excrescence on the end, heavy enough to battle with an elephant. A student remarkable for his strength in the arms and hands, griped the fellow so hard about the wrist that his fingers opened, and let the club fall. It was seized, and brought off as a trophy. Such is the history of the Bully Club. It became the occasion of an annual election of a person to take charge of it, and to act as leader of the students in case of a quarrel between them, and others. 'Bully' was the title of this chivalrous and high office."--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, pp. 215, 216. BUMPTIOUS. Conceited, forward, pushing. An English Cantab's expression.--_Bristed_. About nine, A.M., the new scholars are announced from the chapel gates. On this occasion it is not etiquette for the candidates themselves to be in waiting,--it looks too "_bumptious_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 193. BURIAL OF EUCLID. "The custom of bestowing burial honors upon the ashes of Euclid with becoming demonstrations of respect has been handed down," says the author of the Sketches of Yale College, "from time immemorial." The account proceeds as follows:--"This book, the terror of the dilatory and unapt, having at length been completely mastered, the class, as their acquaintance with the Greek mathematician is about to close, assemble in their respective places of meeting, and prepare (secretly for fear of the Faculty) for the anniversary. The necessary committee having been appointed, and the regular preparations ordered, a ceremony has sometimes taken place like the following. The huge poker is heated in the old stove, and driven through the smoking volume, and the division, marshalled in line, for _once_ at least see _through_ the whole affair. They then march over it in solemn procession, and are enabled, as they step firmly on its covers, to assert with truth that they have gone over it,--poor jokes indeed, but sufficient to afford abundant laughter. And then follow speeches, comical and pathetic, and shouting and merriment. The night assigned having arrived, how carefully they assemble, all silent, at the place appointed. Laid on its bier, covered with sable pall, and borne in solemn state, the corpse (i.e. the book) is carried with slow procession, with the moaning music of flutes and fifes, the screaming of fiddles, and the thumping and mumbling of a cracked drum, to the open grave or the funeral pyre. A gleaming line of blazing torches and twinkling lanterns wave along the quiet streets and through the opened fields, and the snow creaks hoarsely under the tread of a hundred men. They reach the scene, and a circle forms around the consecrated spot; if the ceremony is a burial, the defunct is laid all carefully in his grave, and then his friends celebrate in prose or verse his memory, his virtues, and his untimely end: and three oboli are tossed into his tomb to satisfy the surly boatman of the Styx. Lingeringly is the last look taken of the familiar countenance, as the procession passes slowly around the tomb; and the moaning is made,--a sound of groans going up to the seventh heavens,--and the earth is thrown in, and the headstone with epitaph placed duly to hallow the grave of the dead. Or if, according to the custom of his native land, the body of Euclid is committed to the funeral flames, the pyre, duly prepared with combustibles, is made the centre of the ring; a ponderous jar of turpentine or whiskey is the fragrant incense, and as the lighted fire mounts up in the still night, and the alarm in the city sounds dim in the distance, the eulogium is spoken, and the memory of the illustrious dead honored; the urn receives the sacred ashes, which, borne in solemn procession, are placed in some conspicuous situation, or solemnly deposited in some fitting sarcophagus. So the sport ends; a song, a loud hurrah, and the last jovial roysterer seeks short and profound slumber."--pp. 166-169. The above was written in the year 1843. That the interest in the observance of this custom at Yale College has not since that time diminished, may be inferred from the following account of the exercises of the Sophomore Class of 1850, on parting company with their old mathematical friend, given by a correspondent of the New York Tribune. "Arrangements having been well matured, notice was secretly given out on Wednesday last that the obsequies would be celebrated that evening at 'Barney's Hall,' on Church Street. An excellent band of music was engaged for the occasion, and an efficient Force Committee assigned to their duty, who performed their office with great credit, taking singular care that no 'tutor' or 'spy' should secure an entrance to the hall. The 'countersign' selected was 'Zeus,' and fortunately was not betrayed. The hall being full at half past ten, the doors were closed, and the exercises commenced with music. Then followed numerous pieces of various character, and among them an _Oration_, a _Poem_, _Funeral Sermon_ (of a very metaphysical character), a _Dirge_, and, at the grave, a _Prayer to Pluto_. These pieces all exhibited taste and labor, and were acknowledged to be of a higher tone than that of any productions which have ever been delivered on a similar occasion. Besides these, there were several songs interspersed throughout the Programme, in both Latin and English, which were sung with great jollity and effect. The band added greatly to the character of the performances, by their frequent and appropriate pieces. A large coffin was placed before the altar, within which, lay the veritable Euclid, arranged in a becoming winding-sheet, the body being composed of combustibles, and these thoroughly saturated with turpentine. The company left the hall at half past twelve, formed in an orderly procession, preceded by the band, and bearing the coffin in their midst. Those who composed the procession were arrayed in disguises, to avoid detection, and bore a full complement of brilliant torches. The skeleton of Euclid (a faithful caricature), himself bearing a torch, might have been seen dancing in the midst, to the great amusement of all beholders. They marched up Chapel Street as far as the south end of the College, where they were saluted with three hearty cheers by their fellow-students, and then continued through College Street in front of the whole College square, at the north extremity of which they were again greeted by cheers, and thence followed a circuitous way to _quasi_ Potter's Field, about a mile from the city, where the concluding ceremonies were performed. These consist of walking over the coffin, thus _surmounting the difficulties_ of the author; boring a hole through a copy of Euclid with a hot iron, that the class may see _through_ it; and finally burning it upon the funeral pyre, in order to _throw light_ upon the subject. After these exercises, the procession returned, with music, to the State-House, where they disbanded, and returned to their desolate habitations. The affair surpassed anything of the kind that has ever taken place here, and nothing was wanting to render it a complete performance. It testifies to the spirit and character of the class of '53."--_Literary World_, Nov. 23, 1850, from the _New York Tribune_. In the Sketches of Williams College, printed in the year 1847, is a description of the manner in which the funeral exercises of Euclid are sometimes conducted in that institution. It is as follows:--"The burial took place last night. The class assembled in the recitation-room in full numbers, at 9 o'clock. The deceased, much emaciated, and in a torn and tattered dress, was stretched on a black table in the centre of the room. This table, by the way, was formed of the old blackboard, which, like a mirror, had so often reflected the image of old Euclid. In the body of the corpse was a triangular hole, made for the _post mortem_ examination, a report of which was read. Through this hole, those who wished were allowed to look; and then, placing the body on their heads, they could say with truth that they had for once seen through and understood Euclid. "A eulogy was then pronounced, followed by an oration and the reading of the epitaph, after which the class formed a procession, and marched with slow and solemn tread to the place of burial. The spot selected was in the woods, half a mile south of the College. As we approached the place, we saw a bright fire burning on the altar of turf, and torches gleaming through the dark pines. All was still, save the occasional sympathetic groans of some forlorn bull-frogs, which came up like minute-guns from the marsh below. "When we arrived at the spot, the sexton received the body. This dignitary presented rather a grotesque appearance. He wore a white robe bound around his waist with a black scarf, and on his head a black, conical-shaped hat, some three feet high. Haying fastened the remains to the extremity of a long, black wand, he held them in the fire of the altar until they were nearly consumed, and then laid the charred mass in the urn, muttering an incantation in Latin. The urn being buried deep in the ground, we formed a ring around the grave, and sung the dirge. Then, lighting our larches by the dying fire, we retraced our steps with feelings suited to the occasion."--pp. 74-76. Of this observance the writer of the preface to the "Songs of Yale" remarks: "The _Burial of Euclid_ is an old ceremony practised at many colleges. At Yale it is conducted by the Sophomore Class during the first term of the year. After literary exercises within doors, a procession is formed, which proceeds at midnight through the principal streets of the city, with music and torches, conveying a coffin, supposed to contain the body of the old mathematician, to the funeral pile, when the whole is fired and consumed to ashes."--1853, p. 4. From the lugubrious songs which are usually sung on these sad occasions, the following dirge is selected. It appears in the order of exercises for the "Burial of Euclid by the Class of '57," which took place at Yale College, November 8, 1854. Tune,--"_Auld Lang Syne_." I. Come, gather all ye tearful Sophs, And stand around the ring; Old Euclid's dead, and to his shade A requiem we'll sing: Then join the saddening chorus, all Ye friends of Euclid true; Defunct, he can no longer bore, "[Greek: Pheu pheu, oi moi, pheu pheu.]"[03] II. Though we to Pluto _dead_icate, No god to take him deigns, So, one short year from now will Fate Bring back his sad _re-manes_: For at Biennial his ghost Will prompt the tutor blue, And every fizzling Soph will cry, "[Greek: Pheu pheu, oi moi, pheu pheu.]" III. Though here we now his _corpus_ burn, And flames about him roar, The future Fresh shall say, that he's "Not dead, but gone before": We close around the dusky bier, And pall of sable hue, And silently we drop the tear; "[Greek: Pheu pheu, oi moi, pheu pheu.]" BURLESQUE BILL. At Princeton College, it is customary for the members of the Sophomore Class to hold annually a Sophomore Commencement, caricaturing that of the Senior Class. The Sophomore Commencement is in turn travestied by the Junior Class, who prepare and publish _Burlesque Bills_, as they are called, in which, in a long and formal programme, such subjects and speeches are attributed to the members of the Sophomore Class as are calculated to expose their weak points. See SOPHOMORE COMMENCEMENT. BURLINGTON. At Middlebury College, a water-closet, privy. So called on account of the good-natured rivalry between that institution and the University of Vermont at Burlington. BURNING OF CONIC SECTIONS. "This is a ceremony," writes a correspondent, "observed by the Sophomore Class of Trinity College, on the Monday evening of Commencement week. The incremation of this text-book is made by the entire class, who appear in fantastic rig and in torch-light procession. The ceremonies are held in the College grove, and are graced with an oration and poem. The exercises are usually closed by a class supper." BURNING OF CONVIVIUM. Convivium is a Greek book which is studied at Hamilton College during the last term of the Freshman year, and is considered somewhat difficult. Upon entering Sophomore it is customary to burn it, with exercises appropriate to the occasion. The time being appointed, the class hold a meeting and elect the marshals of the night. A large pyre is built during the evening, of rails and pine wood, on the middle of which is placed a barrel of tar, surrounded by straw saturated with turpentine. Notice is then given to the upper classes that Convivium will be burnt that night at twelve o'clock. Their company is requested at the exercises, which consist of two poems, a tragedy, and a funeral oration. A coffin is laid out with the "remains" of the book, and the literary exercises are performed. These concluded, the class form a procession, preceded by a brass band playing a dirge, and march to the pyre, around which, with uncovered heads, they solemnly form. The four bearers with their torches then advance silently, and place the coffin upon the funeral pile. The class, each member bearing a torch, form a circle around the pyre. At a given signal they all bend forward together, and touch their torches to the heap of combustibles. In an instant "a lurid flame arises, licks around the coffin, and shakes its tongue to heaven." To these ceremonies succeed festivities, which are usually continued until daylight. BURNING OF ZUMPT'S LATIN GRAMMAR. The funeral rites over the body of this book are performed by the students in the University of New York. The place of turning and burial is usually at Hoboken. Scenes of this nature often occur in American colleges, having their origin, it is supposed, in the custom at Yale of burying Euclid. BURNT FOX. A student during his second half-year, in the German universities, is called a _burnt fox_. BURSAR, _pl._ BURSARII. A treasurer or cash-keeper; as, the _bursar_ of a college or of a monastery. The said College in Cambridge shall be a corporation consisting of seven persons, to wit, a President, five Fellows, and a Treasurer or _Bursar_.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 11. Every student is required on his arrival, at the commencement of each session, to deliver to the _Bursar_ the moneys and drafts for money which he has brought with him. It is the duty of the _Bursar_ to attend to the settlement of the demands for board, &c.; to pay into the hands of the student such sums as are required for other necessary expenses, and to render a statement of the same to the parent or guardian at the close of the session. --_Catalogue of Univ. of North Carolina_, 1848-49, p. 27. 2. A student to whom a stipend is paid out of a burse or fund appropriated for that purpose, as the exhibitioners sent to the universities in Scotland, by each presbytery.--_Webster_. See a full account in _Brande's Dict. Science, Lit., and Art_. BURSARY. The treasury of a college or monastery.--_Webster_. 2. In Scotland, an exhibition.--_Encyc._ BURSCH (bursh), _pl._ BURSCHEN. German. A youth; especially a student in a German university. "By _bursché_," says Howitt, "we understand one who has already spent a certain time at the university,--and who, to a certain degree, has taken part in the social practices of the students."--_Student Life of Germany_, Am. Ed., p. 27. Und hat der _Bursch_ kein Geld im Beutel, So pumpt er die Philister an, Und denkt: es ist doch Alles eitel Vom _Burschen_ bis zum Bettleman. _Crambambuli Song_. Student life! _Burschen_ life! What a magic sound have these words for him who has learnt for himself their real meaning.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_. BURSCHENSCHAFT. A league or secret association of students, formed in 1815, for the purpose, as was asserted, of the political regeneration of Germany, and suppressed, at least in name, by the exertions of the government.--_Brandt_. "The Burschenschaft," says the Yale Literary Magazine, "was a society formed in opposition to the vices and follies of the Landsmannschaft, with the motto, 'God, Honor, Freedom, Fatherland.' Its object was 'to develop and perfect every mental and bodily power for the service of the Fatherland.' It exerted a mighty and salutary influence, was almost supreme in its power, but was finally suppressed by the government, on account of its alleged dangerous political tendencies."--Vol. XV. p. 3. BURSE. In France, a fund or foundation for the maintenance of poor scholars in their studies. In the Middle Ages, it signified a little college, or a hall in a university.--_Webster_. BURST. To fail in reciting; to make a bad recitation. This word is used in some of the Southern colleges. BURT. At Union College, a privy is called _the Burt_, from a person of that name, who many years ago was employed as the architect and builder of the _latrinæ_ of that institution. BUSY. An answer often given by a student, when he does not wish to see visitors. Poor Croak was almost annihilated by this summons, and, clinging to the bed-clothes in all the agony of despair, forgot to _busy_ his midnight visitor.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 84. Whenever, during that sacred season, a knock salutes my door, I respond with a _busy_.--_Collegian_, p. 25. "_Busy_" is a hard word to utter, often, though heart and conscience and the college clock require it.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 58. BUTLER. Anciently written BOTILER. A servant or officer whose principal business is to take charge of the liquors, food, plate, &c. In the old laws of Harvard College we find an enumeration of the duties of the college butler. Some of them were as follows. He was to keep the rooms and utensils belonging to his office sweet and clean, fit for use; his drinking-vessels were to be scoured once a week. The fines imposed by the President and other officers were to be fairly recorded by him in a book, kept for that purpose. He was to attend upon the ringing of the bell for prayer in the hall, and for lectures and commons. Providing candles for the hall was a part of his duty. He was obliged to keep the Buttery supplied, at his own expense, with beer, cider, tea, coffee, chocolate, sugar, biscuit, butter, cheese, pens, ink, paper, and such other articles as the President or Corporation ordered or permitted; "but no permission," it is added in the laws, "shall be given for selling wine, distilled spirits, or foreign fruits, on credit or for ready money." He was allowed to advance twenty per cent. on the net cost of the articles sold by him, excepting beer and cider, which were stated quarterly by the President and Tutors. The Butler was allowed a Freshman to assist him, for an account of whom see under FRESHMAN, BUTLER'S.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., pp. 138, 139. _Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, pp. 60-62. President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse pronounced before the Graduates of Yale College, August 14th, 1850, remarks as follows concerning the Butler, in connection with that institution:-- "The classes since 1817, when the office of Butler was, abolished, are probably but little aware of the meaning of that singular appendage to the College, which had been in existence a hundred years. To older graduates, the lower front corner room of the old middle college in the south entry must even now suggest many amusing recollections. The Butler was a graduate of recent standing, and, being invested with rather delicate functions, was required to be one in whom confidence might be reposed. Several of the elder graduates who have filled this office are here to-day, and can explain, better than I can, its duties and its bearings upon the interests of College. The chief prerogative of the Butler was to have the monopoly of certain eatables, drinkables, and other articles desired by students. The Latin laws of 1748 give him leave to sell in the buttery, cider, metheglin, strong beer to the amount of not more than twelve barrels annually,--which amount as the College grew was increased to twenty,--together with loaf-sugar ('saccharum rigidum'), pipes, tobacco, and such necessaries of scholars as were not furnished in the commons hall. Some of these necessaries were books and stationery, but certain fresh fruits also figured largely in the Butler's supply. No student might buy cider or beer elsewhere. The Butler, too, had the care of the bell, and was bound to wait upon the President or a Tutor, and notify him of the time for prayers. He kept the book of fines, which, as we shall see, was no small task. He distributed the bread and beer provided by the Steward in the Hall into equal portions, and had the lost commons, for which privilege he paid a small annual sum. He was bound, in consideration of the profits of his monopoly, to provide candles at college prayers and for a time to pay also fifty shillings sterling into the treasury. The more menial part of these duties he performed by his waiter."--pp. 43, 44. At both Harvard and Yale the students were restricted in expending money at the Buttery, being allowed at the former "to contract a debt" of five dollars a quarter; at the latter, of one dollar and twenty-five cents per month. BUTTER. A size or small portion of butter. "Send me a roll and two Butters."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ Six cheeses, three _butters_, and two beers.--_The Collegian's Guide_. Pertinent to this singular use of the word, is the following curious statement. At Cambridge, Eng., "there is a market every day in the week, except Monday, for vegetables, poultry, eggs, and butter. The sale of the last article is attended with the peculiarity of every pound designed for the market being rolled out to the length of a yard; each pound being in that state about the thickness of a walking-cane. This practice, which is confined to Cambridge, is particularly convenient, as it renders the butter extremely easy of division into small portions, called _sizes_, as used in the Colleges."--_Camb. Guide_, Ed. 1845, p. 213. BUTTERY. An apartment in a house where butter, milk, provisions, and utensils are kept. In some colleges, a room where liquors, fruit, and refreshments are kept for sale to the students.--_Webster_. Of the Buttery, Mr. Peirce, in his History of Harvard University, speaks as follows: "As the Commons rendered the College independent of private boarding-houses, so the _Buttery_ removed all just occasion for resorting to the different marts of luxury, intemperance, and ruin. This was a kind of supplement to the Commons, and offered for sale to the students, at a moderate advance on the cost, wines, liquors, groceries, stationery, and, in general, such articles as it was proper and necessary for them to have occasionally, and which for the most part were not included in the Commons' fare. The Buttery was also an office, where, among other things, records were kept of the times when the scholars were present and absent. At their admission and subsequent returns they entered their names in the Buttery, and took them out whenever they had leave of absence. The Butler, who was a graduate, had various other duties to perform, either by himself or by his _Freshman_, as ringing the bell, seeing that the Hall was kept clean, &c., and was allowed a salary, which, after 1765, was £60 per annum."--_Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 220. With particular reference to the condition of Harvard College a few years prior to the Revolution, Professor Sidney Willard observes: "The Buttery was in part a sort of appendage to Commons, where the scholars could eke out their short commons with sizings of gingerbread and pastry, or needlessly or injuriously cram themselves to satiety, as they had been accustomed to be crammed at home by their fond mothers. Besides eatables, everything necessary for a student was there sold, and articles used in the play-grounds, as bats, balls, &c.; and, in general, a petty trade with small profits was carried on in stationery and other matters, --in things innocent or suitable for the young customers, and in some things, perhaps, which were not. The Butler had a small salary, and was allowed the service of a Freshman in the Buttery, who was also employed to ring the college bell for prayers, lectures, and recitations, and take some oversight of the public rooms under the Butler's directions. The Buttery was also the office of record of the names of undergraduates, and of the rooms assigned to them in the college buildings; of the dates of temporary leave of absence given to individuals, and of their return; and of fines inflicted by the immediate government for negligence or minor offences. The office was dropped or abolished in the first year of the present century, I believe, long after it ceased to be of use for most of its primary purposes. The area before the entry doors of the Buttery had become a sort of students' exchange for idle gossip, if nothing worse. The rooms were now redeemed from traffic, and devoted to places of study, and other provision was made for the records which had there been kept. The last person who held the office of Butler was Joseph Chickering, a graduate of 1799."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, 1855, Vol. I. pp. 31, 32. President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse pronounced before the Graduates of Yale College, August 14th, 1850, makes the following remarks on this subject: "The original motives for setting up a buttery in colleges seem to have been, to put the trade in articles which appealed to the appetite into safe hands; to ascertain how far students were expensive in their habits, and prevent them from running into debt; and finally, by providing a place where drinkables of not very stimulating qualities were sold, to remove the temptation of going abroad after spirituous liquors. Accordingly, laws were passed limiting the sum for which the Butler might give credit to a student, authorizing the President to inspect his books, and forbidding him to sell anything except permitted articles for ready money. But the whole system, as viewed from our position as critics of the past, must be pronounced a bad one. It rather tempted the student to self-indulgence by setting up a place for the sale of things to eat and drink within the College walls, than restrained him by bringing his habits under inspection. There was nothing to prevent his going abroad in quest of stronger drinks than could be bought at the buttery, when once those which were there sold ceased to allay his thirst. And a monopoly, such as the Butler enjoyed of certain articles, did not tend to lower their price, or to remove suspicion that they were sold at a higher rate than free competition would assign to them."--pp. 44, 45. "When," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "the 'punishment obscene,' as Cowper, the poet, very properly terms it, of _flagellation_, was enforced at our University, it appears that the Buttery was the scene of action. In The Poor Scholar, a comedy, written by Robert Nevile, Fellow of King's College in Cambridge, London, 1662, one of the students having lost his gown, which is picked up by the President of the College, the tutor says, 'If we knew the owner, we 'd take him down to th' Butterie, and give him due correction.' To which the student, (_aside_,) 'Under correction, Sir; if you're for the Butteries with me, I'll lie as close as Diogenes in dolio. I'll creep in at the bunghole, before I'll _mount a barrel_,' &c. (Act II. Sc. 6.)--Again: 'Had I been once i' th' Butteries, they'd have their rods about me. But let us, for joy that I'm escaped, go to the Three Tuns and drink a pint of wine, and laugh away our cares.--'T is drinking at the Tuns that keeps us from ascending Buttery barrels,' &c." By a reference to the word PUNISHMENT, it will be seen that, in the older American colleges, corporal punishment was inflicted upon disobedient students in a manner much more solemn and imposing, the students and officers usually being present. The effect of _crossing the name in the buttery_ is thus stated in the Collegian's Guide. "To keep a term requires residence in the University for a certain number of days within a space of time known by the calendar, and the books of the buttery afford the appointed proof of residence; it being presumed that, if neither bread, butter, pastry, beer, or even toast and water (which is charged one farthing), are entered on the buttery books in a given name, the party could not have been resident that day. Hence the phrase of 'eating one's way into the church or to a doctor's degree.' Supposing, for example, twenty-one days' residence is required between the first of May and the twenty-fourth inclusive, then there will be but three days to spare; consequently, should our names be crossed for more than three days in all in that term, --say for four days,--the other twenty days would not count, and the term would be irrecoverably lost. Having our names crossed in the buttery, therefore, is a punishment which suspends our collegiate existence while the cross remains, besides putting an embargo on our pudding, beer, bread and cheese, milk, and butter; for these articles come out of the buttery."--p. 157. These remarks apply both to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge; but in the latter the phrase _to be put out of commons_ is used instead of the one given above, yet with the same meaning. See _Gradus ad Cantabrigiam_, p. 32. The following extract from the laws of Harvard College, passed in 1734, shows that this term was formerly used in that institution: "No scholar shall be _put in or out of Commons_, but on Tuesdays or Fridays, and no Bachelor or Undergraduate, but by a note from the President, or one of the Tutors (if an Undergraduate, from his own Tutor, if in town); and when any Bachelors or Undergraduates have been out of Commons, the waiters, at their respective tables, shall, on the first Tuesday or Friday after they become obliged by the preceding law to be in Commons, _put them into Commons_ again, by note, after the manner above directed. And if any Master neglects to put himself into Commons, when, by the preceding law, he is obliged to be in Commons, the waiters on the Masters' table shall apply to the President or one of the Tutors for a note to put him into Commons, and inform him of it." Be mine each morn, with eager appetite And hunger undissembled, to repair To friendly _Buttery_; there on smoking Crust And foaming Ale to banquet unrestrained, Material breakfast! _The Student_, 1750, Vol. I. p. 107. BUTTERY-BOOK. In colleges, a book kept at the _buttery_, in which was charged the prices of such articles as were sold to the students. There was also kept a list of the fines imposed by the president and professors, and an account of the times when the students were present and absent, together with a register of the names of all the members of the college. My name in sure recording page Shall time itself o'erpower, If no rude mice with envious rage The _buttery-books_ devour. _The Student_, Vol. I. p. 348. BUTTERY-HATCH. A half-door between the buttery or kitchen and the hall, in colleges and old mansions. Also called a _buttery-bar_.--_Halliwell's Arch. and Prov. Words_. If any scholar or scholars at any time take away or detain any vessel of the colleges, great or small, from the hall out of the doors from the sight of the _buttery-hatch_ without the butler's or servitor's knowledge, or against their will, he or they shall be punished three pence.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Coll._, Vol. I. p. 584. He (the college butler) domineers over Freshmen, when they first come to the _hatch_.--_Earle's Micro-cosmographie_, 1628, Char. 17. There was a small ledging or bar on this hatch to rest the tankards on. I pray you, bring your hand to the _buttery-bar_, and let it drink.--_Twelfth Night_, Act I. Sc. 3. BYE-FELLOW. In England, a name given in certain cases to a fellow in an inferior college. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a bye-fellow can be elected to one of the regular fellowships when a vacancy occurs. BYE-FELLOWSHIP. An inferior establishment in a college for the nominal maintenance of what is called a _bye-fellow_, or a fellow out of the regular course. The emoluments of the fellowships vary from a merely nominal income, in the case of what are called _Bye-fellowships_, to $2,000 per annum.--_Literary World_, Vol. XII. p. 285. BYE-FOUNDATION. In the English universities, a foundation from which an insignificant income and an inferior maintenance are derived. BYE-TERM. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., students who take the degree of B.A. at any other time save January, are said to "_go out in a bye-term_." Bristed uses this word, as follows: "I had a double disqualification exclusive of illness. First, as a Fellow Commoner.... Secondly, as a _bye-term man_, or one between two years. Although I had entered into residence at the same time with those men who were to go out in 1844, my name had not been placed on the College Books, like theirs, previously to the commencement of 1840. I had therefore lost a term, and for most purposes was considered a Freshman, though I had been in residence as long as any of the Junior Sophs. In fact, I was _between two years_."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 97, 98. _C_. CAD. A low fellow, nearly equivalent to _snob_. Used among students in the University of Cambridge, Eng.--_Bristed_. CAHOOLE. At the University of North Carolina, this word in its application is almost universal, but generally signifies to cajole, to wheedle, to deceive, to procure. CALENDAR. At the English universities the information which in American colleges is published in a catalogue, is contained in a similar but far more comprehensive work, called a _calendar_. Conversation based on the topics of which such a volume treats is in some localities denominated _calendar_. "Shop," or, as it is sometimes here called, "_Calendar_," necessarily enters to a large extent into the conversation of the Cantabs.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 82. I would lounge about into the rooms of those whom I knew for general literary conversation,--even to talk _Calendar_ if there was nothing else to do.--_Ibid._, p. 120. CALVIN'S FOLLY. At the University of Vermont, "this name," writes a correspondent, "is given to a door, four inches thick and closely studded with spike-nails, dividing the chapel hall from the staircase leading to the belfry. It is called _Calvin's Folly_, because it was planned by a professor of that (Christian) name, in order to keep the students out of the belfry, which dignified scheme it has utterly failed to accomplish. It is one of the celebrities of the Old Brick Mill,[04] and strangers always see it and hear its history." CAMEL. In Germany, a student on entering the university becomes a _Kameel_,--a camel. CAMPUS. At the College of New Jersey, the college yard is denominated the _Campus_. _Back Campus_, the privies. CANTAB. Abridged for CANTABRIGIAN. It was transmitted to me by a respectable _Cantab_ for insertion. --_Hone's Every-day Book_, Vol. I. p. 697. Should all this be a mystery to our uncollegiate friends, or even to many matriculated _Cantabs_, we advise them not to attempt to unriddle it.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 39. CANTABRIGIAN. A student or graduate of the University of Cambridge, Eng. Used also at Cambridge, Mass., of the students and inhabitants. CANTABRIGICALLY. According to Cambridge. To speak _Cantabrigically_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 28. CAP. The cap worn by students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., is described by Bristed in the following passage: "You must superadd the academical costume. This consists of a gown, varying in color and ornament according to the wearer's college and rank, but generally black, not unlike an ordinary clerical gown, and a square-topped cap, which fits close to the head like a truncated helmet, while the covered board which forms the crown measures about a foot diagonally across."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 4. A similar cap is worn at Oxford and at some American colleges on particular occasions. See OXFORD. CAP. To uncover the head in reverence or civility. The youth, ignorant who they were, had omitted to _cap_ them.--_Gent. Mag._, Vol. XXIV. p. 567. I could not help smiling, when, among the dignitaries whom I was bound to make obeisance to by _capping_ whenever I met them, Mr. Jackson's catalogue included his all-important self in the number. --_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 217. The obsequious attention of college servants, and the more unwilling "_capping_" of the undergraduates, to such a man are real luxuries.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Eng. ed., Vol. LVI. p. 572. Used in the English universities. CAPTAIN OF THE POLL. The first of the Polloi. He had moreover been _Captain_ (Head) _of the Poll_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 96. CAPUT SENATUS. Latin; literally, _the head of the Senate_. In Cambridge, Eng., a council of the University by which every grace must be approved, before it can be submitted to the senate. The Caput Senatus is formed of the vice-chancellor, a doctor in each of the faculties of divinity, law, and medicine, and one regent M.A., and one non-regent M.A. The vice-chancellor's five assistants are elected annually by the heads of houses and the doctors of the three faculties, out of fifteen persons nominated by the vice-chancellor and the proctors.--_Webster. Cam. Cal. Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 283. See GRACE. CARCER. Latin. In German schools and universities, a prison.--_Adler's Germ, and Eng. Dict._ Wollten ihn drauf die Nürnberger Herren Mir nichts, dir nichts ins _Carcer_ sperren. _Wallenstein's Lager_. And their Nur'mberg worships swore he should go To _jail_ for his pains,--if he liked it, or no. _Trans. Wallenstein's Camp, in Bohn's Stand. Lib._, p. 155. CASTLE END. At Cambridge, Eng., a noted resort for Cyprians. CATHARINE PURITANS. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the members of St. Catharine's Hall are thus designated, from the implied derivation of the word Catharine from the Greek [Greek: katharos], pure. CAUTION MONEY. In the English universities, a deposit in the hands of the tutor at entrance, by way of security. With reference to Oxford, De Quincey says of _caution money_: "This is a small sum, properly enough demanded of every student, when matriculated, as a pledge for meeting any loss from unsettled arrears, such as his sudden death or his unannounced departure might else continually be inflicting upon his college. In most colleges it amounts to £25; in one only it was considerably less." --_Life and Manners_, p. 249. In American colleges, a bond is usually given by a student upon entering college, in order to secure the payment of all his college dues. CENSOR. In the University of Oxford, Eng., a college officer whose duties are similar to those of the Dean. CEREVIS. From Latin _cerevisia_, beer. Among German students, a small, round, embroidered cap, otherwise called a beer-cap. Better authorities ... have lately noted in the solitary student that wends his way--_cerevis_ on head, note-book in hand--to the professor's class-room,... a vast improvement on the _Bursche_ of twenty years ago.--_Lond. Quart. Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. LXXIII. p. 59. CHAMBER. The apartment of a student at a college or university. This word, although formerly used in American colleges, has been of late almost entirely supplanted by the word _room_, and it is for this reason that it is here noticed. If any of them choose to provide themselves with breakfasts in their own _chambers_, they are allowed so to do, but not to breakfast in one another's _chambers_.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 116. Some ringleaders gave up their _chambers_.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 116. CHAMBER-MATE. One who inhabits the same room or chamber with another. Formerly used at our colleges. The word CHUM is now very generally used in its place; sometimes _room-mate_ is substituted. If any one shall refuse to find his proportion of furniture, wood, and candles, the President and Tutors shall charge such delinquent, in his quarter bills, his full proportion, which sum shall be paid to his _chamber-mate_.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 35. CHANCELLOR. The chancellor of a university is an officer who seals the diplomas, or letters of degree, &c. The Chancellor of Oxford is usually one of the prime nobility, elected by the students in convocation; and he holds the office for life. He is the chief magistrate in the government of the University. The Chancellor of Cambridge is also elected from among the prime nobility. The office is biennial, or tenable for such a length of time beyond two years as the tacit consent of the University may choose to allow.--_Webster. Cam. Guide_. "The Chancellor," says the Oxford Guide, "is elected by convocation, and his office is for life; but he never, according to usage, is allowed to set foot in this University, excepting on the occasion of his installation, or when he is called upon to accompany any royal visitors."--Ed. 1847, p. xi. At Cambridge, the office of Chancellor is, except on rare occasions, purely honorary, and the Chancellor himself seldom appears at Cambridge. He is elected by the Senate. 2. At Trinity College, Hartford, the _Chancellor_ is the Bishop of the Diocese of Connecticut, and is also the Visitor of the College. He is _ex officio_ the President of the Corporation.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, pp. 6, 7. CHAPEL. A house for public worship, erected separate from a church. In England, chapels in the universities are places of worship belonging to particular colleges. The chapels connected with the colleges in the United States are used for the same purpose. Religious exercises are usually held in them twice a day, morning and evening, besides the services on the Sabbath. CHAPEL. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the attendance at daily religious services in the chapel of each college at morning and evening is thus denominated. Some time ago, upon an endeavor to compel the students of one college to increase their number of "_chapels_," as the attendance is called, there was a violent outcry, and several squibs were written by various hands.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 235. It is rather surprising that there should be so much shirking of _chapel_, when the very moderate amount of attendance required is considered.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 16. To _keep chapel_, is to be present at the daily religious services of college. The Undergraduate is expected to go to chapel eight times, or, in academic parlance, to _keep eight chapels_ a week, two on Sunday, and one on every week-day, attending morning or evening _chapel_ on week-days at his option. Nor is even this indulgent standard rigidly enforced. I believe if a Pensioner keeps six chapels, or a Fellow-Commoner four, and is quite regular in all other respects, he will never be troubled by the Dean. It certainly is an argument in favor of severe discipline, that there is more grumbling and hanging back, and unwillingness to conform to these extremely moderate requisitions, than is exhibited by the sufferers at a New England college, who have to keep sixteen chapels a week, seven of them at unreasonable hours. Even the scholars, who are literally paid for going, every chapel being directly worth two shillings sterling to them, are by no means invariable in attending the proper number of times.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 16, 17. CHAPEL CLERK. At Cambridge, Eng., in some colleges, it is the duty of this officer to _mark_ the students as they enter chapel; in others, he merely sees that the proper lessons are read, by the students appointed by the Dean for that purpose.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ The _chapel clerk_ is sent to various parties by the deans, with orders to attend them after chapel and be reprimanded, but the _chapel clerk_ almost always goes to the wrong person.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 235. CHAPLAIN. In universities and colleges, the clergyman who performs divine service, morning and evening. CHAW. A deception or trick. To say, "It's all a gum," or "a regular _chaw_" is the same thing. --_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. CHAW. To use up. Yesterday a Junior cracked a joke on me, when all standing round shouted in great glee, "Chawed! Freshman chawed! Ha! ha! ha!" "No I a'n't _chawed_," said I, "I'm as whole as ever." But I didn't understand, when a fellow is _used up_, he is said to be _chawed_; if very much used up, he is said to be _essentially chawed_.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. The verb _to chaw up_ is used with nearly the same meaning in some of the Western States. Miss Patience said she was gratified to hear Mr. Cash was a musician; she admired people who had a musical taste. Whereupon Cash fell into a chair, as he afterwards observed, _chawed up_.--_Thorpe's Backwoods_, p. 28. CHIP DAY. At Williams College a day near the beginning of spring is thus designated, and is explained in the following passage. "They give us, near the close of the second term, what is called '_chip day_,' when we put the grounds in order, and remove the ruins caused by a winter's siege on the woodpiles."--_Sketches of Williams College_, 1847, p. 79. Another writer refers to the day, in a newspaper paragraph. "'_Chip day_,' at the close of the spring term, is still observed in the old-fashioned way. Parties of students go off to the hills, and return with brush, and branches of evergreen, with which the chips, which have accumulated during the winter, are brushed together, and afterwards burnt."--_Boston Daily Evening Traveller_, July 12, 1854. About college there had been, in early spring, the customary cleaning up of "_chip day_."--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 186. CHOPPING AT THE TREE. At University College in the University of Oxford, "a curious and ancient custom, called '_chopping at the tree_,' still prevails. On Easter Sunday, every member, as he leaves the hall after dinner, chops with a cleaver at a small tree dressed up for the occasion with evergreens and flowers, and placed on a turf close to the buttery. The cook stands by for his accustomed largess."--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. 144, note. CHORE. In the German universities, a club or society of the students is thus designated. Duels between members of different _chores_ were once frequent;--sometimes one man was obliged to fight the members of a whole _chore_ in succession.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 5. CHRISTIAN. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., a member of Christ's College. CHUM. Armenian, _chomm_, or _chommein_, or _ham_, to dwell, stay, or lodge; French, _chômer_, to rest; Saxon, _ham_, home. A chamber-fellow; one who lodges or resides in the same room.--_Webster_. This word is used at the universities and colleges, both in England and the United States. A young student laid a wager with his _chum_, that the Dean was at that instant smoking his pipe.--_Philip's Life and Poems_, p. 13. But his _chum_ Had wielded, in his just defence, A bowl of vast circumference.--_Rebelliad_, p. 17. Every set of chambers was possessed by two co-occupants; they had generally the same bedroom, and a common study; and they were called _chums_.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 251. I am again your petitioner in behalf of that great _chum_ of literature, Samuel Johnson.--_Smollett, in Boswell_. In this last instance, the word _chum_ is used either with the more extended meaning of companion, friend, or, as the sovereign prince of Tartary is called the _Cham_ or _Khan_, so Johnson is called the _chum_ (cham) or prince of literature. CHUM. To occupy a chamber with another. CHUMMING. Occupying a room with another. Such is one of the evils of _chumming_.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. I. p. 324. CHUMSHIP. The state of occupying a room in company with another; chumming. In the seventeenth century, in Milton's time, for example, (about 1624,) and for more than sixty years after that era, the practice of _chumship_ prevailed.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 251. CIVILIAN. A student of the civil law at the university.--_Graves. Webster_. CLARIAN. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., a member of Clare Hall. CLASS. A number of students in a college or school, of the same standing, or pursuing the same studies. In colleges, the students entering or becoming members the same year, and pursuing the same studies.--_Webster_. In the University of Oxford, _class_ is the division of the candidates who are examined for their degrees according to their rate of merit. Those who are entitled to this distinction are denominated _Classmen_, answering to the _optimes_ and _wranglers_ in the University of Cambridge.--_Crabb's Tech. Dict._ See an interesting account of "reading for a first class," in the Collegian's Guide, Chap. XII. CLASS. To place in ranks or divisions students that are pursuing the same studies; to form into a class or classes.--_Webster_. CLASS BOOK. Within the last thirty or forty years, a custom has arisen at Harvard College of no small importance in an historical point of view, but which is principally deserving of notice from the many pleasing associations to which its observance cannot fail to give rise. Every graduating class procures a beautiful and substantial folio of many hundred pages, called the _Class Book_, and lettered with the year of the graduation of the class. In this a certain number of pages is allotted to each individual of the class, in which he inscribes a brief autobiography, paying particular attention to names and dates. The book is then deposited in the hands of the _Class Secretary_, whose duty it is to keep a faithful record of the marriage, birth of children, and death of each of his classmates, together with their various places of residence, and the offices and honors to which each may have attained. This information is communicated to him by letter by his classmates, and he is in consequence prepared to answer any inquiries relative to any member of the class. At his death, the book passes into the hands of one of the _Class Committee_, and at their death, into those of some surviving member of the class; and when the class has at length become extinct, it is deposited on the shelves of the College Library. The Class Book also contains a full list of all persons who have at any time been members of the class, together with such information as can be gathered in reference to them; and an account of the prizes, deturs, parts at Exhibitions and Commencement, degrees, etc., of all its members. Into it are also copied the Class Oration, Poem, and Ode, and the Secretary's report of the class meeting, at which the officers were elected. It is also intended to contain the records of all future class meetings, and the accounts of the Class Secretary, who is _ex officio_ Class Treasurer and Chairman of the Class Committee. By virtue of his office of Class Treasurer, he procures the _Cradle_ for the successful candidate, and keeps in his possession the Class Fund, which is sometimes raised to defray the accruing expenses of the Class in future times. In the Harvardiana, Vol. IV., is an extract from the Class Book of 1838, which is very curious and unique. To this is appended the following note:--"It may be necessary to inform many of our readers, that the _Class Book_ is a large volume, in which autobiographical sketches of the members of each graduating class are recorded, and which is left in the hands of the Class Secretary." CLASS CANE. At Union College, as a mark of distinction, a _class cane_ was for a time carried by the members of the Junior Class. The Juniors, although on the whole a clever set of fellows, lean perhaps with too nonchalant an air on their _class canes_.--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. They will refer to their _class cane_, that mark of decrepitude and imbecility, for old men use canes.--_Ibid._ CLASS CAP. At Hamilton College, it is customary for the Sophomores to appear in a _class cap_ on the Junior Exhibition day, which is worn generally during part of the third term. In American colleges, students frequently endeavor to adopt distinctive dresses, but the attempt is usually followed by failure. One of these attempts is pleasantly alluded to in the Williams Monthly Miscellany. "In a late number, the ambition for whiskers was made the subject of a remark. The ambition of college has since taken a somewhat different turn. We allude to the class caps, which have been introduced in one or two of the classes. The Freshmen were the first to appear in this species of uniform, a few days since at evening prayers; the cap which they have adopted is quite tasteful. The Sophomores, not to be outdone, have voted to adopt the tarpaulin, having, no doubt, become proficients in navigation, as lucidly explained in one of their text-books. The Juniors we understand, will follow suit soon. We hardly know what is left for the Seniors, unless it be to go bare-headed."--1845, p. 464. CLASS COMMITTEE. At Harvard College a committee of two persons, joined with the _Class Secretary_, who is _ex officio_ its chairman, whose duty it is, after the class has graduated, during their lives to call class meetings, whenever they deem it advisable, and to attend to all other business relating to the class. See under CLASS BOOK. CLASS CRADLE. For some years it has been customary at Harvard College for the Senior Class, at the meeting for the election of the officers of Class Day, &c., to appropriate a certain sum of money, usually not exceeding fifty dollars, for the purchase of a cradle, to be given to the first member of the class to whom a child is born in lawful wedlock at a suitable time after marriage. This sum is intrusted to the hands of the _Class Secretary_, who is expected to transmit the present to the successful candidate upon the receipt of the requisite information. In one instance a _Baby-jumper_ was voted by the class, to be given to the second member who should be blessed as above stated. CLASS CUP. It is a theory at Yale College, that each class appropriates at graduating a certain amount of money for the purchase of a silver cup, to be given, in the name of the class, to the first member to whom a child shall be born in lawful wedlock at a suitable time after marriage. Although the presentation of the _class cup_ is often alluded to, yet it is believed that the gift has in no instance been bestowed. It is to be regretted that a custom so agreeable in theory could not be reduced to practice. Each man's mind was made up To obtain the "_Class Cup_." _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. See SILVER CUP. CLASS DAY. The custom at Harvard College of observing with appropriate exercises the day on which the Senior Class finish their studies, is of a very early date. The first notice which appears in reference to this subject is contained in an account of the disorders which began to prevail among the students about the year 1760. Among the evils to be remedied are mentioned the "disorders upon the day of the Senior Sophisters meeting to choose the officers of the class," when "it was usual for each scholar to bring a bottle of wine with him, which practice the committee (that reported upon it) apprehend has a natural tendency to produce disorders." But the disturbances were not wholly confined to the _meeting_ when the officers of Class Day were chosen; they occurred also on Class Day, and it was for this reason that frequent attempts were made at this period, by the College government, to suppress its observance. How far their efforts succeeded is not known, but it is safe to conclude that greater interruptions were occasioned by the war of the Revolution, than by the attempts to abolish what it would have been wiser to have reformed. In a MS. Journal, under date of June 21st, 1791, is the following entry: "Neither the valedictory oration by Ward, nor poem by Walton, was delivered, on account of a division in the class, and also because several were gone home." How long previous to this the 21st of June had been the day chosen for the exercises of the class, is uncertain; but for many years after, unless for special reasons, this period was regularly selected for that purpose. Another extract from the MS. above mentioned, under date of June 21st, 1792, reads: "A valedictory poem was delivered by Paine 1st, and a valedictory Latin oration by Abiel Abbott." The biographer of Mr. Robert Treat Paine, referring to the poem noticed in the above memorandum, says: "The 21st of every June, till of late years, has been the day on which the members of the Senior Class closed their collegiate studies, and retired to make preparations for the ensuing Commencement. On this day it was usual for one member to deliver an oration, and another a poem; such members being appointed by their classmates. The Valedictory Poem of Mr. Paine, a tender, correct, and beautiful effusion of feeling and taste, was received by the audience with applause and tears." In another place he speaks on the same subject, as follows: "The solemnity which produced this poem is extremely interesting; and, being of ancient date, it is to be hoped that it may never fall into disuse. His affection for the University Mr. Paine cherished as one of his most sacred principles. Of this poem, Mr. Paine always spoke as one of his happiest efforts. Coming from so young a man, it is certainly very creditable, and promises more, I fear, than the untoward circumstances of his after life would permit him to perform."--_Paine's Works_, Ed. 1812, pp. xxvii., 439. It was always customary, near the close of the last century, for those who bore the honors of Class Day, to treat their friends according to the style of the time, and there was scarcely a graduate who did not provide an entertainment of such sort as he could afford. An account of the exercises of the day at this period may not be uninteresting. It is from the Diary which is above referred to. "20th (Thursday). This day for special reasons the valedictory poem and oration were performed. The order of the day was this. At ten, the class walked in procession to the President's, and escorted him, the Professors, and Tutors, to the Chapel, preceded by the band playing solemn music. "The President began with a short prayer. He then read a chapter in the Bible; after this he prayed again; Cutler then delivered his poem. Then the singing club, accompanied by the band, performed Williams's _Friendship_. This was succeeded by a valedictory Latin Oration by Jackson. We then formed, and waited on the government to the President's, where we were very respectably treated with wine, &c. "We then marched in procession to Jackson's room, where we drank punch. At one we went to Mr. Moore's tavern and partook of an elegant entertainment, which cost 6/4 a piece. Marching then to Cutler's room, we shook hands, and parted with expressing the sincerest tokens of friendship." June, 1793. The incidents of Class Day, five years subsequent to the last date, are detailed by Professor Sidney Willard, and may not be omitted in this connection. "On the 21st of June, 1798, the day of the dismission of the Senior Class from all academic exercises, the class met in the College chapel to attend the accustomed ceremonies of the occasion, and afterwards to enjoy the usual festivities of the day, since called, for the sake of a name, and for brevity's sake, Class Day. There had been a want of perfect harmony in the previous proceedings, which in some degree marred the social enjoyments of the day; but with the day all dissension closed, awaiting the dawn of another day, the harbinger of the brighter recollections of four years spent in pleasant and peaceful intercourse. There lingered no lasting alienations of feeling. Whatever were the occasions of the discontent, it soon expired, was buried in the darkest recesses of discarded memories, and there lay lost and forgotten. "After the exercises of the chapel, and visiting the President, Professors, and Tutors at the President's house, according to the custom still existing, we marched in procession round the College halls, to another hall in Porter's tavern, (which some dozen or fifteen of the oldest living graduates may perhaps remember as Bradish's tavern, of ancient celebrity,) where we dined. After dining, we assembled at the Liberty Tree, (according to another custom still existing,) and in due time, having taken leave of each other, we departed, some of us to our family homes, and others to their rooms to make preparations for their departure."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. pp. 1, 3. Referring to the same event, he observes in another place: "In speaking of the leave-taking of the College by my class, on the 21st of June, 1798,--Class Day, as it is now called,--I inadvertently forgot to mention, that according to custom, at that period, [Samuel P.P.] Fay delivered a Latin Valedictory Oration in the Chapel, in the presence of the Immediate Government, and of the students of other classes who chose to be present. Speaking to him on the subject some time since, he told me that he believed [Judge Joseph] Story delivered a Poem on the same occasion.... There was no poetical performance in the celebration of the day in the class before ours, on the same occasion; Dr. John C. Warren's Latin oration being the only performance, and his class counting as many reputed poets as ours did."--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 320. Alterations were continually made in the observances of Class Day, and in twenty years after the period last mentioned, its character had in many particulars changed. Instead of the Latin, an English oration of a somewhat sportive nature had been introduced; the Poem was either serious or comic, at the writer's option; usually, however, the former. After the exercises in the Chapel, the class commonly repaired to Porter's Hall, and there partook of a dinner, not always observing with perfect strictness the rules of temperance either in eating or drinking. This "cenobitical symposium" concluded, they again returned to the college yard, where, scattered in groups under the trees, the rest of the day was spent in singing, smoking, and drinking, or pretending to drink, punch; for the negroes who supplied it in pails usually contrived to take two or more glasses to every one glass that was drank by those for whom it was provided. The dance around the Liberty Tree, "Each hand in comrade's hand," closed the regular ceremonies of the day; but generally the greater part of the succeeding night was spent in feasting and hilarity. The punch-drinking in the yard increased to such an extent, that it was considered by the government of the college as a matter which demanded their interference; and in the year 1842, on one of these occasions, an instructor having joined with the students in their revellings in the yard, the Faculty proposed that, instead of spending the afternoon in this manner, dancing should be introduced, which was accordingly done, with the approbation of both parties. The observances of the day, which in a small way may be considered as a rival of Commencement, are at present as follows. The Orator, Poet, Odist, Chaplain, and Marshals having been previously chosen, on the morning of Class Day the Seniors assemble in the yard, and, preceded by the band, walk in procession to one of the halls of the College, where a prayer is offered by the Class Chaplain. They then proceed to the President's house, and escort him to the Chapel where the following order is observed. A prayer by one of the College officers is succeeded by the Oration, in which the transactions of the class from their entrance into College to the present time are reviewed with witty and appropriate remarks. The Poem is then pronounced, followed by the Ode, which is sung by the whole class to the tune of "Fair Harvard." Music is performed at intervals by the band. The class then withdraw to Harvard Hall, accompanied by their friends and invited guests, where a rich collation is provided. After an interval of from one to two hours, the dancing commences in the yard. Cotillons and the easier dances are here performed, but the sport closes in the hall with the Polka and other fashionable steps. The Seniors again form, and make the circuit of the yard, cheering the buildings, great and small. They then assemble under the Liberty Tree, around which with hands joined they run and dance, after singing the student's adopted song, "Auld Lang Syne." At parting, each member takes a sprig or a flower from the beautiful "Wreath" which surrounds the "farewell tree," which is sacredly treasured as a last memento of college scenes and enjoyments. Thus close the exercises of the day, after which the class separate until Commencement. The more marked events in the observance of Class Day have been graphically described by Grace Greenwood, in the accompanying paragraphs. "The exercises on this occasion were to me most novel and interesting. The graduating class of 1848 are a fine-looking set of young men certainly, and seem to promise that their country shall yet be greater and better for the manly energies, the talent and learning, with which they are just entering upon life. "The spectators were assembled in the College Chapel, whither the class escorted the Faculty, headed by President Everett, in his Oxford hat and gown. "The President is a man of most imperial presence; his figure has great dignity, and his head is grand in form and expression. But to me he looks the governor, the foreign minister and the President, more than the orator or the poet. "After a prayer from the Chaplain, we listened to an eloquent oration from the class orator, Mr. Tiffany, of Baltimore and to a very elegant and witty poem from the class poet Mr. Clarke, of Boston. The 'Fair Harvard' having been sung by the class, all adjourned to the College green, where such as were so disposed danced to the music of a fine band. From the green we repaired to Harvard Hall, where an excellent collation was served, succeeded by dancing. From the hall the students of 1848 marched and cheered successively every College building, then formed a circle round a magnificent elm, whose trunk was beautifully garlanded will flowers, and, with hands joined in a peculiar manner, sung 'Auld Lang Syne.' The scene was in the highest degree touching and impressive, so much of the beauty and glory of life was there, so much of the energy, enthusiasm, and proud unbroken strength of manhood. With throbbing hearts and glowing lips, linked for a few moments with strong, fraternal grasps, they stood, with one deep, common feeling, thrilling like one pulse through all. An involuntary prayer sprang to my lips, that they might ever prove true to _Alma Mater_, to one another, to their country, and to Heaven. "As the singing ceased, the students began running swiftly around the tree, and at the cry, 'Harvard!' a second circle was formed by the other students, which gave a tumultuous excitement to the scene. It broke up at last with a perfect storm of cheers, and a hasty division among the class of the garland which encircled the elm, each taking a flower in remembrance of the day."--_Greenwood Leaves_, Ed. 3d, 1851, pp. 350, 351. In the poem which was read before the class of 1851, by William C. Bradley, the comparisons of those about to graduate with the youth who is attaining to his majority, and with the traveller who has stopped a little for rest and refreshment, are so genial and suggestive, that their insertion in this connection will not be deemed out of place. "'T is a good custom, long maintained, When the young heir has manhood gained, To solemnize the welcome date, Accession to the man's estate, With open house and rousing game, And friends to wish him joy and fame: So Harvard, following thus the ways Of careful sires of older days, Directs her children till they grow The strength of ripened years to know, And bids their friends and kindred, then, To come and hail her striplings--men. "And as, about the table set, Or on the shady grass-plat met, They give the youngster leave to speak Of vacant sport, and boyish freak, So now would we (such tales have power At noon-tide to abridge the hour) Turn to the past, and mourn or praise The joys and pains of boyhood's days. "Like travellers with their hearts intent Upon a distant journey bent, We rest upon the earliest stage Of life's laborious pilgrimage; But like the band of pilgrims gay (Whom Chaucer sings) at close of day, That turned with mirth, and cheerful din, To pass their evening at the inn, Hot from the ride and dusty, we, But yet untired and stout and free, And like the travellers by the door, Sit down and talk the journey o'er." As a specimen of the character of the Ode which is always sung on Class Day to the tune "Fair Harvard,"--which is the name by which the melody "Believe me, if all those endearing young charms" has been adopted at Cambridge,--that which was written by Joshua Danforth Robinson for the class of 1851 is here inserted. "The days of thy tenderly nurture are done, We call for the lance and the shield; There's a battle to fight and a crown to be won, And onward we press to the field! But yet, Alma Mater, before we depart, Shall the song of our farewell be sung, And the grasp of the hand shall express for the heart Emotions too deep for the tongue. "This group of thy sons, Alma Mater, no more May gladden thine ear with their song, For soon we shall stand upon Time's crowded shore, And mix in humanity's throng. O, glad be the voices that ring through thy halls When the echo of ours shall have flown, And the footsteps that sound when no longer thy walls Shall answer the tread of our own! "Alas! our dear Mother, we see on thy face A shadow of sorrow to-day; For while we are clasped in thy farewell embrace, And pass from thy bosom away, To part with the living, we know, must recall The lost whom thy love still embalms, That one sigh must escape and one tear-drop must fall For the children that died in thy arms. "But the flowers of affection, bedewed by the tears In the twilight of Memory distilled, And sunned by the love of our earlier years, When the soul with their beauty was thrilled, Untouched by the frost of life's winter, shall blow, And breathe the same odor they gave When the vision of youth was entranced by their glow, Till, fadeless, they bloom o'er the grave." A most genial account of the exercises of the Class Day of the graduates of the year 1854 may be found in Harper's Magazine, Vol. IX. pp. 554, 555. CLASSIC. One learned in classical literature; a student of the ancient Greek and Roman authors of the first rank. These men, averaging about twenty-three years of age, the best _Classics_ and Mathematicians of their years, were reading for Fellowships.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 35. A quiet Scotchman irreproachable as a _classic_ and a whist-player.--_Ibid._, p. 57. The mathematical examination was very difficult, and made great havoc among the _classics_.--_Ibid._, p. 62. CLASSIC SHADES. A poetical appellation given to colleges and universities. He prepares for his departure,--but he must, ere he repair To the "_classic shades_," et cetera,--visit his "ladye fayre." _Poem before Iadma_, Harv. Coll., 1850. I exchanged the farm-house of my father for the "_classic shades_" of Union.--_The Parthenon_, Union Coll., 1851, p. 18. CLASSIS. Same meaning as Class. The Latin for the English. [They shall] observe the generall hours appointed for all the students, and the speciall houres for their own _classis_.--_New England's First Fruits_, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Vol. I. p. 243. CLASS LIST. In the University of Oxford, a list in which are entered the names of those who are examined for their degrees, according to their rate of merit. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the names of those who are examined at stated periods are placed alphabetically in the class lists, but the first eight or ten individual places are generally known. There are some men who read for honors in that covetous and contracted spirit, and so bent upon securing the name of scholarship, even at the sacrifice of the reality, that, for the pleasure of reading their names at the top of the _class list_, they would make the examiners a present of all their Latin and Greek the moment they left the schools.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 327. CLASSMAN. See CLASS. CLASS MARSHAL. In many colleges in the United States, a _class marshal_ is chosen by the Senior Class from their own number, for the purpose of regulating the procession on the day of Commencement, and, as at Harvard College, on Class Day also. "At Union College," writes a correspondent, "the class marshal is elected by the Senior Class during the third term. He attends to the order of the procession on Commencement Day, and walks into the church by the side of the President. He chooses several assistants, who attend to the accommodation of the audience. He is chosen from among the best-looking and most popular men of the class, and the honor of his office is considered next to that of the Vice-President of the Senate for the third term." CLASSMATE. A member of the same class with another. The day is wound up with a scene of careless laughter and merriment, among a dozen of joke-loving _classmates_.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 202. CLASS MEETING. A meeting where all the class are assembled for the purpose of carrying out some measure, appointing class officers, or transacting business of interest to the whole class. In Harvard College, no class, or general, or other meeting of students can be called without an application in writing of three students, and no more, expressing the purpose of such meeting, nor otherwise than by a printed notice, signed by the President, expressing the time, the object, and place of such meeting, and the three students applying for such meeting are held responsible for any proceedings at it contrary to the laws of the College.--_Laws Univ. Cam., Mass._, 1848, Appendix. Similar regulations are in force at all other American colleges. At Union College the statute on this subject was formerly in these words: "No class meetings shall be held without special license from the President; and for such purposes only as shall be expressed in the license; nor shall any class meeting be continued by adjournment or otherwise, without permission; and all class meetings held without license shall be considered as unlawful combinations, and punished accordingly."--_Laws Union Coll._, 1807, pp. 37, 38. While one, on fame alone intent, Seek to be chosen President Of clubs, or a _class meeting_. _Harv. Reg._, p. 247. CLASSOLOGY. That science which treats of the members of the classes of a college. This word is used in the title of a pleasant _jeu d'esprit_ by Mr. William Biglow, on the class which graduated at Harvard College in 1792. It is called, "_Classology_: an Anacreontic Ode, in Imitation of 'Heathen Mythology.'" See under HIGH GO. CLASS SECRETARY. For an account of this officer, see under CLASS BOOK. CLASS SUPPER. In American colleges, a supper attended only by the members of a collegiate class. Class suppers are given in some colleges at the close of each year; in others, only at the close of the Sophomore and Senior years, or at one of these periods. CLASS TREES. At Bowdoin College, "immediately after the annual examination of each class," says a correspondent, "the members that compose it are accustomed to form a ring round a tree, and then, not dance, but run around it. So quickly do they revolve, that every individual runner has a tendency 'to go off in a tangent,' which it is difficult to resist for any length of time. The three lower classes have a tree by themselves in front of Massachusetts Hall. The Seniors have one of their own in front of King Chapel." For an account of a similar and much older custom, prevalent at Harvard College, see under CLASS DAY and LIBERTY TREE. CLIMBING. In reference to this word, a correspondent from Dartmouth College writes: "At the commencement of this century, the Greek, Latin, and Philosophical Orations were assigned by the Faculty to the best scholars, while the Valedictorian was chosen from the remainder by his classmates. It was customary for each one of these four to treat his classmates, which was called '_Climbing_,' from the effect which the liquor would have in elevating the class to an equality with the first scholars." CLIOSOPHIC. A word compounded from _Clio_, the Muse who presided over history, and [Greek: sophos], intelligent. At Yale College, this word was formerly used to designate an oration on the arts and sciences, which was delivered annually at the examination in July. Having finished his academic course, by the appointment of the President he delivered the _cliosophic_ oration in the College Hall.--_Holmes's Life of Ezra Stiles_, p. 13. COACH. In the English universities, this term is variously applied, as will be seen by a reference to the annexed examples. It is generally used to designate a private tutor. Everything is (or used to be) called a "_coach_" at Oxford: a lecture-class, or a club of men meeting to take wine, luncheon, or breakfast alternately, were severally called a "wine, luncheon, or breakfast _coach_"; so a private tutor was called a "private _coach_"; and one, like Hilton of Worcester, very famed for getting his men safe through, was termed "a Patent Safety."--_The Collegian's Guide_, p. 103. It is to his private tutors, or "_coaches_," that he looks for instruction.--_Household Words_, Vol. II. p. 160. He applies to Mr. Crammer. Mr. Crammer is a celebrated "_coach_" for lazy and stupid men, and has a system of his own which has met with decided success.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 162. COACH. To prepare a student to pass an examination; to make use of the aid of a private tutor. He is putting on all steam, and "_coaching_" violently for the Classical Tripos.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d. p. 10. It is not every man who can get a Travis to _coach_ him.--_Ibid._, p. 69. COACHING. A cant term, in the British universities, for preparing a student, by the assistance of a private tutor, to pass an examination. Whether a man shall throw away every opportunity which a university is so eminently calculated to afford, and come away with a mere testamur gained rather by the trickery of private _coaching_ (tutoring) than by mental improvement, depends, &c.--_The Collegian's Guide_, p. 15. COAX. This word was formerly used at Yale College in the same sense as the word _fish_ at Harvard, viz. to seek or gain the favor of a teacher by flattery. One of the Proverbs of Solomon was often changed by the students to read as follows: "Surely the churning of milk bringeth forth butter, and the wringing of the nose bringeth forth blood; so the _coaxing_ of tutors bringeth forth parts."--_Prov._ xxx. 33. COCHLEAUREATUS, _pl._ COCHLEAUREATI. Latin, _cochlear_, a spoon, and _laureatus_, laurelled. A free translation would be, _one honored with a spoon_. At Yale College, the wooden spoon is given to the one whose name comes last on the list of appointees for the Junior Exhibition. The recipient of this honor is designated _cochleaureatus_. Now give in honor of the spoon Three cheers, long, loud, and hearty, And three for every honored June In _coch-le-au-re-a-ti_. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 37. See WOODEN SPOON. COFFIN. At the University of Vermont, a boot, especially a large one. A companion to the word HUMMEL, q.v. COLLAR. At Yale College, "to come up with; to seize; to lay hold on; to appropriate."--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIV. p. 144. By that means the oration marks will be effectually _collared_, with scarce an effort.--_Yale Banger_, Oct. 1848. COLLECTION. In the University of Oxford, a college examination, which takes place at the end of every term before the Warden and Tutor. Read some Herodotus for _Collections_.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 348. The College examinations, called _collections_, are strictly private.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 139. COLLECTOR. A Bachelor of Arts in the University of Oxford, who is appointed to superintend some scholastic proceedings in Lent.--_Todd_. The Collectors, who are two in number, Bachelors of Arts, are appointed to collect the names of _determining_ bachelors, during Lent. Their office begins and ends with that season.--_Guide to Oxford_. COLLECTORSHIP. The office of a _collector_ in the University of Oxford.--_Todd_. This Lent the _collectors_ ceased from entertaining the Bachelors by advice and command of the proctors; so that now they got by their _collectorships_, whereas before they spent about 100_l._, besides their gains, on clothes or needless entertainments.--_Life of A. Wood_, p. 286. COLLEGE. Latin, _collegium_; _con_ and _lego_, to gather. In its primary sense, a collection or assembly; hence, in a general sense, a collection, assemblage, or society of men, invested with certain powers and rights, performing certain duties, or engaged in some common employment or pursuit. 1. An establishment or edifice appropriated to the use of students who are acquiring the languages and sciences. 2. The society of persons engaged in the pursuits of literature, including the officers and students. Societies of this kind are incorporated, and endowed with revenues. "A college, in the modern sense of that word, was an institution which arose within a university, probably within that of Paris or of Oxford first, being intended either as a kind of boarding-school, or for the support of scholars destitute of means, who were here to live under particular supervision. By degrees it became more and more the custom that teachers should be attached to these establishments. And as they grew in favor, they were resorted to by persons of means, who paid for their board; and this to such a degree, that at one time the colleges included nearly all the members of the University of Paris. In the English universities the colleges may have been first established by a master who gathered pupils around him, for whose board and instruction he provided. He exercised them perhaps in logic and the other liberal arts, and repeated the university lectures, as well as superintended their morals. As his scholars grew in number, he associated with himself other teachers, who thus acquired the name of _fellows_. Thus it naturally happened that the government of colleges, even of those which were founded by the benevolence of pious persons, was in the hands of a principal called by various names, such as rector, president, provost, or master, and of fellows, all of whom were resident within the walls of the same edifices where the students lived. Where charitable munificence went so far as to provide for the support of a greater number of fellows than were needed, some of them were intrusted, as tutors, with the instruction of the undergraduates, while others performed various services within their college, or passed a life of learned leisure."--_Pres. Woolsey's Hist. Disc._, New Haven, Aug. 14, 1850, p. 8. 3. In _foreign universities_, a public lecture.--_Webster_. COLLEGE BIBLE. The laws of a college are sometimes significantly called _the College Bible_. He cons _the College Bible_ with eager, longing eyes, And wonders how poor students at six o'clock can rise. _Poem before Iadma of Harv. Coll._, 1850. COLLEGER. A member of a college. We stood like veteran _Collegers_ the next day's screw.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 9. [_Little used_.] 2. The name by which a member of a certain class of the pupils of Eton is known. "The _Collegers_ are educated gratuitously, and such of them as have nearly but not quite reached the age of nineteen, when a vacancy in King's College, Cambridge, occurs, are elected scholars there forthwith and provided for during life--or until marriage."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 262, 263. They have nothing in lieu of our seventy _Collegers_.--_Ibid._, p. 270. The whole number of scholars or "_Collegers_" at Eton is seventy. --_Literary World_, Vol. XII. p. 285. COLLEGE YARD. The enclosure on or within which the buildings of a college are situated. Although college enclosures are usually open for others to pass through than those connected with the college, yet by law the grounds are as private as those connected with private dwellings, and are kept so, by refusing entrance, for a certain period, to all who are not members of the college, at least once in twenty years, although the time differs in different States. But when they got to _College yard_, With one accord they all huzza'd.--_Rebelliad_, p. 33. Not ye, whom science never taught to roam Far as a _College yard_ or student's home. _Harv. Reg._, p. 232. COLLEGIAN. A member of a college, particularly of a literary institution so called; an inhabitant of a college.--_Johnson_. COLLEGIATE. Pertaining to a college; as, _collegiate_ studies. 2. Containing a college; instituted after the manner of a college; as, a _collegiate_ society.--_Johnson_. COLLEGIATE. A member of a college. COMBINATION. An agreement, for effecting some object by joint operation; in _an ill sense_, when the purpose is illegal or iniquitous. An agreement entered into by students to resist or disobey the Faculty of the College, or to do any unlawful act, is a _combination_. When the number concerned is so great as to render it inexpedient to punish all, those most culpable are usually selected, or as many as are deemed necessary to satisfy the demands of justice.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 27. _Laws Univ. Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 23. COMBINATION ROOM. In the University of Cambridge Eng., a room into which the fellows, and others in authority withdraw after dinner, for wine, dessert, and conversation.--_Webster_. In popular phrase, the word _room_ is omitted. "There will be some quiet Bachelors there, I suppose," thought I, "and a Junior Fellow or two, some of those I have met in _combination_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 52. COMITAT. In the German universities, a procession formed to accompany a departing fellow-student with public honor out of the city.--_Howitt_. COMMEMORATION DAY. At the University of Oxford, Eng., this day is an annual solemnity in honor of the benefactors of the University, when orations are delivered, and prize compositions are read in the theatre. It is the great day of festivity for the year.--_Huber_. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., there is always a sermon on this day. The lesson which is read in the course of the service is from Ecclus. xliv.: "Let us now praise famous men," &c. It is "a day," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "devoted to prayers, and good living." It was formerly called _Anniversary Day_. COMMENCE. To take a degree, or the first degree, in a university or college.--_Bailey_. Nine Bachelors _commenced_ at Cambridge; they were young men of good hope, and performed their acts so as to give good proof of their proficiency in the tongues and arts.--_Winthrop's Journal, by Mr. Savage_, Vol. II. p. 87. Four Senior Sophisters came from Saybrook, and received the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, and several others _commenced_ Masters.--_Clap's Hist. Yale Coll._, p. 20. A scholar see him now _commence_, Without the aid of books or sense. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, 1794, p. 12. Charles Chauncy ... was afterwards, when qualified, sent to the University of Cambridge, where he _commenced_ Bachelor of Divinity.--_Hist. Sketch of First Ch. in Boston_, 1812, p. 211. COMMENCEMENT. The time when students in colleges _commence_ Bachelors; a day in which degrees are publicly conferred in the English and American universities.--_Webster_. At Harvard College, in its earliest days, Commencements were attended, as at present, by the highest officers in the State. At the first Commencement, on the second Tuesday of August, 1642, we are told that "the Governour, Magistrates, and the Ministers, from all parts, with all sorts of schollars, and others in great numbers, were present."--_New England's First Fruits_, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Vol. I. p. 246. In the MS. Diary of Judge Sewall, under date of July 1, 1685, Commencement Day, is this remark: "Gov'r there, whom I accompanied to Charlestown"; and again, under date of July 2, 1690, is the following entry respecting the Commencement of that year: "Go to Cambridge by water in ye Barge wherein the Gov'r, Maj. Gen'l, Capt. Blackwell, and others." In the Private Journal of Cotton Mather, under the dates of 1708 and 1717, there are notices of the Boston troops waiting on the Governor to Cambridge on Commencement Day. During the presidency of Wadsworth, which continued from 1725 to 1737, "it was the custom," says Quincy, "on Commencement Day, for the Governor of the Province to come from Boston through Roxbury, often by the way of Watertown, attended by his body guards, and to arrive at the College about ten or eleven o'clock in the morning. A procession was then formed of the Corporation, Overseers, magistrates, ministers, and invited gentlemen, and immediately moved from Harvard Hall to the Congregational church." After the exercises of the day were over, the students escorted the Governor, Corporation, and Overseers, in procession, to the President's house. This description would answer very well for the present day, by adding the graduating class to the procession, and substituting the Boston Lancers as an escort, instead of the "body guards." The exercises of the first Commencement are stated in New England's First Fruits, above referred to, as follows:--"Latine and Greeke Orations, and Declamations, and Hebrew Analysis, Grammaticall, Logicall, and Rhetoricall of the Psalms: And their answers and disputations in Logicall, Ethicall, Physicall, and Metaphysicall questions." At Commencement in 1685, the exercises were, besides Disputes, four Orations, one Latin, two Greek, and one Hebrew In the presidency of Wadsworth, above referred to, "the exercises of the day," says Quincy, "began with a short prayer by the President; a salutatory oration in Latin, by one of the graduating class, succeeded; then disputations on theses or questions in Logic, Ethics, and Natural Philosophy commenced. When the disputation terminated, one of the candidates pronounced a Latin 'gratulatory oration.' The graduating class were then called, and, after asking leave of the Governor and Overseers, the President conferred the Bachelor's degree, by delivering a book to the candidates (who came forward successively in parties of four), and pronouncing a form of words in Latin. An adjournment then took place to dinner, in Harvard Hall; thence the procession returned to the church, and, after the Masters' disputations, usually three in number, were finished, their degrees were conferred, with the same general forms as those of the Bachelors. An occasional address was then made by the President. A Latin valedictory oration by one of the Masters succeeded, and the exercises concluded with a prayer by the President." Similar to this is the account given by the Hon. Paine Wingate, a graduate of the class of 1759, of the exercises of Commencement as conducted while he was in College. "I do not recollect now," he says, "any part of the public exercises on Commencement Day to be in English, excepting the President's prayers at opening and closing the services. Next after the prayer followed the Salutatory Oration in Latin, by one of the candidates for the first degree. This office was assigned by the President, and was supposed to be given to him who was the best orator in the class. Then followed a Syllogistic Disputation in Latin, in which four or five or more of those who were distinguished as good scholars in the class were appointed by the President as Respondents, to whom were assigned certain questions, which the Respondents maintained, and the rest of the class severally opposed, and endeavored to invalidate. This was conducted wholly in Latin, and in the form of Syllogisms and Theses. At the close of the Disputation, the President usually added some remarks in Latin. After these exercises the President conferred the degrees. This, I think, may be considered as the summary of the public performances on a Commencement Day. I do not recollect any Forensic Disputation, or a Poem or Oration spoken in English, whilst I was in College."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, pp. 307, 308. As far back as the year 1685, it was customary for the President to deliver an address near the close of the exercises. Under this date, in the MS. Diary of Judge Sewall, are these words: "Mr. President after giving ye Degrees made an Oration in Praise of Academical Studies and Degrees, Hebrew tongue." In 1688, at the Commencement, according to the same gentleman, Mr. William Hubbard, then acting as President under the appointment of Sir Edmund Andros, "made an oration." The disputations were always in Latin, and continued to be a part of the exercises of Commencement until the year 1820. The orations were in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and sometimes French; in 1818 a Spanish oration was delivered at the Commencement for that year by Mr. George Osborne. The first English oration was made by Mr. Jedidiah Huntington, in the year 1763, and the first English poem by Mr. John Davis, in 1781. The last Latin syllogisms were in 1792, on the subjects, "Materia cogitare non potest," and "Nil nisi ignis naturâ est fluidum." The first year in which the performers spoke without a prompter was 1837. There were no Master's exercises for the first time in 1844. To prevent improprieties, in the year 1760, "the duty of inspecting the performances on the day," says Quincy, "and expunging all exceptionable parts, was assigned to the President; on whom it was particularly enjoined 'to put an end to the practice of addressing the female sex.'" At a later period, in 1792, by referring to the "Order of the Exercises of Commencement," we find that in the concluding oration "honorable notice is taken, from year to year, of those who have been the principal Benefactors of the University." The practice is now discontinued. At the first Commencement, all the magistrates, elders, and invited guests who were present "dined," says Winthrop in his Journal, Vol. II. pp. 87, 88, "at the College with the scholars' ordinary commons, which was done on purpose for the students' encouragement, &c., and it gave good content to all." After dinner, a Psalm was usually sung. In 1685, at Commencement, Sewall says: "After dinner ye 3d part of ye 103d Ps. was sung in ye Hall." The seventy-eighth Psalm was the one usually sung, an account of which will be found under that title. The Senior Class usually waited on the table on Commencement Day. After dinner, they were allowed to take what provisions were left, and eat them at their rooms, or in the hall. This custom was not discontinued until the year 1812. In 1754, owing to the expensive habits worn on Commencement Day, a law was passed, ordering that on that day "every candidate for his degree appear in black, or dark blue, or gray clothes; and that no one wear any silk night-gowns; and that any candidate, who shall appear dressed contrary to such regulations, may not expect his degree." At present, on Commencement Day, every candidate for a first degree wears, according to the law, "a black dress and the usual black gown." It was formerly customary, on this day, for the students to provide entertainment in their rooms. But great care was taken, as far as statutory enactments were concerned, that all excess should be avoided. During the presidency of Increase Mather was developed among the students a singular phase of gastronomy, which was noticed by the Corporation in their records, under the date of June 22, 1693, in these words: "The Corporation, having been informed that the custom taken up in the College, not used in any other Universities, for the commencers [graduating class] to have plumb-cake, is dishonorable to the College, not grateful to wise men, and chargeable to the parents of the commencers, do therefore put an end to that custom, and do hereby order that no commencer, or other scholar, shall have any such cakes in their studies or chambers; and that, if any scholar shall offend therein, the cakes shall be taken from him, and he shall moreover pay to the College twenty shillings for each such offence." This stringent regulation was, no doubt, all-sufficient for many years; but in the lapse of time the taste for the forbidden delicacy, which was probably concocted with a skill unknown to the moderns, was again revived, accompanied with confessions to a fondness for several kinds of expensive preparations, the recipes for which preparations, it is to be feared, are inevitably lost. In 1722, in the latter part of President Leverett's administration, an act was passed "for reforming the Extravagancys of Commencements," and providing "that henceforth no preparation nor provision of either Plumb Cake, or Roasted, Boyled, or Baked Meates or Pyes of any kind shal be made by any Commencer," and that no "such have any distilled Lyquours in his Chamber or any composition therewith," under penalty of being "punished twenty shillings, to be paid to the use of the College," and of forfeiture of the provisions and liquors, "_to be seized by the tutors_." The President and Corporation were accustomed to visit the rooms of the Commencers, "to see if the laws prohibiting certain meats and drinks were not violated." These restrictions not being sufficient, a vote passed the Corporation in 1727, declaring, that "if any, who now doe, or hereafter shall, stand for their degrees, presume to doe any thing contrary to the act of 11th June, 1722, or _go about to evade it by plain cake_, they shall not be admitted to their degree, and if any, after they have received their degree, shall presume to make any forbidden provisions, their names shall be left or rased out of the Catalogue of the Graduates." In 1749, the Corporation strongly recommended to the parents and guardians of such as were to take degrees that year, "considering the awful judgments of God upon the land," to "retrench Commencement expenses, so as may best correspond with the frowns of Divine Providence, and that they take effectual care to have their sons' chambers cleared of company, and their entertainments finished, on the evening of said Commencement Day, or, at furthest, by next morning." In 1755, attempts were made to prevent those "who proceeded Bachelors of Arts from having entertainments of any kind, either in the College or any house in Cambridge, after the Commencement Day." This and several other propositions of the Overseers failing to meet with the approbation of the Corporation, a vote finally passed both boards in 1757, by which it was ordered, that, on account of the "distressing drought upon the land," and "in consideration of the dark state of Providence with respect to the war we are engaged in, which Providences call for humiliation and fasting rather than festival entertainments," the "first and second degrees be given to the several candidates without their personal attendance"; a general diploma was accordingly given, and Commencement was omitted for that year. Three years after, "all unnecessary expenses were forbidden," and also "dancing in any part of Commencement week, in the Hall, or in any College building; nor was any undergraduate allowed to give any entertainment, after dinner, on Thursday of that week, under severe penalties." But the laws were not always so strict, for we find that, on account of a proposition made by the Overseers to the Corporation in 1759, recommending a "repeal of the law prohibiting the drinking of _punch_," the latter board voted, that "it shall be no offence if any scholar shall, at Commencement, make and entertain guests at his chamber with _punch_," which they afterwards declare, "as it is now usually made, is no intoxicating liquor." To prevent the disturbances incident to the day, an attempt was made in 1727 to have the "Commencements for time to come more private than has been usual," and for several years after, the time of Commencement was concealed; "only a short notice," says Quincy, "being given to the public of the day on which it was to be held." Friday was the day agreed on, for the reason, says President Wadsworth in his Diary, "that there might be a less remaining time of the week spent in frolicking." This was very ill received by the people of Boston and the vicinity, to whom Commencement was a season of hilarity and festivity; the ministers were also dissatisfied, not knowing the day in some cases, and in others being subjected to great inconvenience on account of their living at a distance from Cambridge. The practice was accordingly abandoned in 1736, and Commencement, as formerly, was held on Wednesday, to general satisfaction. In 1749, "three gentlemen," says Quincy, "who had sons about to be graduated, offered to give the College a thousand pounds old tenor, provided 'a trial was made of Commencements this year, in a more private manner.'" The proposition, after much debate, was rejected, and "public Commencements were continued without interruption, except during the period of the Revolutionary war, and occasionally, from temporary causes, during the remainder of the century, notwithstanding their evils, anomalies, and inconsistencies."[05] The following poetical account of Commencement at Harvard College is supposed to have been written by Dr. Mather Byles, in the year 1742 or thereabouts. Of its merits, this is no place to speak. As a picture of the times it is valuable, and for this reason, and to show the high rank which Commencement Day formerly held among other days, it is here presented. "COMMENCEMENT. "I sing the day, bright with peculiar charms, Whose rising radiance ev'ry bosom warms; The day when _Cambridge_ empties all the towns, And youths commencing, take their laurel crowns: When smiling joys, and gay delights appear, And shine distinguish'd, in the rolling year. "While the glad theme I labour to rehearse, In flowing numbers, and melodious verse, Descend, immortal nine, my soul inspire, Amid my bosom lavish all your fire, While smiling _Phoebus_, owns the heavenly layes And shades the poet with surrounding bayes. But chief ye blooming nymphs of heavenly frame, Who make the day with double glory flame, In whose fair persons, art and nature vie, On the young muse cast an auspicious eye: Secure of fame, then shall the goddess sing, And rise triumphant with a tow'ring wing, Her tuneful notes wide-spreading all around, The hills shall echo, and the vales resound. "Soon as the morn in crimson robes array'd With chearful beams dispels the flying shade, While fragrant odours waft the air along, And birds melodious chant their heavenly song, And all the waste of heav'n with glory spread, Wakes up the world, in sleep's embraces dead. Then those whose dreams were on th' approaching day, Prepare in splendid garbs to make their way To that admired solemnity, whose date, Tho' late begun, will last as long as fate. And now the sprightly Fair approach the glass To heighten every feature of the face. They view the roses flush their glowing cheeks, The snowy lillies towering round their necks, Their rustling manteaus huddled on in haste, They clasp with shining girdles round their waist. Nor less the speed and care of every beau, To shine in dress and swell the solemn show. Thus clad, in careless order mixed by chance, In haste they both along the streets advance: 'Till near the brink of _Charles's_ beauteous stream, They stop, and think the lingering boat to blame. Soon as the empty skiff salutes the shore, In with impetuous haste they clustering pour, The men the head, the stern the ladies grace, And neighing horses fill the middle space. Sunk deep, the boat floats slow the waves along, And scarce contains the thickly crowded throng; A gen'ral horror seizes on the fair, While white-look'd cowards only not despair. 'Till rowed with care they reach th' opposing side, Leap on the shore, and leave the threat'ning tide. While to receive the pay the boatman stands, And chinking pennys jingle in his hands. Eager the sparks assault the waiting cars, Fops meet with fops, and clash in civil wars. Off fly the wigs, as mount their kicking heels, The rudely bouncing head with anguish swells, A crimson torrent gushes from the nose, Adown the cheeks, and wanders o'er the cloaths. Taunting, the victor's strait the chariots leap, While the poor batter'd beau's for madness weep. "Now in calashes shine the blooming maids, Bright'ning the day which blazes o'er their heads; The seats with nimble steps they swift ascend, And moving on the crowd, their waste of beauties spend. So bearing thro' the boundless breadth of heav'n, The twinkling lamps of light are graceful driv'n; While on the world they shed their glorious rays, And set the face of nature in a blaze. "Now smoak the burning wheels along the ground, While rapid hoofs of flying steeds resound, The drivers by no vulgar flame inspir'd, But with the sparks of love and glory fir'd, With furious swiftness sweep along the way, And from the foremost chariot snatch the day. So at Olympick games when heros strove, In rapid cars to gain the goal of love. If on her fav'rite youth the goddess shone He left his rival and the winds out-run. "And now thy town, _O Cambridge_! strikes the sight Of the beholders with confus'd delight; Thy green campaigns wide open to the view, And buildings where bright youth their fame pursue. Blest village! on whose plains united glows, A vast, confus'd magnificence of shows. Where num'rous crowds of different colours blend, Thick as the trees which from the hills ascend: Or as the grass which shoots in verdant spires, Or stars which dart thro' natures realms their fires. "How am I fir'd with a profuse delight, When round the yard I roll my ravish'd sight! From the high casements how the ladies show! And scatter glory on the crowds below. From sash to sash the lovely lightening plays And blends their beauties in a radiant blaze. So when the noon of night the earth invades And o'er the landskip spreads her silent shades. In heavens high vault the twinkling stars appear, And with gay glory's light the gleemy sphere. From their bright orbs a flame of splendors shows, And all around th' enlighten'd ether glows. "Soon as huge heaps have delug'd all the plains, Of tawny damsels, mixt with simple swains, Gay city beau's, grave matrons and coquats, Bully's and cully's, clergymen and wits. The thing which first the num'rous crowd employs, Is by a breakfast to begin their joys. While wine, which blushes in a crystal glass, Streams down in floods, and paints their glowing face. And now the time approaches when the bell, With dull continuance tolls a solemn knell. Numbers of blooming youth in black array Adorn the yard, and gladden all the day. In two strait lines they instantly divide, While each beholds his partner on th' opposing side, Then slow, majestick, walks the learned _head_, The _senate_ follow with a solemn tread, Next _Levi's_ tribe in reverend order move, Whilst the uniting youth the show improve. They glow in long procession till they come, Near to the portals of the sacred dome; Then on a sudden open fly the doors, The leader enters, then the croud thick pours. The temple in a moment feels its freight, And cracks beneath its vast unwieldy weight, So when the threatning Ocean roars around A place encompass'd with a lofty mound, If some weak part admits the raging waves, It flows resistless, and the city laves; Till underneath the waters ly the tow'rs, Which menac'd with their height the heav'nly pow'rs. "The work begun with pray'r, with modest pace, A youth advancing mounts the desk with grace, To all the audience sweeps a circling bow, Then from his lips ten thousand graces flow. The next that comes, a learned thesis reads, The question states, and then a war succeeds. Loud major, minor, and the consequence, Amuse the crowd, wide-gaping at their fence. Who speaks the loudest is with them the best, And impudence for learning is confest. "The battle o'er, the sable youth descend, And to the awful chief, their footsteps bend. With a small book, the laurel wreath he gives Join'd with a pow'r to use it all their lives. Obsequious, they return what they receive, With decent rev'rence, they his presence leave. Dismiss'd, they strait repeat their back ward way And with white napkins grace the sumptuous day.[06] "Now plates unnumber'd on the tables shine, And dishes fill'd invite the guests to dine. The grace perform'd, each as it suits him best, Divides the sav'ry honours of the feast, The glasses with bright sparkling wines abound And flowing bowls repeat the jolly round. Thanks said, the multitude unite their voice, In sweetly mingled and melodious noise. The warbling musick floats along the air, And softly winds the mazes of the ear; Ravish'd the crowd promiscuously retires, And each pursues the pleasure he admires. "Behold my muse far distant on the plains, Amidst a wrestling ring two jolly swains; Eager for fame, they tug and haul for blood, One nam'd _Jack Luby_, t' other _Robin Clod_, Panting they strain, and labouring hard they sweat, Mix legs, kick shins, tear cloaths, and ply their feet. Now nimbly trip, now stiffly stand their ground, And now they twirl, around, around, around; Till overcome by greater art or strength, _Jack Luby_ lays along his lubber length. A fall! a fall! the loud spectators cry, A fall! a fall! the echoing hills reply. "O'er yonder field in wild confusion runs, A clam'rous troop of _Affric's_ sable sons, Behind the victors shout, with barbarous roar, The vanquish'd fly with hideous yells before, The gloomy squadron thro' the valley speeds Whilst clatt'ring cudgels rattle o'er their heads. "Again to church the learned tribe repair, Where syllogisms battle in the air, And then the elder youth their second laurels wear. Hail! Happy laurels! who our hopes inspire, And set our ardent wishes all on fire. By you the pulpit and the bar will shine In future annals; while the ravish'd nine Will in your bosom breathe cælestial flames, And stamp _Eternity_ upon your names. Accept my infant muse, whose feeble wings Can scarce sustain her flight, while you she sings. With candour view my rude unfinish'd praise And see my _Ivy_ twist around your _bayes_. So _Phidias_ by immortal _Jove_ inspir'd, His statue carv'd, by all mankind admir'd. Nor thus content, by his approving nod, He cut himself upon the shining god. That shaded by the umbrage of his name, Eternal honours might attend his fame." In his almanacs, Nathaniel Ames was wont to insert, opposite the days of Commencement week, remarks which he deemed appropriate to that period. His notes for the year 1764 were these:-- "Much talk and nothing said." "The loquacious more talkative than ever, and fine Harangues preparing." "Much Money sunk, Much Liquor drunk." His only note for the year 1765 was this:-- "Many Crapulæ to Day Give the Head-ach to the Gay." Commencement Day was generally considered a holiday throughout the Province, and in the metropolis the shops were usually closed, and little or no business was done. About ten days before this period, a body of Indians from Natick--men, women, and pappooses--commonly made their appearance at Cambridge, and took up their station around the Episcopal Church, in the cellar of which they were accustomed to sleep, if the weather was unpleasant. The women sold baskets and moccasons; the boys gained money by shooting at it, while the men wandered about and spent the little that was earned by their squaws in rum and tobacco. Then there would come along a body of itinerant negro fiddlers, whose scraping never intermitted during the time of their abode. The Common, on Commencement week, was covered with booths, erected in lines, like streets, intended to accommodate the populace from Boston and the vicinity with the amusements of a fair. In these were carried on all sorts of dissipation. Here was a knot of gamblers, gathered around a wheel of fortune, or watching the whirl of the ball on a roulette-table. Further along, the jolly hucksters displayed their tempting wares in the shape of cooling beverages and palate-tickling confections. There was dancing on this side, auction-selling on the other; here a pantomimic show, there a blind man, led by a dog, soliciting alms; organ-grinders and hurdy-gurdy grinders, bears and monkeys, jugglers and sword-swallowers, all mingled in inextricable confusion. In a neighboring field, a countryman had, perchance, let loose a fox, which the dogs were worrying to death, while the surrounding crowd testified their pleasure at the scene by shouts of approbation. Nor was there any want of the spirituous; pails of punch, guarded by stout negroes, bore witness to their own subtle contents, now by the man who lay curled up under the adjoining hedge, "forgetting and forgot," and again by the drunkard, reeling, cursing, and fighting among his comrades. The following observations from the pen of Professor Sidney Willard, afford an accurate description of the outward manifestations of Commencement Day at Harvard College, during the latter part of the last century. "Commencement Day at that time was a widely noted day, not only among men and women of all characters and conditions, but also among boys. It was the great literary and mob anniversary of Massachusetts, surpassed only in its celebrities by the great civil and mob anniversary, namely, the Fourth of July, and the last Wednesday of May, Election day, so called, the anniversary of the organization of the government of the State for the civil year. But Commencement, perhaps most of all, exhibited an incongruous mixture of men and things. Besides the academic exercises within the sanctuary of learning and religion, followed by the festivities in the College dining-hall, and under temporary tents and awnings erected for the entertainments given to the numerous guests of wealthy parents of young men who had come out successful competitors for prizes in the academic race, the large common was decked with tents filled with various refreshments for the hungry and thirsty multitudes, and the intermediate spaces crowded with men, women, and boys, white and black, many of them gambling, drinking, swearing, dancing, and fighting from morning to midnight. Here and there the scene was varied by some show of curiosities, or of monkeys or less common wild animals, and the gambols of mountebanks, who by their ridiculous tricks drew a greater crowd than the abandoned group at the gaming-tables, or than the fooleries, distortions, and mad pranks of the inebriates. If my revered uncle[07] took a glimpse at these scenes, he did not see there any of our red brethren, as Mr. Jefferson kindly called them, who formed a considerable part of the gathering at the time of his graduation, forty-two years before; but he must have seen exhibitions of depravity which would disgust the most untutored savage. Near the close of the last century these outrages began to disappear, and lessened from year to year, until by public opinion, enforced by an efficient police, they were many years ago wholly suppressed, and the vicinity of the College halls has become, as it should be, a classic ground."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. pp. 251, 252. It is to such scenes as these that Mr. William Biglow refers, in his poem recited before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, in their dining-hall, August 29th, 1811. "All hail, Commencement! when all classes free Throng learning's fount, from interest, taste, or glee; When sutlers plain in tents, like Jacob, dwell, Their goods distribute, and their purses swell; When tipplers cease on wretchedness to think, Those born to sell, as well as these to drink; When every day each merry Andrew clears More cash than useful men in many years; When men to business come, or come to rake, And modest women spurn at Pope's mistake.[08] "All hail, Commencement! when all colors join, To gamble, riot, quarrel, and purloin; When Afric's sooty sons, a race forlorn, Play, swear, and fight, like Christians freely born; And Indians bless our civilizing merit, And get dead drunk with truly _Christian spirit_; When heroes, skilled in pocket-picking sleights, Of equal property and equal rights, Of rights of man and woman, boldest friends, Believing means are sanctioned by their ends, Sequester part of Gripus' boundless store, While Gripus thanks god Plutus he has more; And needy poet, from this ill secure, Feeling his fob, cries, 'Blessed are the poor.'" On the same subject, the writer of Our Chronicle of '26, a satirical poem, versifies in the following manner:-- "Then comes Commencement Day, and Discord dire Strikes her confusion-string, and dust and noise Climb up the skies; ladies in thin attire, For 't is in August, and both men and boys, Are all abroad, in sunshine and in glee Making all heaven rattle with their revelry! "Ah! what a classic sight it is to see The black gowns flaunting in the sultry air, Boys big with literary sympathy, And all the glories of this great affair! More classic sounds!--within, the plaudit shout, While Punchinello's rabble echoes it without." To this the author appends a note, as follows:-- "The holiday extends to thousands of those who have no particular classical pretensions, further than can be recognized in a certain _penchant_ for such jubilees, contracted by attending them for years as hangers-on. On this devoted day these noisy do-nothings collect with mummers, monkeys, bears, and rope-dancers, and hold their revels just beneath the windows of the tabernacle where the literary triumph is enacting. 'Tum sæva sonare Verbera, tum stridor ferri tractæque catenæ.'" A writer in Buckingham's New England Magazine, Vol. III., 1832, in an article entitled "Harvard College Forty Years ago," thus describes the customs which then prevailed:-- "As I entered Cambridge, what were my 'first impressions'? The College buildings 'heaving in sight and looming up,' as the sailors say. Pyramids of Egypt! can ye surpass these enormous piles? The Common covered with tents and wigwams, and people of all sorts, colors, conditions, nations, and tongues. A country muster or ordination dwindles into nothing in comparison. It was a second edition of Babel. The Governor's life-guard, in splendid uniform, prancing to and fro, 'Quadrupedante putrem sonitu quatit ungula campum.' Horny-hoofed, galloping quadrupeds make all the common to tremble. "I soon steered for the meeting-house, and obtained a seat, or rather standing, in the gallery, determined to be an eyewitness of all the sport of the day. Presently music was heard approaching, such as I had never heard before. It must be 'the music of the spheres.' Anon, three enormous white wigs, supported by three stately, venerable men, yclad in black, flowing robes, were located in the pulpit. A platform of wigs was formed in the body pews, on which one might apparently walk as securely as on the stage. The _candidates_ for degrees seemed to have made a mistake in dressing themselves in _black togas_ instead of _white_ ones, _pro more Romanorum_. The musicians jammed into their pew in the gallery, very near to me, with enormous fiddles and fifes and ramshorns. _Terribile visu_! They sounded. I stopped my ears, and with open mouth and staring eyes stood aghast with wonderment. The music ceased. The performances commenced. English, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French! These scholars knew everything." More particular is the account of the observances, at this period, of the day, at Harvard College, as given by Professor Sidney Willard:-- "Commencement Day, in the year 1798, was a day bereft, in some respects, of its wonted cheerfulness. Instead of the serene summer's dawn, and the clear rising of the sun, 'The dawn was overcast, the morning lowered, And heavily in clouds brought on the day.' In the evening, from the time that the public exercises closed until twilight, the rain descended in torrents. The President[09] lay prostrate on his bed from the effects of a violent disease, from which it was feared he could not recover.[10] His house, which on all occasions was the abode of hospitality, and on Commencement Day especially so, (being the great College anniversary,) was now a house of stillness, anxiety, and watching. For seventeen successive years it had been thronged on this anniversary from morn till night, by welcome visitors, cheerfully greeted and cared for, and now it was like a house of mourning for the dead. "After the literary exercises of the day were closed, the officers in the different branches of the College government and instruction, Masters of Arts, and invited guests, repaired to the College dining-hall without the ceremony of a procession formed according to dignity or priority of right. This the elements forbade. Each one ran the short race as he best could. But as the Alumni arrived, they naturally avoided taking possession of the seats usually occupied by the government of the College. The Governor, Increase Sumner, I suppose, was present, and no doubt all possible respect was paid to the Overseers as well as to the Corporation. I was not present, but dined at my father's house with a few friends, of whom the late Hon. Moses Brown of Beverly was one. We went together to the College hall after dinner; but the honorable and reverend Corporation and Overseers had retired, and I do not remember whether there was any person presiding. If there were, a statue would have been as well. The age of wine and wassail, those potent aids to patriotism, mirth, and song, had not wholly passed away. The merry glee was at that time outrivalled by _Adams and Liberty_, the national patriotic song, so often and on so many occasions sung, and everywhere so familiarly known that all could join in grand chorus."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. pp. 4, 5. The irregularities of Commencement week seem at a very early period to have attracted the attention of the College government; for we find that in 1728, to prevent disorder, a formal request was made by the President, at the suggestion of the immediate government, to Lieutenant-Governor Dummer, praying him to direct the sheriff of Middlesex to prohibit the setting up of booths and tents on those public days. Some years after, in 1732, "an interview took place between the Corporation and three justices of the peace in Cambridge, to concert measures to keep order at Commencement, and under their warrant to establish a constable with six men, who, by watching and walking towards the evening on these days, and also the night following, and in and about the entry at the College Hall at dinner-time, should prevent disorders." At the beginning of the present century, it was customary for two special justices to give their attendance at this period, in order to try offences, and a guard of twenty constables was usually present to preserve order and attend on the justices. Among the writings of one, who for fifty years was a constant attendant on these occasions, are the following memoranda, which are in themselves an explanation of the customs of early years. "Commencement, 1828; no tents on the Common for the first time." "Commencement, 1836; no persons intoxicated in the hall or out of it; the first time." The following extract from the works of a French traveller will be read with interest by some, as an instance of the manner in which our institutions are sometimes regarded by foreigners. "In a free country, everything ought to bear the stamp of patriotism. This patriotism appears every year in a solemn feast celebrated at Cambridge in honor of the sciences. This feast, which takes place once a year in all the colleges of America, is called _Commencement_. It resembles the exercises and distribution of prizes in our colleges. It is a day of joy for Boston; almost all its inhabitants assemble in Cambridge. The most distinguished of the students display their talents in the presence of the public; and these exercises, which are generally on patriotic subjects, are terminated by a feast, where reign the freest gayety and the most cordial fraternity."--_Brissot's Travels in U.S._, 1788. London, 1794, Vol. I. pp. 85, 86. For an account of the _chair_ from which the President delivers diplomas on Commencement Day, see PRESIDENT'S CHAIR. At Yale College, the first Commencement was held September 13th, 1702, while that institution was located at Saybrook, at which four young men who had before graduated at Harvard College, and one whose education had been private, received the degree of Master of Arts. This and several Commencements following were held privately, according to an act which had been passed by the Trustees, in order to avoid unnecessary expense and other inconveniences. In 1718, the year in which the first College edifice was completed, was held at New Haven the first public Commencement. The following account of the exercises on this occasion was written at the time by one of the College officers, and is cited by President Woolsey in his Discourse before the Graduates of Yale College, August 14th, 1850. "[We were] favored and honored with the presence of his Honor, Governor Saltonstall, and his lady, and the Hon. Col. Taylor of Boston, and the Lieutenant-Governor, and the whole Superior Court, at our Commencement, September 10th, 1718, where the Trustees present,--those gentlemen being present,--in the hall of our new College, first most solemnly named our College by the name of Yale College, to perpetuate the memory of the honorable Gov. Elihu Yale, Esq., of London, who had granted so liberal and bountiful a donation for the perfecting and adorning of it. Upon which the honorable Colonel Taylor represented Governor Yale in a speech expressing his great satisfaction; which ended, we passed to the church, and there the Commencement was carried on. In which affair, in the first place, after prayer an oration was had by the saluting orator, James Pierpont, and then the disputations as usual; which concluded, the Rev. Mr. Davenport [one of the Trustees and minister of Stamford] offered an excellent oration in Latin, expressing their thanks to Almighty God, and Mr. Yale under him, for so public a favor and so great regard to our languishing school. After which were graduated ten young men, whereupon the Hon. Gov. Saltonstall, in a Latin speech, congratulated the Trustees in their success and in the comfortable appearance of things with relation to their school. All which ended, the gentlemen returned to the College Hall, where they were entertained with a splendid dinner, and the ladies, at the same time, were also entertained in the Library; after which they sung the four first verses in the 65th Psalm, and so the day ended."--p. 24. The following excellent and interesting account of the exercises and customs of Commencement at Yale College, in former times, is taken from the entertaining address referred to above:--"Commencements were not to be public, according to the wishes of the first Trustees, through fear of the attendant expense; but another practice soon prevailed, and continued with three or four exceptions until the breaking out of the war in 1775. They were then private for five years, on account of the times. The early exercises of the candidates for the first degree were a 'saluting' oration in Latin, succeeded by syllogistic disputations in the same language; and the day was closed by the Masters' exercises,--disputations and a valedictory. According to an ancient academical practice, theses were printed and distributed upon this occasion, indicating what the candidates for a degree had studied, and were prepared to defend; yet, contrary to the usage still prevailing at universities which have adhered to the old method of testing proficiency, it does not appear that these theses were ever defended in public. They related to a variety of subjects in Technology, Logic, Grammar, Rhetoric, Mathematics, Physics, Metaphysics, Ethics, and afterwards Theology. The candidates for a Master's degree also published theses at this time, which were called _Quæstiones magistrales_. The syllogistic disputes were held between an affirmant and respondent, who stood in the side galleries of the church opposite to one another, and shot the weapons of their logic over the heads of the audience. The saluting Bachelor and the Master who delivered the valedictory stood in the front gallery, and the audience huddled around below them to catch their Latin eloquence as it fell. It seems also to have been usual for the President to pronounce an oration in some foreign tongue upon the same occasion.[11] "At the first public Commencement under President Stiles, in 1781, we find from a particular description which has been handed down, that the original plan, as above described, was subjected for the time to considerable modifications. The scheme, in brief, was as follows. The salutatory oration was delivered by a member of the graduating class, who is now our aged and honored townsman, Judge Baldwin. This was succeeded by the syllogistic disputations, and these by a Greek oration, next to which came an English colloquy. Then followed a forensic disputation, in which James Kent was one of the speakers. Then President Stiles delivered an oration in Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Arabic,--it being an extraordinary occasion. After which the morning was closed with an English oration by one of the graduating class. In the afternoon, the candidates for the second degree had the time, as usual, to themselves, after a Latin discourse by President Stiles. The exhibiters appeared in syllogistic disputes, a dissertation, a poem, and an English oration. Among these performers we find the names of Noah Webster, Joel Barlow, and Oliver Wolcott. Besides the Commencements there were exhibitions upon quarter-days, as they were called, in December and March, as well as at the end of the third term, when the younger classes performed; and an exhibition of the Seniors in July, at the time of their examination for degrees, when the valedictory orator was one of their own choice. This oration was transferred to the Commencement about the year 1798, when the Masters' valedictories had fallen into disuse; and being in English, gave a new interest to the exercises of the day. "Commencements were long occasions of noisy mirth, and even of riot. The older records are full of attempts, on the part of the Corporation, to put a stop to disorder and extravagance at this anniversary. From a document of 1731, it appears that cannons had been fired in honor of the day, and students were now forbidden to have a share in this on pain of degradation. The same prohibition was found necessary again in 1755, at which time the practice had grown up of illuminating the College buildings upon Commencement eve. But the habit of drinking spirituous liquor, and of furnishing it to friends, on this public occasion, grew up into more serious evils. In the year 1737, the Trustees, having found that there was a great expense in spirituous distilled liquors upon Commencement occasions, ordered that for the future no candidate for a degree, or other student, should provide or allow any such liquors to be drunk in his chamber during Commencement week. And again, it was ordered in 1746, with the view of preventing several extravagant and expensive customs, that there should be 'no kind of public treat but on Commencement, quarter-days, and the day on which the valedictory oration was pronounced; and on that day the Seniors may provide and give away a barrel of metheglin, and nothing more.' But the evil continued a long time. In 1760, it appears that it was usual for the graduating class to provide a pipe of wine, in the payment of which each one was forced to join. The Corporation now attempted by very stringent law to break up this practice; but the Senior Class having united in bringing large quantities of rum into College, the Commencement exercises were suspended, and degrees were withheld until after a public confession of the class. In the two next years degrees were given at the July examination, with a view to prevent such disorders, and no public Commencement was celebrated. Similar scenes are not known to have occurred afterwards, although for a long time that anniversary wore as much the aspect of a training-day as of a literary festival. "The Commencement Day in the modern sense of the term--that is, a gathering of graduated members and of others drawn together by a common interest in the College, and in its young members who are leaving its walls--has no counterpart that I know of in the older institutions of Europe. It arose by degrees out of the former exercises upon this occasion, with the addition of such as had been usual before upon quarter-days, or at the presentation in July. For a time several of the commencing Masters appeared on the stage to pronounce orations, as they had done before. In process of time, when they had nearly ceased to exhibit, this anniversary began to assume a somewhat new feature; the peculiarity of which consists in this, that the graduates have a literary festival more peculiarly their own, in the shape of discourses delivered before their assembled body, or before some literary society."--_Woolsey's Historical Discourse_, pp. 65-68. Further remarks concerning the observance of Commencement at Yale College may be found in Ebenezer Baldwin's "Annals" of that institution, pp. 189-197. An article "On the Date of the First Public Commencement at Yale College, in New Haven," will be read with pleasure by those who are interested in the deductions of antiquarian research. It is contained in the "Yale Literary Magazine," Vol. XX. pp. 199, 200. The following account of Commencement at Dartmouth College, on Wednesday, August 24th, 1774, written by Dr. Belknap, may not prove uninteresting. "About eleven o'clock, the Commencement began in a large tent erected on the east side of the College, and covered with boards; scaffolds and seats being prepared. "The President began with a prayer in the usual _strain_. Then an English oration was spoken by one of the Bachelors, complimenting the Trustees, &c. A syllogistic disputation on this question: _Amicitia vera non est absque amore divina_. Then a cliosophic oration. Then an anthem, 'The voice of my beloved sounds,' &c. Then a forensic dispute, _Whether Christ died for all men_? which was well supported on both sides. Then an anthem, 'Lift up your heads, O ye gates,' &c. "The company were invited to dine at the President's and the hall. The Connecticut lads and lasses, I observed, walked about hand in hand in procession, as 't is said they go to a wedding. "Afternoon. The exercises began with a Latin oration on the state of society by Mr. Kipley. Then an English _Oration on the Imitative Arts_, by Mr. J. Wheelock. The degrees were then conferred, and, in addition to the usual ceremony of the book, diplomas were delivered to the candidates, with this form of words: 'Admitto vos ad primum (vel secundum) gradum in artibus pro more Academiarum in Anglia, vobisque trado hunc librum, una cum potestate publice prelegendi ubicumque ad hoc munus avocati fueritis (to the masters was added, fuistis vel fueritis), cujus rei hæc diploma membrana scripta est testimonium.' Mr. Woodward stood by the President, and held the book and parchments, delivering and exchanging them as need required. Rev. Mr. Benjamin Pomeroy, of Hebron, was admitted to the degree of Doctor in Divinity. "After this, McGregore and Sweetland, two Bachelors, spoke a dialogue of Lord Lyttleton's between Apicius and Darteneuf, upon good eating and drinking. The Mercury (who comes in at the close of the piece) performed his part but clumsily; but the two epicures did well, and the President laughed as heartily as the rest of the audience; though considering the circumstances, it might admit of some doubt, whether the dialogue were really a burlesque, or a compliment to the College. "An anthem and prayer concluded the public exercises. Much decency and regularity were observable through the day, in the numerous attending concourse of people."--_Life of Jeremy Belknap, D.D._, pp. 69-71. At Shelby College, Ky., it is customary at Commencement to perform plays, with appropriate costumes, at stated intervals during the exercises. An account of the manner in which Commencement has been observed at other colleges would only be a repetition of what has been stated above, in reference to Harvard and Yale. These being, the former the first, and the latter the third institution founded in our country, the colleges which were established at a later period grounded, not only their laws, but to a great extent their customs, on the laws and customs which prevailed at Cambridge and New Haven. COMMENCEMENT CARD. At Union College, there is issued annually at Commencement a card containing a programme of the exercises of the day, signed with the names of twelve of the Senior Class, who are members of the four principal college societies. These cards are worded in the form of invitations, and are to be sent to the friends of the students. To be "_on the Commencement card_" is esteemed an honor, and is eagerly sought for. At other colleges, invitations are often issued at this period, usually signed by the President. COMMENCER. In American colleges, a member of the Senior Class, after the examination for degrees; generally, one who _commences_. These exercises were, besides an oration usually made by the President, orations both salutatory and valedictory, made by some or other of the _commencers_.--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. p. 128. The Corporation with the Tutors shall visit the chambers of the _commencers_ to see that this law be well observed.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 137. Thirty _commencers_, besides Mr. Rogers, &c.--_Ibid._, App., p. 150. COMMERS. In the German universities, a party of students assembled for the purpose of making an excursion to some place in the country for a day's jollification. On such an occasion, the students usually go "in a long train of carriages with outriders"; generally, a festive gathering of the students.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 56; see also Chap. XVI. COMMISSARY. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., an officer under the Chancellor, and appointed by him, who holds a court of record for all privileged persons and scholars under the degree of M.A. In this court, all causes are tried and determined by the civil and statute law, and by the custom of the University.--_Cam. Cal._ COMMON. To board together; to eat at a table in common. COMMONER. A student of the second rank in the University of Oxford, Eng., who is not dependent on the foundation for support, but pays for his board or _commons_, together with all other charges. Corresponds to a PENSIONER at Cambridge. See GENTLEMAN COMMONER. 2. One who boards in commons. In all cases where those who do damage to the table furniture, or in the steward's kitchen, cannot be detected, the amount shall be charged to the _commoners_.--_Laws Union Coll._, 1807, p. 34. The steward shall keep an accurate list of the _commoners_.--_Ibid._, 1807, p. 34. COMMON ROOM. The room to which all the members of the college have access. There is sometimes one _common room_ for graduates, and another for undergraduates.--_Crabb's Tech. Dict._ Oh, could the days once more but come, When calm I smoak'd in _common room_. _The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., 1750, Vol. I. p. 237. COMMONS. Food provided at a common table, as in colleges, where many persons eat at the same table, or in the same hall.--_Webster_. Commons were introduced into Harvard College at its first establishment, in the year 1636, in imitation of the English universities, and from that time until the year 1849, when they were abolished, seem to have been a never-failing source of uneasiness and disturbance. While the infant College with the title only of "school," was under the superintendence of Mr. Nathaniel Eaton, its first "master," the badness of commons was one of the principal causes of complaint. "At no subsequent period of the College history," says Mr. Quincy, "has discontent with commons been more just and well founded, than under the huswifery of Mrs. Eaton." "It is perhaps owing," Mr. Winthrop observes in his History of New England, "to the gallantry of our fathers, that she was not enjoined in the perpetual malediction they bestowed on her husband." A few years after, we read, in the "Information given by the Corporation and Overseers to the General Court," a proposition either to make "the scholars' charges less, or their commons better." For a long period after this we have no account of the state of commons, "but it is not probable," says Mr. Peirce, "they were materially different from what they have been since." During the administration of President Holyoke, from 1737 to 1769, commons were the constant cause of disorders among the students. There appears to have been a very general permission to board in private families before the year 1737: an attempt was then made to compel the undergraduates to board in commons. After many resolutions, a law was finally passed, in 1760, prohibiting them "from dining or supping in any house in town, except on an invitation to dine or sup _gratis_." "The law," says Quincy, "was probably not very strictly enforced. It was limited to one year, and was not renewed." An idea of the quality of commons may be formed from the following accounts furnished by Dr. Holyoke and Judge Wingate. According to the former of these gentlemen, who graduated in 1746, the "breakfast was two sizings of bread and a cue of beer"; and "evening commons were a pye." The latter, who graduated thirteen years after, says: "As to the commons, there were in the morning none while I was in College. At dinner, we had, of rather ordinary quality, a sufficiency of meat of some kind, either baked or boiled; and at supper, we had either a pint of milk and half a biscuit, or a meat pye of some other kind. Such were the commons in the hall in my day. They were rather ordinary; but I was young and hearty, and could live comfortably upon them. I had some classmates who paid for their commons and never entered the hall while they belonged to the College. We were allowed at dinner a cue of beer, which was a half-pint, and a sizing of bread, which I cannot describe to you. It was quite sufficient for one dinner." By a vote of the Corporation in 1750, a law was passed, declaring "that the quantity of commons be as hath been usual, viz. two sizes of bread in the morning; one pound of meat at dinner, with sufficient sauce" (vegetables), "and a half a pint of beer; and at night that a part pie be of the same quantity as usual, and also half a pint of beer; and that the supper messes be but of four parts, though the dinner messes be of six." This agrees in substance with the accounts given above. The consequence of such diet was, "that the sons of the rich," says Mr. Quincy, "accustomed to better fare, paid for commons, which they would not eat, and never entered the hall; while the students whose resources did not admit of such an evasion were perpetually dissatisfied." About ten years after, another law was made, "to restrain scholars from breakfasting in the houses of town's people," and provision was made "for their being accommodated with breakfast in the hall, either milk, chocolate, tea, or coffee, as they should respectively choose." They were allowed, however, to provide themselves with breakfasts in their own chambers, but not to breakfast in one another's chambers. From this period breakfast was as regularly provided in commons as dinner, but it was not until about the year 1807 that an evening meal was also regularly provided. In the year 1765, after the erection of Hollis Hall, the accommodations for students within the walls were greatly enlarged; and the inconvenience being thus removed which those had experienced who, living out of the College buildings, were compelled to eat in commons, a system of laws was passed, by which all who occupied rooms within the College walls were compelled to board constantly in common, "the officers to be exempted only by the Corporation, with the consent of the Overseers; the students by the President only when they were about to be absent for at least one week." Scarcely a year had passed under this new _régime_ "before," says Quincy, "an open revolt of the students took place on account of the provisions, which it took more than a month to quell." "Although," he continues, "their proceedings were violent, illegal, and insulting, yet the records of the immediate government show unquestionably, that the disturbances, in their origin, were not wholly without cause, and that they were aggravated by want of early attention to very natural and reasonable complaints." During the war of the American Revolution, the difficulty of providing satisfactory commons was extreme, as may be seen from the following vote of the Corporation, passed Aug. 11th, 1777. "Whereas by law 9th of Chap. VI. it is provided, 'that there shall always be chocolate, tea, coffee, and milk for breakfast, with bread and biscuit and butter,' and whereas the foreign articles above mentioned are now not to be procured without great difficulty, and at a very exorbitant price; therefore, that the charge of commons may be kept as low as possible,-- "_Voted_, That the Steward shall provide at the common charge only bread or biscuit and milk for breakfast; and, if any of the scholars choose tea, coffee, or chocolate for breakfast, they shall procure those articles for themselves, and likewise the sugar and butter to be used with them; and if any scholars choose to have their milk boiled, or thickened with flour, if it may be had, or with meal, the Steward, having reasonable notice, shall provide it; and further, as salt fish alone is appointed by the aforesaid law for the dinner on Saturdays, and this article is now risen to a very high price, and through the scarcity of salt will probably be higher, the Steward shall not be obliged to provide salt fish, but shall procure fresh fish as often as he can."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 541. Many of the facts in the following account of commons prior to, and immediately succeeding, the year 1800, have been furnished by Mr. Royal Morse of Cambridge. The hall where the students took their meals was usually provided with ten tables; at each table were placed two messes, and each mess consisted of eight persons. The tables where the Tutors and Seniors sat were raised eighteen or twenty inches, so as to overlook the rest. It was the duty of one of the Tutors or of the Librarian to "ask a blessing and return thanks," and in their absence, the duty devolved on "the senior graduate or undergraduate." The waiters were students, chosen from the different classes, and receiving for their services suitable compensation. Each table was waited on by members of the class which occupied it, with the exception of the Tutor's table, at which members of the Senior Class served. Unlike the _sizars_ and _servitors_ at the English universities, the waiters were usually much respected, and were in many cases the best scholars in their respective classes. The breakfast consisted of a specified quantity of coffee, a _size_ of baker's biscuit, which was one biscuit, and a _size_ of butter, which was about an ounce. If any one wished for more than was provided, he was obliged to _size_ it, i.e. order from the kitchen or buttery, and this was charged as extra commons or _sizings_ in the quarter-bill. At dinner, every mess was served with eight pounds of meat, allowing a pound to each person. On Monday and Thursday the meat was boiled; these days were on this account commonly called "boiling days." On the other days the meat was roasted; these were accordingly named "roasting days." Two potatoes were allowed to each person, which he was obliged to pare for himself. On _boiling days_, pudding and cabbage were added to the bill of fare, and in their season, greens, either dandelion or the wild pea. Of bread, a _size_ was the usual quantity apiece, at dinner. Cider was the common beverage, of which there was no stated allowance, but each could drink as much as he chose. It was brought, on in pewter quart cans, two to a mess, out of which they drank, passing them from mouth to mouth like the English wassail-bowl. The waiters replenished them as soon as they were emptied. No regular supper was provided, but a bowl of milk, and a size of bread procured at the kitchen, supplied the place of the evening meal. Respecting the arrangement of the students at table, before referred to, Professor Sidney Willard remarks: "The intercourse among students at meals was not casual or promiscuous. Generally, the students of the same class formed themselves into messes, as they were called, consisting each of eight members; and the length of one table was sufficient to seat two messes. A mess was a voluntary association of those who liked each other's company; and each member had his own place. This arrangement was favorable for good order; and, where the members conducted themselves with propriety, their cheerful conversation, and even exuberant spirits and hilarity, if not too boisterous, were not unpleasant to that portion of the government who presided at the head table. But the arrangement afforded opportunities also for combining in factious plans and organizations, tending to disorders, which became infectious, and terminated unhappily for all concerned."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. pp. 192, 193. A writer in the New England Magazine, referring to the same period, says: "In commons, we fared as well as one half of us had been accustomed to at home. Our breakfast consisted of a good-sized biscuit of wheaten flour, with butter and coffee, chocolate, or milk, at our option. Our dinner was served up on dishes of pewter, and our drink, which was cider, in cans of the same material. For our suppers, we went with our bowls to the kitchen, and received our rations of milk, or chocolate, and bread, and returned with them to our rooms."--Vol. III. p. 239. Although much can be said in favor of the commons system, on account of its economy and its suitableness to health and study, yet these very circumstances which were its chief recommendation were the occasion also of all the odium which it had to encounter. "That simplicity," says Peirce, "which makes the fare cheap, and wholesome, and philosophical, renders it also unsatisfactory to dainty palates; and the occasional appearance of some unlucky meat, or other food, is a signal for a general outcry against the provisions." In the plain but emphatic words of one who was acquainted with the state of commons, as they once were at Harvard College, "the butter was sometimes so bad, that a farmer would not take it to grease his cart-wheels with." It was the usual practice of the Steward, when veal was cheap, to furnish it to the students three, four, and sometimes five times in the week; the same with reference to other meats when they could be bought at a low price, and especially with lamb. The students, after eating this latter kind of meat for five or six successive weeks would often assemble before the Steward's house, and, as if their natures had been changed by their diet, would bleat and blatter until he was fain to promise them a change of food, upon which they would separate until a recurrence of the same evil compelled them to the same measures. The annexed account of commons at Yale College, in former times, is given by President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse, pronounced at New Haven, August 14th, 1850. "At first, a college without common meals was hardly conceived of; and, indeed, if we trace back the history of college as they grew up at Paris, nothing is more of their essence than that students lived and ate together in a kind of conventual system. No doubt, also, when the town of New Haven was smaller, it was far more difficult to find desirable places for boarding than at present. But however necessary, the Steward's department was always beset with difficulties and exposed to complaints which most gentlemen present can readily understand. The following rations of commons, voted by the Trustees in 1742, will show the state of college fare at that time. 'Ordered, that the Steward shall provide the commons for the scholars as follows, viz.: For breakfast, one loaf of bread for four, which [the dough] shall weigh one pound. For dinner for four, one loaf of bread as aforesaid, two and a half pounds beef, veal, or mutton, or one and three quarter pounds salt pork about twice a week in the summer time, one quart of beer, two pennyworth of sauce [vegetables]. For supper for four, two quarts of milk and one loaf of bread, when milk can conveniently be had, and when it cannot, then apple-pie, which shall be made of one and three fourth pounds dough, one quarter pound hog's fat, two ounces sugar, and half a peck apples.' In 1759 we find, from a vote prohibiting the practice, that beer had become one of the articles allowed for the evening meal. Soon after this, the evening meal was discontinued, and, as is now the case in the English colleges, the students had supper in their own rooms, which led to extravagance and disorder. In the Revolutionary war the Steward was quite unable once or twice to provide food for the College, and this, as has already appeared, led to the dispersion of the students in 1776 and 1777, and once again in 1779 delayed the beginning of the winter term several weeks. Since that time, nothing peculiar has occurred with regard to commons, and they continued with all their evils of coarse manners and wastefulness for sixty years. The conviction, meanwhile, was increasing, that they were no essential part of the College, that on the score of economy they could claim no advantage, that they degraded the manners of students and fomented disorder. The experiment of suppressing them has hitherto been only a successful one. No one, who can retain a lively remembrance of the commons and the manners as they were both before and since the building of the new hall in 1819, will wonder that this resolution was adopted by the authorities of the College."--pp. 70-72. The regulations which obtained at meal-time in commons were at one period in these words: "The waiters in the hall, appointed by the President, are to put the victuals on the tables spread with decent linen cloths, which are to be washed every week by the Steward's procurement, and the Tutors, or some of the senior scholars present, are to ask a blessing on the food, and to return thanks. All the scholars at mealtime are required to behave themselves decently and gravely, and abstain from loud talking. No victuals, platters, cups, &c. may be carried out of the hall, unless in case of sickness, and with liberty from one of the Tutors. Nor may any scholar go out before thanks are returned. And when dinner is over, the waiters are to carry the platters and cloths back into the kitchen. And if any one shall offend in either of these things, or carry away anything belonging to the hall without leave, he shall be fined sixpence."--_Laws of Yale Coll._, 1774, p. 19. From a little work by a graduate at Yale College of the class of 1821, the accompanying remarks, referring to the system of commons as generally understood, are extracted. "The practice of boarding the students in commons was adopted by our colleges, naturally, and perhaps without reflection, from the old universities of Europe, and particularly from those of England. At first those universities were without buildings, either for board or lodging; being merely rendezvous for such as wished to pursue study. The students lodged at inns, or at private houses, defraying out of their own pockets, and in their own way, all charges for board and education. After a while, in consequence of the exorbitant demands of landlords, _halls_ were built, and common tables furnished, to relieve them from such exactions. Colleges, with chambers for study and lodging, were erected for a like reason. Being founded, in many cases, by private munificence, for the benefit of indigent students, they naturally included in their economy both lodging-rooms and board. There was also a _police_ reason for the measure. It was thought that the students could be better regulated as to their manners and behavior, being brought together under the eye of supervisors." Omitting a few paragraphs, we come to a more particular account of some of the jocose scenes which resulted from the commons system as once developed at Yale College. "The Tutors, who were seated at raised tables, could not, with all their vigilance, see all that passed, and they winked at much they did see. Boiled potatoes, pieces of bread, whole loaves, balls of butter, dishes, would be flung back and forth, especially between Sophomores and Freshmen; and you were never sure, in raising a cup to your lips, that it would not be dashed out of your hands, and the contents spilt upon your clothes, by one of these flying articles slyly sent at random. Whatever damage was done was averaged on our term-bills; and I remember a charge of six hundred tumblers, thirty coffee-pots, and I know not how many other articles of table furniture, destroyed or carried off in a single term. Speaking of tumblers, it may be mentioned as an instance of the progress of luxury, even there, that down to about 1815 such a thing was not known, the drinking-vessels at dinner being capacious pewter mugs, each table being furnished with two. We were at one time a good deal incommoded by the diminutive size of the milk-pitchers, which were all the while empty and gone for more. A waiter mentioned, for our patience, that, when these were used up, a larger size would be provided. 'O, if that's the case, the remedy is easy.' Accordingly the hint was passed through the room, the offending pitchers were slyly placed upon the floor, and, as we rose from the tables, were crushed under foot. The next morning the new set appeared. One of the classes being tired of _lamb, lamb, lamb_, wretchedly cooked, during the season of it, expressed their dissatisfaction by entering the hall bleating; no notice of which being taken, a day or two after they entered in advance of the Tutors, and cleared the tables of it, throwing it out of the windows, platters and all, and immediately retired. "In truth, not much could be said in commendation of our Alma Mater's table. A worse diet for sedentary men than that we had during the last days of the _old_ hall, now the laboratory, cannot be imagined. I will not go into particulars, for I hate to talk about food. It was absolutely destructive of health. I know it to have ruined, permanently, the health of some, and I have not the least doubt of its having occasioned, in certain instances which I could specify, incurable debility and premature death."--_Scenes and Characters in College_, New Haven, 1847, pp. 113-117. See INVALID'S TABLE. SLUM. That the commons at Dartmouth College were at times of a quality which would not be called the best, appears from the annexed paragraph, written in the year 1774. "He [Eleazer Wheelock, President of the College] has had the mortification to lose two cows, and the rest were greatly hurt by a contagious distemper, so that they _could not have a full supply of milk_; and once the pickle leaked out of the beef-barrel, so that the _meat was not sweet_. He had also been ill-used with respect to the purchase of some wheat, so that they had smutty bread for a while, &c. The scholars, on the other hand, say they scarce ever have anything but pork and greens, without vinegar, and pork and potatoes; that fresh meat comes but very seldom, and that the victuals are very badly dressed."--_Life of Jeremy Belknap, D.D._, pp. 68, 69. The above account of commons applies generally to the system as it was carried out in the other colleges in the United States. In almost every college, commons have been abolished, and with them have departed the discords, dissatisfactions, and open revolts, of which they were so often the cause. See BEVER. COMMORANTES IN VILLA. Latin; literally, _those abiding in town_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the designation of Masters of Arts, and others of higher degree, who, residing within the precincts of the University, enjoy the privilege of being members of the Senate, without keeping their names on the college boards. --_Gradus ad Cantab._ To have a vote in the Senate, the graduate must keep his name on the books of some college, or on the list of the _commorantes in villâ_.--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 283. COMPOSITION. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., translating English into Greek or Latin is called _composition_.--_Bristed_. In _composition_ and cram I was yet untried.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 34. You will have to turn English prose into Greek and Latin prose, English verse into Greek Iambic Trimeters, and part of some chorus in the Agamemnon into Latin, and possibly also into English verse. This is the "_composition_," and is to be done, remember, without the help of books or any other assistance.--_Ibid._, p. 68. The term _Composition_ seems in itself to imply that the translation is something more than a translation.--_Ibid._, p. 185. Writing a Latin Theme, or original Latin verses, is designated _Original Composition_.--_Bristed_. COMPOSUIST. A writer; composer. "This extraordinary word," says Mr. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, "has been much used at some of our colleges, but very seldom elsewhere. It is now rarely heard among us. A correspondent observes, that 'it is used in England among _musicians_.' I have never met with it in any English publications upon the subject of music." The word is not found, I believe, in any dictionary of the English tongue. COMPOUNDER. One at a university who pays extraordinary fees, according to his means, for the degree he is to take. A _Grand Compounder_ pays double fees. See the _Customs and Laws of Univ. of Cam., Eng._, p. 297. CONCIO AD CLERUM. A sermon to the clergy. In the English universities, an exercise or Latin sermon, which is required of every candidate for the degree of D.D. Used sometimes in America. In the evening the "_concio ad clerum_" will be preached.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 426. CONDITION. A student on being examined for admission to college, if found deficient in certain studies, is admitted on _condition_ he will make up the deficiency, if it is believed on the whole that he is capable of pursuing the studies of the class for which he is offered. The branches in which he is deficient are called _conditions_. Talks of Bacchus and tobacco, short sixes, sines, transitions, And Alma Mater takes him in on ten or twelve _conditions_. _Poem before Y.H. Soc., Harv. Coll._ Praying his guardian powers To assist a poor Sub Fresh at the dread Examination, And free from all _conditions_ to insure his first vacation. _Poem before Iadma of Harv. Coll._ CONDITION. To admit a student as member of a college, who on being examined has been found deficient in some particular, the provision of his admission being that he will make up the deficiency. A young man shall come down to college from New Hampshire, with no preparation save that of a country winter-school, shall be examined and "_conditioned_" in everything, and yet he shall come out far ahead of his city Latin-school classmate.--_A Letter to a Young Man who has just entered College_, 1849, p. 8. They find themselves _conditioned_ on the studies of the term, and not very generally respected.--_Harvard Mag._, Vol. I. p. 415. CONDUCT. The title of two clergymen appointed to read prayers at Eton College, in England.--_Mason. Webster_. CONFESSION. It was formerly the custom in the older American colleges, when a student had rendered himself obnoxious to punishment, provided the crime was not of an aggravated nature, to pardon and restore him to his place in the class, on his presenting a confession of his fault, to be read publicly in the hall. The Diary of President Leverett, of Harvard College, under date of the 20th of March, 1714, contains an interesting account of the confession of Larnel, an Indian student belonging to the Junior Sophister class, who had been guilty of some offence for which he had been dismissed from college. "He remained," says Mr. Leverett, "a considerable time at Boston, in a state of penance. He presented his confession to Mr. Pemberton, who thereupon became his intercessor, and in his letter to the President expresses himself thus: 'This comes by Larnel, who brings a confession as good as Austin's, and I am charitably disposed to hope it flows from a like spirit of penitence.' In the public reading of his confession, the flowing of his passions was extraordinarily timed, and his expressions accented, and most peculiarly and emphatically those of the grace of God to him; which indeed did give a peculiar grace to the performance itself, and raised, I believe, a charity in some that had very little I am sure, and ratified wonderfully that which I had conceived of him. Having made his public confession, he was restored to his standing in the College."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. pp. 443, 444. CONGREGATION. At Oxford, the house of _congregation_ is one of the two assemblies in which the business of the University, as such, is carried on. In this house the Chancellor, or his vicar the Vice-Chancellor, or in his absence one of his four deputies, termed Pro-Vice-Chancellors, and the two Proctors, either by themselves or their deputies, always preside. The members of this body are regents, "either regents '_necessary_' or '_ad placitum_,' that is, on the one hand, all doctors and masters of arts, during the first year of their degree; and on the other, all those who have gone through the year of their necessary regency, and which includes all resident doctors, heads of colleges and halls, professors and public lecturers, public examiners, masters of the schools, or examiners for responsions or 'little go,' deans and censors of colleges, and all other M.A.'s during the second year of their regency." The business of the house of congregation, which may be regarded as the oligarchical body, is chiefly to grant degrees, and pass graces and dispensations.--_Oxford Guide_. CONSERVATOR. An officer who has the charge of preserving the rights and privileges of a city, corporation, or community, as in Roman Catholic universities.--_Webster_. CONSILIUM ABEUNDI. Latin; freely, _the decree of departure_. In German universities, the _consilium abeundi_ "consists in expulsion out of the district of the court of justice within which the university is situated. This punishment lasts a year; after the expiration of which, the banished student can renew his matriculation."--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 33. CONSISTORY COURT. In the University of Cambridge, England, there is a _consistory court_ of the Chancellor and of the Commissary. "For the former," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "the Chancellor, and in his absence the Vice-Chancellor, assisted by some of the heads of houses, and one or more doctors of the civil law, administers justice desired by any member of the University, &c. In the latter, the Commissary acts by authority given him under the seal of the Chancellor, as well in the University as at Stourbridge and Midsummer fairs, and takes cognizance of all offences, &c. The proceedings are the same in both courts." CONSTITUTIONAL. Among students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., a walk for exercise. The gallop over Bullington, and the "_constitutional_" up Headington.--_Lond. Quart. Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. LXXIII. p. 53. Instead of boots he [the Cantab] wears easy low-heeled shoes, for greater convenience in fence and ditch jumping, and other feats of extempore gymnastics which diversify his "_constitutionals_".--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 4. Even the mild walks which are dignified with the name of exercise there, how unlike the Cantab's _constitutional_ of eight miles in less than two hours.--_Ibid._, p. 45. Lucky is the man who lives a mile off from his private tutor, or has rooms ten minutes' walk from chapel: he is sure of that much _constitutional_ daily.--_Ibid._, p. 224. "_Constitutionals_" of eight miles in less than two hours, varied with jumping hedges, ditches, and gates; "pulling" on the river, cricket, football, riding twelve miles without drawing bridle,... are what he understands by his two hours' exercise.--_Ibid._, p. 328. CONSTITUTIONALIZING. Walking. The most usual mode of exercise is walking,--_constitutionalizing_ is the Cantab for it.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 19. CONVENTION. In the University of Cambridge, England, a court consisting of the Master and Fellows of a college, who sit in the _Combination Room_, and pass sentence on any young offender against the laws of soberness and chastity.--_Gradus ad Cantabrigiam_. CONVICTOR. Latin, _a familiar acquaintance_. In the University of Oxford, those are called _convictores_ who, although not belonging to the foundation of any college or hall, have at any time been regents, and have constantly kept their names on the books of some college or hall, from the time of their admission to the degree of M.A., or Doctors in either of the three faculties.--_Oxf. Cal._ CONVOCATION. At Oxford, the house of _convocation_ is one of the two assemblies in which the business of the University, as such, is transacted. It consists both of regents and non-regents, "that is, in brief, all masters of arts not 'honorary,' or 'ad eundems' from Cambridge or Dublin, and of course graduates of a higher order." In this house, the Chancellor, or his vicar the Vice-Chancellor, or in his absence one of his four deputies, termed Pro-Vice-Chancellors, and the two Proctors, either by themselves or their deputies, always preside. The business of this assembly--which may be considered as the house of commons, excepting that the lords have a vote here equally as in their own upper house, i.e. the house of congregation--is unlimited, extending to all subjects connected with the well-being of the University, including the election of Chancellor, members of Parliament, and many of the officers of the University, the conferring of extraordinary degrees, and the disposal of the University ecclesiastical patronage. It has no initiative power, this resting solely with the hebdomadal board, but it can debate, and accept or refuse, the measures which originate in that board.--_Oxford Guide. Literary World_, Vol. XII. p. 223. In the University of Cambridge, England, an assembly of the Senate out of term time is called a _convocation_. In such a case a grace is immediately passed to convert the convocation into a congregation, after which the business proceeds as usual.--_Cam. Cal._ 2. At Trinity College, Hartford, the house of _convocation_ consists of the Fellows and Professors, with all persons who have received any academic degree whatever in the same, except such as may be lawfully deprived of their privileges. Its business is such as may from time to time be delegated by the Corporation, from which it derives its existence; and is, at present, limited to consulting and advising for the good of the College, nominating the Junior Fellows, and all candidates for admissions _ad eundem_; making laws for its own regulation; proposing plans, measures, or counsel to the Corporation; and to instituting, endowing, and naming with concurrence of the same, professorships, scholarships, prizes, medals, and the like. This and the _Corporation_ compose the _Senatus Academicus_.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, pp. 6, 7. COPE. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the ermined robe worn by a Doctor in the Senate House, on Congregation Day, is called a _cope_. COPUS. "Of mighty ale, a large quarte."--_Chaucer_. The word _copus_ and the beverage itself are both extensively used among the _men_ of the University of Cambridge, England. "The conjecture," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "is surely ridiculous and senseless, that _Copus_ is contracted from _Epis_copus, a bishop, 'a mixture of wine, oranges, and sugar.' A copus of ale is a common fine at the student's table in hall for speaking Latin, or for some similar impropriety." COPY. At Cambridge, Eng., this word is applied exclusively to papers of verse composition. It is a public-school term transplanted to the University.--_Bristed_. CORK, CALK. In some of the Southern colleges, this word, with a derived meaning, signifies a _complete stopper_. Used in the sense of an entire failure in reciting; an utter inability to answer an instructor's interrogatories. CORPORAL PUNISHMENT. In the older American colleges, corporal punishment was formerly sanctioned by law, and several instances remain on record which show that its infliction was not of rare occurrence. Among the laws, rules, and scholastic forms established between the years 1642 and 1646, by Mr. Dunster, the first President of Harvard College, occurs the following: "Siquis scholarium ullam Dei et hujus Collegii legem, sive animo perverso, seu ex supinâ negligentiâ, violârit, postquam fuerit bis admonitus, si non adultus, _virgis coërceatur_, sin adultus, ad Inspectores Collegii deferendus erit, ut publicè in eum pro merítis animadversio fiat." In the year 1656, this law was strengthened by another, recorded by Quincy, in these words: "It is hereby ordered that the President and Fellows of Harvard College, for the time being, or the major part of them, are hereby empowered, according to their best discretion, to punish all misdemeanors of the youth in their society, either by fine, or _whipping in the Hall openly_, as the nature of the offence shall require, not exceeding ten shillings or _ten stripes_ for one offence; and this law to continue in force until this Court or the Overseers of the College provide some other order to punish such offences."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. pp. 578, 513. A knowledge of the existence of such laws as the above is in some measure a preparation for the following relation given by Mr. Peirce in his History of Harvard University. "At the period when Harvard College was founded," says that gentleman, "one of the modes of punishment in the great schools of England and other parts of Europe was corporal chastisement. It was accordingly introduced here, and was, no doubt, frequently put in practice. An instance of its infliction, as part of the sentence upon an offender, is presented in Judge Sewall's MS. Diary, with the particulars of a ceremonial, which was reserved probably for special occasions. His account will afford some idea of the manners and spirit of the age:-- "'June 15, 1674, Thomas Sargeant was examined by the Corporation finally. The advice of Mr. Danforth, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Thacher, Mr. Mather (the present), was taken. This was his sentence: "'That being convicted of speaking blasphemous words concerning the H.G., he should be therefore publickly whipped before all the scholars. "'2. That he should be suspended as to taking his degree of Bachelor. (This sentence read before him twice at the President's before the Committee and in the Library, before execution.) "'3. Sit alone by himself in the Hall uncovered at meals, during the pleasure of the President and Fellows, and be in all things obedient, doing what exercise was appointed him by the President, or else be finally expelled the College. The first was presently put in execution in the Library (Mr. Danforth, Jr. being present) before the scholars. He kneeled down, and the instrument, Goodman Hely, attended the President's word as to the performance of his part in the work. Prayer was had before and after by the President, July 1, 1674.'" "Men's ideas," continues Mr. Peirce, "must have been very different from those of the present day, to have tolerated a law authorizing so degrading a treatment of the members of such a society. It may easily be imagined what complaints and uneasiness its execution must frequently have occasioned among the friends and connections of those who were the subjects of it. In one instance, it even occasioned the prosecution of a Tutor; but this was as late as 1733, when old rudeness had lost much of the people's reverence. The law, however, was suffered, with some modification, to continue more than a century. In the revised body of Laws made in the year 1734, we find this article: 'Notwithstanding the preceding pecuniary mulcts, it shall be lawful for the President, Tutors, and Professors, to punish Undergraduates by Boxing, when they shall judge the nature or circumstances of the offence call for it.' This relic of barbarism, however, was growing more and more repugnant to the general taste and sentiment. The late venerable Dr. Holyoke, who was of the class of 1746, observed, that in his day 'corporal punishment was going out of use'; and at length it was expunged from the code, never, we trust, to be recalled from the rubbish of past absurdities."--pp. 227, 228. The last movements which were made in reference to corporal punishment are thus stated by President Quincy, in his History of Harvard University. "In July, 1755, the Overseers voted, that it [the right of boxing] should be 'taken away.' The Corporation, however, probably regarded it as too important an instrument of authority to be for ever abandoned, and voted, 'that it should be suspended, as to the execution of it, for one year.' When this vote came before the Overseers for their sanction, the board hesitated, and appointed a large committee 'to consider and make report what punishments they apprehend proper to be substituted instead of boxing, in case it be thought expedient to repeal or suspend the law which allows or establishes the same.' From this period the law disappeared, and the practice was discontinued."--Vol. II. p. 134. The manner in which corporal punishment was formerly inflicted at Yale College is stated by President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse, delivered at New Haven, August, 1850. After speaking of the methods of punishing by fines and degradation, he thus proceeds to this topic: "There was a still more remarkable punishment, as it must strike the men of our times, and which, although for some reason or other no traces of it exist in any of our laws so far as I have discovered, was in accordance with the 'good old plan,' pursued probably ever since the origin of universities. I refer--'horresco referens'--to the punishment of boxing or cuffing. It was applied before the Faculty to the luckless offender by the President, towards whom the culprit, in a standing position, inclined his head, while blows fell in quick succession upon either ear. No one seems to have been served in this way except Freshmen and commencing 'Sophimores.'[12] I do not find evidence that this usage much survived the first jubilee of the College. One of the few known instances of it, which is on other accounts remarkable, was as follows. A student in the first quarter of his Sophomore year, having committed an offence for which he had been boxed when a Freshman, was ordered to be boxed again, and to have the additional penalty of acting as butler's waiter for one week. On presenting himself, _more academico_, for the purpose of having his ears boxed, and while the blow was falling, he dodged and fled from the room and the College. The beadle was thereupon ordered to try to find him, and to command him to keep himself out of College and out of the yard, and to appear at prayers the next evening, there to receive further orders. He was then publicly admonished and suspended; but in four days after submitted to the punishment adjudged, which was accordingly inflicted, and upon his public confession his suspension was taken off. Such public confessions, now unknown, were then exceedingly common." After referring to the instance mentioned above, in which corporal punishment was inflicted at Harvard College, the author speaks as follows, in reference to the same subject, as connected with the English universities. "The excerpts from the body of Oxford statutes, printed in the very year when this College was founded, threaten corporal punishment to persons of the proper age,--that is, below the age of eighteen,--for a variety of offences; and among the rest for disrespect to Seniors, for frequenting places where 'vinum aut quivis alius potus aut herba Nicotiana ordinarie venditur,' for coming home to their rooms after the great Tom or bell of Christ's Church had sounded, and for playing football within the University precincts or in the city streets. But the statutes of Trinity College, Cambridge, contain more remarkable rules, which are in theory still valid, although obsolete in fact. All the scholars, it is there said, who are absent from prayers,--Bachelors excepted,--if over eighteen years of age, 'shall be fined a half-penny, but if they have not completed the year of their age above mentioned, they shall be chastised with rods in the hall on Friday.' At this chastisement all undergraduates were required to be lookers on, the Dean having the rod of punishment in his hand; and it was provided also, that whosoever should not answer to his name on this occasion, if a boy, should be flogged on Saturday. No doubt this rigor towards the younger members of the society was handed down from the monastic forms which education took in the earlier schools of the Middle Ages. And an advance in the age of admission, as well as a change in the tone of treatment of the young, may account for this system being laid aside at the universities; although, as is well known, it continues to flourish at the great public schools of England."--pp. 49-51. CORPORATION. The general government of colleges and universities is usually vested in a corporation aggregate, which is preserved by a succession of members. "The President and Fellows of Harvard College," says Mr. Quincy in his History of Harvard University, "being the only Corporation in the Province, and so continuing during the whole of the seventeenth century, they early assumed, and had by common usage conceded to them, the name of "_The Corporation_," by which they designate themselves in all the early records. Their proceedings are recorded as being done 'at a meeting of _the Corporation_,' or introduced by the formula, 'It is ordered by _the Corporation_,' without stating the number or the names of the members present, until April 19th, 1675, when, under President Oakes, the names of those present were first entered on the records, and afterwards they were frequently, though not uniformly, inserted."--Vol. I. p. 274. 2. At Trinity College, Hartford, the _Corporation_, on which the _House of Convocation_ is wholly dependent, and to which, by law, belongs the supreme control of the College, consists of not more than twenty-four Trustees, resident within the State of Connecticut; the Chancellor and President of the College being _ex officio_ members, and the Chancellor being _ex officio_ President of the same. They have authority to fill their own vacancies; to appoint to offices and professorships; to direct and manage the funds for the good of the College; and, in general, to exercise the powers of a collegiate society, according to the provisions of the charter.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, p. 6. COSTUME. At the English universities there are few objects that attract the attention of the stranger more than the various academical dresses worn by the members of those institutions. The following description of the various costumes assumed in the University of Cambridge is taken from "The Cambridge Guide," Ed. 1845. "A _Doctor in Divinity_ has three robes: the _first_, a gown made of scarlet cloth, with ample sleeves terminating in a point, and lined with rose-colored silk, which is worn in public processions, and on all state and festival days;--the _second_ is the cope, worn at Great St. Mary's during the service on Litany-days, in the Divinity Schools during an Act, and at Conciones ad Clerum; it is made of scarlet cloth, and completely envelops the person, being closed down the front, which is trimmed with an edging of ermine; at the back of it is affixed a hood of the same costly fur;--the _third_ is a gown made of black silk or poplin, with full, round sleeves, and is the habit commonly worn in public by a D.D.; Doctors, however, sometimes wear a Master of Arts' gown, with a silk scarf. These several dresses are put over a black silk cassock, which covers the entire body, around which it is fastened by a broad sash, and has sleeves coming down to the wrists, like a coat. A handsome scarf of the same materials, which hangs over the shoulders, and extends to the feet, is always worn with the scarlet and black gowns. A square black cloth cap, with silk tassel, completes the costume. "_Doctors in the Civil Law and in Physic_ have two robes: the _first_ is the scarlet gown, as just described, and the _second_, or ordinary dress of a D.C.L., is a black silk gown, with a plain square collar, the sleeves hanging down square to the feet;--the ordinary gown of an M.D. is of the same shape, but trimmed at the collar, sleeves, and front with rich black silk lace. "A _Doctor in Music_ commonly wears the same dress as a D.C.L.; but on festival and scarlet-days is arrayed in a gown made of rich white damask silk, with sleeves and facings of rose-color, a hood of the same, and a round black velvet cap with gold tassel. "_Bachelors in Divinity_ and _Masters of Arts_ wear a black gown, made of bombazine, poplin, or silk. It has sleeves extending to the feet, with apertures for the arms just above the elbow, and may be distinguished by the shape of the sleeves, which hang down square, and are cut out at the bottom like the section of a horseshoe. "_Bachelors in the Civil Law and in Physic_ wear a gown of the same shape as that of a Master of Arts. "All Graduates of the above ranks are entitled to wear a hat, instead of the square black cloth cap, with their gowns, and the custom of doing so is generally adopted, except by the HEADS, _Tutors_, and _University_ and _College Officers_, who consider it more correct to appear in the full academical costume. "A _Bachelor of Arts'_ gown is made of bombazine or poplin, with large sleeves terminating in a point, with apertures for the arms, just below the shoulder-joint.[13] _Bachelor Fellow-Commoners_ usually wear silk gowns, and square velvet caps. The caps of other Bachelors are of cloth. "All the above, being _Graduates_, when they use surplices in chapel wear over them their _hoods_, which are peculiar to the several degrees. The hoods of _Doctors_ are made of scarlet cloth, lined with rose-colored silk; those of _Bachelors in Divinity_, and _Non-Regent Masters of Arts_, are of black silk; those of _Regent Masters of Arts_ and _Bachelors in the Civil Law and in Physic_, of black silk lined with white; and those of _Bachelors of Arts_, of black serge, trimmed with a border of white lamb's-wool. "The dresses of the _Undergraduates_ are the following:-- "A _Nobleman_ has two gowns: the _first_ in shape like that of the Fellow-Commoners, is made of purple Ducape, very richly embroidered with gold lace, and is worn in public processions, and on festival-days: a square black velvet cap with a very large gold tassel is worn with it;--the _second_, or ordinary gown, is made of black silk, with full round sleeves, and a hat is worn with it. The latter dress is worn also by the Bachelor Fellows of King's College. "A _Fellow-Commoner_ wears a black prince's stuff gown, with a square collar, and straight hanging sleeves, which are decorated with gold lace; and a square black velvet cap with a gold tassel. "The Fellow-Commoners of Emmanuel College wear a similar gown, with the addition of several gold-lace buttons attached to the trimmings on the sleeves;--those of Trinity College have a purple prince's stuff gown, adorned with silver lace,[14] and a silver tassel is attached to the cap;--at Downing the gown is made of black silk, of the same shape, ornamented with tufts and silk lace; and a square cap of velvet with a gold tassel is worn. At Jesus College, a Bachelor's silk gown is worn, plaited up at the sleeve, and with a gold lace from the shoulder to the bend of the arm. At Queen's a Bachelor's silk gown, with a velvet cap and gold tassel, is worn: the same at Corpus and Magdalene; at the latter it is gathered and looped up at the sleeve,--at the former (Corpus) it has velvet facings. Married Fellow-Commoners usually wear a black silk gown, with full, round sleeves, and a square velvet cap with silk tassel.[15] "The _Pensioner's_ gown and cap are mostly of the same material and shape as those of the Bachelor's: the gown differs only in the mode of trimming. At Trinity and Caius Colleges the gown is purple, with large sleeves, terminating in a point. At St. Peter's and Queen's, the gown is precisely the same as that of a Bachelor; and at King's, the same, but made of fine black woollen cloth. At Corpus Christi is worn a B.A. gown, with black velvet facings. At Downing and Trinity Hall the gown is made of black bombazine, with large sleeves, looped up at the elbows.[16] "_Students in the Civil Law and in Physic_, who have kept their Acts, wear a full-sleeved gown, and are entitled to use a B.A. hood. "Bachelors of Arts and Undergraduates are obliged by the statutes to wear their academical costume constantly in public, under a penalty of 6s. 8d. for every omission.[17] "Very few of the _University Officers_ have distinctive dresses. "The _Chancellor's_ gown is of black damask silk, very richly embroidered with gold. It is worn with a broad, rich lace band, and square velvet cap with large gold tassel. "The _Vice-Chancellor_ dresses merely as a Doctor, except at Congregations in the Senate-House, when he wears a cope. When proceeding to St. Mary's, or elsewhere, in his official capacity, he is preceded by the three Esquire-Bedells with their silver maces, which were the gift of Queen Elizabeth. "The _Regius Professors of the Civil Law and of Physic_, when they preside at Acts in the Schools, wear copes, and round black velvet caps with gold tassels. "The _Proctors_ are not distinguishable from other Masters of Arts, except at St. Mary's Church and at Congregations, when they wear cassocks and black silk ruffs, and carry the Statutes of the University, being attended by two servants, dressed in large blue cloaks, ornamented with gold-lace buttons. "The _Yeoman-Bedell_, in processions, precedes the Esquire-Bedells, carrying an ebony mace, tipped with silver; his gown, as well as those of the _Marshal_ and _School-Keeper_, is made of black prince's stuff, with square collar, and square hanging sleeves."--pp. 28-33. At the University of Oxford, Eng., the costume of the Graduates is as follows:-- "The Doctor in Divinity has three dresses: the first consists of a gown of scarlet cloth, with black velvet sleeves and facings, a cassock, sash, and scarf. This dress is worn on all public occasions in the Theatre, in public processions, and on those Sundays and holidays marked (*) in the _Oxford Calendar_. The second is a habit of scarlet cloth, and a hood of the same color lined with black, and a black silk scarf: the Master of Arts' gown is worn under this dress, the sleeves appearing through the arm-holes of the habit. This is the dress of business; it is used in Convocation, Congregation, at Morning Sermons at St. Mary's during the term, and at Afternoon Sermons at St. Peter's during Lent, with the exception of the Morning Sermon on Quinquagesima Sunday, and the Morning Sermons in Lent. The third, which is the usual dress in which a Doctor of Divinity appears, is a Master of Arts' gown, with cassock, sash, and scarf. The Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Colleges and Halls have no distinguishing dress, but appear on all occasions as Doctors in the faculty to which they belong. "The dresses worn by Graduates in Law and Physic are nearly the same. The Doctor has three. The first is a gown of scarlet cloth, with sleeves and facings of pink silk, and a round black velvet cap. This is the dress of state. The second consists of a habit and hood of scarlet cloth, the habit faced and the hood lined with pink silk. This habit, which is perfectly analogous to the second dress of the Doctor in Divinity, has lately grown into disuse; it is, however, retained by the Professors, and is always used in presenting to Degrees. The third or common dress of a Doctor in Law or Physic nearly resembles that of the Bachelor in these faculties; it is a black silk gown richly ornamented with black lace; the hood of the Bachelor of Laws (worn as a dress) is of purple silk, lined with white fur. "The dress worn by the Doctor of Music on public occasions is a rich white damask silk gown, with sleeves and facings of crimson satin, a hood of the same material, and a round black velvet cap. The usual dresses of the Doctor and of the Bachelor in Music are nearly the same as those of Law and Physic. "The Master of Arts wears a black gown, usually made of prince's stuff or crape, with long sleeves which are remarkable for the circular cut at the bottom. The arm comes through an aperture in the sleeve, which hangs down. The hood of a Master of Arts is black silk lined with crimson. "The gown of a Bachelor of Arts is also usually made of prince's stuff or crape. It has a full sleeve, looped up at the elbow, and terminating in a point; the dress hood is black, trimmed with white fur. In Lent, at the time of _determining_ in the Schools, a strip of lamb's-wool is worn in addition to the hood. Noblemen and Gentlemen-Commoners, who take the Degrees of Bachelor and Master of Arts, wear their gowns of silk." The costume of the Undergraduates is thus described:-- "The Nobleman has two dresses; the first, which is worn in the Theatre, in processions, and on all public occasions, is a gown of purple damask silk, richly ornamented with gold lace. The second is a black silk gown, with full sleeves; it has a tippet attached to the shoulders. With both these dresses is worn a square cap of black velvet, with a gold tassel. "The Gentleman-Commoner has two gowns, _both of black silk_; the first, which is considered as a dress gown, although worn on all occasions, at pleasure, is richly ornamented with tassels. The second, or undress gown, is ornamented with plaits at the sleeves. A square black velvet cap with a silk tassel, is worn with both. "The dress of Commoners is a gown of black prince's stuff, without sleeves; from each shoulder is appended a broad strip, which reaches to the bottom of the dress, and towards the top is gathered into plaits. Square cap of black cloth and silk tassel. "The student in Civil Law, or Civilian, wears a plain black silk gown, and square cloth cap, with silk tassel. "Scholars and Demies of Magdalene, and students of Christ Church who have not taken a degree, wear a plain black gown of prince's stuff, with round, full sleeves half the length of the gown, and a square black cap, with silk tassel. "The dress of the Servitor is the same as that of the Commoner, but it has no plaits at the shoulder, and the cap is without a tassel." The costume of those among the University Officers who are distinguished by their dress, may be thus noted:-- "The dress of the Chancellor is of black damask silk, richly ornamented with gold embroidery, a rich lace band, and square velvet cap, with a large gold tassel. "The Proctors wear gowns of prince's stuff, the sleeves and facings of black velvet; to the left shoulder is affixed a small tippet. To this is added, as a dress, a large ermine hood. "The Pro-Proctor wears a Master of Arts' gown, faced with velvet, with a tippet attached to the left shoulder." The Collectors wear the same dress as the Proctors, with the exception of the hood and tippet. The Esquire Bedels wear silk gowns, similar to those of Bachelors of Law, and round velvet caps. The Yeoman Bedels have black stuff gowns, and round silk caps. The dress of the Verger is nearly the same as that of the Yeoman Bedel. "Bands at the neck are considered as necessary appendages to the academic dress, particularly on all public occasions."--_Guide to Oxford_. See DRESS. COURTS. At the English universities, the squares or acres into which each college is divided. Called also quadrangles, abbreviated quads. All the colleges are constructed in quadrangles or _courts_; and, as in course of years the population of every college, except one,[18] has outgrown the original quadrangle, new courts have been added, so that the larger foundations have three, and one[19] has four courts.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 2. CRACKLING. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., in common parlance, the three stripes of velvet which a member of St. John's College wears on his sleeve, are designated by this name. Various other gowns are to be discerned, the Pembroke looped at the sleeve, the Christ's and Catherine curiously crimped in front, and the Johnian with its unmistakable "_Crackling_"--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 73. CRAM. To prepare a student to pass an examination; to study in view of examination. In the latter sense used in American colleges. In the latter [Euclid] it is hardly possible, at least not near so easy as in Logic, to present the semblance of preparation by learning questions and answers by rote:--in the cant phrase of undergraduates, by getting _crammed_.--_Whalely's Logic, Preface_. For many weeks he "_crams_" him,--daily does he rehearse. _Poem before the Iadma of Harv. Coll._, 1850. A class of men arose whose business was to _cram_ the candidates. --_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 246. In a wider sense, to prepare another, or one's self, by study, for any occasion. The members of the bar were lounging about that tabooed precinct, some smoking, some talking and laughing, some poring over long, ill-written papers or large calf-bound books, and all big with the ponderous interests depending upon them, and the eloquence and learning with which they were "_crammed_" for the occasion.--_Talbot and Vernon_. When he was to write, it was necessary to _cram_ him with the facts and points.--_F.K. Hunt's Fourth Estate_, 1850. CRAM. All miscellaneous information about Ancient History, Geography, Antiquities, Law, &c.; all classical matter not included under the heads of TRANSLATION and COMPOSITION, which can be learned by CRAMMING. Peculiar to the English Universities.--_Bristed_. 2. The same as CRAMMING, which see. I have made him promise to give me four or five evenings of about half an hour's _cram_ each.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 240. It is not necessary to practise "_cram_" so outrageously as at some of the college examinations.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 237. 3. A paper on which is written something necessary to be learned, previous to an examination. "Take care what you light your cigars with," said Belton, "you'll be burning some of Tufton's _crams_: they are stuck all about the pictures."--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 223. He puzzled himself with his _crams_ he had in his pocket, and copied what he did not understand.--_Ibid._, p. 279. CRAMBAMBULI. A favorite drink among the students in the German universities, composed of burnt rum and sugar. _Crambambuli_, das ist der Titel Des Tranks, der sich bei uns bewährt. _Drinking song_. To the next! let's have the _crambambuli_ first, however.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 117. CRAM BOOK. A book in which are laid down such topics as constitute an examination, together with the requisite answers to the questions proposed on that occasion. He in consequence engages a private tutor, and buys all the _cram books_ published for the occasion.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 128. CRAMINATION. A farcical word, signifying the same as _cramming_; the termination _tion_ being suffixed for the sake of mock dignity. The ---- scholarship is awarded to the student in each Senior Class who attends most to _cramination_ on the College course.--_Burlesque Catalogue_, Yale Coll., 1852-53, p. 28. CRAM MAN. One who is cramming for an examination. He has read all the black-lettered divinity in the Bodleian, and says that none of the _cram men_ shall have a chance with him.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 274. CRAMMER. One who prepares another for an examination. The qualifications of a _crammer_ are given in the following extract from the Collegian's Guide. "The first point, therefore, in which a crammer differs from other tutors, is in the selection of subjects. While another tutor would teach every part of the books given up, he virtually reduces their quantity, dwelling chiefly on the 'likely parts.' "The second point in which a crammer excels is in fixing the attention, and reducing subjects to the comprehension of ill-formed and undisciplined minds. "The third qualification of a crammer is a happy manner and address, to encourage the desponding, to animate the idle, and to make the exertions of the pupil continually increase in such a ratio, that he shall be wound up to concert pitch by the day of entering the schools."--pp. 231, 232. CRAMMING. A cant term, in the British universities, for the act of preparing a student to pass an examination, by going over the topics with him beforehand, and furnishing him with the requisite answers.--_Webster_. The author of the Collegian's Guide, speaking of examinations, says: "First, we must observe that all examinations imply the existence of examiners, and examiners, like other mortal beings, lie open to the frauds of designing men, through the uniformity and sameness of their proceedings. This uniformity inventive men have analyzed and reduced to a system, founding thereon a certain science, and corresponding art, called _Cramming_."--p. 229. The power of "_cramming_"--of filling the mind with knowledge hastily acquired for a particular occasion, and to be forgotten when that occasion is past--is a power not to be despised, and of much use in the world, especially at the bar.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 237. I shall never forget the torment I suffered in _cramming_ long lessons in Greek Grammar.--_Dickens's Household Words_, Vol. I. p. 192. CRAM PAPER. A paper in which are inserted such questions as are generally asked at an examination. The manner in which these questions are obtained is explained in the following extract. "Every pupil, after his examination, comes to thank him as a matter of course; and as every man, you know, is loquacious enough on such occasions, Tufton gets out of him all the questions he was asked in the schools; and according to these questions, he has moulded his _cram papers_."--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 239. We should be puzzled to find any questions more absurd and unreasonable than those in the _cram papers_ in the college examination.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 237. CRIB. Probably a translation; a pony. Of the "Odes and Epodes of Horace, translated literally and rhythmically" by W. Sewell, of Oxford, the editor of the Literary World remarks: "Useful as a '_crib_,' it is also poetical."--Vol. VIII. p. 28. CROW'S-FOOT. At Harvard College a badge formerly worn on the sleeve, resembling a crow's foot, to denote the class to which a student belongs. In the regulations passed April 29, 1822, for establishing the style of dress among the students at Harvard College, we find the following. A part of the dress shall be "three crow's-feet, made of black silk cord, on the lower part of the sleeve of a Senior, two on that of a Junior, and one on that of a Sophomore." The Freshmen were not allowed to wear the crow's-foot, and the custom is now discontinued, although an unsuccessful attempt was made to revive it a few years ago. The Freshman scampers off at the first bell for the chapel, where, finding no brother student of a higher class to encourage his punctuality, he crawls back to watch the starting of some one blessed with a _crow's-foot_, to act as vanguard.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 377. The corded _crow's-feet_, and the collar square, The change and chance of earthly lot must share. _Class Poem at Harv. Coll._, 1835, p. 18. What if the creature should arise,-- For he was stout and tall,-- And swallow down a Sophomore, Coat, _crow's-foot_, cap, and all. _Holmes's Poems_, 1850, p. 109. CUE, KUE, Q. A small portion of bread or beer; a term formerly current in both the English universities, the letter q being the mark in the buttery books to denote such a piece. Q would seem to stand for _quadrans_, a farthing; but Minsheu says it was only half that sum, and thus particularly explains it: "Because they set down in the battling or butterie bookes in Oxford and Cambridge, the letter q for half a farthing; and in Oxford when they make that cue or q a farthing, they say, _cap my q_, and make it a farthing, thus, [Symbol: small q with a line over]. But in Cambridge they use this letter, a little f; thus, f, or thus, s, for a farthing." He translates it in Latin _calculus panis_. Coles has, "A _cue_ [half a farthing] minutum."--_Nares's Glossary_. "A cue of bread," says Halliwell, "is the fourth part of a half-penny crust. A cue of beer, one draught." J. Woods, under-butler of Christ Church, Oxon, said he would never sitt capping of _cues_.--_Urry's MS._ add. to Ray. You are still at Cambridge with size _kue_.--_Orig. of Dr._, III. p. 271. He never drank above size _q_ of Helicon.--_Eachard, Contempt of Cl._, p. 26. "_Cues_ and _cees_," says Nares, "are generally mentioned together, the _cee_ meaning a small measure of beer; but why, is not equally explained." From certain passages in which they are used interchangeably, the terms do not seem to have been well defined. Hee [the college butler] domineers over freshmen, when they first come to the hatch, and puzzles them with strange language of _cues_ and _cees_, and some broken Latin, which he has learnt at his bin.--_Earle's Micro-cosmographie_, (1628,) Char. 17. The word _cue_ was formerly used at Harvard College. Dr. Holyoke, who graduated in 1746, says, the "breakfast was two sizings of bread and a _cue_ of beer." Judge Wingate, who graduated thirteen years after, says: "We were allowed at dinner a _cue_ of beer, which was a half-pint." It is amusing to see, term after term, and year after year, the formal votes, passed by this venerable body of seven ruling and teaching elders, regulating the price at which a _cue_ (a half-pint) of cider, or a _sizing_ (ration) of bread, or beef, might be sold to the student by the butler.--_Eliot's Sketch of Hist. Harv. Coll._, p. 70. CUP. Among the English Cantabs, "an odious mixture ... compounded of spice and cider."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 239. CURL. In the University of Virginia, to make a perfect recitation; to overwhelm a Professor with student learning. CUT. To be absent from; to neglect. Thus, a person is said to "_cut_ prayers," to "_cut_ lecture," &c. Also, to "_cut_ Greek" or "Latin"; i.e. to be absent from the Greek or Latin recitation. Another use of the word is, when one says, "I _cut_ Dr. B----, or Prof. C----, this morning," meaning that he was absent from their exercises. Prepare to _cut_ recitations, _cut_ prayers, _cut_ lectures,--ay, to _cut_ even the President himself.--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._ 1848. Next morn he _cuts_ his maiden prayer, to his last night's text abiding.--_Poem before Y.H. of Harv. Coll._, 1849. As soon as we were Seniors, We _cut_ the morning prayers, We showed the Freshmen to the door, And helped them down the stairs. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 15, 1854. We speak not of individuals but of majorities, not of him whose ambition is to "_cut_" prayers and recitations so far as possible. --_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 15. The two rudimentary lectures which he was at first forced to attend, are now pressed less earnestly upon his notice. In fact, he can almost entirely "_cut_" them, if he likes, and does _cut_ them accordingly, as a waste of time,--_Household Words_, Vol. II. p. 160. _To cut dead_, in student use, to neglect entirely. I _cut_ the Algebra and Trigonometry papers _dead_ my first year, and came out seventh.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 51. This word is much used in the University of Cambridge, England, as appears from the following extract from a letter in the Gentleman's Magazine, written with reference to some of the customs there observed:--"I remarked, also, that they frequently used the words _to cut_, and to sport, in senses to me totally unintelligible. A man had been cut in chapel, cut at afternoon lectures, cut in his tutor's rooms, cut at a concert, cut at a ball, &c. Soon, however, I was told of men, _vice versa_, who cut a figure, _cut_ chapel, _cut_ gates, _cut_ lectures, _cut_ hall, _cut_ examinations, cut particular connections; nay, more, I was informed of some who _cut_ their tutors!"--_Gent. Mag._, 1794, p. 1085. The instances in which the verb _to cut_ is used in the above extract without Italics, are now very common both in England and America. _To cut Gates_. To enter college after ten o'clock,--the hour of shutting them.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 40. CUT. An omission of a recitation. This phrase is frequently heard: "We had a cut to-day in Greek," i.e. no recitation in Greek. Again, "Prof. D---- gave us a cut," i.e. he had no recitation. A correspondent from Bowdoin College gives, in the following sentence, the manner in which this word is there used:--"_Cuts_. When a class for any reason become dissatisfied with one of the Faculty, they absent themselves from his recitation, as an expression of their feelings" _D_. D.C.L. An abbreviation for _Doctor Civilis Legis_, Doctor in Civil Law. At the University of Oxford, England, this degree is conferred four years after receiving the degree of B.C.L. The exercises are three lectures. In the University of Cambridge, England, a D.C.L. must be a B.C.L. of five years' standing, or an M.A. of seven years' standing, and must have kept two acts. D.D. An abbreviation of _Divinitatis Doctor_, Doctor in Divinity. At the University of Cambridge, England, this degree is conferred on a B.D. of five, or an M.A. of twelve years' standing. The exercises are one act, two opponencies, a clerum, and an English sermon. At Oxford it is given to a B.D. of four, or a regent M.A. of eleven years' standing. The exercises are three lectures. In American colleges this degree is honorary, and is conferred _pro meritis_ on those who are distinguished as theologians. DEAD. To be unable to recite; to be ignorant of the lesson; to declare one's self unprepared to recite. Be ready, in fine, to cut, to drink, to smoke, to _dead_.--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1848. I see our whole lodge desperately striving to _dead_, by doing that hardest of all work, nothing.--_Ibid._, 1849. _Transitively_; to cause one to fail in reciting. Said of a teacher who puzzles a scholar with difficult questions, and thereby causes him to fail. Have I been screwed, yea, _deaded_ morn and eve, Some dozen moons of this collegiate life, And not yet taught me to philosophize? _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 255. DEAD. A complete failure; a declaration that one is not prepared to recite. One must stand up in the singleness of his ignorance to understand all the mysterious feelings connected with a _dead_.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 378. And fearful of the morrow's screw or _dead_, Takes book and candle underneath his bed. _Class Poem, by B.D. Winslow, at Harv. Coll._, 1835, p. 10. He, unmoved by Freshman's curses, Loves the _deads_ which Freshmen make.--_MS. Poem_. But oh! what aching heads had they! What _deads_ they perpetrated the succeeding day.--_Ibid._ It was formerly customary in many colleges, and is now in a few, to talk about "taking a dead." I have a most instinctive dread Of getting up to _take a dead_, Unworthy degradation!--_Harv. Reg._, p. 312. DEAD-SET. The same as a DEAD, which see. Now's the day and now's the hour; See approach Old Sikes's power; See the front of Logic lower; Screws, _dead-sets_, and fines.--_Rebelliad_, p. 52. Grose has this word in his Slang Dictionary, and defines it "a concerted scheme to defraud a person by gaming." "This phrase," says Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, "seems to be taken from the lifeless attitude of a pointer in marking his game." "The lifeless attitude" seems to be the only point of resemblance between the above definitions, and the appearance of one who is _taking a dead set_. The word has of late years been displaced by the more general use of the word _dead_, with the same meaning. The phrase _to be at a dead-set_, implying a fixed state or condition which precludes further progress, is in general use. DEAN. An officer in each college of the universities in England, whose duties consist in the due preservation of the college discipline. "Old Holingshed," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "in his Chronicles, describing Cambridge, speaks of 'certain censors, or _deanes_, appointed to looke to the behaviour and manner of the Students there, whom they punish _very severely_, if they make any default, according to the quantitye and qualitye of their trespasses.' When _flagellation_ was enforced at the universities, the Deans were the ministers of vengeance." At the present time, a person applying for admission to a college in the University of Cambridge, Eng., is examined by the Dean and the Head Lecturer. "The Dean is the presiding officer in chapel, and the only one whose presence there is indispensable. He oversees the markers' lists, pulls up the absentees, and receives their excuses. This office is no sinecure in a large college." At Oxford "the discipline of a college is administered by its head, and by an officer usually called Dean, though, in some colleges, known by other names."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 12, 16. _Literary World_, Vol. XII. p. 223. In the older American colleges, whipping and cuffing were inflicted by a tutor, professor, or president; the latter, however, usually employed an agent for this purpose. See under CORPORAL PUNISHMENT. 2. In the United States, a registrar of the faculty in some colleges, and especially in medical institutions.--_Webster_. A _dean_ may also be appointed by the Faculty of each Professional School, if deemed expedient by the Corporation.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 8. 3. The head or president of a college. You rarely find yourself in a shop, or other place of public resort, with a Christ-Church-man, but he takes occasion, if young and frivolous, to talk loudly of the _Dean_, as an indirect expression of his own connection with this splendid college; the title of _Dean_ being exclusively attached to the headship of Christ Church.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 245. DEAN OF CONVOCATION. At Trinity College, Hartford, this officer presides in the _House of Convocation_, and is elected by the same, biennially.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, p. 7. DEAN'S BOUNTY. In 1730, the Rev. Dr. George Berkeley, then Dean of Derry, in Ireland, came to America, and resided a year or two at Newport, Rhode Island, "where," says Clap, in his History of Yale College, "he purchased a country seat, with about ninety-six acres of land." On his return to London, in 1733, he sent a deed of his farm in Rhode Island to Yale College, in which it was ordered, "that the rents of the farm should be appropriated to the maintenance of the three best scholars in Greek and Latin, who should reside at College at least nine months in a year, in each of the three years between their first and second degrees." President Clap further remarks, that "this premium has been a great incitement to a laudable ambition to excel in the knowledge of the classics." It was commonly known as the _Dean's bounty_.--_Clap's Hist. of Yale Coll._, pp. 37, 38. The Dean afterwards conveyed to it [Yale College], by a deed transmitted to Dr. Johnson, his Rhode Island farm, for the establishment of that _Dean's bounty_, to which sound classical learning in Connecticut has been much indebted.--_Hist. Sketch of Columbia Coll._, p. 19. DEAN SCHOLAR. The person who received the money appropriated by Dean Berkeley was called the _Dean scholar_. This premium was formerly called the Dean's bounty, and the person who received it the _Dean scholar_.--_Sketches of Yale Coll._, p. 87. DECENT. Tolerable; pretty good. He is a _decent_ scholar; a _decent_ writer; he is nothing more than _decent_. "This word," says Mr. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, "has been in common use at some of our colleges, but only in the language of conversation. The adverb _decently_ (and possibly the adjective also) is sometimes used in a similar manner in some parts of Great Britain." The greater part of the pieces it contains may be said to be very _decently_ written.--_Edinb. Rev._, Vol. I. p. 426. DECLAMATION. The word is applied especially to the public speaking and speeches of students in colleges, practised for exercises in oratory.--_Webster_. It would appear by the following extract from the old laws of Harvard College, that original declamations were formerly required of the students. "The Undergraduates shall in their course declaim publicly in the hall, in one of the three learned languages; and in no other without leave or direction from the President, and immediately give up their declamations fairly written to the President. And he that neglects this exercise shall be punished by the President or Tutor that calls over the weekly bill, not exceeding five shillings. And such delinquent shall within one week after give in to the President a written declamation subscribed by himself."--_Laws 1734, in Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 129. 2. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., an essay upon a given subject, written in view of a prize, and publicly recited in the chapel of the college to which the writer belongs. DECLAMATION BOARDS. At Bowdoin College, small establishments in the rear of each building, for urinary purposes. DEDUCTION. In some of the American colleges, one of the minor punishments for non-conformity with laws and regulations is deducting from the marks which a student receives for recitations and other exercises, and by which his standing in the class is determined. Soften down the intense feeling with which he relates heroic Rapid's _deductions_.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 267. 2. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., an original proposition in geometry. "How much Euclid did you do? Fifteen?" "No, fourteen; one of them was a _deduction_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 75. With a mathematical tutor, the hour of tuition is a sort of familiar examination, working out examples, _deductions_, &c.--_Ibid._, pp. 18, 19. DEGRADATION. In the older American colleges, it was formerly customary to arrange the members of each class in an order determined by the rank of the parent. "Degradation consisted in placing a student on the list, in consequence of some offence, below the level to which his father's condition would assign him; and thus declared that he had disgraced his family." In the Immediate Government Book, No. IV., of Harvard College, date July 20th, 1776, is the following entry: "Voted, that Trumbal, a Middle Bachelor, who was degraded to the bottom of his class for his misdemeanors when an undergraduate, having presented an humble confession of his faults, with a petition to be restored to his place in the class in the Catalogue now printing, be restored agreeable to his request." The Triennial Catalogue for that year was the first in which the names of the students appeared in an alphabetical order. The class of 1773 was the first in which the change was made. "The punishment of degradation," says President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse before the Graduates of Yale College, "laid aside not very long before the beginning of the Revolutionary war, was still more characteristic of the times. It was a method of acting upon the aristocratic feelings of family; and we at this day can hardly conceive to what extent the social distinctions were then acknowledged and cherished. In the manuscript laws of the infant College, we find the following regulation, which was borrowed from an early ordinance of Harvard under President Dunster. 'Every student shall be called by his surname, except he be the son of a nobleman, or a knight's eldest son.' I know not whether such a 'rara avis in terris' ever received the honors of the College; but a kind of colonial, untitled aristocracy grew up, composed of the families of chief magistrates, and of other civilians and ministers. In the second year of college life, precedency according to the aristocratic scale was determined, and the arrangement of names on the class roll was in accordance. This appears on our Triennial Catalogue until 1768, when the minds of men began to be imbued with the notion of equality. Thus, for instance, Gurdon Saltonstall, son of the Governor of that name, and descendant of Sir Richard, the first emigrant of the family, heads the class of 1725, and names of the same stock begin the lists of 1752 and 1756. It must have been a pretty delicate matter to decide precedence in a multitude of cases, as in that of the sons of members of the Council or of ministers, to which class many of the scholars belonged. The story used to circulate, as I dare say many of the older graduates remember, that a shoemaker's son, being questioned as to the quality of his father, replied, that _he was upon the bench_, which gave him, of course, a high place."--pp. 48, 49. See under PLACE. DEGRADE. At the English universities to go back a year. "'_Degrading_,' or going back a year," says Bristed, "is not allowed except in case of illness (proved by a doctor's certificate). A man _degrading_ for any other reason cannot go out afterwards in honors."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 98. I could choose the year below without formally _degrading_.--_Ibid._, p. 157. DEGREE. A mark of distinction conferred on students, as a testimony of their proficiency in arts and sciences; giving them a kind of rank, and entitling them to certain privileges. This is usually evidenced by a diploma. Degrees are conferred _pro meritis_ on the alumni of a college; or they are honorary tokens of respect, conferred on strangers of distinguished reputation. The _first degree_ is that of _Bachelor of Arts_; the _second_, that _of Master of Arts_. Honorary degrees are those of _Doctor of Divinity_, _Doctor of Laws_, &c. Physicians, also, receive the degree of _Doctor of Medicine_.--_Webster_. DEGREE EXAMINATION. At the English universities, the final university examination, which must be passed before the B.A. degree is conferred. The Classical Tripos is generally spoken of as _the_ Tripos, the Mathematical one as _the Degree Examination_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 170. DELTA. A piece of land in Cambridge, which belongs to Harvard College, where the students kick football, and play at cricket, and other games. The shape of the land is that of the Greek Delta, whence its name. What was unmeetest of all, timid strangers as we were, it was expected on the first Monday eventide after our arrival, that we should assemble on a neighboring green, the _Delta_, since devoted to the purposes of a gymnasium, there to engage in a furious contest with those enemies, the Sophs, at kicking football and shins.--_A Tour through College_, 1823-1827, p. 13. Where are the royal cricket-matches of old, the great games of football, when the obtaining of victory was a point of honor, and crowds assembled on the _Delta_ to witness the all-absorbing contest?--_Harvardiana_, Vol. I. p. 107. I must have another pair of pantaloons soon, for I have burst the knees of two, in kicking football on the _Delta_.--_Ibid._, Vol. III. p. 77. The _Delta_ can tell of the deeds we've done, The fierce-fought fields we've lost and won, The shins we've cracked, And noses we've whacked, The eyes we've blacked, and all in fun. _Class Poem, 1849, Harv. Coll._ A plat at Bowdoin College, of this shape, and used for similar purposes, is known by the same name. DEMI, DEMY. The name of a scholar at Magdalene College, Oxford, where there are thirty _demies_ or half-fellows, as it were, who, like scholars in other colleges, succeed to fellowships.--_Johnson_. DEN. One of the buildings formerly attached to Harvard College, which was taken down in the year 1846, was for more than a half-century known by the name of the _Den_. It was occupied by students during the greater part of that period, although it was originally built for private use. In later years, from its appearance, both externally and internally, it fully merited its cognomen; but this is supposed to have originated from the following incident, which occurred within its walls about the year 1770, the time when it was built. The north portion of the house was occupied by Mr. Wiswal (to whom it belonged) and his family. His wife, who was then ill, and, as it afterwards proved, fatally, was attended by a woman who did not bear a very good character, to whom Mr. Wiswal seemed to be more attentive than was consistent with the character of a true and loving husband. About six weeks after Mrs. Wiswal's death, Mr. Wiswal espoused the nurse, which, circumstance gave great offence to the good people of Cambridge, and was the cause of much scandal among the gossips. One Sunday, not long after this second marriage, Mr. Wiswal having gone to church, his wife, who did not accompany him, began an examination of her predecessor's wardrobe and possessions, with the intention, as was supposed, of appropriating to herself whatever had been left by the former Mrs. Wiswal to her children. On his return from church, Mr. Wiswal, missing his wife, after searching for some time, found her at last in the kitchen, convulsively clutching the dresser, her eyes staring wildly, she herself being unable to speak. In this state of insensibility she remained until her decease, which occurred shortly after. Although it was evident that she had been seized with convulsions, and that these were the cause of her death, the old women were careful to promulgate, and their daughters to transmit the story, that the Devil had appeared to her _in propria persona_, and shaken her in pieces, as a punishment for her crimes. The building was purchased by Harvard College in the year 1774. In the Federal Orrery, March 26, 1795, is an article dated _Wiswal-Den_, Cambridge, which title it also bore, from the name of its former occupant. In his address spoken at the Harvard Alumni Festival, July 22, 1852, Hon. Edward Everett, with reference to this mysterious building as it appeared in the year 1807, said:-- "A little further to the north, and just at the corner of Church Street (which was not then opened), stood what was dignified in the annual College Catalogue--(which was printed on one side of a sheet of paper, and was a novelty)--as 'the College House.' The cellar is still visible. By the students, this edifice was disrespectfully called 'Wiswal's Den,' or, for brevity, 'the Den.' I lived in it in my Freshman year. Whence the name of 'Wiswal's Den' I hardly dare say: there was something worse than 'old fogy' about it. There was a dismal tradition that, at some former period, it had been the scene of a murder. A brutal husband had dragged his wife by the hair up and down the stairs, and then killed her. On the anniversary of the murder,--and what day that was no one knew,--there were sights and sounds,--flitting garments daggled in blood, plaintive screams,--_stridor ferri tractæque catenæ_,--enough to appall the stoutest Sophomore. But for myself, I can truly say, that I got through my Freshman year without having seen the ghost of Mr. Wiswal or his lamented lady. I was not, however, sorry when the twelvemonth was up, and I was transferred to that light, airy, well-ventilated room, No. 20 Hollis; being the inner room, ground floor, north entry of that ancient and respectable edifice."--_To-Day_, Boston, Saturday, July 31, 1852, p. 66. Many years ago there emigrated to this University, from the wilds of New Hampshire, an odd genius, by the name of Jedediah Croak, who took up his abode as a student in the old _Den_.--_Harvard Register_, 1827-28, _A Legend of the Den_, pp. 82-86. DEPOSITION. During the first half of the seventeenth century, in the majority of the German universities, Catholic as well as Protestant, the matriculation of a student was preceded by a ceremony called the _deposition_. See _Howitt's Student Life in Germany_, Am. ed., pp. 119-121. DESCENDAS. Latin; literally, _you may descend_. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., when a student who has been appointed to declaim in chapel fails in eloquence, memory, or taste, his harangue is usually cut short "by a testy _descendas_."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ DETERMINING. In the University of Oxford, a Bachelor is entitled to his degree of M.A. twelve terms after the regular time for taking his first degree, having previously gone through the ceremony of _determining_, which exercise consists in reading two dissertations in Latin prose, or one in prose and a copy of Latin verses. As this takes place in Lent, it is commonly called _determining in Lent_.--_Oxf. Guide_. DETUR. Latin; literally, _let it be given_. In 1657, the Hon. Edward Hopkins, dying, left, among other donations to Harvard College, one "to be applied to the purchase of books for presents to meritorious undergraduates." The distribution of these books is made, at the commencement of each academic year, to students of the Sophomore Class who have made meritorious progress in their studies during their Freshman year; also, as far as the state of the funds admits, to those members of the Junior Class who entered as Sophomores, and have made meritorious progress in their studies during the Sophomore year, and to such Juniors as, having failed to receive a _detur_ at the commencement of the Sophomore year, have, during that year, made decided improvement in scholarship.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 18. "From the first word in the short Latin label," Peirce says, "which is signed by the President, and attached to the inside of the cover, a book presented from this fund is familiarly called a _Detur_."--_Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 103. Now for my books; first Bunyan's Pilgrim, (As he with thankful pleasure will grin,) Tho' dogleaved, torn, in bad type set in, 'T will do quite well for classmate B----, And thus with complaisance to treat her, 'T will answer for another _Detur_. _The Will of Charles Prentiss_. Be not, then, painfully anxious about the Greek particles, and sit not up all night lest you should miss prayers, only that you may have a "_Detur_," and be chosen into the Phi Beta Kappa among the first eight. Get a "_Detur_" by all means, and the square medal with its cabalistic signs, the sooner the better; but do not "stoop and lie in wait" for them.--_A Letter to a Young Man who has just entered College_, 1849, p. 36. Or yet,--though 't were incredible, --say hast obtained a _detur_! _Poem before Iadma_, 1850. DIG. To study hard; to spend much time in studying. Another, in his study chair, _Digs_ up Greek roots with learned care,-- Unpalatable eating.--_Harv. Reg._, 1827-28, p. 247. Here the sunken eye and sallow countenance bespoke the man who _dug_ sixteen hours "per diem."--_Ibid._, p. 303. Some have gone to lounge away an hour in the libraries,--some to ditto in the grove,--some to _dig_ upon the afternoon lesson.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. I. p. 77. DIG. A diligent student; one who learns his lessons by hard and long-continued exertion. A clever soul is one, I say, Who wears a laughing face all day, Who never misses declamation, Nor cuts a stupid recitation, And yet is no elaborate _dig_, Nor for rank systems cares a fig. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 283. I could see, in the long vista of the past, the many honest _digs_ who had in this room consumed the midnight oil.--_Collegian_, p. 231. And, truly, the picture of a college "_dig_" taking a walk--no, I say not so, for he never "takes a walk," but "walking for exercise"--justifies the contemptuous estimate.--_A Letter to a Young Man who has just entered College_, 1849, p. 14. He is just the character to enjoy the treadmill, which perhaps might be a useful appendage to a college, not as a punishment, but as a recreation for "_digs_."--_Ibid._, p. 14. Resolves that he will be, in spite of toil or of fatigue, That humbug of all humbugs, the staid, inveterate "_dig_." _Poem before Iadma of Harv. Coll._, 1850. There goes the _dig_, just look! How like a parson he eyes his book! _The Jobsiad_, in _Lit. World_, Oct. 11, 1851. The fact that I am thus getting the character of a man of no talent, and a mere "_dig_," does, I confess, weigh down my spirits.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. I. p. 224. By this 't is that we get ahead of the _Dig_, 'T is not we that prevail, but the wine that we swig. _Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 252. DIGGING. The act of studying hard; diligent application. I find my eyes in doleful case, By _digging_ until midnight.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 312. I've had an easy time in College, and enjoyed well the "otium cum dignitate,"--the learned leisure of a scholar's life,--always despised _digging_, you know.--_Ibid._, p. 194. How often after his day of _digging_, when he comes to lay his weary head to rest, he finds the cruel sheets giving him no admittance.--_Ibid._, p. 377. Hopes to hit the mark By _digging_ nightly into matters dark. _Class Poem, Harv. Coll._, 1835. He "makes up" for past "_digging_." _Iadma Poem, Harv. Coll._, 1850. DIGNITY. At Bowdoin College, "_Dignity_," says a correspondent, "is the name applied to the regular holidays, varying from one half-day per week, during the Freshman year, up to four in the Senior." DIKED. At the University of Virginia, one who is dressed with more than ordinary elegance is said to be _diked out_. Probably corrupted from the word _decked_, or the nearly obsolete _dighted_. DIPLOMA. Greek, [Greek: diploma], from [Greek: diploo], to _double_ or fold. Anciently, a letter or other composition written on paper or parchment, and folded; afterward, any letter, literary monument, or public document. A letter or writing conferring some power, authority, privilege, or honor. Diplomas are given to graduates of colleges on their receiving the usual degrees; to clergymen who are licensed to exercise the ministerial functions; to physicians who are licensed to practise their profession; and to agents who are authorized to transact business for their principals. A diploma, then, is a writing or instrument, usually under seal, and signed by the proper person or officer, conferring merely honor, as in the case of graduates, or authority, as in the case of physicians, agents, &c.--_Webster_. DISCIPLINE. The punishments which are at present generally adopted in American colleges are warning, admonition, the letter home, suspension, rustication, and expulsion. Formerly they were more numerous, and their execution was attended with great solemnity. "The discipline of the College," says President Quincy, in his History of Harvard University, "was enforced and sanctioned by daily visits of the tutors to the chambers of the students, fines, admonitions, confession in the hall, publicly asking pardon, degradation to the bottom of the class, striking the name from the College list, and expulsion, according to the nature and aggravation of the offence."--Vol. I. p. 442. Of Yale College, President Woolsey in his Historical Discourse says: "The old system of discipline may be described in general as consisting of a series of minor punishments for various petty offences, while the more extreme measure of separating a student from College seems not to have been usually adopted until long forbearance had been found fruitless, even in cases which would now be visited in all American colleges with speedy dismission. The chief of these punishments named in the laws are imposition of school exercises,--of which we find little notice after the first foundation of the College, but which we believe yet exists in the colleges of England;[20] deprivation of the privilege of sending Freshmen upon errands, or extension of the period during which this servitude should be required beyond the end of the Freshman year; fines either specified, of which there are a very great number in the earlier laws, or arbitrarily imposed by the officers; admonition and degradation. For the offence of mischievously ringing the bell, which was very common whilst the bell was in an exposed situation over an entry of a college building, students were sometimes required to act as the butler's waiters in ringing the bell for a certain time."--pp. 46, 47. See under titles ADMONITION, CONFESSION, CORPORAL PUNISHMENT, DEGRADATION, FINES, LETTER HOME, SUSPENSION, &c. DISCOMMUNE. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., to prohibit an undergraduate from dealing with any tradesman or inhabitant of the town who has violated the University privileges or regulations. The right to exercise this power is vested in the Vice-Chancellor. Any tradesman who allows a student to run in debt with him to an amount exceeding $25, without informing his college tutor, or to incur any debt for wine or spirituous liquors without giving notice of it to the same functionary during the current quarter, or who shall take any promissory note from a student without his tutor's knowledge, is liable to be _discommuned_.--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 283. In the following extracts, this word appears under a different orthography. There is always a great demand for the rooms in college. Those at lodging-houses are not so good, while the rules are equally strict, the owners being solemnly bound to report all their lodgers who stay out at night, under pain of being "_discommonsed_," a species of college excommunication.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 81. Any tradesman bringing a suit against an Undergraduate shall be "_discommonsed_"; i.e. all the Undergraduates are forbidden to deal with him.--_Ibid._, p. 83. This word is allied to the law term "discommon," to deprive of the privileges of a place. DISMISS. To separate from college, for an indefinite or limited time. DISMISSION. In college government, dismission is the separation of a student from a college, for an indefinite or for a limited time, at the discretion of the Faculty. It is required of the dismissed student, on applying for readmittance to his own or any other class, to furnish satisfactory testimonials of good conduct during his separation, and to appear, on examination, to be well qualified for such readmission.--_College Laws_. In England, a student, although precluded from returning to the university whence he has been dismissed, is not hindered from taking a degree at some other university. DISPENSATION. In universities and colleges, the granting of a license, or the license itself, to do what is forbidden by law, or to omit something which is commanded. Also, an exemption from attending a college exercise. The business of the first of these houses, or the oligarchal portion of the constitution [the House of Congregation], is chiefly to grant degrees, and pass graces and _dispensations_.--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. xi. All the students who are under twenty-one years of age may be excused from attending the private Hebrew lectures of the Professor, upon their producing to the President a certificate from their parents or guardians, desiring a _dispensation_.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 12. DISPERSE. A favorite word with tutors and proctors; used when speaking to a number of students unlawfully collected. This technical use of the word is burlesqued in the following passages. Minerva conveys the Freshman to his room, where his cries make such a disturbance, that a proctor enters and commands the blue-eyed goddess "_to disperse_." This order she reluctantly obeys.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. IV. p. 23. And often grouping on the chains, he hums his own sweet verse, Till Tutor ----, coming up, commands him to _disperse_. _Poem before Y.H. Harv. Coll._, 1849. DISPUTATION. An exercise in colleges, in which parties reason in opposition to each other, on some question proposed.--_Webster_. Disputations were formerly, in American colleges, a part of the exercises on Commencement and Exhibition days. DISPUTE. To contend in argument; to reason or argue in opposition. --_Webster_. The two Senior classes shall _dispute_ once or twice a week before the President, a Professor, or the Tutor.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 15. DIVINITY. A member of a theological school is often familiarly called a _Divinity_, abbreviated for a Divinity student. One of the young _Divinities_ passed Straight through the College yard. _Childe Harvard_, p. 40. DIVISION. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., each of the three terms is divided into two parts. _Division_ is the time when this partition is made. After "_division_" in the Michaelmas and Lent terms, a student, who can assign a good plea for absence to the college authorities, may go down and take holiday for the rest of the time.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 63. DOCTOR. One who has passed all the degrees of a faculty, and is empowered to practise and teach it; as, a _doctor_ in divinity, in physic, in law; or, according to modern usage, a person who has received the highest degree in a faculty. The degree of _doctor_ is conferred by universities and colleges, as an honorary mark of literary distinction. It is also conferred on physicians as a professional degree.--_Webster_. DOCTORATE. The degree of a doctor.--_Webster_. The first diploma for a doctorate in divinity given in America was presented under the seal of Harvard College to Mr. Increase Mather, the President of that institution, in the year 1692.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 68. DODGE. A trick; an artifice or stratagem for the purpose of deception. Used often with _come_; as, "_to come a dodge_ over him." No artful _dodge_ to leave my school could I just then prepare. _Poem before Iadma, Harv. Coll._, 1850. Agreed; but I have another _dodge_ as good as yours.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 240. We may well admire the cleverness displayed by this would-be Chatterton, in his attempt to sell the unwary with an Ossian _dodge_.--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 191. DOMINUS. A title bestowed on Bachelors of Arts, in England. _Dominus_ Nokes; _Dominus_ Stiles.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ DON. In the English universities, a short generic term for a Fellow or any college authority. He had already told a lie to the _Dons_, by protesting against the justice of his sentence.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 169. Never to order in any wine from an Oxford merchant, at least not till I am a _Don_.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 288. Nor hint how _Dons_, their untasked hours to pass, Like Cato, warm their virtues with the glass.[21] _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. DONKEY. At Washington College, Penn., students of a religious character are vulgarly called _donkeys_. See LAP-EAR. DORMIAT. Latin; literally, _let him sleep_. To take out a _dormiat_, i.e. a license to sleep. The licensed person is excused from attending early prayers in the Chapel, from a plea of being indisposed. Used in the English universities.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ DOUBLE FIRST. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a student who attains high honors in both the classical and the mathematical tripos. The Calendar does not show an average of two "_Double Firsts_" annually for the last ten years out of one hundred and thirty-eight graduates in Honors.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 91. The reported saying of a distinguished judge,... "that the standard of a _Double First_ was getting to be something beyond human ability," seems hardly an exaggeration.--_Ibid._, p. 224. DOUBLE MAN. In the English universities, a student who is a proficient in both classics and mathematics. "_Double men_," as proficients in both classics and mathematics are termed, are very rare.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 91. It not unfrequently happens that he now drops the intention of being a "_double man_," and concentrates himself upon mathematics. --_Ibid._, p. 104. To one danger mathematicians are more exposed than either classical or _double men_,--disgust and satiety arising from exclusive devotion to their unattractive studies.--_Ibid._, p. 225. DOUBLE MARKS. It was formerly the custom in Harvard College with the Professors in Rhetoric, when they had examined and corrected the _themes_ of the students, to draw a straight line on the back of each one of them, under the name of the writer. Under the names of those whose themes were of more than ordinary correctness or elegance, _two_ lines were drawn, which were called _double marks_. They would take particular pains for securing the _double mark_ of the English Professor to their poetical compositions.--_Monthly Anthology_, Boston, 1804, Vol. I. p. 104. Many, if not the greater part of Paine's themes, were written in verse; and his vanity was gratified, and his emulation roused, by the honor of constant _double marks_.--_Works of R.T. Paine, Biography_, p. xxii., Ed. 1812. See THEME. DOUBLE SECOND. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., one who obtains a high place in the second rank, in both mathematical and classical honors. A good _double second_ will make, by his college scholarship, two fifths or three fifths of his expenses during two thirds of the time he passes at the University.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 427. DOUGH-BALL. At the Anderson Collegiate Institute, Indiana, a name given by the town's people to a student. DRESS. A uniformity in dress has never been so prevalent in American colleges as in the English and other universities. About the middle of the last century, however, the habit among the students of Harvard College of wearing gold lace attracted the attention of the Overseers, and a law was passed "requiring that on no occasion any of the scholars wear any gold or silver lace, or any gold or silver brocades, in the College or town of Cambridge," and "that no one wear any silk night-gowns." "In 1786," says Quincy, "in order to lessen the expense of dress, a uniform was prescribed, the color and form of which were minutely set forth, with a distinction of the classes by means of frogs on the cuffs and button-holes; silk was prohibited, and home manufactures were recommended." This system of uniform is fully described in the laws of 1790, and is as follows:-- "All the Undergraduates shall be clothed in coats of blue-gray, and with waistcoats and breeches of the same color, or of a black, a nankeen, or an olive color. The coats of the Freshmen shall have plain button-holes. The cuffs shall be without buttons. The coats of the Sophomores shall have plain button-holes like those of the Freshmen, but the cuffs shall have buttons. The coats of the Juniors shall have cheap frogs to the button-holes, except the button-holes of the cuffs. The coats of the Seniors shall have frogs to the button-holes of the cuffs. The buttons upon the coats of all the classes shall be as near the color of the coats as they can be procured, or of a black color. And no student shall appear within the limits of the College, or town of Cambridge, in any other dress than in the uniform belonging to his respective class, unless he shall have on a night-gown or such an outside garment as may be necessary over a coat, except only that the Seniors and Juniors are permitted to wear black gowns, and it is recommended that they appear in them on all public occasions. Nor shall any part of their garments be of silk; nor shall they wear gold or silver lace, cord, or edging upon their hats, waistcoats, or any other parts of their clothing. And whosoever shall violate these regulations shall be fined a sum not exceeding ten shillings for each offence."--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1790, pp. 36, 37. It is to this dress that the poet alludes in these lines:-- "In blue-gray coat, with buttons on the cuffs, First Modern Pride your ear with fustian stuffs; 'Welcome, blest age, by holy seers foretold, By ancient bards proclaimed the age of gold,'" &c.[22] But it was by the would-be reformers of that day alone that such sentiments were held, and it was only by the severity of the punishment attending non-conformity with these regulations that they were ever enforced. In 1796, "the sumptuary law relative to dress had fallen into neglect," and in the next year "it was found so obnoxious and difficult to enforce," says Quincy, "that a law was passed abrogating the whole system of distinction by 'frogs on the cuffs and button-holes,' and the law respecting dress was limited to prescribing a blue-gray or dark-blue coat, with permission to wear a black gown, and a prohibition of wearing gold or silver lace, cord, or edging."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 277. A writer in the New England Magazine, in an article relating to the customs of Harvard College at the close of the last century, gives the following description of the uniform ordered by the Corporation to be worn by the students:-- "Each head supported a three-cornered cocket hat. Yes, gentle reader, no man or boy was considered in full dress, in those days, unless his pericranium was thus surmounted, with the forward peak directly over the right eye. Had a clergyman, especially, appeared with a hat of any other form, it would have been deemed as great a heresy as Unitarianism is at the present day. Whether or not the three-cornered hat was considered as an emblem of Trinitarianism, I am not able to determine. Our hair was worn in a _queue_, bound with black ribbon, and reached to the small of the back, in the shape of the tail of that motherly animal which furnishes ungrateful bipeds of the human race with milk, butter, and cheese. Where nature had not bestowed a sufficiency of this ornamental appendage, the living and the dead contributed of their superfluity to supply the deficiency. Our ear-locks,--_horresco referens_!--my ears tingle and my countenance is distorted at the recollection of the tortures inflicted on them by the heated curling-tongs and crimping-irons. "The bosoms of our shirts were ruffled with lawn or cambric, and 'Our fingers' ends were seen to peep From ruffles, full five inches deep.' Our coats were double-breasted, and of a black or priest-gray color. The directions were not so particular respecting our waistcoats, breeches,--I beg pardon,--small clothes, and stockings. Our shoes ran to a point at the distance of two or three inches from the extremity of the foot, and turned upward, like the curve of a skate. Our dress was ornamented with shining stock, knee, and shoe buckles, the last embracing at least one half of the foot of ordinary dimensions. If any wore boots, they were made to set as closely to the leg as its skin; for a handsome calf and ankle were esteemed as great beauties as any portion of the frame, or point in the physiognomy."--Vol. III. pp. 238, 239. In his late work, entitled, "Memories of Youth and Manhood," Professor Sidney Willard has given an entertaining description of the style of dress which was in vogue at Harvard College near the close of the last century, in the following words:-- "Except on special occasions, which required more than ordinary attention to dress, the students, when I was an undergraduate, were generally very careless in this particular. They were obliged by the College laws to wear coats of blue-gray; but as a substitute in warm weather, they were allowed to wear gowns, except on public occasions; and on these occasions they were permitted to wear black gowns. Seldom, however, did any one avail himself of this permission. In summer long gowns of calico or gingham were the covering that distinguished the collegian, not only about the College grounds, but in all parts of the village. Still worse, when the season no longer tolerated this thin outer garment, many adopted one much in the same shape, made of colorless woollen stuff called lambskin. These were worn by many without any under-coat in temperate weather, and in some cases for a length of time in which they had become sadly soiled. In other respects there was nothing peculiar in the common dress of the young men and boys of College to distinguish it from that of others of the same age. Breeches were generally worn, buttoned at the knees, and tied or buckled a little below; not so convenient a garment for a person dressing in haste as trousers or pantaloons. Often did I see a fellow-student hurrying to the Chapel to escape tardiness at morning prayers, with this garment unbuttoned at the knees, the ribbons dangling over his legs, the hose refusing to keep their elevation, and the calico or woollen gown wrapped about him, ill concealing his dishabille. "Not all at once did pantaloons gain the supremacy as the nether garment. About the beginning of the present century they grew rapidly in favor with the young; but men past middle age were more slow to adopt the change. Then, last, the aged very gradually were converted to the fashion by the plea of convenience and comfort; so that about the close of the first quarter of the present century it became almost universal. In another particular, more than half a century ago, the sons adopted a custom of their wiser fathers. The young men had for several years worn shoes and boots shaped in the toe part to a point, called peaked toes, while the aged adhered to the shape similar to the present fashion; so that the shoemaker, in a doubtful case, would ask his customer whether he would have square-toed or peaked-toed. The distinction between young and old in this fashion was so general, that sometimes a graceless youth, who had been crossed by his father or guardian in some of his unreasonable humors, would speak of him with the title of _Old Square-toes_. "Boots with yellow tops inverted, and coming up to the knee-band, were commonly worn by men somewhat advanced in years; but the younger portion more generally wore half-boots, as they were called, made of elastic leather, cordovan. These, when worn, left a space of two or three inches between the top of the boot and the knee-band. The great beauty of this fashion, as it was deemed by many, consisted in restoring the boots, which were stretched by drawing them on, to shape, and bringing them as nearly as possible into contact with the legs; and he who prided himself most on the form of his lower limbs would work the hardest in pressure on the leather from the ankle upward in order to do this most effectually."--Vol. I. pp. 318-320. In 1822 was passed the "Law of Harvard University, regulating the dress of the students." The established uniform was as follows. "The coat of black-mixed, single-breasted, with a rolling cape, square at the end, and with pocket flaps; waist reaching to the natural waist, with lapels of the same length; skirts reaching to the bend of the knee; three crow's-feet, made of black-silk cord, on the lower part of the sleeve of a Senior, two on that of a Junior, and one on that of a Sophomore. The waistcoat of black-mixed or of black; or when of cotton or linen fabric, of white, single-breasted, with a standing collar. The pantaloons of black-mixed or of black bombazette, or when of cotton or linen fabric, of white. The surtout or great coat of black-mixed, with not more than two capes. The buttons of the above dress must be flat, covered with the same cloth as that of the garments, not more than eight nor less than six on the front of the coat, and four behind. A surtout or outside garment is not to be substituted for the coat. But the students are permitted to wear black gowns, in which they may appear on all public occasions. Night-gowns, of cotton or linen or silk fabric, made in the usual form, or in that of a frock coat, may be worn, except on the Sabbath, on exhibition and other occasions when an undress would be improper. The neckcloths must be plain black or plain white." No student, while in the State of Massachusetts, was allowed, either in vacation or term time, to wear any different dress or ornament from those above named, except in case of mourning, when he could wear the customary badges. Although dismission was the punishment for persisting in the violation of these regulations, they do not appear to have been very well observed, and gradually, like the other laws of an earlier date on this subject, fell into disuse. The night-gowns or dressing-gowns continued to be worn at prayers and in public until within a few years. The black-mixed, otherwise called OXFORD MIXED cloth, is explained under the latter title. The only law which now obtains at Harvard College on the subject of dress is this: "On Sabbath, Exhibition, Examination, and Commencement days, and on all other public occasions, each student, in public, shall wear a black coat, with buttons of the same color, and a black hat or cap."--_Orders and Regulations of the Faculty of Harv. Coll._, July, 1853, p. 5. At one period in the history of Yale College, a passion for expensive dress having become manifest among the students, the Faculty endeavored to curb it by a direct appeal to the different classes. The result was the establishment of the Lycurgan Society, whose object was the encouragement of plainness in apparel. The benefits which might have resulted from this organization were contravened by the rashness of some of its members. The shape which this rashness assumed is described in a work entitled "Scenes and Characters in College," written by a Yale graduate of the class of 1821. "Some members were seized with the notion of a _distinctive dress_. It was strongly objected to; but the measure was carried by a stroke of policy. The dress proposed was somewhat like that of the Quakers, but less respectable,--a rustic cousin to it, or rather a caricature; namely, a close coatee, with stand-up collar, and _very_ short skirts,--_skirtees_, they might be called,--the color gray; pantaloons and vest the same;--making the wearer a monotonous gray man throughout, invisible at twilight. The proposers of this metamorphosis, to make it go, selected an individual of small and agreeable figure, and procuring a suit of fine material, and a good fit, placed him on a platform as a specimen. On _him_ it appeared very well, as a belted blouse does on a graceful child; and all the more so, as he was a favorite with the class, and lent to it the additional effect of agreeable association. But it is bad logic to derive a general conclusion from a single fact: it did not follow that the dress would be universally becoming because it was so on him. However, majorities govern; the dress was voted. The tailors were glad to hear of it, expecting a fine run of business. "But when a tall son of Anak appeared in the little bodice of a coat, stuck upon the hips; and still worse, when some very clumsy forms assumed the dress, and one in particular, that I remember, who was equally huge in person and coarse in manners, whose taste, or economy, or both,--the one as probably as the other,--had led him to the choice of an ugly pepper-and-salt, instead of the true Oxford mix, or whatever the standard gray was called, and whose tailor, or tailoress, probably a tailoress, had contrived to aggravate his natural disproportions by the most awkward fit imaginable,--then indeed you might have said that 'some of nature's journeymen had made men, and not made them well, they imitated humanity so abominably.' They looked like David's messengers, maltreated and sent back by Hanun.[23] "The consequence was, the dress was unpopular; very few adopted it; and the society itself went quietly into oblivion. Nevertheless it had done some good; it had had a visible effect in checking extravagance; and had accomplished all it would have done, I imagine, had it continued longer. "There was a time, some three or four years previous to this, when a rakish fashion began to be introduced of wearing white-topped boots. It was a mere conceit of the wearers, such a fashion not existing beyond College,--except as it appeared in here and there an antiquated gentleman, a venerable remnant of the olden time, in whom the boots were matched with buckles at the knee, and a powdered queue. A practical satire quickly put an end to it. Some humorists proposed to the waiters about College to furnish them with such boots on condition of their wearing them. The offer was accepted; a lot of them was ordered at a boot-and-shoe shop, and, all at once, sweepers, sawyers, and the rest, appeared in white-topped boots. I will not repeat the profaneness of a Southerner when he first observed a pair of them upon a tall and gawky shoe-black striding across the yard. He cursed the 'negro,' and the boots; and, pulling off his own, flung them from him. After this the servants had the fashion to themselves, and could buy the article at any discount."--pp. 127-129. At Union College, soon after its foundation, there was enacted a law, "forbidding any student to appear at chapel without the College badge,--a piece of blue ribbon, tied in the button-hole of the coat."--_Account of the First Semi-Centennial Anniversary of the Philomathean Society, Union College_, 1847. Such laws as the above have often been passed in American colleges, but have generally fallen into disuse in a very few years, owing to the predominancy of the feeling of democratic equality, the tendency of which is to narrow, in as great a degree as possible, the intervals between different ages and conditions. See COSTUME. DUDLEIAN LECTURE. An anniversary sermon which is preached at Harvard College before the students; supported by the yearly interest of one hundred pounds sterling, the gift of Paul Dudley, from whom the lecture derives its name. The following topics were chosen by him as subjects for this lecture. First, for "the proving, explaining, and proper use and improvement of the principles of Natural Religion." Second, "for the confirmation, illustration, and improvement of the great articles of the Christian Religion." Third, "for the detecting, convicting, and exposing the idolatry, errors, and superstitions of the Romish Church." Fourth, "for maintaining, explaining, and proving the validity of the ordination of ministers or pastors of the churches, and so their administration of the sacraments or ordinances of religion, as the same hath been practised in New England from the first beginning of it, and so continued to this day." "The instrument proceeds to declare," says Quincy, "that he does not intend to invalidate Episcopal ordination, or that practised in Scotland, at Geneva, and among the Dissenters in England and in this country, all which 'I esteem very safe, Scriptural, and valid.' He directed these subjects to be discussed in rotation, one every year, and appointed the President of the College, the Professor of Divinity, the pastor of the First Church in Cambridge, the Senior Tutor of the College, and the pastor of the First Church in Roxbury, trustees of these lectures, which commenced in 1755, and have since been annually continued without intermission."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. pp. 139, 140. DULCE DECUS. Latin; literally, _sweet honor_. At Williams College a name given by a certain class of students to the game of whist; the reason for which is evident. Whether Mæcenas would have considered it an _honor_ to have had the compliment of Horace, "O et præsidium et dulce decus meum," transferred as a title for a game at cards, we leave for others to decide. DUMMER JUNGE,--literally, _stupid youth_,--among German students "is the highest and most cutting insult, since it implies a denial of sound, manly understanding and strength of capacity to him to whom it is applied."--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 127. DUN. An importunate creditor who urges for payment. A character not wholly unknown to collegians. Thanks heaven, flings by his cap and gown, and shuns A place made odious by remorseless _duns_. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. _E_. EGRESSES. At the older American colleges, when charges were made and excuses rendered in Latin, the student who had left before the conclusion of any of the religious services was accused of the misdemeanor by the proper officer, who made use of the word _egresses_, a kind of barbarous second person singular of some imaginary verb, signifying, it is supposed, "you went out." Much absence, tardes and _egresses_, The college-evil on him seizes. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, Part I. EIGHT. On the scale of merit, at Harvard College, eight is the highest mark which a student can receive for a recitation. Students speak of "_getting an eight_," which is equivalent to saying, that they have made a perfect recitation. But since the Fates will not grant all _eights_, Save to some disgusting fellow Who'll fish and dig, I care not a fig, We'll be hard boys and mellow. _MS. Poem_, W.F. Allen. Numberless the _eights_ he showers Full on my devoted head.--_MS. Ibid._ At the same college, when there were three exhibitions in the year, it was customary for the first eight scholars in the Junior Class to have "parts" at the first exhibition, the second eight at the second exhibition, and the third eight at the third exhibition. Eight Seniors performed with them at each of these three exhibitions, but they were taken promiscuously from the first twenty-four in their class. Although there are now but two exhibitions in the year, twelve performing from each of the two upper classes, yet the students still retain the old phraseology, and you will often hear the question, "Is he in the first or second _eight_?" The bell for morning prayers had long been sounding! She says, "What makes you look so very pale?"-- "I've had a dream."--"Spring to 't, or you'll be late!"-- "Don't care! 'T was worth a part among the _Second Eight_." _Childe Harvard_, p. 121. ELECTIONEERING. In many colleges in the United States, where there are rival societies, it is customary, on the admission of a student to college, for the partisans of the different societies to wait upon him, and endeavor to secure him as a member. An account of this _Society Electioneering_, as it is called, is given in _Sketches of Yale College_, at page 162. Society _electioneering_ has mostly gone by.--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 285. ELEGANT EXTRACTS. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a cant title applied to some fifteen or twenty men who have just succeeded in passing their final examination, and who are bracketed together, at the foot of the Polloi list.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 250. EMERITUS, _pl._ EMERITI. Latin; literally, _obtained by service_. One who has been honorably discharged from public service, as, in colleges and universities, a _Professor Emeritus_. EMIGRANT. In the English universities, one who migrates, or removes from one college to another. At Christ's, for three years successively,... the first man was an _emigrant_ from John's.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 100. See MIGRATION. EMPTY BOTTLE. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the sobriquet of a fellow-commoner. Indeed they [fellow-commoners] are popularly denominated "_empty bottles_," the first word of the appellation being an adjective, though were it taken as a verb there would be no untruth in it.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 34. ENCENIA, _pl._ Greek [Greek: enkainia], _a feast of dedication_. Festivals anciently kept on the days on which cities were built or churches consecrated; and, in later times, ceremonies renewed at certain periods, as at Oxford, at the celebration of founders and benefactors.--_Hook_. END WOMAN. At Bowdoin College, "end women," says a correspondent, "are the venerable females who officiate as chambermaids in the different entries." They are so called from the entries being placed at the _ends_ of the buildings. ENGAGEMENT. At Yale College, the student, on entering, signs an _engagement_, as it is called, in the words following: "I, A.B., on condition of being admitted as a member of Yale College, promise, on my faith and honor, to observe all the laws and regulations of this College; particularly that I will faithfully avoid using profane language, gaming, and all indecent, disorderly behavior, and disrespectful conduct to the Faculty, and all combinations to resist their authority; as witness my hand. A.B." --_Yale Coll. Cat._, 1837, p. 10. Nearly the same formula is used at Williams College. ENGINE. At Harvard College, for many years before and succeeding the year 1800, a fire-engine was owned by the government, and was under the management of the students. In a MS. Journal, under date of Oct. 29, 1792, is this note: "This day I turned out to exercise the engine. P.M." The company were accustomed to attend all the fires in the neighboring towns, and were noted for their skill and efficiency. But they often mingled enjoyment with their labor, nor were they always as scrupulous as they might have been in the means used to advance it. In 1810, the engine having been newly repaired, they agreed to try its power on an old house, which was to be fired at a given time. By some mistake, the alarm was given before the house was fairly burning. Many of the town's people endeavored to save it, but the company, dragging the engine into a pond near by, threw the dirty water on them in such quantities that they were glad to desist from their laudable endeavors. It was about this time that the Engine Society was organized, before which so many pleasant poems and orations were annually delivered. Of these, that most noted is the "Rebelliad," which was spoken in the year 1819, and was first published in the year 1842. Of it the editor has well remarked: "It still remains the text-book of the jocose, and is still regarded by all, even the melancholy, as a most happy production of humorous taste." Its author was Dr. Augustus Pierce, who died at Tyngsborough, May 20, 1849. The favorite beverage at fires was rum and molasses, commonly called _black-strap_, which is referred to in the following lines, commemorative of the engine company in its palmier days. "But oh! let _black-strap's_ sable god deplore Those _engine-heroes_ so renowned of yore! Gone is that spirit, which, in ancient time, Inspired more deeds than ever shone in rhyme! Ye, who remember the superb array, The deafening cry, the engine's 'maddening play,' The broken windows, and the floating floor, Wherewith those masters of hydraulic lore Were wont to make us tremble as we gazed, Can tell how many a false alarm was raised, How many a room by their o'erflowings drenched, And how few fires by their assistance quenched?" _Harvard Register_, p. 235. The habit of attending fires in Boston, as it had a tendency to draw the attention of the students from their college duties, was in part the cause of the dissolution of the company. Their presence was always welcomed in the neighboring city, and although they often left their engine behind them on returning to Cambridge, it was usually sent out to them soon after. The company would often parade through the streets of Cambridge in masquerade dresses, headed by a chaplain, presenting a most ludicrous appearance. In passing through the College yard, it was the custom to throw water into any window that chanced to be open. Their fellow-students, knowing when they were to appear, usually kept their windows closed; but the officers were not always so fortunate. About the year 1822, having discharged water into the room of the College regent, thereby damaging a very valuable library of books, the government disbanded the company, and shortly after sold the engine to the then town of Cambridge, on condition that it should never be taken out of the place. A few years ago it was again sold to some young men of West Cambridge, in whose hands it still remains. One of the brakes of the engine, a relic of its former glory, was lately discovered in the cellar of one of the College buildings, and that perchance has by this time been used to kindle the element which it once assisted to extinguish. ESQUIRE BEDELL. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., three _Esquire Bedells_ are appointed, whose office is to attend the Vice-Chancellor, whom they precede with their silver maces upon all public occasions.--_Cam. Guide_. At the University of Oxford, the Esquire Bedells are three in number. They walk before the Vice-Chancellor in processions, and carry golden staves as the insignia of their office.--_Guide to Oxford_. See BEADLE. EVANGELICAL. In student phrase, a religious, orthodox man, one who is sound in the doctrines of the Gospel, or one who is reading theology, is called an _Evangelical_. He was a King's College, London, man, an _Evangelical_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 265. It has been said by some of the _Evangelicals_, that nothing can be done to improve the state of morality in the Universities so long as the present Church system continues.--_Ibid._, p. 348. EXAMINATION. An inquiry into the acquisitions of the students, in _colleges_ and _seminaries of learning_, by questioning them in literature and the sciences, and by hearing their recitals.--_Webster_. In all colleges candidates for entrance are required to be able to pass an examination in certain branches of study before they can be admitted. The students are generally examined, in most colleges, at the close of each term. In the revised laws of Harvard College, printed in the year 1790, was one for the purpose of introducing examinations, the first part of which is as follows: "To animate the students in the pursuit of literary merit and fame, and to excite in their breasts a noble spirit of emulation, there shall be annually a public examination, in the presence of a joint committee of the Corporation and Overseers, and such other gentlemen as may be inclined to attend it." It then proceeds to enumerate the times and text-books for each class, and closes by stating, that, "should any student neglect or refuse to attend such examination, he shall be liable to be fined a sum not exceeding twenty shillings, or to be admonished or suspended." Great discontent was immediately evinced by the students at this regulation, and as it was not with this understanding that they entered college, they considered it as an _ex post facto_ law, and therefore not binding upon them. With these views, in the year 1791, the Senior and Junior Classes petitioned for exemption from the examination, but their application was rejected by the Overseers. When this was declared, some of the students determined to stop the exercises for that year, if possible. For this purpose they obtained six hundred grains of tartar emetic, and early on the morning of April 12th, the day on which the examination was to begin, emptied it into the great cooking boilers in the kitchen. At breakfast, 150 or more students and officers being present, the coffee was brought on, made with the water from the boilers. Its effects were soon visible. One after another left the hall, some in a slow, others in a hurried manner, but all plainly showing that their situation was by no means a pleasant one. Out of the whole number there assembled, only four or five escaped without being made unwell. Those who put the drug in the coffee had drank the most, in order to escape detection, and were consequently the most severely affected. Unluckily, one of them was seen putting something into the boilers, and the names of the others were soon after discovered. Their punishment is stated in the following memoranda from a manuscript journal. "Exhibition, 1791. April 20th. This morning Trapier was rusticated and Sullivan suspended to Groton for nine months, for mingling tartar emetic with our commons on ye morning of April 12th." "May 21st. Ely was suspended to Amherst for five months, for assisting Sullivan and Trapier in mingling tartar emetic with our commons." Another student, who threw a stone into the examination-room, which struck the chair in which Governor Hancock sat, was more severely punished. The circumstance is mentioned in the manuscript referred to above as follows:-- "April 14th, 1791. Henry W. Jones of H---- was expelled from College upon evidence of a little boy that he sent a stone into ye Philosopher's room while a committee of ye Corporation and Overseers, and all ye Immediate Government, were engaged in examination of ye Freshman Class." Although the examination was delayed for a day or two on account of these occurrences, it was again renewed and carried on during that year, although many attempts were made to stop it. For several years after, whenever these periods occurred, disturbances came with them, and it was not until the year 1797 that the differences between the officers and the students were satisfactorily adjusted, and examinations established on a sure basis. EXAMINE. To inquire into the improvements or qualifications of students, by interrogatories, proposing problems, or by hearing their recitals; as, to _examine_ the classes in college; to _examine_ the candidates for a degree, or for a license to preach or to practise in a profession.--_Webster_. EXAMINEE. One who is examined; one who undergoes at examination. What loads of cold beef and lobster vanish before the _examinees_. --_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 72. EXAMINER. One who examines. In colleges and seminaries of learning, the person who interrogates the students, proposes questions for them to answer, and problems to solve. Coming forward with assumed carelessness, he threw towards us the formal reply of his _examiners_.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 9. EXEAT. Latin; literally, _let him depart_. Leave of absence given to a student in the English universities.--_Webster_. The students who wish to go home apply for an "_Exeat_," which is a paper signed by the Tutor, Master, and Dean.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 162. [At King's College], _exeats_, or permission to go down during term, were never granted but in cases of life and death.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 140. EXERCISE. A task or lesson; that which is appointed for one to perform. In colleges, all the literary duties are called _exercises_. It may be inquired, whether a great part of the _exercises_ be not at best but serious follies.--_Cotton Mather's Suggestions_, in _Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 558. In the English universities, certain exercises, as acts, opponencies, &c., are required to be performed for particular degrees. EXHIBIT. To take part in an exhibition; to speak in public at an exhibition or commencement. No student who shall receive any appointment to _exhibit_ before the class, the College, or the public, shall give any treat or entertainment to his class, or any part thereof, for or on account of those appointments.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 29. If any student shall fail to perform the exercise assigned him, or shall _exhibit_ anything not allowed by the Faculty, he may be sent home.--_Ibid._, 1837, p. 16. 2. To provide for poor students by an exhibition. (See EXHIBITION, second meaning.) An instance of this use is given in the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, where one Antony Wood says of Bishop Longland, "He was a special friend to the University, in maintaining its privileges and in _exhibiting_ to the wants of certain scholars." In Mr. Peirce's History of Harvard University occurs this passage, in an account of the will of the Hon. William Stoughton: "He bequeathed a pasture in Dorchester, containing twenty-three acres and four acres of marsh, 'the income of both to be _exhibited_, in the first place, to a scholar of the town of Dorchester, and if there be none such, to one of the town of Milton, and in want of such, then to any other well deserving that shall be most needy.'" --p. 77. EXHIBITION. In colleges, a public literary and oratorical display. The exercises at _exhibitions_ are original compositions, prose translations from the English into Greek and Latin, and from other languages into the English, metrical versions, dialogues, &c. At Harvard College, in the year 1760, it was voted, "that twice in a year, in the spring and fall, each class should recite to their Tutors, in the presence of the President, Professors, and Tutors, in the several books in which they are reciting to their respective Tutors, and that publicly in the College Hall or Chapel." The next year, the Overseers being informed "that the students are not required to translate English into Latin nor Latin into English," their committee "thought it would be convenient that specimens of such translations and other performances in classical and polite literature should be from time to time laid before" their board. A vote passed the Board of Overseers recommending to the Corporation a conformity to these suggestions; but it was not until the year 1766 that a law was formally enacted in both boards, "that twice in the year, viz. at the semiannual visitation of the committee of the Overseers, some of the scholars, at the direction of the President and Tutors, shall publicly exhibit specimens of their proficiency, by pronouncing orations and delivering dialogues, either in English or in one of the learned languages, or hearing a forensic disputation, or such other exercises as the President and Tutors shall direct."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. pp. 128-132. A few years after this, two more exhibitions were added, and were so arranged as to fall one in each quarter of the College year. The last year in which there were four exhibitions was 1789. After this time there were three exhibitions during the year until 1849, when one was omitted, since which time the original plan has been adopted. In the journal of a member of the class which graduated at Harvard College in the year 1793, under the date of December 23d, 1789, Exhibition, is the following memorandum: "Music was intermingled with elocution, which (we read) has charms to soothe even a savage breast." Again, on a similar occasion, April 13th, 1790, an account of the exercises of the day closes with this note: "Tender music being interspersed to enliven the audience." Vocal music was sometimes introduced. In the same Journal, date October 1st, 1790, Exhibition, the writer says: "The performances were enlivened with an excellent piece of music, sung by Harvard Singing Club, accompanied with a band of music." From this time to the present day, music, either vocal or instrumental, has formed a very entertaining part of the Exhibition performances.[24] The exercises for exhibitions are assigned by the Faculty to meritorious students, usually of the two higher classes. The exhibitions are held under the direction of the President, and a refusal to perform the part assigned is regarded as a high offence.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 19. _Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 16. 2. Allowance of meat and drink; pension; benefaction settled for the maintenance of scholars in the English Universities, not depending on the foundation.--_Encyc._ What maintenance he from his friends receives, Like _exhibition_ thou shalt have from me. _Two Gent. Verona_, Act. I. Sc. 3. This word was formerly used in American colleges. I order and appoint ... ten pounds a year for one _exhibition_, to assist one pious young man.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 530. As to the extending the time of his _exhibitions_, we agree to it. --_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 532. In the yearly "Statement of the Treasurer" of Harvard College, the word is still retained. "A _school exhibition_," says a writer in the Literary World, with reference to England, "is a stipend given to the head boys of a school, conditional on their proceeding to some particular college in one of the universities."--Vol. XII. p. 285. EXHIBITIONER. One who has a pension or allowance, granted for the encouragement of learning; one who enjoys an exhibition. Used principally in the English universities. 2. One who performs a part at an exhibition in American colleges is sometimes called an _exhibitioner_. EXPEL. In college government, to command to leave; to dissolve the connection of a student; to interdict him from further connection. --_Webster_. EXPULSION. In college government, expulsion is the highest censure, and is a final separation from the college or university. --_Coll. Laws_. In the Diary of Mr. Leverett, who was President of Harvard College from 1707 to 1724, is an account of the manner in which the punishment of expulsion was then inflicted. It is as follows:--"In the College Hall the President, after morning prayers, the Fellows, Masters of Art, and the several classes of Undergraduates being present, after a full opening of the crimes of the delinquents, a pathetic admonition of them, and solemn obtestation and caution to the scholars, pronounced the sentence of expulsion, ordered their names to be rent off the tables, and them to depart the Hall."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 442. In England, "an expelled man," says Bristed, "is shut out from the learned professions, as well as from all Colleges at either University."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 131. _F_. FACILITIES. The means by which the performance of anything is rendered easy.--_Webster_. Among students, a general name for what are technically called _ponies_ or translations. All such subsidiary helps in learning lessons, he classed ... under the opprobrious name of "_facilities_," and never scrupled to seize them as contraband goods.--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, p. lxxvii. FACULTY. In colleges, the masters and professors of the several sciences.--_Johnson_. In America, the _faculty_ of a college or university consists of the president, professors, and tutors.--_Webster_. The duties of the faculty are very extended. They have the general control and direction of the studies pursued in the college. They have cognizance of all offences committed by undergraduates, and it is their special duty to enforce the observance of all the laws and regulations for maintaining discipline, and promoting good order, virtue, piety, and good learning in the institution with which they are connected. The faculty hold meetings to communicate and compare their opinions and information, respecting the conduct and character of the students and the state of the college; to decide upon the petitions or requests which may be offered them by the members of college, and to consider and suggest such measures as may tend to the advancement of learning, and the improvement of the college. This assembly is called a _Faculty-meeting_, a word very often in the mouths of students.--_Coll. Laws_. 2. One of the members or departments of a university. "In the origin of the University of Paris," says Brande, "the seven liberal arts (grammar, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music) seem to have been the subjects of academic instruction. These constituted what was afterwards designated the Faculty of Arts. Three other faculties--those of divinity, law, and medicine--were subsequently added. In all these four, lectures were given, and degrees conferred by the University. The four Faculties were transplanted to Oxford and Cambridge, where they are still retained; although, in point of fact, the faculty of arts is the only one in which substantial instruction is communicated in the academical course."--_Brande's Dict._, Art. FACULTY. In some American colleges, these four departments are established, and sometimes a fifth, the Scientific, is added. FAG. Scotch, _faik_, to fail, to languish. Ancient Swedish, _wik-a_, cedere. To drudge; to labor to weariness; to become weary. 2. To study hard; to persevere in study. Place me 'midst every toil and care, A hapless undergraduate still, To _fag_ at mathematics dire, &c. _Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 8. Dee, the famous mathematician, appears to have _fagged_ as intensely as any man at Cambridge. For three years, he declares, he only slept four hours a night, and allowed two hours for refreshment. The remaining eighteen hours were spent in study.--_Ibid._, p. 48. How did ye toil, and _fagg_, and fume, and fret, And--what the bashful muse would blush to say. But, now, your painful tremors are all o'er, Cloath'd in the glories of a full-sleev'd gown, Ye strut majestically up and down, And now ye _fagg_, and now ye fear, no more! _Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 20. FAG. A laborious drudge; a drudge for another. In colleges and schools, this term is applied to a boy of a lower form who is forced to do menial services for another boy of a higher form or class. But who are those three by-standers, that have such an air of submission and awe in their countenances? They are _fags_,--Freshmen, poor fellows, called out of their beds, and shivering with fear in the apprehension of missing morning prayers, to wait upon their lords the Sophomores in their midnight revellings.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. II. p. 106. His _fag_ he had well-nigh killed by a blow. _Wallenstein in Bohn's Stand. Lib._, p. 155. A sixth-form schoolboy is not a little astonished to find his _fags_ becoming his masters.--_Lond. Quar. Rev._, Am. Ed., Vol. LXXIII, p. 53. Under the title FRESHMAN SERVITUDE will be found as account of the manner in which members of that class were formerly treated in the older American colleges. 2. A diligent student, i.e. a _dig_. FAG. Time spent in, or period of, studying. The afternoon's _fag_ is a pretty considerable one, lasting from three till dark.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 248. After another _hard fag_ of a week or two, a land excursion would be proposed.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 56. FAGGING. Laborious drudgery; the acting as a drudge for another at a college or school. 2. Studying hard, equivalent to _digging, grubbing, &c._ Thrice happy ye, through toil and dangers past, Who rest upon that peaceful shore, Where all your _fagging_ is no more, And gain the long-expected port at last. _Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 19. To _fagging_ I set to, therefore, with as keen a relish as ever alderman sat down to turtle.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 123. See what I pay for liberty to leave school early, and to figure in every ball-room in the country, and see the world, instead of _fagging_ at college.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 307. FAIR HARVARD. At the celebration of the era of the second century from the origin of Harvard College, which was held at Cambridge, September 8th, 1836, the following Ode, written by the Rev. Samuel Gilman, D.D., of Charleston, S.C., was sung to the air, "Believe me, if all those endearing young charms." "FAIR HARVARD! thy sons to thy Jubilee throng, And with blessings surrender thee o'er, By these festival-rites, from the Age that is past, To the Age that is waiting before. O Relic and Type of our ancestors' worth, That hast long kept their memory warm! First flower of their wilderness! Star of their night, Calm rising through change and through storm! "To thy bowers we were led in the bloom of our youth, From the home of our free-roving years, When our fathers had warned, and our mothers had prayed, And our sisters had blest, through their tears. _Thou_ then wert our parent,--the nurse of our souls,-- We were moulded to manhood by thee, Till, freighted with treasure-thoughts, friendships, and hopes, Thou didst launch us on Destiny's sea. "When, as pilgrims, we come to revisit thy halls, To what kindlings the season gives birth! Thy shades are more soothing, thy sunlight more dear, Than descend on less privileged earth: For the Good and the Great, in their beautiful prime, Through thy precincts have musingly trod, As they girded their spirits, or deepened the streams That make glad the fair City of God. "Farewell! be thy destinies onward and bright! To thy children the lesson still give, With freedom to think, and with patience to bear, And for right ever bravely to live. Let not moss-covered Error moor _thee_ at its side, As the world on Truth's current glides by; Be the herald of Light, and the bearer of Love, Till the stock of the Puritans die." Since the occasion on which this ode was sung, it has been the practice with the odists of Class Day at Harvard College to write the farewell class song to the tune of "Fair Harvard," the name by which the Irish air "Believe me" has been adopted. The deep pathos of this melody renders it peculiarly appropriate to the circumstances with which it has been so happily connected, and from which it is to be hoped it may never be severed. See CLASS DAY. FAIR LICK. In the game of football, when the ball is fairly caught or kicked beyond the bounds, the cry usually heard, is _Fair lick! Fair lick!_ "_Fair lick_!" he cried, and raised his dreadful foot, Armed at all points with the ancestral boot. _Harvardiana_, Vol. IV. p. 22. See FOOTBALL. FANTASTICS. At Princeton College, an exhibition on Commencement evening, of a number of students on horseback, fantastically dressed in masks, &c. FAST. An epithet of one who is showy in dress, expensive or apparently so in his mode of living, and inclined to spree. Formerly used exclusively among students; now of more general application. Speaking of the student signification of the word, Bristed remarks: "A _fast man_ is not necessarily (like the London fast man) a _rowing_ man, though the two attributes are often combined in the same person; he is one who dresses flashily, talks big, and spends, or affects to spend, money very freely."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 23. The _Fast_ Man comes, with reeling tread, Cigar in mouth, and swimming head. _MS. Poem_, F.E. Felton. FAT. At Princeton College, a letter with money or a draft is thus denominated. FATHER or PRÆLECTOR. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., one of the fellows of a college, who attends all the examinations for the Bachelor's degree, to see that justice is done to the candidates from his own college, who are at that time called his _sons_.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ The _Fathers_ of the respective colleges, zealous for the credit of the societies of which they are the guardians, are incessantly employed in examining those students who appear most likely to contest the palm of glory with their _sons_.--_Gent. Mag._, 1773, p. 435. FEBRUARY TWENTY-SECOND. At Shelby, Centre, and Bacon Colleges, in Kentucky, it is customary to select the best orators and speakers from the different literary societies to deliver addresses on the twenty-second of February, in commemoration of the birthday of Washington. At Bethany College, in Virginia, this day is observed in a similar manner. FEEZE. Usually spelled PHEEZE, q.v. Under FLOP, another, but probably a wrong or obsolete, signification is given. FELLOW. A member of a corporation; a trustee. In the English universities, a residence at the college, engagement in instruction, and receiving therefor a stipend, are essential requisites to the character of a _fellow_. In American colleges, it is not necessary that a _fellow_ should be a resident, a stipendiary, or an instructor. In most cases the greater number of the _Fellows of the Corporation_ are non-residents, and have no part in the instruction at the college. With reference to the University of Cambridge, Eng., Bristed remarks: "The Fellows, who form the general body from which the other college officers are chosen, consist of those four or five Bachelor Scholars in each year who pass the best examination in classics, mathematics, and metaphysics. This examination being a severe one, and only the last of many trials which they have gone through, the inference is allowable that they are the most learned of the College graduates. They have a handsome income, whether resident or not; but if resident, enjoy the additional advantages of a well-spread table for nothing, and good rooms at a very low price. The only conditions of retaining their Fellowships are, that they take orders after a certain time and remain unmarried. Of those who do not fill college offices, some occupy themselves with private pupils; others, who have property of their own, prefer to live a life of literary leisure, like some of their predecessors, the monks of old. The eight oldest Fellows at any time in residence, together with the Master, have the government of the college vested in them."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 16. For some remarks on the word Fellow, see under the title COLLEGE. FELLOW-COMMONER. In the University of Cambridge, England, _Fellow-Commoners_ are generally the younger sons of the nobility, or young men of fortune, and have the privilege of dining at the Fellows' table, whence the appellation originated. "Fellow-Commoners," says Bristed, "are 'young men of fortune,' as the _Cambridge Calendar_ and _Cambridge Guide_ have it, who, in consideration of their paying twice as much for everything as anybody else, are allowed the privilege of sitting at the Fellows' table in hall, and in their seats at chapel; of wearing a gown with gold or silver lace, and a velvet cap with a metallic tassel; of having the first choice of rooms; and as is generally believed, and believed not without reason, of getting off with a less number of chapels per week. Among them are included the Honorables _not_ eldest sons,--only these wear a hat instead of the velvet cap, and are thence popularly known as _Hat_ Fellow-Commoners."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 13. A _Fellow-Commoner_ at Cambridge is equivalent to an Oxford _Gentleman-Commoner_, and is in all respects similar to what in private schools and seminaries is called a _parlor boarder_. A fuller account of this, the first rank at the University, will be found in the Gentleman's Magazine, 1795, p. 20, and in the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, p. 50. "Fellow-Commoners have been nicknamed '_Empty Bottles_'! They have been called, likewise, 'Useless Members'! 'The licensed Sons of Ignorance.'"--_Gradus ad Cantab._ The Fellow-Commoners, alias _empty bottles_, (not so called because they've let out anything during the examination,) are then presented.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 101. In the old laws of Harvard College we find the following: "None shall be admitted a _Fellow-Commoner_ unless he first pay thirteen pounds six and eight pence to the college. And every _Fellow-Commoner_ shall pay double tuition money. They shall have the privilege of dining and supping with the Fellows at their table in the hall; they shall be excused from going on errands, and shall have the title of Masters, and have the privilege of wearing their hats as the Masters do; but shall attend all duties and exercises with the rest of their class, and be alike subject to the laws and government of the College," &c. The Hon. Paine Wingate, a graduate of the class of 1759, says in reference to this subject: "I never heard anything about _Fellow-Commoners_ in college excepting in this paragraph. I am satisfied there has been no such description of scholars at Cambridge since I have known anything about the place."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Coll._, p. 314. In the Appendix to "A Sketch of the History of Harvard College," by Samuel A. Eliot, is a memorandum, in the list of donations to that institution, under the date 1683, to this effect. "Mr. Joseph Brown, Mr. Edward Page, Mr. Francis Wainwright, _fellow-commoners_, gave each a silver goblet." Mr. Wainwright graduated in 1686. The other two do not appear to have received a degree. All things considered, it is probable that this order, although introduced from the University of Cambridge, England, into Harvard College, received but few members, on account of the evil influence which such distinctions usually exert. FELLOW OF THE HOUSE. See under HOUSE. FELLOW, RESIDENT. At Harvard College, the tutors were formerly called _resident fellows_.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 278. The _resident fellows_ were tutors to the classes, and instructed them in Hebrew, "and led them through all the liberal arts before the four years were expired."--_Harv. Reg._, p. 249. FELLOWSHIP. An establishment in colleges, for the maintenance of a fellow.--_Webster_. In Harvard College, tutors were formerly called Fellows of the House or College, and their office, _fellowships_. In this sense that word is used in the following passage. Joseph Stevens was chosen "Fellow of the College, or House," and as such was approved by that board [the Corporation], in the language of the records, "to supply a vacancy in one of the _Fellowships_ of the House."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 279. FELLOWS' ORCHARD. See TUTORS' PASTURE. FEMUR. Latin; _a thigh-bone_. At Yale College, a _femur_ was formerly the badge of a medical bully. When hand in hand all joined in band, With clubs, umbrellas, _femurs_, Declaring death and broken teeth 'Gainst blacksmiths, cobblers, seamers. _The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 14. "One hundred valiant warriors, who (My Captain bid me say) Three _femurs_ wield, with one to fight, With two to run away, "Wait in Scull Castle, to receive, With open gates, your men; Their right arms nerved, their _femurs_ clenched, Safe to protect ye then!"--_Ibid._, p. 23. FERG. To lose the heat of excitement or passion; to become less angry, ardent; to cool. A correspondent from the University of Vermont, where this word is used, says: "If a man gets angry, we 'let him _ferg_,' and he feels better." FESS. Probably abbreviated for CONFESS. In some of the Southern Colleges, to fail in reciting; to silently request the teacher not to put farther queries. This word is in use among the cadets at West Point, with the same meaning. And when you and I, and Benny, and General Jackson too, Are brought before a final board our course of life to view, May we never "_fess_" on any "point," but then be told to go To join the army of the blest, with Benny Havens, O! _Song, Benny Havens, O!_ FINES. In many of the colleges in the United States it was formerly customary to impose fines upon the students as a punishment for non-compliance with the laws. The practice is now very generally abolished. About the middle of the eighteenth century, the custom of punishing by pecuniary mulets began, at Harvard College, to be considered objectionable. "Although," says Quincy, "little regarded by the students, they were very annoying to their parents." A list of the fines which were imposed on students at that period presents a curious aggregate of offences and punishments. £ s. d. Absence from prayers, 0 0 2 Tardiness at prayers, 0 0 1 Absence from Professor's public lecture, 0 0 4 Tardiness at do. 0 0 2 Profanation of Lord's day, not exceeding 0 3 0 Absence from public worship, 0 0 9 Tardiness at do. 0 0 3 Ill behavior at do. not exceeding 0 1 6 Going to meeting before bell-ringing, 0 0 6 Neglecting to repeat the sermon, 0 0 9 Irreverent behavior at prayers, or public divinity lectures, 0 1 6 Absence from chambers, &c., not exceeding 0 0 6 Not declaiming, not exceeding 0 1 6 Not giving up a declamation, not exceeding 0 1 6 Absence from recitation, not exceeding 0 1 6 Neglecting analyzing, not exceeding 0 3 0 Bachelors neglecting disputations, not exceeding 0 1 6 Respondents neglecting do. from 1s. 6d. to 0 3 0 Undergraduates out of town without leave, not exceeding 0 2 6 Undergraduates tarrying out of town without leave, not exceeding _per diem_, 0 1 3 Undergraduates tarrying out of town one week without leave, not exceeding 0 10 0 Undergraduates tarrying out of town one month without leave, not exceeding 2 10 0 Lodging strangers without leave, not exceeding 0 1 6 Entertaining persons of ill character, not exceeding 0 1 6 Going out of College without proper garb, not exceeding 0 0 6 Frequenting taverns, not exceeding 0 1 6 Profane cursing, not exceeding 0 2 6 Graduates playing cards, not exceeding 0 5 0 Undergraduates playing cards, not exceeding 0 2 6 Undergraduates playing any game for money, not exceeding 0 1 6 Selling and exchanging without leave, not exceeding 0 1 6 Lying, not exceeding 0 1 6 Opening door by pick-locks, not exceeding 0 5 0 Drunkenness, not exceeding 0 1 6 Liquors prohibited under penalty, not exceeding 0 1 6 Second offence, not exceeding 0 3 0 Keeping prohibited liquors, not exceeding 0 1 6 Sending for do. 0 0 6 Fetching do. 0 1 6 Going upon the top of the College, 0 1 6 Cutting off the lead, 0 1 6 Concealing the transgression of the 19th Law,[25] 0 1 6 Tumultuous noises, 0 1 6 Second offence, 0 3 0 Refusing to give evidence, 0 3 0 Rudeness at meals, 0 1 0 Butler and cook to keep utensils clean, not exceeding 0 5 0 Not lodging at their chambers, not exceeding 0 1 6 Sending Freshmen in studying time, 0 0 9 Keeping guns, and going on skating, 0 1 0 Firing guns or pistols in College yard, 0 2 6 Fighting or hurting any person, not exceeding 0 1 6 In 1761, a committee, of which Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson was a member, was appointed to consider of some other method of punishing offenders. Although they did not altogether abolish mulets, yet "they proposed that, in lieu of an increase of mulcts, absences without justifiable cause from any exercise of the College should subject the delinquent to warning, private admonition, exhortation to duty, and public admonition, with a notification to parents; when recitations had been omitted, performance of them should be exacted at some other time; and, by way of punishment for disorders, confinement, and the performance of exercises during its continuance, should be enjoined."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. pp. 135, 136. By the laws of 1798, fines not exceeding one dollar were imposed by a Professor or Tutor, or the Librarian; not exceeding two dollars, by the President; all above two dollars, by the President, Professors, and Tutors, at a meeting. Upon this subject, with reference to Harvard College, Professor Sidney Willard remarks: "For a long period fines constituted the punishment of undergraduates for negligence in attendance at the exercises and in the performance of the lessons assigned to them. A fine was the lowest degree in the gradation of punishment. This mode of punishment or disapprobation was liable to objections, as a tax on the father rather than a rebuke of the son, (except it might be, in some cases, for the indirect moral influence produced upon the latter, operating on his filial feeling,) and as a mercenary exaction, since the money went into the treasury of the College. It was a good day for the College when this punishment through the purse was abandoned as a part of the system of punishments; which, not confined to neglect of study, had been extended also to a variety of misdemeanors more or less aggravated and aggravating."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. p. 304. "Of fines," says President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse relating to Yale College, "the laws are full, and other documents show that the laws did not sleep. Thus there was in 1748 a fine of a penny for the absence of an undergraduate from prayers, and of a half-penny for tardiness or coming in after the introductory collect; of fourpence for absence from public worship; of from two to six pence for absence from one's chamber during the time of study; of one shilling for picking open a lock the first time, and two shillings the second; of two and sixpence for playing at cards or dice, or for bringing strong liquor into College; of one shilling for doing damage to the College, or jumping out of the windows,--and so in many other cases. "In the year 1759, a somewhat unfair pamphlet was written, which gave occasion to several others in quick succession, wherein, amidst other complaints of President Clap's administration, mention is made of the large amount of fines imposed upon students. The author, after mentioning that in three years' time over one hundred and seventy-two pounds of lawful money was collected in this way, goes on to add, that 'such an exorbitant collection by fines tempts one to suspect that they have got together a most disorderly set of young men training up for the service of the churches, or that they are governed and corrected chiefly by pecuniary punishments;--that almost all sins in that society are purged and atoned for by money.' He adds, with justice, that these fines do not fall on the persons of the offenders,--most of the students being minors,--but upon their parents; and that the practice takes place chiefly where there is the least prospect of working a reformation, since the thoughtless and extravagant, being the principal offenders against College law, would not lay it to heart if their frolics should cost them a little more by way of fine. He further expresses his opinion, that this way of punishing the children of the College has but little tendency to better their hearts and reform their manners; that pecuniary impositions act only by touching the shame or covetousness or necessities of those upon whom they are levied; and that fines had ceased to become dishonorable at College, while to appeal to the love of money was expelling one devil by another, and to restrain the necessitous by fear of fine would be extremely cruel and unequal. These and other considerations are very properly urged, and the same feeling is manifested in the laws by the gradual abolition of nearly all pecuniary mulcts. The practice, it ought to be added, was by no means peculiar to Yale College, but was transferred, even in a milder form, from the colleges of England."--pp. 47, 48. In connection with this subject, it may not be inappropriate to mention the following occurrence, which is said to have taken place at Harvard College. Dr. ----, _in propria persona_, called upon a Southern student one morning in the recitation-room to define logic. The question was something in this form. "Mr. ----, what is logic?" Ans. "Logic, Sir, is the art of reasoning." "Ay; but I wish you to give the definition in the exact words of the _learned author_." "O, Sir, he gives a very long, intricate, confused definition, with which I did not think proper to burden my memory." "Are you aware who the learned author is?" "O, yes! your honor, Sir." "Well, then, I fine you one dollar for disrespect." Taking out a two-dollar note, the student said, with the utmost _sang froid_, "If you will change this, I will pay you on the spot." "I fine you another dollar," said the Professor, emphatically, "for repeated disrespect." "Then 'tis just the change, Sir," said the student, coolly. FIRST-YEAR MEN. In the University of Cambridge, England, the title of _First-Year Men_, or _Freshmen_, is given to students during the first year of their residence at the University. FISH. At Harvard College, to seek or gain the good-will of an instructor by flattery, caresses, kindness, or officious civilities; to curry favor. The German word _fischen_ has a secondary meaning, to get by cunning, which is similar to the English word _fish_. Students speak of fishing for parts, appointments, ranks, marks, &c. I give to those that _fish for parts_, Long, sleepless nights, and aching hearts, A little soul, a fawning spirit, With half a grain of plodding merit, Which is, as Heaven I hope will say, Giving what's not my own away. _Will of Charles Prentiss, in Rural Repository_, 1795. Who would let a Tutor knave Screw him like a Guinea slave! Who would _fish_ a fine to save! Let him turn and flee.--_Rebelliad_, p. 35. Did I not promise those who _fished_ And pimped most, any part they wished?--_Ibid._, p. 33. 'T is all well here; though 't were a grand mistake To write so, should one "_fish_" for a "forty-eight!" _Childe Harvard_, p. 33. Still achieving, still intriguing, Learn to labor and to _fish_. _Poem before Y.H._, 1849. The following passage explains more clearly, perhaps, the meaning of this word. "Any attempt to raise your standing by ingratiating yourself with the instructors, will not only be useless, but dishonorable. Of course, in your intercourse with the Professors and Tutors, you will not be wanting in that respect and courtesy which is due to them, both as your superiors and as gentlemen."--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 79. Washington Allston, who graduated at Harvard College in the year 1800, left a painting of a fishing scene, to be transmitted from class to class. It was in existence in the year 1828, but has disappeared of late. FISH, FISHER. One who attempts to ingratiate himself with his instructor, thereby to obtain favor or advantage; one who curries favor. You besought me to respect my teachers, and to be attentive to my studies, though it shall procure me the odious title of a "_fisher_."--_Monthly Anthology_, Boston, 1804, Vol. I. p. 153. FISHING. The act performed by a _fisher_. The full force of this word is set forth in a letter from Dr. Popkin, a Professor at Harvard College, to his brother William, dated Boston, October 17th, 1800. "I am sensible that the good conduct which I have advised you, and which, I doubt not, you are inclined to preserve, may expose you to the opprobrious epithet, _fishing_. You undoubtedly understand, by this time, the meaning of that frightful term, which has done more damage in college than all the bad wine, and roasted pigs, that have ever fired the frenzy of Genius! The meaning of it, in short, is nothing less than this, that every one who acts as a reasonable being in the various relations and duties of a scholar is using the basest means to ingratiate himself with the government, and seeking by mean compliances to purchase their honors and favors. At least, I thought this to be true when I was in the government. If times and manners are altered, I am heartily glad of it; but it will not injure you to hear the tales of former times. If a scholar appeared to perform his exercises to his best ability, if there were not a marked contempt and indifference in his manner, I would hear the whisper run round the class, _fishing_. If one appeared firm enough to perform an unpopular duty, or showed common civility to his instructors, who certainly wished him well, he was _fishing_. If he refused to join in some general disorder, he was insulted with _fishing_. If he did not appear to despise the esteem and approbation of his instructors, and to disclaim all the rewards of diligence and virtue, he was suspected of _fishing_. The fear of this suspicion or imputation has, I believe, perverted many minds which, from good and honorable motives, were better disposed."--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, pp. xxvi., xxvii. To those who've parts at exhibition, Obtained by long, unwearied _fishing_, I say, to such unlucky wretches, I give, for wear, a brace of breeches. _Will of Charles Prentiss, in Rural Repository_, 1795. And, since his _fishing_ on the land was vain, To try his luck upon the azure main.--_Class Poem_, 1835. Whenever I needed advice or assistance, I did not hesitate, through any fear of the charge of what, in the College cant, was called "_fishing_," to ask it of Dr. Popkin.--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, p. ix. At Dartmouth College, the electioneering for members of the secret societies was formerly called _fishing_. At the same institution, individuals in the Senior Class were said to be _fishing for appointments_, if they tried to gain the good-will of the Faculty by any special means. FIVES. A kind of play with a ball against the side of a building, resembling tennis; so named, because three _fives_ or _fifteen_ are counted to the game.--_Smart_. A correspondent, writing of Centre College, Ky., says: "Fives was a game very much in vogue, at which the President would often take a hand, and while the students would play for ice-cream or some other refreshment, he would never fail to come in for his share." FIZZLE. Halliwell says: "The half-hiss, half-sigh of an animal." In many colleges in the United States, this word is applied to a bad recitation, probably from the want of distinct articulation which usually attends such performances. It is further explained in the Yale Banger, November 10, 1846: "This figure of a wounded snake is intended to represent what in technical language is termed a _fizzle_. The best judges have decided, that to get just one third of the meaning right constitutes a _perfect fizzle_." With a mind and body so nearly at rest, that naught interrupted my inmost repose save cloudy reminiscences of a morning "_fizzle_" and an afternoon "flunk," my tranquillity was sufficiently enviable.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 114. Here he could _fizzles_ mark without a sigh, And see orations unregarded die. _The Tomahawk_, Nov., 1849. Not a wail was heard, or a "_fizzle's_" mild sigh, As his corpse o'er the pavement we hurried. _The Gallinipper_, Dec., 1849. At Princeton College, the word _blue_ is used with _fizzle_, to render it intensive; as, he made a _blue fizzle_, he _fizzled blue_. FIZZLE. To fail in reciting; to recite badly. A correspondent from Williams College says: "Flunk is the common word when some unfortunate man makes an utter failure in recitation. He _fizzles_ when he stumbles through at last." Another from Union writes: "If you have been lazy, you will probably _fizzle_." A writer in the Yale Literary Magazine thus humorously defines this word: "_Fizzle_. To rise with modest reluctance, to hesitate often, to decline finally; generally, to misunderstand the question."--Vol. XIV. p. 144. My dignity is outraged at beholding those who _fizzle_ and flunk in my presence tower above me.--_The Yale Banger_, Oct. 22, 1847. I "skinned," and "_fizzled_" through. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. The verb _to fizzle out_, which is used at the West, has a little stronger signification, viz. to be quenched, extinguished; to prove a failure.--_Bartlett's Dict. Americanisms_. The factious and revolutionary action of the fifteen has interrupted the regular business of the Senate, disgraced the actors, and _fizzled out_.--_Cincinnati Gazette_. 2. To cause one to fail in reciting. Said of an instructor. _Fizzle_ him tenderly, Bore him with care, Fitted so slenderly, Tutor, beware. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIII. p. 321. FIZZLING. Reciting badly; the act of making a poor recitation. Of this word, a writer jocosely remarks: "_Fizzling_ is a somewhat _free_ translation of an intricate sentence; proving a proposition in geometry from a wrong figure. Fizzling is caused sometimes by a too hasty perusal of the pony, and generally by a total loss of memory when called upon to recite."--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. Weather drizzling, Freshmen _fizzling_. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 212. FLAM. At the University of Vermont, in student phrase, to _flam_ is to be attentive, at any time, to any lady or company of ladies. E.g. "He spends half his time _flamming_" i.e. in the society of the other sex. FLASH-IN-THE-PAN. A student is said to make a _flash-in-the-pan_ when he commences to recite brilliantly, and suddenly fails; the latter part of such a recitation is a FIZZLE. The metaphor is borrowed from a gun, which, after being primed, loaded, and ready to be discharged, _flashes in the pan_. FLOOR. Among collegians, to answer such questions as may be propounded concerning a given subject. Then Olmsted took hold, but he couldn't make it go, For we _floored_ the Bien. Examination. _Presentation Day Songs_, Yale Coll., June 14, 1854. To _floor a paper_, is to answer every question in it.--_Bristed_. Somehow I nearly _floored the paper_, and came out feeling much more comfortable than when I went in.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 12. Our best classic had not time to _floor_ the _paper_.--_Ibid._, p. 135. FLOP. A correspondent from the University of Vermont writes: "Any 'cute' performance by which a man is sold [deceived] is a _good flop_, and, by a phrase borrowed from the ball ground, is 'rightly played.' The discomfited individual declares that they 'are all on a side,' and gives up, or 'rolls over' by giving his opponent 'gowdy.'" "A man writes cards during examination to 'feeze the profs'; said cards are 'gumming cards,' and he _flops_ the examination if he gets a good mark by the means." One usually _flops_ his marks by feigning sickness. FLOP A TWENTY. At the University of Vermont, to _flop a twenty_ is to make a perfect recitation, twenty being the maximum mark for scholarship. FLUMMUX. Any failure is called a _flummux_. In some colleges the word is particularly applied to a poor recitation. At Williams College, a failure on the play-ground is called a _flummux_. FLUMMUX. To fail; to recite badly. Mr. Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, has the word _flummix_, to be overcome; to be frightened; to give way to. Perhaps Parson Hyme didn't put it into Pokerville for two mortal hours; and perhaps Pokerville didn't mizzle, wince, and finally _flummix_ right beneath him.--_Field, Drama in Pokerville_. FLUNK. This word is used in some American colleges to denote a complete failure in recitation. This, O, [signifying neither beginning nor end,] Tutor H---- said meant a perfect _flunk_.--_The Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. I've made some twelve or fourteen _flunks_.--_The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. And that bold man must bear a _flunk_, or die, Who, when John pleased be captious, dared reply. _Yale Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. The Sabbath dawns upon the poor student burdened with the thought of the lesson, or _flunk_ of the morrow morning.--_Ibid._, Feb. 1851. He thought ... First of his distant home and parents, tunc, Of tutors' note-books, and the morrow's _flunk_. _Ibid._, Feb. 1851. In moody meditation sunk, Reflecting on my future _flunk_. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 54. And so, in spite of scrapes and _flunks_, I'll have a sheep-skin too. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. Some amusing anecdotes are told, such as the well-known one about the lofty dignitary's macaronic injunction, "Exclude canem, et shut the door"; and another of a tutor's dismal _flunk_ on faba.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 263. FLUNK. To make a complete failure when called on to recite. A writer in the Yale Literary Magazine defines it, "to decline peremptorily, and then to whisper, 'I had it all, except that confounded little place.'"--Vol. XIV. p. 144. They know that a man who has _flunked_, because too much of a genius to get his lesson, is not in a state to appreciate joking. --_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. I. p. 253. Nestor was appointed to deliver a poem, but most ingloriously _flunked_.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 256. The phrase _to flunk out_, which Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, defines, "to retire through fear, to back out," is of the same nature as the above word. Why, little one, you must be cracked, if you _flunk out_ before we begin.--_J.C. Neal_. It was formerly used in some American colleges as is now the word _flunk_. We must have, at least, as many subscribers as there are students in College, or "_flunk out."--The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 3. FLUNKEY. In college parlance, one who makes a complete failure at recitation; one who _flunks_. I bore him safe through Horace, Saved him from the _flunkey's_ doom. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XX. p. 76. FLUNKING. Failing completely in reciting. _Flunking_ so gloomily, Crushed by contumely. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIII. p. 322. We made our earliest call while the man first called up in the division-room was deliberately and gracefully "_flunking_."--_Ibid._, Vol. XIV. p. 190. See what a spot a _flunking_ Soph'more made! _Yale Gallinipper_, Nov. 1848. FLUNKOLOGY. A farcical word, designed to express the science _of flunking_. The ---- scholarship, is awarded to the student in each Freshman Class who passes the poorest examination in _Flunkology_.--_Burlesque Catalogue_, Yale Coll., 1852-53, p. 28. FOOTBALL. For many years, the game of football has been the favorite amusement at some of the American colleges, during certain seasons of the year. At Harvard and Yale, it is customary for the Sophomore Class to challenge the Freshmen to a trial game, soon after their entrance into College. The interest excited on this occasion is always very great, the Seniors usually siding with the former, and the Juniors with the latter class. The result is generally in favor of the Sophomores. College poets and prose-writers have often chosen the game of football as a topic on which to exercise their descriptive powers. One invokes his muse, in imitation of a great poet, as follows:-- "The Freshmen's wrath, to Sophs the direful spring Of shins unnumbered bruised, great goddess, sing!" Another, speaking of the size of the ball in ancient times compared with what it is at present, says:-- "A ball like this, so monstrous and so hard, Six eager Freshmen scarce could kick a yard!" Further compositions on this subject are to be found in the Harvard Register, Harvardiana, Yale Banger, &c. See WRESTLING-MATCH. FORENSIC. A written argument, maintaining either the affirmative or the negative side of a question. In Harvard College, the two senior classes are required to write _forensics_ once in every four weeks, on a subject assigned by the Professor of Moral Philosophy; these they read before him and the division of the class to which they belong, on appointed days. It was formerly customary for the teacher to name those who were to write on the affirmative and those on the negative, but it is now left optional with the student which side he will take. This word was originally used as an adjective, and it was usual to speak of a forensic dispute, which has now been shortened into _forensic_. For every unexcused omission of a _forensic_, or of reading a _forensic_, a deduction shall be made of the highest number of marks to which that exercise is entitled. Seventy-two is the highest mark for _forensics_.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848. What with themes, _forensics_, letters, memoranda, notes on lectures, verses, and articles, I find myself considerably hurried.--_Collegian_, 1830, p. 241. When I call to mind _Forensics_ numberless, With arguments so grave and erudite, I never understood their force myself, But trusted that my sage instructor would. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 403. FORK ON. At Hamilton College, _to fork on_, to appropriate to one's self. FORTS. At Jefferson and at Washington Colleges in Pennsylvania, the boarding-houses for the students are called _forts_. FOUNDATION. A donation or legacy appropriated to support an institution, and constituting a permanent fund, usually for a charitable purpose.--_Webster_. In America it is also applied to a donation or legacy appropriated especially to maintain poor and deserving, or other students, at a college. In the selection of candidates for the various beneficiary _foundations_, the preference will be given to those who are of exemplary conduct and scholarship.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 19. Scholars on this _foundation_ are to be called "scholars of the house."--_Sketches of Yale Coll._, p. 86. FOUNDATIONER. One who derives support from the funds or foundation of a college or a great school.--_Jackson_. This word is not in use in the _United States_. See BENEFICIARY. FOUNDATION SCHOLAR. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a scholar who enjoys certain privileges, and who is of that class whence Fellows are taken. Of the scholars of this name, Bristed remarks: "The table nearer the door is filled by students in the ordinary Undergraduate blue gown; but from the better service of their table, and perhaps some little consequential air of their own, it is plain that they have something peculiar to boast of. They are the Foundation Scholars, from whom the future Fellows are to be chosen, in the proportion of about one out of three. Their Scholarships are gained by examination in the second or third year, and entitle them to a pecuniary allowance from the college, and also to their commons gratis (these latter subject to certain attendance at and service in chapel), a first choice of rooms, and some other little privileges, of which they are somewhat proud, and occasionally they look as if conscious that some Don may be saying to a chance visitor at the high table, 'Those over yonder are the scholars, the best men of their year.'"--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 20. FOX. In the German universities, a student during the first half-year is called a Fox (Fuchs), the same as Freshman. To this the epithet _nasty_ is sometimes added. On this subject, Howitt remarks: "On entering the University, he becomes a _Kameel_,--a Camel. This happy transition-state of a few weeks gone by, he comes forth finally, on entering a Chore, a _Fox_, and runs joyfully into the new Burschen life. During the first _semester_ or half-year, he is a gold fox, which means, that he has _foxes_, or rich gold in plenty yet; or he is a _Crass-fucks_, or fat fox, meaning that he yet swells or puffs himself up with gold."--_Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 124. "Halloo there, Herdman, _fox_!" yelled another lusty tippler, and Herdman, thus appealed to, arose and emptied the contents of his glass.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 116. At the same moment, a door at the end of the hall was thrown open, and a procession of new-comers, or _Nasty Foxes_, as they are called in the college dialect, entered two by two, looking wild, and green, and foolish.--_Longfellow's Hyperion_, p. 109. See also in the last-mentioned work the Fox song. FREEZE. A correspondent from Williams College writes: "But by far the most expressive word in use among us is _Freeze_. The meaning of it might be felt, if, some cold morning, you would place your tender hand upon some frosty door-latch; it would be a striking specimen on the part of the door-latch of what we mean by _Freeze_. Thus we _freeze_ to apples in the orchards, to fellows whom we electioneer for in our secret societies, and alas! some even go so far as to _freeze_ to the ladies." "Now, boys," said Bob, "_freeze on_," and at it they went.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 111. FRESH. An abbreviation for Freshman or Freshmen; FRESHES is sometimes used for the plural. When Sophs met _Fresh_, power met opposing power. _Harv. Reg._, p. 251. The Sophs did nothing all the first fortnight but torment the _Fresh_, as they call us.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 76. Listen to the low murmurings of some annihilated _Fresh_ upon the Delta.--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1848. FRESH. Newly come; likewise, awkward, like a Freshman.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ For their behavior at table, spitting and coughing, and speaking loud, was counted uncivil in any but a gentleman; as we say in the university, that nothing is _fresh_ in a Senior, and to him it was a glory.--_Archæol. Atticæ_, Edit. Oxon., 1675, B. VI. FRESHMAN, _pl._ FRESHMEN. In England, a student during his first year's residence at the university. In America, one who belongs to the youngest of the four classes in college, called the _Freshman Class_.--_Webster_. FRESHMAN. Pertaining to a Freshman, or to the class called _Freshman_. FRESHMAN, BUTLER'S. At Harvard and Yale Colleges, a Freshman, formerly hired by the Butler, to perform certain duties pertaining to his office, was called by this name. The Butler may be allowed a Freshman, to do the foregoing duties, and to deliver articles to the students from the Buttery, who shall be appointed by the President and Tutors, and he shall be allowed the same provision in the Hall as the Waiters; and he shall not be charged in the Steward's quarter-bills under the heads of Steward and Instruction and Sweepers, Catalogue and Dinner.--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1793, p. 61. With being _butler's freshman_, and ringing the bell the first year, waiter the three last, and keeping school in the vacations, I rubbed through.--_The Algerine Captive_, Walpole, 1797, Vol. I. p. 54. See BUTLER, BUTTERY. FRESHMAN CLUB. At Hamilton College, it is customary for the new Sophomore Class to present to the Freshmen at the commencement of the first term a heavy cudgel, six feet long, of black walnut, brass bound, with a silver plate inscribed "_Freshman Club_." The club is given to the one who can hold it out at arm's length the longest time, and the presentation is accompanied with an address from one of the Sophomores in behalf of his class. He who receives the club is styled the "leader." The "leader" having been declared, after an appropriate speech from a Freshman appointed for that purpose, "the class," writes a correspondent, "form a procession, and march around the College yard, the leader carrying the club before them. A trial is then made by the class of the virtues of the club, on the Chapel door." FRESHMAN, COLLEGE. In Harvard University, a member of the Freshman Class, whose duties are enumerated below. "On Saturday, after the exercises, any student not specially prohibited may go out of town. If the students thus going out of town fail to return so as to be present at evening prayers, they must enter their names with the _College Freshman_ within the hour next preceding the evening study bell; and all students who shall be absent from evening prayers on Saturday must in like manner enter their names."--_Statutes and Laws of the Univ. in Cam., Mass._, 1825, p. 42. The _College Freshman_ lived in No. 1, Massachusetts Hall, and was commonly called the _book-keeper_. The duties of this office are now performed by one of the Proctors. FRESHMANHOOD. The state of a _Freshman_, or the time in which one is a Freshman, which is in duration a year. But yearneth not thy laboring heart, O Tom, For those dear hours of simple _Freshmanhood_? _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 405. When to the college I came, in the first dear day of _my freshhood_, Like to the school we had left I imagined the new situation. _Ibid._, Vol. III. p. 98. FRESHMANIC. Pertaining to a _Freshman_; resembling a _Freshman_, or his condition. The Junior Class had heard of our miraculous doings, and asserted with that peculiar dignity which should at all times excite terror and awe in the _Freshmanic_ breast, that they would countenance no such proceedings.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 316. I do not pine for those _Freshmanic_ days.--_Ibid._, Vol. III. p. 405. FRESHMAN, PARIETAL. In Harvard College, the member of the Freshman Class who gives notice to those whom the chairman of the Parietal Committee wishes to see, is known by the name of the _Parietal Freshman_. For his services he receives about forty dollars per annum, and the rent of his room. FRESHMAN, PRESIDENT'S. A member of the Freshman Class who performs the official errands of the President, for which he receives the same compensation as the PARIETAL FRESHMAN. Then Bibo kicked his carpet thrice, Which brought his _Freshman_ in a trice. "You little rascal! go and call The persons mentioned in this scroll." The fellow, hearing, scarcely feels The ground, so quickly fly his heels. _Rebelliad_, p. 27. FRESHMAN, REGENT'S. In Harvard College, a member of the Freshman Class whose duties are given below. "When any student shall return to town, after having had leave of absence for one night or more, or after any vacation, he shall apply to the _Regent's Freshman_, at his room, to enter the time of his return; and shall tarry till he see it entered. "The _Regent's Freshman_ is not charged under the heads of Steward, Instruction, Sweepers, Catalogue, and Dinner."--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1816, pp. 46, 47. This office is now abolished. FRESHMAN'S BIBLE. Among collegians, the name by which the body of laws, the catalogue, or the calendar of a collegiate institution is often designated. The significancy of the word _Bible_ is seen, when the position in which the laws are intended to be regarded is considered. The _Freshman_ is supposed to have studied and to be more familiar with the laws than any one else, hence the propriety of using his name in this connection. A copy of the laws are usually presented to each student on his entrance into college. Every year there issues from the warehouse of Messrs. Deighton, the publishers to the University of Cambridge, an octavo volume, bound in white canvas, and of a very periodical and business-like appearance. Among the Undergraduates it is commonly known by the name of the "_Freshman's Bible_,"--the public usually ask for the "University Calendar."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 230. See COLLEGE BIBLE. FRESHMAN SERVITUDE. The custom which formerly prevailed in the older American colleges of allowing the members of all the upper classes to send Freshmen upon errands, and in other ways to treat them as inferiors, appears at the present day strange and almost unaccountable. That our forefathers had reasons which they deemed sufficient, not only for allowing, but sanctioning, this subjection, we cannot doubt; but what these were, we are not able to know from any accounts which have come down to us from the past. "On attending prayers the first evening," says one who graduated at Harvard College near the close of the last century, "no sooner had the President pronounced the concluding 'Amen,' than one of the Sophomores sung out, 'Stop, Freshmen, and hear the customs read.'" An account of these customs is given in President Quincy's History of Harvard University, Vol. II. p. 539. It is entitled, "THE ANCIENT CUSTOMS OF HARVARD COLLEGE, ESTABLISHED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF IT." "1. No Freshman shall wear his hat in the College yard, unless it rains, hails, or snows, provided he be on foot, and have not both hands full. "2. No Undergraduate shall wear his hat in the College yard when any of the Governors of the College are there; and no Bachelor shall wear his hat when the President is there. "3. Freshmen are to consider all the other classes as their seniors. "4. No Freshman shall speak to a Senior[26] with his hat on, or have it on in a Senior's chamber, or in his own, if a Senior be there. "5. All the Undergraduates shall treat those in the Government of the College with respect and deference; particularly they shall not be seated without leave in their presence; they shall be uncovered when they speak to them or are spoken to by them. "6. All Freshmen (except those employed by the Immediate Government of the College) shall be obliged to go on any errand (except such as shall be judged improper by some one in the Government of the College) for any of his Seniors, Graduates or Undergraduates, at any time, except in studying hours, or after nine o'clock in the evening. "7. A Senior Sophister has authority to take a Freshman from a Sophomore, a Middle Bachelor from a Junior Sophister, a Master from a Senior Sophister, and any Governor of the College from a Master. "8. Every Freshman before he goes for the person who takes him away (unless it be one in the Government of the College) shall return and inform the person from whom he is taken. "9. No Freshman, when sent on an errand, shall make any unnecessary delay, neglect to make due return, or go away till dismissed by the person who sent him. "10. No Freshman shall be detained by a Senior, when not actually employed on some suitable errand. "11. No Freshman shall be obliged to observe any order of a Senior to come to him, or go on any errand for him, unless he be wanted immediately. "12. No Freshman, when sent on an errand, shall tell who he is going for, unless he be asked; nor be obliged to tell what he is going for, unless asked by a Governor of the College. "13. When any person knocks at a Freshman's door, except in studying time, he shall immediately open the door, without inquiring who is there. "14. No scholar shall call up or down, to or from, any chamber in the College. "15. No scholar shall play football or any other game in the College yard, or throw any thing across the yard. "16. The Freshmen shall furnish bats, balls, and footballs for the use of the students, to be kept at the Buttery.[27] "17. Every Freshman shall pay the Butler for putting up his name in the Buttery. "18. Strict attention shall be paid by all the students to the common rules of cleanliness, decency, and politeness. "The Sophomores shall publish these customs to the Freshmen in the Chapel, whenever ordered by any in the Government of the College; at which time the Freshmen are enjoined to keep their places in their seats, and attend with decency to the reading." At the close of a manuscript copy of the laws of Harvard College, transcribed by Richard Waldron, a graduate of the class of 1738, when a Freshman, are recorded the following regulations, which differ from those already cited, not only in arrangement, but in other respects. COLLEGE CUSTOMS, ANNO 1734-5. "1. No Freshman shall ware his hat in the College yard except it rains, snows, or hails, or he be on horse back or haith both hands full. "2. No Freshman shall ware his hat in his Seniors Chamber, or in his own if his Senior be there. "3. No Freshman shall go by his Senior, without taking his hat of if it be on. "4. No Freshman shall intrude into his Seniors company. "5. No Freshman shall laugh in his Seniors face. "6. No Freshman shall talk saucily to his Senior, or speak to him with his hat on. "7. No Freshman shall ask his Senior an impertinent question. "8. Freshmen are to take notice that a Senior Sophister can take a Freshman from a Sophimore,[28] a Middle Batcelour from a Junior Sophister, a Master from a Senior Sophister, and a Fellow[29] from a Master. "9. Freshmen are to find the rest of the Scholars with bats, balls, and foot balls. "10. Freshmen must pay three shillings a peice to the Butler to have there names set up in the Buttery. "11. No Freshman shall loiter by the [way] when he is sent of an errand, but shall make hast and give a direct answer when he is asked who he is going [for]. No Freshman shall use lying or equivocation to escape going of an errand. "12. No Freshman shall tell who [he] is going [for] except he be asked, nor for what except he be asked by a Fellow. "13. No Freshman shall go away when he haith been sent of an errand before he be dismissed, which may be understood by saying, it is well, I thank you, you may go, or the like. "14. When a Freshman knocks at his Seniors door he shall tell [his] name if asked who. "15. When anybody knocks at a Freshmans door, he shall not aske who is there, but shall immediately open the door. "16. No Freshman shall lean at prayrs but shall stand upright. "17. No Freshman shall call his classmate by the name of Freshmen. "18. No Freshman shall call up or down to or from his Seniors chamber or his own. "19. No Freshman shall call or throw anything across the College yard. "20. No Freshman shall mingo against the College wall, nor go into the Fellows cus john.[30] "21. Freshmen may ware there hats at dinner and supper, except when they go to receive there Commons of bread and bear. "22. Freshmen are so to carry themselves to there Seniors in all respects so as to be in no wise saucy to them, and who soever of the Freshmen shall brake any of these customs shall be severely punished." Another manuscript copy of these singular regulations bears date September, 1741, and is entitled, "THE CUSTOMS OF HARVARD COLLEGE, WHICH IF THE FRESHMEN DON'T OBSERVE AND OBEY, THEY SHALL BE SEVERELY PUNISHED IF THEY HAVE HEARD THEM READ." "1. No Freshman shall wear his hat in the College yard, except it rains, hails, or snows, he be on horseback, or hath both hands full. "2. No Freshman shall pass by his Senior, without pulling his hat off. "3. No Freshman shall be saucy to his Senior, or speak to him with his hat on. "4. No Freshman shall laugh in his Senior's face. "5. No Freshman shall ask his Senior any impertinent question. "6. No Freshman shall intrude into his Senior's company. "7. Freshmen are to take notice that a Senior Sophister can take a Freshman from a Sophimore, a Master from a Senior Sophister, and a Fellow from a Master. "8. When a Freshman is sent of an errand, he shall not loiter by the way, but shall make haste, and give a direct answer if asked who he is going for. "9. No Freshman shall tell who he is a going for (unless asked), or what he is a going for, unless asked by a Fellow. "10. No Freshman, when he is going of errands, shall go away, except he be dismissed, which is known by saying, 'It is well,' 'You may go,' 'I thank you,' or the like. "11. Freshman are to find the rest of the scholars with bats, balls, and footballs. "12. Freshmen shall pay three shillings to the Butler to have their names set up in the Buttery. "13. No Freshman shall wear his hat in his Senior's chambers, nor in his own if his Senior be there. "14. When anybody knocks at a Freshman's door, he shall not ask who is there, but immediately open the door. "15. When a Freshman knocks at his Senior's door, he shall tell his name immediately. "16. No Freshman shall call his classmate by the name of Freshman. "17. No Freshman shall call up or down, to or from his Senior's chamber or his own. "18. No Freshman shall call or throw anything across the College yard, nor go into the Fellows' Cuz-John. "19. No Freshman shall mingo against the College walls. "20. Freshmen are to carry themselves, in all respects, as to be in no wise saucy to their Seniors. "21. Whatsoever Freshman shall break any of these customs, he shall be severely punished." A written copy of these regulations in Latin, of a very early date, is still extant. They appear first in English, in the fourth volume of the Immediate Government Books, 1781, p. 257. The two following laws--one of which was passed soon after the establishment of the College, the other in the year 1734--seem to have been the foundation of these rules. "Nulli ex scholaribus senioribus, solis tutoribus et collegii sociis exceptis, recentem sive juniorem, ad itinerandum, aut ad aliud quodvis faciendum, minis, verberibus, vel aliis modis impellere licebit. Et siquis non gradatus in hanc legem peccaverit, castigatione corporali, expulsione, vel aliter, prout præsidi cum sociis visum fuerit punietur."--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. p. 133. "None belonging to the College, except the President, Fellows, Professors, and Tutors, shall by threats or blows compel a Freshman or any Undergraduate to any duty or obedience; and if any Undergraduate shall offend against this law, he shall be liable to have the privilege of sending Freshmen taken from him by the President and Tutors, or be degraded or expelled, according to the aggravation of the offence. Neither shall any Senior scholars, Graduates or Undergraduates, send any Freshman on errands in studying hours, without leave from one of the Tutors, his own Tutor if in College."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, App., p. 141. That this privilege of sending Freshmen on errands was abused in some cases, we see from an account of "a meeting of the Corporation in Cambridge, March 27th, 1682," at which time notice was given that "great complaints have been made and proved against ----, for his abusive carriage, in requiring some of the Freshmen to go upon his private errands, and in striking the said Freshmen." In the year 1772, "the Overseers having repeatedly recommended abolishing the custom of allowing the upper classes to send Freshmen on errands, and the making of a law exempting them from such services, the Corporation voted, that, 'after deliberate consideration and weighing all circumstances, they are not able to project any plan in the room of this long and ancient custom, that will not, in their opinion, be attended with equal, if not greater, inconveniences.'" It seems, however, to have fallen into disuse, for a time at least, after this period; for in June, 1786, "the retaining men or boys to perform the services for which Freshmen had been heretofore employed," was declared to be a growing evil, and was prohibited by the Corporation.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 515; Vol. II. pp. 274, 277. The upper classes being thus forbidden to employ persons not connected with the College to wait upon them, the services of Freshmen were again brought into requisition, and they were not wholly exempted from menial labor until after the year 1800. Another service which the Freshmen were called on to perform, was once every year to shake the carpets of the library and Philosophy Chamber in the Chapel. Those who refused to comply with these regulations were not allowed to remain in College, as appears from the following circumstance, which happened about the year 1790. A young man from the West Indies, of wealthy and highly respectable parents, entered Freshman, and soon after, being ordered by a member of one of the upper classes to go upon an errand for him, refused, at the same time saying, that if he had known it was the custom to require the lower class to wait on the other classes, he would have brought a slave with him to perform his share of these duties. In the common phrase of the day, he was _hoisted_, i.e. complained of to a tutor, and on being told that he could not remain at College if he did not comply with its regulations, he took up his connections and returned home. With reference to some of the observances which were in vogue at Harvard College in the year 1794, the recollections of Professor Sidney Willard are these:-- "It was the practice, at the time of my entrance at College, for the Sophomore Class, by a member selected for the purpose, to communicate to the Freshmen, in the Chapel, 'the Customs,' so called; the Freshmen being required to 'keep their places in their seats, and attend with decency to the reading.' These customs had been handed down from remote times, with some modifications not essentially changing them. Not many days after our seats were assigned to us in the Chapel, we were directed to remain after evening prayers and attend to the reading of the customs; which direction was accordingly complied with, and they were read and listened to with decorum and gravity. Whether the ancient customs of outward respect, which forbade a Freshman 'to wear his hat in the College yard, unless it rains, hails, or snows, provided he be on foot, and have not both hands full,' as if the ground on which he trod and the atmosphere around him were consecrated, and the article which extends the same prohibition to all undergraduates, when any of the governors of the College are in the yard, were read, I cannot say; but I think they were not; for it would have disturbed that gravity which I am confident was preserved during the whole reading. These prescripts, after a long period of obsolescence, had become entirely obsolete. "The most degrading item in the list of customs was that which made Freshmen subservient to all the other classes; which obliged those who were not employed by the Immediate Government of the College to go on any errand, not judged improper by an officer of the government, or in study hours, for any of the other classes, the Senior having the prior right to the service.... The privilege of claiming such service, and the obligation, on the other hand, to perform it, doubtless gave rise to much abuse, and sometimes to unpleasant conflict. A Senior having a claim to the service of a Freshman prior to that of the classes below them, it had become a practice not uncommon, for a Freshman to obtain a Senior, to whom, as a patron and friend, he acknowledged and avowed a permanent service due, and whom he called _his_ Senior by way of eminence, thus escaping the demands that might otherwise be made upon him for trivial or unpleasant errands. The ancient custom was never abolished by authority, but died with the change of feeling; so that what might be demanded as a right came to be asked as a favor, and the right was resorted to only as a sort of defensive weapon, as a rebuke of a supposed impertinence, or resentment of a real injury."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. pp. 258, 259. The following account of this system, as it formerly obtained at Yale College, is from President Woolsey's Historical Discourse before the Graduates of that Institution, Aug. 14, 1850:-- "Another remarkable particular in the old system here was the servitude of Freshmen,--for such it really deserved to be called. The new-comers--as if it had been to try their patience and endurance in a novitiate before being received into some monastic order--were put into the hands of Seniors, to be reproved and instructed in manners, and were obliged to run upon errands for the members of all the upper classes. And all this was very gravely meant, and continued long in use. The Seniors considered it as a part of the system to initiate the ignorant striplings into the college system, and performed it with the decorum of dancing-masters. And, if the Freshmen felt the burden, the upper classes who had outlived it, and were now reaping the advantages of it, were not willing that the custom should die in their time. "The following paper, printed I cannot tell when, but as early as the year 1764, gives information to the Freshmen in regard to their duty of respect towards the officers, and towards the older students. It is entitled 'FRESHMAN LAWS,' and is perhaps part of a book of customs which was annually read for the instruction of new-comers. "'It being the duty of the Seniors to teach Freshmen the laws, usages, and customs of the College, to this end they are empowered to order the whole Freshman Class, or any particular member of it, to appear, in order to be instructed or reproved, at such time and place as they shall appoint; when and where every Freshman shall attend, answer all proper questions, and behave decently. The Seniors, however, are not to detain a Freshman more than five minutes after study bell, without special order from the President, Professor, or Tutor. "'The Freshmen, as well as all other Undergraduates, are to be uncovered, and are forbidden to wear their hats (unless in stormy weather) in the front door-yard of the President's or Professor's house, or within ten rods of the person of the President, eight rods of the Professor, and five rods of a Tutor. "'The Freshmen are forbidden to wear their hats in College yard (except in stormy weather, or when they are obliged to carry something in their hands) until May vacation; nor shall they afterwards wear them in College or Chapel. "'No Freshman shall wear a gown, or walk with a cane, or appear out of his room without being completely dressed, and with his hat; and whenever a Freshman either speaks to a superior or is spoken to by one, he shall keep his hat off until he is bidden to put it on. A Freshman shall not play with any members of an upper class, without being asked; nor is he permitted to use any acts of familiarity with them, even in study time. "'In case of personal insult, a Junior may call up a Freshman and reprehend him. A Sophomore, in like case, must obtain leave from a Senior, and then he may discipline a Freshman, not detaining him more than five minutes, after which the Freshman may retire, even without being dismissed, but must retire in a respectful manner. "'Freshmen are obliged to perform all reasonable errands for any superior, always returning an account of the same to the person who sent them. When called, they shall attend and give a respectful answer; and when attending on their superior, they are not to depart until regularly dismissed. They are responsible for all damage done to anything put into their hands by way of errand. They are not obliged to go for the Undergraduates in study time, without permission obtained from the authority; nor are they obliged to go for a graduate out of the yard in study time. A Senior may take a Freshman from a Sophimore, a Bachelor from a Junior, and a Master from a Senior. None may order a Freshman in one play time, to do an errand in another. "'When a Freshman is near a gate or door belonging to College or College yard, he shall look around and observe whether any of his superiors are coming to the same; and if any are coming within three rods, he shall not enter without a signal to proceed. In passing up or down stairs, or through an entry or any other narrow passage, if a Freshman meets a superior, he shall stop and give way, leaving the most convenient side,--if on the stairs, the banister side. Freshmen shall not run in College yard, or up or down stairs, or call to any one through a College window. When going into the chamber of a superior, they shall knock at the door, and shall leave it as they find it, whether open or shut. Upon entering the chamber of a superior, they shall not speak until spoken to; they shall reply modestly to all questions, and perform their messages decently and respectfully. They shall not tarry in a superior's room, after they are dismissed, unless asked to sit. They shall always rise whenever a superior enters or leaves the room where they are, and not sit in his presence until permitted. "'These rules are to be observed, not only about College, but everywhere else within the limits of the city of New Haven.' "This is certainly a very remarkable document, one which it requires some faith to look on as originating in this land of universal suffrage, in the same century with the Declaration of Independence. He who had been moulded and reduced into shape by such a system might soon become expert in the punctilios of the court of Louis the Fourteenth. "This system, however, had more tenacity of life than might be supposed. In 1800 we still find it laid down as the Senior's duty to inspect the manners and customs of the lower classes, and especially of the Freshmen; and as the duty of the latter to do any proper errand, not only for the authorities of the College, but also, within the limits of one mile, for Resident Graduates and for the two upper classes. By degrees the old usage sank down so far, that what the laws permitted was frequently abused for the purpose of playing tricks upon the inexperienced Freshmen; and then all evidence of its ever having been current disappeared from the College code. The Freshmen were formally exempted from the duty of running upon errands in 1804."--pp. 54-56. Among the "Laws of Yale College," published in 1774, appears the following regulation: "Every Freshman is obliged to do any proper Errand or Message, required of him by any one in an upper class, which if he shall refuse to do, he shall be punished. Provided that in Study Time no Graduate may send a Freshman out of College Yard, or an Undergraduate send him anywhere at all without Liberty first obtained of the President or Tutor."--pp. 14, 15. In a copy of the "Laws" of the above date, which formerly belonged to Amasa Paine, who entered the Freshman Class at Yale in 1781, is to be found a note in pencil appended to the above regulation, in these words: "This Law was annulled when Dr. [Matthew] Marvin, Dr. M.J. Lyman, John D. Dickinson, William Bradley, and Amasa Paine were classmates, and [they] claimed the Honor of abolishing it." The first three were graduated at Yale in the class of 1785; Bradley was graduated at the same college in 1784 and Paine, after spending three years at Yale, was graduated at Harvard College in the class of 1785. As a part of college discipline, the upper classes were sometimes deprived of the privilege of employing the services of Freshmen. The laws on this subject were these:-- "If any Scholar shall write or publish any scandalous Libel about the President, a Fellow, Professor, or Tutor, or shall treat any one of them with any reproachful or reviling Language, or behave obstinately, refractorily, or contemptuously towards either of them, or be guilty of any Kind of Contempt, he may be punished by Fine, Admonition, be deprived the Liberty of sending Freshmen for a Time; by Suspension from all the Privileges of College; or Expulsion, according as the Nature and Aggravation of the Crime may require." "If any Freshman near the Time of Commencement shall fire the great Guns, or give or promise any Money, Counsel, or Assistance towards their being fired; or shall illuminate College with Candles, either on the Inside or Outside of the Windows, or exhibit any such Kind of Show, or dig or scrape the College Yard otherwise than with the Liberty and according to the Directions of the President in the Manner formerly practised, or run in the College Yard in Company, they shall be deprived the Privilege of sending Freshmen three Months after the End of the Year."--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1774, pp. 13, 25, 26. To the latter of these laws, a clause was subsequently added, declaring that every Freshman who should "do anything unsuitable for a Freshman" should be deprived of the privilege "of sending Freshmen on errands, or teaching them manners, during the first three months of _his_ Sophomore year."--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1787, in _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 140. In the Sketches of Yale College, p. 174, is the following anecdote, relating to this subject:--"A Freshman was once furnished with a dollar, and ordered by one of the upper classes to procure for him pipes and tobacco, from the farthest store on Long Wharf, a good mile distant. Being at that time compelled by College laws to obey the unreasonable demand, he proceeded according to orders, and returned with ninety-nine cents' worth of pipes and one pennyworth of tobacco. It is needless to add that he was not again sent on a similar errand." The custom of obliging the Freshmen to run on errands for the Seniors was done away with at Dartmouth College, by the class of 1797, at the close of their Freshman year, when, having served their own time out, they presented a petition to the Trustees to have it abolished. In the old laws of Middlebury College are the two following regulations in regard to Freshmen, which seem to breathe the same spirit as those cited above. "Every Freshman shall be obliged to do any proper errand or message for the Authority of the College." --"It shall be the duty of the Senior Class to inspect the manners of the Freshman Class, and to instruct them in the customs of the College, and in that graceful and decent behavior toward superiors, which politeness and a just and reasonable subordination require."--_Laws_, 1804, pp. 6, 7. FRESHMANSHIP. The state of a Freshman. A man who had been my fellow-pupil with him from the beginning of our _Freshmanship_, would meet him there.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 150. FRESHMAN'S LANDMARK. At Cambridge, Eng., King's College Chapel is thus designated. "This stupendous edifice may be seen for several miles on the London road, and indeed from most parts of the adjacent country."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ FRESHMAN, TUTOR'S. In Harvard College, the _Freshman_ who occupies a room under a _Tutor_. He is required to do the errands of the Tutor which relate to College, and in return has a high choice of rooms in his Sophomore year. The same remarks, _mutatis mutandis_, apply to the _Proctor's Freshman_. FRESH-SOPH. An abbreviation of _Freshman-Sophomore_. One who enters college in the _Sophomore_ year, having passed the time of the _Freshman_ year elsewhere. I was a _Fresh-Sophomore_ then, and a waiter in the commons' hall. --_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 114. FROG. In Germany, a student while in the gymnasium, and before entering the university, is called a _Frosch_,--a frog. FUNK. Disgust; weariness; fright. A sensation sometimes experienced by students in view of an examination. In Cantab phrase I was suffering examination _funk_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 61. A singular case of _funk_ occurred at this examination. The man who would have been second, took fright when four of the six days were over, and fairly ran away, not only from the examination, but out of Cambridge, and was not discovered by his friends or family till some time after.--_Ibid._, p. 125. One of our Scholars, who stood a much better chance than myself, gave up from mere _funk_, and resolved to go out in the Poll.--_Ibid._, p. 229. 2. Fear or sensibility to fear. The general application of the term. So my friend's first fault is timidity, which is only not recognized as such on account of its vast proportions. I grant, then, that the _funk_ is sublime, which is a true and friendly admission.--_A letter to the N.Y. Tribune_, in _Lit. World_, Nov. 30, 1850. _G_. GAS. To impose upon another by a consequential address, or by detailing improbable stories or using "great swelling words"; to deceive; to cheat. Found that Fairspeech only wanted to "_gas_" me, which he did pretty effectually.--_Sketches of Williams College_, p. 72. GATE BILL. In the English universities, the record of a pupil's failures to be within his college at or before a specified hour of the night. To avoid gate-bills, he will be out at night as late as he pleases, and will defy any one to discover his absence; for he will climb over the college walls, and fee his Gyp well, when he is out all night--_Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 128. GATED. At the English universities, students who, for misdemeanors, are not permitted to be out of their college after ten in the evening, are said to be _gated_. "_Gated_," i.e. obliged to be within the college walls by ten o'clock at night; by this he is prevented from partaking in suppers, or other nocturnal festivities, in any other college or in lodgings.--Note to _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. The lighter college offences, such as staying out at night or missing chapel, are punished by what they term "_gating_"; in one form of which, a man is actually confined to his rooms: in a more mild way, he is simply restricted to the precincts of the college. --_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 241. GAUDY. In the University of Oxford, a feast or festival. The days on which they occur are called _gaudies_ or _gaudy days_. "Blount, in his Glossographia," says Archdeacon Nares in his Glossary, "speaks of a foolish derivation of the word from a Judge _Gaudy_, said to have been the institutor of such days. But _such_ days were held in all times, and did not want a judge to invent them." Come, Let's have one other _gaudy_ night: call to me All my sad captains; fill our bowls; once more Let's mock the midnight bell. _Antony and Cleopatra_, Act. III. Sc. 11. A foolish utensil of state, Which like old plate upon a _gaudy day_, 's brought forth to make a show, and that is all. _Goblins_, Old Play, X. 143. Edmund Riche, called of Pontigny, Archbishop of Canterbury. After his death he was canonized by Pope Innocent V., and his day in the calendar, 16 Nov., was formerly kept as a "_gaudy_" by the members of the hall.--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. 121. 2. An entertainment; a treat; a spree. Cut lectures, go to chapel as little as possible, dine in hall seldom more than once a week, give _Gaudies_ and spreads.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 122. GENTLEMAN-COMMONER. The highest class of Commoners at Oxford University. Equivalent to a Cambridge _Fellow-Commoner_. Gentlemen Commoners "are eldest sons, or only sons, or men already in possession of estates, or else (which is as common a case as all the rest put together), they are the heirs of newly acquired wealth,--sons of the _nouveaux riches_"; they enjoy a privilege as regards the choice of rooms; associate at meals with the Fellows and other authorities of the College; are the possessors of two gowns, "an undress for the morning, and a full dress-gown for the evening," both of which are made of silk, the latter being very elaborately ornamented; wear a cap, covered with velvet instead of cloth; pay double caution money, at entrance, viz. fifty guineas, and are charged twenty guineas a year for tutorage, twice the amount of the usual fee.--Compiled from _De Quincey's Life and Manners_, pp. 278-280. GET UP A SUBJECT. See SUBJECT. This was the fourth time I had begun Algebra, and essayed with no weakness of purpose to _get_ it _up_ properly.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 157. GILL. The projecting parts of a standing collar are, from their situation, sometimes denominated _gills_. But, O, what rage his maddening bosom fills! Far worse than dust-soiled coat are ruined "_gills_." _Poem before the Class of 1828, Harv. Coll., by J.C. Richmond_, p. 6. GOBBLE. At Yale College, to seize; to lay hold of; to appropriate; nearly the same as to _collar_, q.v. Alas! how dearly for the fun they paid, Whom the Proffs _gobbled_, and the Tutors too. _The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. I never _gobbled_ one poor flat, To cheer me with his soft dark eye, &c. _Yale Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. I went and performed, and got through the burning, But oh! and alas! I was _gobbled_ returning. _Yale Banger_, Nov. 1850. Upon that night, in the broad street, was I by one of the brain-deficient men _gobbled_.--_Yale Battery_, Feb. 1850. Then shout for the hero who _gobbles_ the prize. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 39. At Cambridge, Eng., this word is used in the phrase _gobbling Greek_, i.e. studying or speaking that tongue. Ambitious to "_gobble_" his Greek in the _haute monde_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 79. It was now ten o'clock, and up stairs we therefore flew to _gobble_ Greek with Professor ----.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 127. You may have seen him, traversing the grass-plots, "_gobbling Greek_" to himself.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 210. GOLGOTHA. _The place of a skull_. At Cambridge, Eng., in the University Church, "a particular part," says the Westminster Review, "is appropriated to the _heads_ of the houses, and is called _Golgotha_ therefrom, a name which the appearance of its occupants renders peculiarly fitting, independent of the pun."--Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 236. GONUS. A stupid fellow. He was a _gonus_; perhaps, though, you don't know what _gonus_ means. One day I heard a Senior call a fellow a _gonus_. "A what?" said I. "A great gonus," repeated he. "_Gonus_," echoed I, "what's that mean?" "O," said he, "you're a Freshman and don't understand." A stupid fellow, a dolt, a boot-jack, an ignoramus, is called here a _gonus_. "All Freshmen," continued he gravely, "are _gonuses_."--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 116. If the disquisitionist should ever reform his habits, and turn his really brilliant talents to some good account, then future _gonuses_ will swear by his name, and quote him in their daily maledictions of the appointment system.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. I. p. 76. The word _goney_, with the same meaning, is often used. "How the _goney_ swallowed it all, didn't he?" said Mr. Slick, with great glee.--_Slick in England_, Chap. XXI. Some on 'em were fools enough to believe the _goney_; that's a fact.--_Ibid._ GOOD FELLOW. At the University of Vermont, this term is used with a signification directly opposite to that which it usually has. It there designates a soft-brained boy; one who is lacking in intellect, or, as a correspondent observes, "an _epithetical_ fool." GOODY. At Harvard College, a woman who has the care of the students' rooms. The word seems to be an abbreviated form of the word _goodwife_. It has long been in use, as a low term of civility or sport, and in some cases with the signification of a good old dame; but in the sense above given it is believed to be peculiar to Harvard College. In early times, _sweeper_ was in use instead of _goody_, and even now at Yale College the word _sweep_ is retained. The words _bed-maker_ at Cambridge, Eng., and _gyp_ at Oxford, express the same idea. The Rebelliad, an epic poem, opens with an invocation to the Goody, as follows. Old _Goody_ Muse! on thee I call, _Pro more_, (as do poets all,) To string thy fiddle, wax thy bow, And scrape a ditty, jig, or so. Now don't wax wrathy, but excuse My calling you old _Goody_ Muse; Because "_Old Goody_" is a name Applied to every college dame. Aloft in pendent dignity, Astride her magic broom, And wrapt in dazzling majesty, See! see! the _Goody_ come!--p. 11. Go on, dear _Goody_! and recite The direful mishaps of the fight.--_Ibid._, p. 20. The _Goodies_ hearing, cease to sweep, And listen; while the cook-maids weep.--_Ibid._, p. 47. The _Goody_ entered with her broom, To make his bed and sweep his room.--_Ibid._, p. 73. On opening the papers left to his care, he found a request that his effects might be bestowed on his friend, the _Goody_, who had been so attentive to him during his declining hours.--_Harvard Register_, 1827-28, p. 86. I was interrupted by a low knock at my door, followed by the entrance of our old _Goody_, with a bundle of musty papers in her hand, tied round with a soiled red ribbon.--_Collegian_, 1830, p. 231. Were there any _Goodies_ when you were in college, father? Perhaps you did not call them by that name. They are nice old ladies (not so _very_ nice, either), who come in every morning, after we have been to prayers, and sweep the rooms, and make the beds, and do all that sort of work. However, they don't much like their title, I find; for I called one, the other day, _Mrs. Goodie_, thinking it was her real name, and she was as sulky as she could be.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 76. Yet these half-emptied bottles shall I take, And, having purged them of this wicked stuff, Make a small present unto _Goody_ Bush. _Ibid._, Vol. III. p. 257. Reader! wert ever beset by a dun? ducked by the _Goody_ from thine own window, when "creeping like snail unwillingly" to morning prayers?--_Ibid._, Vol. IV. p. 274. The crowd delighted Saw them, like _Goodies_, clothed in gowns of satin, Of silk or cotton.--_Childe Harvard_, p. 26, 1848. On the wall hangs a Horse-shoe I found in the street; 'T is the shoe that to-day sets in motion my feet; Though its charms are all vanished this many a year, And not even my _Goody_ regards it with fear. _The Horse-Shoe, a Poem, by J.B. Felton_, 1849, p. 4. A very clever elegy on the death of Goody Morse, who "For forty years or more ... contrived the while No little dust to raise" in the rooms of the students of Harvard College, is to be found in Harvardiana, Vol. I. p. 233. It was written by Mr. (afterwards Rev.) Benjamin Davis Winslow. In the poem which he read before his class in the University Chapel at Cambridge, July 14, 1835, he referred to her in these lines: "'New brooms sweep clean': 't was thine, dear _Goody_ Morse, To prove the musty proverb hath no force, Since fifty years to vanished centuries crept, While thy old broom our cloisters duly swept. All changed but thee! beneath thine aged eye Whole generations came and flitted by, Yet saw thee still in office;--e'en reform Spared thee the pelting of its angry storm. Rest to thy bones in yonder church-yard laid, Where thy last bed the village sexton made!"--p. 19. GORM. From _gormandize_. At Hamilton College, to eat voraciously. GOT. In Princeton College, when a student or any one else has been cheated or taken in, it is customary to say, he was _got_. GOVERNMENT. In American colleges, the general government is usually vested in a corporation or a board of trustees, whose powers, rights, and duties are established by the respective charters of the colleges over which they are placed. The immediate government of the undergraduates is in the hands of the president, professors, and tutors, who are styled _the Government_, or _the College Government_, and more frequently _the Faculty_, or _the College Faculty_.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, pp. 7, 8. _Laws of Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 5. For many years he was the most conspicuous figure among those who constituted what was formerly called "the _Government_."--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, p. vii. [Greek: Kudiste], mighty President!!! [Greek: Kalomen nun] the _Government_.--_Rebelliad_, p. 27. Did I not jaw the _Government_, For cheating more than ten per cent?--_Ibid._, p. 32. They shall receive due punishment From Harvard College _Government_.--_Ibid._, p. 44. The annexed production, printed from a MS. in the author's handwriting, and in the possession of the editor of this work, is now, it is believed, for the first time presented to the public. The time is 1787; the scene, Harvard College. The poem was "written by John Q. Adams, son of the President, when an undergraduate." "A DESCRIPTION OF A GOVERNMENT MEETING. "The Government of College met, And _Willard_[31] rul'd the stern debate. The witty _Jennison_[32] declar'd As how, he'd been completely scar'd; Last night, quoth he, as I came home, I heard a noise in _Prescott's_[33] room. I went and listen'd at the door, As I had often done before; I found the Juniors in a high rant, They call'd the President a tyrant; And said as how I was a fool, A long ear'd ass, a sottish mule, Without the smallest grain of spunk; So I concluded they were drunk. At length I knock'd, and Prescott came: I told him 't was a burning shame, That he should give his classmates wine; And he should pay a heavy fine. Meanwhile the rest grew so outragious, Altho' I boast of being couragious, I could not help being in a fright, For one of them put out the light. I thought 't was best to come away, And wait for vengeance 'till this day; And he's a fool at any rate Who'll fight, when he can RUSTICATE. When they [had] found that I was gone, They ran through College up and down; And I could hear them very plain Take the Lord's holy name in vain. To Wier's[34] chamber they then repair'd, And there the wine they freely shar'd; They drank and sung till they were tir'd. And then they peacefully retir'd. When this Homeric speech was said, With drolling tongue and hanging head, The learned Doctor took his seat, Thinking he'd done a noble feat. Quoth Joe,[35] the crime is great I own, Send for the Juniors one by one. By this almighty wig I swear, Which with such majesty I wear, Which in its orbit vast contains My dignity, my power and brains, That Wier and Prescott both shall see, That College boys must not be free. He spake, and gave the awful nod Like Homer's Didonean God, The College from its centre shook, And every pipe and wine-glass broke. "_Williams_,[36] with countenance humane, While scarce from laughter could refrain, Thought that such youthful scenes of mirth To punishment could not give birth; Nor could he easily divine What was the harm of drinking wine. "But _Pearson_,[37] with an awful frown, Full of his article and noun, Spake thus: by all the parts of speech Which I so elegantly teach, By mercy I will never stain The character which I sustain. Pray tell me why the laws were made, If they're not to be obey'd; Besides, _that Wier_ I can't endure, For he's a wicked rake, I'm sure. But whether I am right or not, I'll not recede a single jot. "_James_[38] saw 'twould be in vain t' oppose, And therefore to be silent chose. "_Burr_,[39] who had little wit or pride, Preferr'd to take the strongest side. And Willard soon receiv'd commission To give a publick admonition. With pedant strut to prayers he came, Call'd out the criminals by name; Obedient to his dire command, Prescott and Wier before him stand. The rulers merciful and kind, With equal grief and wonder find, That you do drink, and play, and sing, And make with noise the College ring. I therefore warn you to beware Of drinking more than you can bear. Wine an incentive is to riot, Disturbance of the publick quiet. Full well your Tutors know the truth, For sad experience taught their youth. Take then this friendly exhortation; The next offence is RUSTICATION." GOWN. A long, loose upper garment or robe, worn by professional men, as divines, lawyers, students, &c., who are called _men of the gown_, or _gownmen_. It is made of any kind of cloth, worn over ordinary clothes, and hangs down to the ankles, or nearly so. --_Encyc._ From a letter written in the year 1766, by Mr. Holyoke, then President of Harvard College, it would appear that gowns were first worn by the members of that institution about the year 1760. The gown, although worn by the students in the English universities, is now seldom worn in American colleges except on Commencement, Exhibition, or other days of a similar public character. The students are permitted to wear black _gowns_, in which they may appear on all public occasions.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 37. Every candidate for a first degree shall wear a black dress and the usual black _gown_.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 20. The performers all wore black _gowns_ with sleeves large enough to hold me in, and shouted and swung their arms, till they looked like so many Methodist ministers just ordained.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 111. Saw them ... clothed in _gowns_ of satin, Or silk or cotton, black as souls benighted.-- All, save the _gowns_, was startling, splendid, tragic, But gowns on men have lost their wonted magic. _Childe Harvard_, p. 26. The door swings open--and--he comes! behold him Wrapt in his mantling _gown_, that round him flows Waving, as Cæsar's toga did enfold him.--_Ibid._, p. 36. On Saturday evenings, Sundays, and Saints' days, the students wear surplices instead of their _gowns_, and very innocent and exemplary they look in them.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 21. 2. One who wears a gown. And here, I think, I may properly introduce a very singular gallant, a sort of mongrel between town and _gown_,--I mean a bibliopola, or (as the vulgar have it) a bookseller.--_The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., Vol. II. p. 226. GOWNMAN, GOWNSMAN. One whose professional habit is a gown, as a divine or lawyer, and particularly a member of an English university.--_Webster_. The _gownman_ learned.--_Pope_. Oft has some fair inquirer bid me say, What tasks, what sports beguile the _gownsman's_ day. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. For if townsmen by our influence are so enlightened, what must we _gownsmen_ be ourselves?--_The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., Vol. I. p. 56. Nor must it be supposed that the _gownsmen_ are thin, study-worn, consumptive-looking individuals.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 5. See CAP. GRACE. In English universities, an act, vote, or decree of the government of the institution.--_Webster_. "All _Graces_ (as the legislative measures proposed by the Senate are termed) have to be submitted first to the Caput, each member of which has an absolute veto on the grace. If it passes the Caput, it is then publicly recited in both houses, [the regent and non-regent,] and at a subsequent meeting voted on, first in the Non-Regent House, and then in the other. If it passes both, it becomes valid."--_Literary World_, Vol. XII. p. 283. See CAPUT SENATUS. GRADUATE. To honor with a degree or diploma, in a college or university; to confer a degree on; as, to _graduate_ a master of arts.--_Wotton_. _Graduated_ a doctor, and dubb'd a knight.--_Carew_. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, says of the word _graduate_: "Johnson has it as a verb active only. But an English friend observes, that 'the active sense of this word is rare in England.' I have met with one instance in an English publication where it is used in a dialogue, in the following manner: 'You, methinks, _are graduated_.' See a review in the British Critic, Vol. XXXIV. p. 538." In Mr. Todd's edition of Johnson's Dictionary, this word is given as a verb intransitive also: "To take an academical degree; to become a graduate; as he _graduated_ at Oxford." In America, the use of the phrase _he was graduated_, instead of _he graduated_, which has been of late so common, "is merely," says Mr. Bartlett in his Dictionary of Americanisms, "a return to former practice, the verb being originally active transitive." He _was graduated_ with the esteem of the government, and the regard of his contemporaries--_Works of R.T. Paine_, p. xxix. The latter, who _was graduated_ thirteen years after.--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 219. In this perplexity the President had resolved "to yield to the torrent, and _graduate_ Hartshorn."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 398. (The quotation was written in 1737.) In May, 1749, three gentlemen who had sons about _to be graduated_.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 92. Mr. Peirce was born in September, 1778; and, after _being graduated_ at Harvard College, with the highest honors of his class.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 390, and Chap. XXXVII. _passim_. He _was graduated_ in 1789 with distinguished honors, at the age of nineteen.--_Mr. Young's Discourse on the Life of President Kirkland_. His class when _graduated_, in 1785, consisted of thirty-two persons.--_Dr. Palfrey's Discourse on the Life and Character of Dr. Ware_. 2. _Intransitively_. To receive a degree from a college or university. He _graduated_ at Leyden in 1691.--_London Monthly Mag._, Oct. 1808, p. 224. Wherever Magnol _graduated_.--_Rees's Cyclopædia_, Art. MAGNOL. GRADUATE. One who has received a degree in a college or university, or from some professional incorporated society.--_Webster_. GRADUATE IN A SCHOOL. A degree given, in the University of Virginia, to those who have been through a course of study less than is required for the degree of B.A. GRADUATION. The act of conferring or receiving academical degrees. --_Charter of Dartmouth College_. After his _graduation_ at Yale College, in 1744, he continued his studies at Harvard University, where he took his second degree in 1747.--_Hist. Sketch of Columbia Coll._, p. 122. Bachelors were called Senior, Middle, or Junior Bachelors according to the year since _graduation_, and before taking the degree of Master.--_Woolsey's Hist. Disc._, p. 122. GRAND COMPOUNDER. At the English Universities, one who pays double fees for his degree. "Candidates for all degrees, who possess certain property," says the Oxford University Calendar, "must go out, as it is termed, _Grand Compounders_. The property required for this purpose may arise from two distinct sources; either from some ecclesiastical benefice or benefices, or else from some other revenue, civil or ecclesiastical. The ratio of computation in the first case is expressly limited by statute to the value of the benefice or benefices, as _rated in the King's books_, without regard to the actual estimation at the present period; and the amount of that value must not be _less than forty pounds_. In the second instance, which includes all other cases, comprising ecclesiastical as well as civil income, (academical income alone excepted,) property to the extent of _three hundred pounds_ a year is required; nor is any difference made between property in land and property in money, so that a _legal_ revenue to this extent of any description, not arising from a benefice or benefices, and not being strictly academical, renders the qualification complete."--Ed. 1832, p. 92. At Oxford "a '_grand compounder_' is one who has income to the amount of $1,500, and is made to pay $150 for his degree, while the ordinary fee is $42." _Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 247. GRAND TRIBUNAL. The Grand Tribunal is an institution peculiar to Trinity College, Hartford. A correspondent describes it as follows. "The Grand Tribunal is a mock court composed of the Senior and Junior Classes, and has for its special object the regulation and discipline of Sophomores. The first officer of the Tribunal is the 'Grand High Chancellor,' who presides at all business meetings. The Tribunal has its judges, advocates, sheriff, and his aids. According to the laws of the Tribunal, no Sophomore can be tried who has three votes in his favor. This regulation makes a trial a difficult matter; there is rarely more than one trial a year, and sometimes two years elapse without there being a session of the court. When a selection of an offending and unlucky Soph has been made, he is arrested some time during the day of the evening on which his trial takes place. The court provides him with one advocate, while he has the privilege of choosing another. These trials are often the scenes of considerable wit and eloquence. One of the most famous of them was held in 1853. When the Tribunal is in session, it is customary for the Faculty of the College to act as its police, by preserving order amongst the Sophs, who generally assemble at the door, to disturb, if possible, the proceedings of the Court." GRANTA. The name by which the University of Cambridge, Eng., was formerly known. At present it is sometimes designated by this title in poetry, and in addresses written in other tongues than the vernacular. Warm with fond hope, and Learning's sacred flame, To _Granta's_ bowers the youthful Poet came. _Lines in Memory of H.K. White, by Prof. William Smyth_, in _Cam. Guide_. GRATULATORY. Expressing gratulation; congratulatory. At Harvard College, while Wadsworth was President, in the early part of the last century, it was customary to close the exercises of Commencement day with a _gratulatory oration_, pronounced by one of the candidates for a degree. This has now given place to what is generally called the _valedictory oration_. GRAVEL DAY. The following account of this day is given in a work entitled Sketches of Williams College. "On the second Monday of the first term in the year, if the weather be at all favorable, it has been customary from time immemorial to hold a college meeting, and petition the President for '_Gravel day_.' We did so this morning. The day was granted, and, recitations being dispensed with, the students turned out _en masse_ to re-gravel the college walks. The gravel which we obtain here is of such a nature that it packs down very closely, and renders the walks as hard and smooth as a pavement. The Faculty grant this day for the purpose of fostering in the students the habit of physical labor and exercise, so essential to vigorous mental exertion."--1847, pp. 78, 79. The improved method of observing this day is noted in the annexed extract. "Nearly every college has its own peculiar customs, which have been transmitted from far antiquity; but Williams has perhaps less than any other. Among ours are '_gravel day_,' 'chip day,' and 'mountain day,' occurring one in each of the three terms. The first usually comes in the early part of the Fall term. In old times, when the students were few, and rather fonder of _work_ than at the present, they turned out with spades, hoes, and other implements, and spread gravel over the walks, to the College grounds; but in later days, they have preferred to tax themselves to a small amount and delegate the work to others, while they spend the day in visiting the Cascade, the Natural Bridge, or others of the numerous places of interest near us."--_Boston Daily Evening Traveller_, July 12, 1854. GREAT GO. In the English universities the final and most important examination is called the _great go_, in contradistinction to the _little go_, an examination about the middle of the course. In my way back I stepped into the _Great Go_ schools.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 287. Read through the whole five volumes folio, Latin, previous to going up for his _Great Go_.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 381. GREEN. Inexperienced, unsophisticated, verdant. Among collegians this term is the favorite appellation for Freshmen. When a man is called _verdant_ or _green_, it means that he is unsophisticated and raw. For instance, when a man rushes to chapel in the morning at the ringing of the first bell, it is called _green_. At least, we were, for it. This greenness, we would remark, is not, like the verdure in the vision of the poet, necessarily perennial.--_Williams Monthly Miscellany_, 1845, Vol. I. p. 463. GRIND. An exaction; an oppressive action. Students speak of a very long lesson which they are required to learn, or of any thing which it is very unpleasant or difficult to perform, as a _grind_. This meaning is derived from the verb _to grind_, in the sense of to harass, to afflict; as, to _grind_ the faces of the poor (Isaiah iii. 15). I must say 't is a _grind_, though --(perchance I spoke too loud). _Poem before Iadma_, 1850, p. 12. GRINDING. Hard study; diligent application. The successful candidate enjoys especial and excessive _grinding_ during the four years of his college course. _Burlesque Catalogue, Yale Coll._, 1852-53, p. 28. GROATS. At the English universities, "nine _groats_" says Grose, in his Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue, "are deposited in the hands of an academic officer by every person standing for a degree, which, if the depositor obtains with honor, are returned to him." _To save his groats_; to come off handsomely.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ GROUP. A crowd or throng; a number collected without any regular form or arrangement. At Harvard College, students are not allowed to assemble in _groups_, as is seen by the following extract from the laws. Three persons together are considered as a _group_. Collecting in _groups_ round the doors of the College buildings, or in the yard, shall be considered a violation of decorum.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, Suppl., p. 4. GROUPING. Collecting together. It will surely be incomprehensible to most students how so large a number as six could be suffered with impunity to horde themselves together within the limits of the college yard. In those days the very learned laws about _grouping_ were not in existence. A collection of two was not then considered a sure prognostic of rebellion, and spied out vigilantly by tutoric eyes. A _group_ of three was not reckoned a gross outrage of the college peace, and punished severely by the subtraction of some dozens from the numerical rank of the unfortunate youth engaged in so high a misdemeanor. A congregation of four was not esteemed an open, avowed contempt of the laws of decency and propriety, prophesying utter combustion, desolation, and destruction to all buildings and trees in the neighborhood; and lastly, a multitude of five, though watched with a little jealousy, was not called an intolerable, unparalleled violation of everything approaching the name of order, absolute, downright shamelessness, worthy capital mark-punishment, alias the loss of 87-3/4 digits!--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 314. The above passage and the following are both evidently of a satirical nature. And often _grouping_ on the chains, he hums his own sweet verse, Till Tutor ----, coming up, commands him to disperse! _Poem before Y.H._, 1849, p. 14. GRUB. A hard student. Used at Williams College, and synonymous with DIG at other colleges. A correspondent says, writing from Williams: "Our real delvers, midnight students, are familiarly called _Grubs_. This is a very expressive name." A man must not be ashamed to be called a _grub_ in college, if he would shine in the world.--_Sketches of Williams College_, p. 76. Some there are who, though never known to read or study, are ever ready to debate,--not "_grubs_" or "reading men," only "wordy men."--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 246. GRUB. To study hard; to be what is denominated a _grub_, or hard student. "The primary sense," says Dr. Webster, "is probably to rub, to rake, scrape, or scratch, as wild animals dig by scratching." I can _grub out_ a lesson in Latin or mathematics as well as the best of them.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. I. p. 223. GUARDING. "The custom of _guarding_ Freshmen," says a correspondent from Dartmouth College, "is comparatively a late one. Persons masked would go into another's room at night, and oblige him to do anything they commanded him, as to get under his bed, sit with his feet in a pail of water," &c. GULF. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., one who obtains the degree of B.A., but has not his name inserted in the Calendar, is said to be in the _gulf_. He now begins to ... be anxious about ... that classical acquaintance who is in danger of the _gulf_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 95. Some ten or fifteen men just on the line, not bad enough to be plucked or good enough to be placed, are put into the "_gulf_," as it is popularly called (the Examiners' phrase is "Degrees allowed"), and have their degrees given them, but are not printed in the Calendar.--_Ibid._, p. 205. GULFING. In the University of Cambridge, England, "those candidates for B.A. who, but for sickness or some other sufficient cause, might have obtained an honor, have their degree given them without examination, and thus avoid having their names inserted in the lists. This is called _Gulfing_." A degree taken in this manner is called "an Ægrotat Degree."--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. pp. 60, 105. I discovered that my name was nowhere to be found,--that I was _Gulfed_.--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 97. GUM. A trick; a deception. In use at Dartmouth College. _Gum_ is another word they have here. It means something like chaw. To say, "It's all a _gum_," or "a regular chaw," is the same thing.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. GUM. At the University of Vermont, to cheat in recitation by using _ponies_, _interliners_, &c.; e.g. "he _gummed_ in geometry." 2. To cheat; to deceive. Not confined to college. He was speaking of the "moon hoax" which "_gummed_" so many learned philosophers.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIV. p. 189. GUMMATION. A trick; raillery. Our reception to college ground was by no means the most hospitable, considering our unacquaintance with the manners of the place, for, as poor "Fresh," we soon found ourselves subject to all manner of sly tricks and "_gummations_" from our predecessors, the Sophs.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 13. GYP. A cant term for a servant at Cambridge, England, at _scout_ is used at Oxford. Said to be a sportive application of [Greek: gyps], a vulture.--_Smart_. The word _Gyp_ very properly characterizes them.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 56. And many a yawning _gyp_ comes slipshod in, To wake his master ere the bells begin. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. The Freshman, when once safe through his examination, is first inducted into his rooms by a _gyp_, usually recommended to him by his tutor. The gyp (from [Greek: gyps], vulture, evidently a nickname at first, but now the only name applied to this class of persons) is a college servant, who attends upon a number of students, sometimes as many as twenty, calls them in the morning, brushes their clothes, carries for them parcels and the queerly twisted notes they are continually writing to one another, waits at their parties, and so on. Cleaning their boots is not in his branch of the profession; there is a regular brigade of college shoeblacks.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 14. It is sometimes spelled _Jip_, though probably by mistake. My _Jip_ brought one in this morning; faith! and told me I was focussed.--_Gent. Mag._, 1794, p. 1085. _H_. HALF-LESSON. In some American colleges on certain occasions the students are required to learn only one half of the amount of an ordinary lesson. They promote it [the value of distinctions conferred by the students on one another] by formally acknowledging the existence of the larger debating societies in such acts as giving "_half-lessons_" for the morning after the Wednesday night debates.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 386. HALF-YEAR. In the German universities, a collegiate term is called a _half-year_. The annual courses of instruction are divided into summer and winter _half-years_.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. Ed., pp. 34, 35. HALL. A college or large edifice belonging to a collegiate institution.--_Webster_. 2. A collegiate body in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. In the former institution a hall differs from a college, in that halls are not incorporated; consequently, whatever estate or other property they possess is held in trust by the University. In the latter, colleges and halls are synonymous.--_Cam. and Oxf. Calendars_. "In Cambridge," says the author of the Collegian's Guide, "the halls stand on the same footing as the colleges, but at Oxford they did not, in my time, hold by any means so high a place in general estimation. Certainly those halls which admit the outcasts of other colleges, and of those alone I am now speaking, used to be precisely what one would expect to find them; indeed, I had rather that a son of mine should forego a university education altogether, than that he should have so sorry a counterfeit of academic advantages as one of these halls affords."--p. 172. "All the Colleges at Cambridge," says Bristed, "have equal privileges and rights, with the solitary exception of King's, and though some of them are called _Halls_, the difference is merely one of name. But the Halls at Oxford, of which there are five, are not incorporated bodies, and have no vote in University matters, indeed are but a sort of boarding-houses at which students may remain until it is time for them to take a degree. I dined at one of those establishments; it was very like an officers' mess. The men had their own wine, and did not wear their gowns, and the only Don belonging to the Hall was not present at table. There was a tradition of a chapel belonging to the concern, but no one present knew where it was. This Hall seemed to be a small Botany Bay of both Universities, its members made up of all sorts of incapables and incorrigibles."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 140, 141. 3. At Cambridge and Oxford, the public eating-room. I went into the public "_hall_" [so is called in Oxford the public eating-room].--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 231. Dinner is, in all colleges, a public meal, taken in the refectory or "_hall_" of the society.--_Ibid._, p. 273. 4. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., dinner, the name of the place where the meal is taken being given to the meal itself. _Hall_ lasts about three quarters of an hour.--_Bristed's Five Year in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 20. After _Hall_ is emphatically lounging-time, it being the wise practice of Englishmen to attempt no hard exercise, physical or mental, immediately after a hearty meal.--_Ibid._, p. 21. It is not safe to read after _Hall_ (i.e. after dinner).--_Ibid._, p. 331. HANG-OUT. An entertainment. I remember the date from the Fourth of July occurring just afterwards, which I celebrated by a "_hang-out_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 80. He had kept me six hours at table, on the occasion of a dinner which he gave ... as an appendix to and a return for some of my "_hangings-out_."--_Ibid._, p. 198. HANG OUT. To treat, to live, to have or possess. Among English Cantabs, a verb of all-work.--_Bristed_. There were but few pensioners who "_hung out_" servants of their own.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 90. I had become ... a man who knew and "_hung out_ to" clever and pleasant people, and introduced agreeable lions to one another.--_Ibid._, p. 158. I had gained such a reputation for dinner-giving, that men going to "_hang out_" sometimes asked me to compose bills of fare for them.--_Ibid._, p. 195. HARRY SOPHS, or HENRY SOPHISTERS; in reality Harisophs, a corruption of Erisophs ([Greek: erisophos], _valde eruditus_). At Cambridge, England, students who have kept all the terms required for a law act, and hence are ranked as Bachelors of Law by courtesy.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ See, also, Gentleman's Magazine, 1795, p. 818. HARVARD WASHINGTON CORPS. From a memorandum on a fly leaf of an old Triennial Catalogue, it would appear that a military company was first established among the students of Harvard College about the year 1769, and that its first captain was Mr. William Wetmore, a graduate of the Class of 1770. The motto which it then assumed, and continued to bear through every period of its existence, was, "Tam Marti quam Mercurio." It was called at that time the Marti Mercurian Band. The prescribed uniform was a blue coat, the skirts turned with white, nankeen breeches, white stockings, top-boots, and a cocked hat. This association continued for nearly twenty years from the time of its organization, but the chivalrous spirit which had called it into existence seems at the end of that time to have faded away. The last captain, it is believed, was Mr. Solomon Vose, a graduate of the class of 1787. Under the auspices of Governor Gerry, in December of the year 1811, it was revived, and through his influence received a new loan of arms from the State, taking at the same time the name of the Harvard Washington Corps. In 1812, Mr. George Thacher was appointed its commander. The members of the company wore a blue coat, white vest, white pantaloons, white gaiters, a common black hat, and around the waist a white belt, which was always kept very neat, and to which were attached a bayonet and cartridge-box. The officers wore the same dress, with the exceptions of a sash instead of the belt, and a chapeau in place of the hat. Soon after this reorganization, in the fall of 1812, a banner, with the arms of the College on one side and the arms of the State on the other, was presented by the beautiful Miss Mellen, daughter of Judge Mellen of Cambridge, in the name of the ladies of that place. The presentation took place before the door of her father's house. Appropriate addresses were made, both by the fair donor and the captain of the company. Mr. Frisbie, a Professor in the College, who was at that time engaged to Miss Mellen, whom he afterwards married, recited on the occasion the following verses impromptu, which were received with great _eclat_. "The standard's victory's leading star, 'T is danger to forsake it; How altered are the scenes of war, They're vanquished now who take it." A writer in the Harvardiana, 1836, referring to this banner, says: "The gilded banner now moulders away in inglorious quiet, in the dusty retirement of a Senior Sophister's study. What a desecration for that 'flag by angel hands to valor given'!"[40] Within the last two years it has wholly disappeared from its accustomed resting-place. Though departed, its memory will be ever dear to those who saw it in its better days, and under its shadow enjoyed many of the proudest moments of college life. At its second organization, the company was one of the finest and best drilled in the State. The members were from the Senior and Junior Classes. The armory was in the fifth story of Hollis Hall. The regular time for exercise was after the evening commons. The drum would often beat before the meal was finished, and the students could then be seen rushing forth with the half-eaten biscuit, and at the same time buckling on their armor for the accustomed drill. They usually paraded on exhibition-days, when the large concourse of people afforded an excellent opportunity for showing off their skill in military tactics and manoeuvring. On the arrival of the news of the peace of 1815, it appears, from an interleaved almanac, that "the H.W. Corps paraded and fired a salute; Mr. Porter treated the company." Again, on the 12th of May, same year, "H.W. Corps paraded in Charlestown, saluted Com. Bainbridge, and returned by the way of Boston." The captain for that year, Mr. W.H. Moulton, dying, on the 6th of July, at five o'clock, P.M., "the class," says the same authority, "attended the funeral of Br. Moulton in Boston. The H.W. Corps attended in uniform, without arms, the ceremony of entombing their late Captain." In the year 1825, it received a third loan of arms, and was again reorganized, admitting the members of all the classes to its ranks. From this period until the year 1834, very great interest was manifested in it; but a rebellion having broken out at that time among the students, and the guns of the company having been considerably damaged by being thrown from the windows of the armory, which was then in University Hall, the company was disbanded, and the arms were returned to the State. The feelings with which it was regarded by the students generally cannot be better shown than by quoting from some of the publications in which reference is made to it. "Many are the grave discussions and entry caucuses," says a writer in the Harvard Register, published in 1828, "to determine what favored few are to be graced with the sash and epaulets, and march as leaders in the martial band. Whilst these important canvassings are going on, it behooves even the humblest and meekest to beware how he buttons his coat, or stiffens himself to a perpendicular, lest he be more than suspected of aspiring to some military capacity. But the _Harvard Washington Corps_ must not be passed over without further notice. Who can tell what eagerness fills its ranks on an exhibition-day? with what spirit and bounding step the glorious phalanx wheels into the College yard? with what exultation they mark their banner, as it comes floating on the breeze from Holworthy? And ah! who cannot tell how this spirit expires, this exultation goes out, when the clerk calls again and again for the assessments."--p. 378. A college poet has thus immortalized this distinguished band:-- "But see where yonder light-armed ranks advance!-- Their colors gleaming in the noonday glance, Their steps symphonious with the drum's deep notes, While high the buoyant, breeze-borne banner floats! O, let not allied hosts yon band deride! 'T is _Harvard Corps_, our bulwark and our pride! Mark, how like one great whole, instinct with life, They seem to woo the dangers of the strife! Who would not brave the heat, the dust, the rain, To march the leader of that valiant train?" _Harvard Register_, p. 235. Another has sung its requiem in the following strain:-- "That martial band, 'neath waving stripes and stars Inscribed alike to Mercury and Mars, Those gallant warriors in their dread array, Who shook these halls,--O where, alas! are they? Gone! gone! and never to our ears shall come The sounds of fife and spirit-stirring drum; That war-worn banner slumbers in the dust, Those bristling arms are dim with gathering rust; That crested helm, that glittering sword, that plume, Are laid to rest in reckless faction's tomb." _Winslow's Class Poem_, 1835. HAT FELLOW-COMMONER. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the popular name given to a baronet, the eldest son of a baronet, or the younger son of a nobleman. A _Hat Fellow-Commoner_ wears the gown of a Fellow-Commoner, with a hat instead of the velvet cap with metallic tassel which a Fellow-Commoner wears, and is admitted to the degree of M.A. after two years' residence. HAULED UP. In many colleges, one brought up before the Faculty is said to be _hauled up_. HAZE. To trouble; to harass; to disturb. This word is used at Harvard College, to express the treatment which Freshmen sometimes receive from the higher classes, and especially from the Sophomores. It is used among sailors with the meanings _to urge_, _to drive_, _to harass_, especially with labor. In his Dictionary of Americanisms, Mr. Bartlett says, "To haze round, is to go rioting about." Be ready, in fine, to cut, to drink, to smoke, to swear, to _haze_, to dead, to spree,--in one word, to be a Sophomore.--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1848, p. 11. To him no orchard is unknown,--no grape-vine unappraised,-- No farmer's hen-roost yet unrobbed,--no Freshman yet _unhazed_! _Poem before Y.H._, 1849, p. 9. 'T is the Sophomores rushing the Freshmen to _haze_. _Poem before Iadma_, 1850, p. 22. Never again Leave unbolted your door when to rest you retire, And, _unhazed_ and unmartyred, you proudly may scorn Those foes to all Freshmen who 'gainst thee conspire. _Ibid._, p. 23. Freshmen have got quietly settled down to work, Sophs have given up their _hazing_.--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 285. We are glad to be able to record, that the absurd and barbarous custom of _hazing_, which has long prevailed in College, is, to a great degree, discontinued.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 413. The various means which are made use of in _hazing_ the Freshmen are enumerated in part below. In the first passage, a Sophomore speaks in soliloquy. I am a man, Have human feelings, though mistaken Fresh Affirmed I was a savage or a brute, When I did dash cold water in their necks, Discharged green squashes through their window-panes, And stript their beds of soft, luxurious sheets, Placing instead harsh briers and rough sticks, So that their sluggish bodies might not sleep, Unroused by morning bell; or when perforce, From leaden syringe, engine of fierce might, I drave black ink upon their ruffle shirts, Or drenched with showers of melancholy hue, The new-fledged dickey peering o'er the stock, Fit emblem of a young ambitious mind! _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 254. A Freshman writes thus on the subject:-- The Sophs did nothing all the first fortnight but torment the Fresh, as they call us. They would come to our rooms with masks on, and frighten us dreadfully; and sometimes squirt water through our keyholes, or throw a whole pailful on to one of us from the upper windows.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 76. HEAD OF THE HOUSE. The generic name for the highest officer of a college in the English Universities. The Master of the College, or "_Head of the House_," is a D.D. who has been a Fellow.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 16. The _heads of houses_ [are] styled, according to the usage of the college, President, Master, Principal, Provost, Warden, or Rector. --_Oxford Guide_, 1847, p. xiii. Written often simply _Head_. The "_Head_," as he is called generically, of an Oxford college, is a greater man than the uninitiated suppose.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 244. The new _Head_ was a gentleman of most commanding personal appearance.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 87. HEADSHIP. The office and place of head or president of a college. Most of the college _Headships_ are not at the disposal of the Crown.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, note, p. 89, and _errata_. The _Headships_ of the colleges are, with the exception of Worcester, filled by one chosen by the Fellows from among themselves, or one who has been a Fellow.--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. xiv. HEADS OUT. At Princeton College, the cry when anything occurs in the _Campus_. Used, also, to give the alarm when a professor or tutor is about to interrupt a spree. See CAMPUS. HEBDOMADAL BOARD. At Oxford, the local governing authority of the University, composed of the Heads of colleges and the two Proctors, and expressing itself through the Vice-Chancellor. An institution of Charles I.'s time, it has possessed, since the year 1631, "the sole initiative power in the legislation of the University, and the chief share in its administration." Its meetings are held weekly, whence the name.--_Oxford Guide. Literary World_, Vol. XII., p. 223. HIGH-GO. A merry frolic, usually with drinking. Songs of Scholars in revelling roundelays, Belched out with hickups at bacchanal Go, Bellowed, till heaven's high concave rebound the lays, Are all for college carousals too low. Of dullness quite tired, with merriment fired, And fully inspired with amity's glow, With hate-drowning wine, boys, and punch all divine, boys, The Juniors combine, boys, in friendly HIGH-GO. _Glossology, by William Biglow_, inserted in _Buckingham's Reminiscences_, Vol. II. pp. 281-284. He it was who broached the idea of a _high-go_, as being requisite to give us a rank among the classes in college. _D.A. White's Address before Soc. of the Alumni of Harv. Univ._, Aug. 27, 1844, p. 35. This word is now seldom used; the words _High_ and _Go_ are, however, often used separately, with the same meaning; as the compound. The phrase _to get high_, i.e. to become intoxicated, is allied with the above expression. Or men "_get high_" by drinking abstract toddies? _Childe Harvard_, p. 71. HIGH STEWARD. In the English universities, an officer who has special power to hear and determine capital causes, according to the laws of the land and the privileges of the university, whenever a scholar is the party offending. He also holds the university _court-leet_, according to the established charter and custom.--_Oxf. and Cam. Cals._ At Cambridge, in addition to his other duties, the High Steward is the officer who represents the University in the House of Lords. HIGH TABLE. At Oxford, the table at which the Fellows and some other privileged persons are entitled to dine. Wine is not generally allowed in the public hall, except to the "_high table_."--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 278. I dine at the "_high table_" with the reverend deans, and hobnob with professors.--_Household Words_, Am. ed., Vol. XI. p 521. HIGH-TI. At Williams College, a term by which is designated a showy recitation. Equivalent to the word _squirt_ at Harvard College. HILLS. At Cambridge, Eng., Gogmagog Hills are commonly called _the Hills_. Or to the _Hills_ on horseback strays, (Unasked his tutor,) or his chaise To famed Newmarket guides. _Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 35. HISS. To condemn by hissing. This is a favorite method, especially among students, of expressing their disapprobation of any person or measure. I'll tell you what; your crime is this, That, Touchy, you did scrape, and _hiss_. _Rebelliad_, p. 45. Who will bully, scrape, and _hiss_! Who, I say, will do all this! Let him follow me,--_Ibid._, p. 53. HOAXING. At Princeton College, inducing new-comers to join the secret societies is called _hoaxing_. HOBBY. A translation. Hobbies are used by some students in translating Latin, Greek, and other languages, who from this reason are said to ride, in contradistinction to others who learn their lessons by study, who are said to _dig_ or _grub_. See PONY. HOBSON'S CHOICE. Thomas Hobson, during the first third of the seventeenth century, was the University carrier between Cambridge and London. He died January 1st, 1631. "He rendered himself famous by furnishing the students with horses; and, making it an unalterable rule that every horse should have an equal portion of rest as well as labor, he would never let one out of its turn; hence the celebrated saying, 'Hobson's Choice: _this_, or none.'" Milton has perpetuated his fame in two whimsical epitaphs, which may be found among his miscellaneous poems. HOE IN. At Hamilton College, to strive vigorously; a metaphorical meaning, taken from labor with the hoe. HOIST. It was formerly customary at Harvard College, when the Freshmen were used as servants, to report them to their Tutor if they refused to go when sent on an errand; this complaint was called a _hoisting_, and the delinquent was said to be _hoisted_. The refusal to perform a reasonable service required by a member of the class above him, subjected the Freshmen to a complaint to be brought before his Tutor, technically called _hoisting_ him to his Tutor. The threat was commonly sufficient to exact the service.--_Willard's Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. p. 259. HOLD INS. At Bowdoin College, "near the commencement of each year," says a correspondent, "the Sophs are wont, on some particular evening, to attempt to '_hold in_' the Freshmen when coming out of prayers, generally producing quite a skirmish." HOLLIS. Mr. Thomas Hollis of Lincoln's Inn, to whom, with many others of the same name, Harvard College is so much indebted, among other presents to its library, gave "sixty-four volumes of valuable books, curiously bound." To these reference is made in the following extract from the Gentleman's Magazine for September, 1781. "Mr. Hollis employed Mr. Fingo to cut a number of emblematical devices, such as the caduceus of Mercury, the wand of Æsculapius, the owl, the cap of liberty, &c.; and these devices were to adorn the backs and sometimes the sides of books. When patriotism animated a work, instead of unmeaning ornaments on the binding, he adorned it with caps of liberty. When wisdom filled the page, the owl's majestic gravity bespoke its contents. The caduceus pointed out the works of eloquence, and the wand of Æsculapius was a signal of good medicine. The different emblems were used on the same book, when possessed of different merits, and to express his disapprobation of the whole or parts of any work, the figure or figures were reversed. Thus each cover exhibited a critique on the book, and was a proof that they were not kept for show, as he must read before he could judge. Read this, ye admirers of gilded books, and imitate." HONORARIUM, HONORARY. A term applied, in Europe, to the recompense offered to professors in universities, and to medical or other professional gentlemen for their services. It is nearly equivalent to _fee_, with the additional idea of being given _honoris causa_, as a token of respect.--_Brande. Webster_. There are regular receivers, quæstors, appointed for the reception of the _honorarium_, or charge for the attendance of lectures.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 30. HONORIS CAUSA. Latin; _as an honor_. Any honorary degree given by a college. Degrees in the faculties of Divinity and Law are conferred, at present, either in course, _honoris causa_, or on admission _ad eundem_.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, p. 10. HONORS. In American colleges, the principal honors are appointments as speakers at Exhibitions and Commencements. These are given for excellence in scholarship. The appointments for Exhibitions are different in different colleges. Those of Commencement do not vary so much. The following is a list of the appointments at Harvard College, in the order in which they are usually assigned: Valedictory Oration, called also _the_ English Oration, Salutatory in Latin, English Orations, Dissertations, Disquisitions, and Essays. The salutatorian is not always the second scholar in the class, but must be the best, or, in case this distinction is enjoyed by the valedictorian, the second-best Latin scholar. Latin or Greek poems or orations or English poems sometimes form a part of the exercises, and may be assigned, as are the other appointments, to persons in the first part of the class. At Yale College the order is as follows: Valedictory Oration, Salutatory in Latin, Philosophical Orations, Orations, Dissertations, Disputations, and Colloquies. A person who receives the appointment of a Colloquy can either write or speak in a colloquy, or write a poem. Any other appointee can also write a poem. Other colleges usually adopt one or the other of these arrangements, or combine the two. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., those who at the final examination in the Senate-House are classed as Wranglers, Senior Optimes, or Junior Optimes, are said to go out in _honors_. I very early in the Sophomore year gave up all thoughts of obtaining high _honors_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 6. HOOD. An ornamented fold that hangs down the back of a graduate, to mark his degree.--_Johnson_. My head with ample square-cap crown, And deck with _hood_ my shoulders. _The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., Vol. I. p. 349. HORN-BLOWING. At Princeton College, the students often provide themselves at night with horns, bugles, &c., climb the trees in the Campus, and set up a blowing which is continued as long as prudence and safety allow. HORSE-SHEDDING. At the University of Vermont, among secret and literary societies, this term is used to express the idea conveyed by the word _electioneering_. HOUSE. A college. The word was formerly used with this signification in Harvard and Yale Colleges. If any scholar shall transgress any of the laws of God, or the _House_, he shall be liable, &c.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 517. If detriment come by any out of the society, then those officers [the butler and cook] themselves shall be responsible to the _House_.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 583. A member of the college was also called a _Member of the House_. The steward is to see that one third part be reserved of all the payments to him by the _members of the House_ quarterly made.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 582. A college officer was called an _Officer of the House_. The steward shall be bound to give an account of the necessary disbursements which have been issued out to the steward himself, butler, cook, or any other _officer of the House_.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 582. Neither shall the butler or cook suffer any scholar or scholars whatever, except the Fellows, Masters of Art, Fellow-Commoners or _officers of the House_, to come into the butteries, &c.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 584. Before the year 1708, the term _Fellows of the House_ was applied, at Harvard College, both to the members of the Corporation, and to the instructors who did not belong to the Corporation. The equivocal meaning of this title was noticed by President Leverett, for, in his duplicate record of the proceedings of the Corporation and the Overseers, he designated certain persons to whom he refers as "Fellows of the House, i.e. of the Corporation." Soon after this, an attempt was made to distinguish between these two classes of Fellows, and in 1711 the distinction was settled, when one Whiting, "who had been for several years known as Tutor and 'Fellow of the House,' but had never in consequence been deemed or pretended to be a member of the Corporation, was admitted to a seat in that board."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. pp. 278, 279. See SCHOLAR OF THE HOUSE. 2. An assembly for transacting business. See CONGREGATION, CONVOCATION. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. At Union College, the members of the Junior Class compose what is called the _House of Representatives_, a body organized after the manner of the national House, for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the forms and manner of legislation. The following account has been furnished by a member of that College. "At the end of the third term, Sophomore year, when the members of that class are looking forward to the honors awaiting them, comes off the initiation to the House. The Friday of the tenth week is the day usually selected for the occasion. On the afternoon of that day the Sophomores assemble in the Junior recitation-room, and, after organizing themselves by the appointment of a chairman, are waited upon by a committee of the House of Representatives of the Junior Class, who announce that they are ready to proceed with the initiation, and occasionally dilate upon the importance and responsibility of the future position of the Sophomores. "The invitation thus given is accepted, and the class, headed by the committee, proceeds to the Representatives' Hall. On their arrival, the members of the House retire, and the incoming members, under the direction of the committee, arrange themselves around the platform of the Speaker, all in the room at the same time rising in their seats. The Speaker of the House now addresses the Sophomores, announcing to them their election to the high position of Representatives, and exhorting them to discharge well all their duties to their constituents and their common country. He closes, by stating it to be their first business to elect the officers of the House. "The election of Speaker, Vice-Speaker, Clerk, and Treasurer by ballot then follows, two tellers being appointed by the Chair. The Speaker is elected for one year, and must be one of the Faculty; the other officers hold only during the ensuing term. The Speaker, however, is never expected to be present at the meetings of the House, with the exception of that at the beginning of each term session, so that the whole duty of presiding falls on the Vice-Speaker. This is the only meeting of the _new_ House during that term. "On the second Friday afternoon of the fall term, the Speaker usually delivers an inaugural address, and soon after leaves the chair to the Vice-Speaker, who then announces the representation from the different States, and also the list of committees. The members are apportioned by him according to population, each State having at least one, and some two or three, as the number of the Junior Class may allow. The committees are constituted in the manner common to the National House, the number of each, however, being less. Business then follows, as described in Jefferson's Manual; petitions, remonstrances, resolutions, reports, debates, and all the 'toggery' of legislation, come on in regular, or rather irregular succession. The exercises, as may be well conceived, furnish an excellent opportunity for improvement in parliamentary tactics and political oratory." The House of Representatives was founded by Professor John Austin Tates. It is not constituted by every Junior Class, and may be regarded as intermittent in its character. See SENATE. HUMANIST. One who pursues the study of the _humanities (literæ humaniores)_, or polite literature; a term used in various European universities, especially the Scotch.--_Brandt_. HUMANITY, _pl._ HUMANITIES. In the plural signifying grammar, rhetoric, the Latin and Greek languages, and poetry; for teaching which there are professors in the English and Scotch universities. --_Encyc._ HUMMEL. At the University of Vermont, a foot, especially a large one. HYPHENUTE. At Princeton College, the aristocratic or would-be aristocratic in dress, manners, &c., are called _Hyphenutes_. Used both as a noun and adjective. Same as [Greek: Oi Aristoi] q.v. _I_. ILLUMINATE. To interline with a translation. Students _illuminate_ a book when they write between the printed lines a translation of the text. _Illuminated_ books are preferred by good judges to ponies or hobbies, as the text and translation in them are brought nearer to one another. The idea of calling books thus prepared _illuminated_, is taken partly from the meaning of the word _illuminate_, to adorn with ornamental letters, substituting, however, in this case, useful for ornamental, and partly from one of its other meanings, to throw light on, as on obscure subjects. ILLUSTRATION. That which elucidates a subject. A word used with a peculiar application by undergraduates in the University of Cambridge, Eng. I went back,... and did a few more bits of _illustration_, such as noting down the relative resources of Athens and Sparta when the Peloponnesian war broke out, and the sources of the Athenian revenue.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 51. IMPOSITION. In the English universities, a supernumerary exercise enjoined on students as a punishment. Minor offences are punished by rustication, and those of a more trivial nature by fines, or by literary tasks, here termed _Impositions_.--_Oxford Guide_, p. 149. Literary tasks called _impositions_, or frequent compulsive attendances on tedious and unimproving exercises in a college hall.--_T. Warton, Minor Poems of Milton_, p. 432. _Impositions_ are of various lengths. For missing chapel, about one hundred lines to copy; for missing a lecture, the lecture to translate. This is the measure for an occasional offence.... For coming in late at night repeatedly, or for any offence nearly deserving rustication, I have known a whole book of Thucydides given to translate, or the Ethics of Aristotle to analyze, when the offender has been a good scholar, while others, who could only do mechanical work, have had a book of Euclid to write out. Long _impositions_ are very rarely _barberized_. When college tutors intend to be severe, which is very seldom, they are not to be trifled with. At Cambridge, _impositions_ are not always in writing, but sometimes two or three hundred lines to repeat by heart. This is ruin to the barber.--_Collegian's Guide_, pp. 159, 160. In an abbreviated form, _impos._ He is obliged to stomach the _impos._, and retire.--_Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 125. He satisfies the Proctor and the Dean by saying a part of each _impos._--_Ibid._, p. 128. See BARBER. INCEPT. To take the degree of Master of Arts. They may nevertheless take the degree of M.A. at the usual period, by putting their names on the _College boards_ a few days previous to _incepting_.--_Cambridge Calendar_. The M.A. _incepts_ in about three years and two months from the time of taking his first degree.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 285. INCEPTOR. One who has proceeded to the degree of M.A., but who, not enjoying all the privileges of an M.A. until the Commencement, is in the mean time termed an Inceptor. Used in the English universities, and formerly at Harvard College. And, in case any of the Sophisters, Questionists, or _Inceptors_ fail in the premises required at their hands ... they shall be deferred to the following year.--_Laws of 1650, in Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 518. The Admissio _Inceptorum_ was as follows: "Admitto te ad secundum gradum in artibus pro more Academiarum in Angliâ: tibique trado hunc librum unâ cum potestate publice profitendi, ubicunque ad hoc munus publicè evocatus fueris."--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 580. INDIAN SOCIETY. At the Collegiate Institute of Indiana, a society of smokers was established, in the year 1837, by an Indian named Zachary Colbert, and called the Indian Society. The members and those who have been invited to join the society, to the number of sixty or eighty, are accustomed to meet in a small room, ten feet by eighteen; all are obliged to smoke, and he who first desists is required to pay for the cigars smoked at that meeting. INDIGO. At Dartmouth College, a member of the party called the Blues. The same as a BLUE, which see. The Howes, years ago, used to room in Dartmouth Hall, though none room there now, and so they made up some verses. Here is one:-- "Hurrah for Dartmouth Hall! Success to every student That rooms in Dartmouth Hall, Unless he be an _Indigo_, Then, no success at all." _The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. INITIATION. Secret societies exist in almost all the colleges in the United States, which require those who are admitted to pass through certain ceremonies called the initiation. This fact is often made use of to deceive Freshmen, upon their entrance into college, who are sometimes initiated into societies which have no existence, and again into societies where initiation is not necessary for membership. A correspondent from Dartmouth College writes as follows: "I believe several of the colleges have various exercises of _initiating_ Freshmen. Ours is done by the 'United Fraternity,' one of our library societies (they are neither of them secret), which gives out word that the _initiation_ is a fearful ceremony. It is simply every kind of operation that can be contrived to terrify, and annoy, and make fun of Freshmen, who do not find out for some time that it is not the necessary and serious ceremony of making them members of the society." In the University of Virginia, students on entering are sometimes initiated into the ways of college life by very novel and unique ceremonies, an account of which has been furnished by a graduate of that institution. "The first thing, by way of admitting the novitiate to all the mysteries of college life, is to require of him in an official communication, under apparent signature of one of the professors, a written list, tested under oath, of the entire number of his shirts and other necessary articles in his wardrobe. The list he is requested to commit to memory, and be prepared for an examination on it, before the Faculty, at some specified hour. This the new-comer usually passes with due satisfaction, and no little trepidation, in the presence of an august assemblage of his student professors. He is now remanded to his room to take his bed, and to rise about midnight bell for breakfast. The 'Callithumpians' (in this Institution a regularly organized company), 'Squallinaders,' or 'Masquers,' perform their part during the livelong night with instruments 'harsh thunder grating,' to insure to the poor youth a sleepless night, and give him full time to con over and curse in his heart the miseries of a college existence. Our fellow-comrade is now up, dressed, and washed, perhaps two hours in advance of the first light of dawn, and, under the guidance of a _posse comitatus_ of older students, is kindly conducted to his morning meal. A long alley, technically 'Green Alley,' terminating with a brick wall, informing all, 'Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther,' is pointed out to him, with directions 'to follow his nose and keep straight ahead.' Of course the unsophisticated finds himself completely nonplused, and gropes his way back, amidst the loud vociferations of 'Go it, green un!' With due apologies for the treatment he has received, and violent denunciations against the former _posse_ for their unheard-of insolence towards the gentleman, he is now placed under different guides, who volunteer their services 'to see him through.' Suffice it to be said, that he is again egregiously 'taken in,' being deposited in the Rotunda or Lecture-room, and told to ring for whatever he wants, either coffee or hot biscuit, but particularly enjoined not to leave without special permission from one of the Faculty. The length of his sojourn in this place, where he is finally left, is of course in proportion to his state of verdancy." INSPECTOR OF THE COLLEGE. At Yale College, a person appointed to ascertain, inspect, and estimate all damages done to the College buildings and appurtenances, whenever required by the President. All repairs, additions, and alterations are made under his inspection, and he is also authorized to determine whether the College chambers are fit for the reception of the students. Formerly the inspectorship in Harvard College was held by one of the members of the College government. His duty was to examine the state of the College public buildings, and also at stated times to examine the exterior and interior of the buildings occupied by the students, and to cause such repairs to be made as were in his opinion proper. The same duties are now performed by the _Superintendent of Public Buildings_.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 22. _Laws Harv. Coll._, 1814, p. 58, and 1848, p 29. The duties of the _Inspector of the College Buildings_, at Middlebury, are similar to those required of the inspector at Yale.--_Laws Md. Coll._, 1839, pp. 15, 16. IN STATU PUPILLARI. Latin; literally, _in a state of pupilage_. In the English universities, one who is subject to collegiate laws, discipline, and officers is said to be _in statu pupillari_. And the short space that here we tarry, At least "_in statu pupillari_," Forbids our growing hopes to germ, Alas! beyond the appointed term. _Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 109. INTERLINEAR. A printed book, with a written translation between the lines. The same as an _illuminated_ book; for an account of which, see under ILLUMINATE. Then devotes himself to study, with a steady, earnest zeal, And scorns an _Interlinear_, or a Pony's meek appeal. _Poem before Iadma_, 1850, p. 20. INTERLINER. Same as INTERLINEAR. In the "Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D.," a Professor at Harvard College, Professor Felton observes: "He was a mortal enemy to translations, '_interliners_,' and all such subsidiary helps in learning lessons; he classed them all under the opprobrious name of 'facilities,' and never scrupled to seize them as contraband goods. When he withdrew from College, he had a large and valuable collection of this species of literature. In one of the notes to his Three Lectures he says: 'I have on hand a goodly number of these confiscated wares, full of manuscript innotations, which I seized in the way of duty, and would now restore to the owners on demand, without their proving property or paying charges.'"--p. lxxvii. Ponies, _Interliners_, Ticks, Screws, and Deads (these are all college verbalities) were all put under contribution.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 25. INTONITANS BOLUS. Greek, [Greek: bolos], a lump. Latin, _bolus_, a bit, a morsel. English, _bolus_, a mass of anything made into a large pill. It may be translated _a thundering pill_. At Harvard College, the _Intonitans Bolus_ was a great cane or club which was given nominally to the strongest fellow in the graduating class; "but really," says a correspondent, "to the greatest bully," and thus was transmitted, as an entailed estate, to the Samsons of College. If any one felt that he had been wronged in not receiving this emblem of valor, he was permitted to take it from its possessor if he could. In later years the club presented a very curious appearance; being almost entirely covered with the names of those who had held it, carved on its surface in letters of all imaginable shapes and descriptions. At one period, it was in the possession of Richard Jeffrey Cleveland, a member of the class of 1827, and was by him transmitted to Jonathan Saunderson of the class of 1828. It has disappeared within the last fifteen or twenty years, and its hiding-place, even if it is in existence, is not known. See BULLY CLUB. INVALID'S TABLE. At Yale College, in former times, a table at which those who were not in health could obtain more nutritious food than was supplied at the common board. A graduate at that institution has referred to the subject in the annexed extract. "It was extremely difficult to obtain permission to board out, and indeed impossible except in extreme cases: the beginning of such permits would have been like the letting out of water. To take away all pretext for it, an '_invalid's table_' was provided, where, if one chose to avail himself of it, having a doctor's certificate that his health required it, he might have a somewhat different diet."--_Scenes and Characters in College, New Haven_, 1847, pp. 117, 118. _J_. JACK-KNIFE. At Harvard College it has long been the custom for the ugliest member of the Senior Class to receive from his classmates a _Jack-knife_, as a reward or consolation for the plainness of his features. In former times, it was transmitted from class to class, its possessor in the graduating class presenting it to the one who was deemed the ugliest in the class next below. Mr. William Biglow, a member of the class of 1794, the recipient for that year of the Jack-knife,--in an article under the head of "Omnium Gatherum," published in the Federal Orrery, April 27, 1795, entitled, "A Will: Being the last words of CHARLES CHATTERBOX, Esq., late worthy and much lamented member of the Laughing Club of Harvard University, who departed college life, June 21, 1794, in the twenty-first year of his age,"--presents this _transmittendum_ to his successor, with the following words:-- "_Item_. C---- P----s[41] has my knife, During his natural college life; That knife, which ugliness inherits, And due to his superior merits, And when from Harvard he shall steer, I order him to leave it here, That't may from class to class descend, Till time and ugliness shall end." Mr. Prentiss, in the autumn of 1795, soon after graduating, commenced the publication of the Rural Repository, at Leominster, Mass. In one of the earliest numbers of this paper, following the example of Mr. Biglow, he published his will, which Mr. Paine, the editor of the Federal Orrery, immediately transferred to his columns with this introductory note:--"Having, in the second number of 'Omnium Gatherum' presented to our readers the last will and testament of Charles Chatterbox, Esq., of witty memory, wherein the said Charles, now deceased, did lawfully bequeath to Ch----s Pr----s the celebrated 'Ugly Knife,' to be by him transmitted, at his college demise, to the next succeeding candidate; -------- and whereas the said Ch----s Pr----s, on the 21st of June last, departed his aforesaid college life, thereby leaving to the inheritance of his successor the valuable legacy which his illustrious friend had bequeathed, as an entailed estate, to the poets of the university,--we have thought proper to insert a full, true, and attested copy of the will of the last deceased heir, in order that the world may be furnished with a correct genealogy of this renowned _Jack-knife_, whose pedigree will become as illustrious in after time as the family of the 'ROLLES,' and which will be celebrated by future wits as the most formidable _weapon_ of modern genius." That part of the will only is here inserted which refers particularly to the Knife. It is as follows:-- "I--I say I, now make this will; Let those whom I assign fulfil. I give, grant, render, and convey My goods and chattels thus away; That _honor of a college life, That celebrated_ UGLY KNIFE, Which predecessor SAWNEY[42] orders, Descending to time's utmost borders, To _noblest bard_ of _homeliest phiz_, To have and hold and use, as his, I now present C----s P----y S----r,[43] To keep with his poetic lumber, To scrape his quid, and make a split, To point his pen for sharpening wit; And order that he ne'er abuse Said ugly knife, in dirtier use, And let said CHARLES, that best of writers, In prose satiric skilled to bite us, And equally in verse delight us, Take special care to keep it clean From unpoetic hands,--I ween. And when those walls, the muses' seat, Said S----r is obliged to quit, Let some one of APOLLO'S firing, To such heroic joys aspiring, Who long has borne a poet's name, With said Knife cut his way to fame." See _Buckingham's Reminiscences_, Vol. II. pp. 281, 270. Tradition asserts that the original Jack-knife was terminated at one end of the handle by a large blade, and at the other by a projecting piece of iron, to which a chain of the same metal was attached, and that it was customary to carry it in the pocket fastened by this chain to some part of the person. When this was lost, and the custom of transmitting the Knife went out of fashion, the class, guided by no rule but that of their own fancy, were accustomed to present any thing in the shape of a knife, whether oyster or case, it made no difference. In one instance a wooden one was given, and was immediately burned by the person who received it. At present the Jack-knife is voted to the ugliest member of the Senior Class, at the meeting for the election of officers for Class Day, and the sum appropriated for its purchase varies in different years from fifty cents to twenty dollars. The custom of presenting the Jack-knife is one of the most amusing of those which have come down to us from the past, and if any conclusion may be drawn from the interest which is now manifested in its observance, it is safe to infer, in the words of the poet, that it will continue "Till time and ugliness shall end." In the Collegiate Institute of Indiana, a Jack-knife is given to the greatest liar, as a reward of merit. See WILL. JAPANNED. A cant term in use at the University of Cambridge, Eng., explained in the following passage. "Many ... step ... into the Church, without any pretence of other change than in the attire of their outward man,--the being '_japanned_,' as assuming the black dress and white cravat is called in University slang."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 344. JESUIT. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a member of Jesus College. JOBATION. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a sharp reprimand from the Dean for some offence, not eminently heinous. Thus dismissed the august presence, he recounts this _jobation_ to his friends, and enters into a discourse on masters, deans, tutors, and proctors.--_Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 124. JOBE. To reprove; to reprimand. "In the University of Cambridge, [Eng.,] the young scholars are wont to call chiding, _jobing_."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ I heard a lively young man assert, that, in consequence of an intimation from the tutor relative to his irregularities, his father came from the country to _jobe_ him.--_Gent. Mag._, Dec. 1794. JOE. A name given at several American colleges to a privy. It is said that when Joseph Penney was President of Hamilton College, a request from the students that the privies might be cleansed was met by him with a denial. In consequence of this refusal, the offices were purified by fire on the night of November 5th. The derivation of the word, allowing the truth of this story, is apparent. The following account of _Joe-Burning_ is by a correspondent from Hamilton College:--"On the night of the 5th of November, every year, the Sophomore Class burn 'Joe.' A large pile is made of rails, logs, and light wood, in the form of a triangle. The space within is filled level to the top, with all manner of combustibles. A 'Joe' is then sought for by the class, carried from its foundations on a rude bier, and placed on this pile. The interior is filled with wood and straw, surrounding a barrel of tar placed in the middle, over all of which gallons of turpentine are thrown, and then set fire to. From the top of the lofty hill on which the College buildings are situated, this fire can be seen for twenty miles around. The Sophomores are all disguised in the most odd and grotesque dresses. A ring is formed around the burning 'Joe,' and a chant is sung. Horses of the neighbors are obtained and ridden indiscriminately, without saddle or bridle. The burning continues usually until daylight." Ponamus Convivium _Josephi_ in locum Et id uremus. _Convivii Exsequiæ, Hamilton Coll._, 1850. JOHNIAN. A member of St. John's College in the University of Cambridge, Eng. The _Johnians_ are always known by the name of pigs; they put up a new organ the other day, which was immediately christened "Baconi Novum Organum."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV., p 236. JUN. Abbreviated for Junior. The target for all the venomed darts of rowdy Sophs, magnificent _Juns_, and lazy Senes.--_The Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. JUNE. An abbreviation of Junior. I once to Yale a Fresh did come, But now a jolly _June_, Returning to my distant home, I bear the wooden spoon. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 36. But now, when no longer a Fresh or a Soph, Each blade is a gentleman _June_. _Ibid._, p. 39. JUNE TRAINING. The following interesting and entertaining account of one of the distinguishing customs of the University of Vermont, is from the pen of one of her graduates, to whom the editor of this work is under many obligations for the valuable assistance he has rendered in effecting the completeness of this Collection. "In the old time when militia trainings were in fashion, the authorities of Burlington decided that, whereas the students of the University of Vermont claimed and were allowed the right of suffrage, they were to be considered citizens, and consequently subject to military duty. The students having refused to appear on parade, were threatened with prosecution; and at last they determined to make their appearance. This they did on a certain 'training day,' (the year I do not recollect,) to the full satisfaction of the authorities, who did not expect _such_ a parade, and had no desire to see it repeated. But the students being unwilling to expose themselves to 'the rigor of the law,' paraded annually; and when at last the statute was repealed and militia musters abolished, they continued the practice for the sake of old association. Thus it passed into a custom, and the first Wednesday of June is as eagerly anticipated by the citizens of Burlington and the youth of the surrounding country for its 'training,' as is the first Wednesday of August for its annual Commencement. The Faculty always smile propitiously, and in the afternoon the performance commences. The army, or more euphoniously the 'UNIVERSITY INVINCIBLES,' take up 'their line of march' from the College campus, and proceed through all the principal streets to the great square, where, in the presence of an immense audience, a speech is delivered by the Commander-in-chief, and a sermon by the Chaplain, the roll is called, and the annual health report is read by the surgeon. These productions are noted for their patriotism and fervid eloquence rather than high literary merit. Formerly the music to which they marched consisted solely of the good old-fashioned drum and fife; but of late years the Invincibles have added to these a brass band, composed of as many obsolete instruments as can be procured, in the hands of inexperienced performers. None who have ever handled a musical instrument before are allowed to become members of the band, lest the music should be too sweet and regular to comport with the general order of the parade. The uniform (or rather the _multiform_) of the company varies from year to year, owing to the regulation that each soldier shall consult his own taste,--provided that no two are to have the same taste in their equipments. The artillery consists of divers joints of rusty stove-pipe, in each of which is inserted a toy cannon of about one quarter of an inch calibre, mounted on an old dray, and drawn by as many horse-apologies as can be conveniently attached to it. When these guns are discharged, the effect--as might be expected--is terrific. The banners, built of cotton sheeting and mounted on a rake-handle, although they do not always exhibit great artistic genius, often display vast originality of design. For instance, one contained on the face a diagram (done in ink with the wrong end of a quill) of the _pons asinorum_, with the rather belligerent inscription, 'REMEMBER NAPOLEON AT LODI.' On the reverse was the head of an extremely doubtful-looking individual viewing 'his natural face in a glass.' Inscription,--'O wad some pow'r the giftie gie us To see oursel's as others see us.' "The surgeon's equipment is an ox-cart containing jars of drugs (most of them marked 'N.E.R.' and 'O.B.J.'), boxes of homoeopathic pills (about the size of a child's head), immense saws and knives, skeletons of animals, &c.; over which preside the surgeon and his assistant in appropriate dresses, with tin spectacles. This surgeon is generally the chief feature of the parade, and his reports are astonishing additions to the surgical lore of our country. He is the wit of the College,--the one who above all others is celebrated for the loudest laugh, the deepest bumper, the best joke, and the poorest song. How well he sustains his reputation may be known by listening to his annual reading, or by reference to the reports of 'Trotwood,' 'Gubbins,' or 'Deppity Sawbones,' who at different times have immortalized themselves by their contributions to science. The cavalcade is preceded by the 'pioneers,' who clear the way for the advancing troops; which is generally effected by the panic among the boys, occasioned by the savage aspect of the pioneers,--their faces being hideously painted, and their dress consisting of gleanings from every costume, Christian, Pagan, and Turkish, known among men. As the body passes through the different streets, the martial men receive sundry testimonials of regard and approval in the shape of boquets and wreaths from the fair 'Peruvians,' who of course bestow them on those who, in their opinion, have best succeeded in the object of the day,--uncouth appearance. After the ceremonies, the students quietly congregate in some room in college to _count_ these favors and to ascertain who is to be considered the hero of the day, as having rendered himself pre-eminently ridiculous. This honor generally falls to the lot of the surgeon. As the sun sinks behind the Adirondacs over the lake, the parade ends; the many lookers-on having nothing to see but the bright visions of the next year's training, retire to their homes; while the now weary students, gathered in knots in the windows of the upper stories, lazily and comfortably puff their black pipes, and watch the lessening forms of the retreating countrymen." Further to elucidate the peculiarities of the June Training, the annexed account of the custom, as it was observed on the first Wednesday in June of the current year, is here inserted, taken from the "Daily Free Press," published at Burlington, June 8th, 1855. "The annual parade of the principal military body in Vermont is an event of importance. The first Wednesday in June, the day assigned to it, is becoming the great day of the year in Burlington. Already it rivals, if it does not exceed, Commencement day in glory and honor. The people crowd in from the adjoining towns, the steamboats bring numbers from across the lake, and the inhabitants of the town turn out in full force. The yearly recurrence of such scenes shows the fondness of the people for a hearty laugh, and the general acceptableness of the entertainment provided. "The day of the parade this year was a very favorable one,--without dust, and neither too hot nor too cold for comfort The performances properly--or rather _im_properly--commenced in the small hours of the night previous by the discharge of a cannon in front of the college buildings, which, as the cannon was stupidly or wantonly pointed _towards_ the college buildings, blew in several hundred panes of glass. We have not heard that anybody laughed at this piece of heavy wit. "At four o'clock in the afternoon, the Invincibles took up their line of march, with scream of fife and roll of drum, down Pearl Street to the Square, where the flying artillery discharged a grand national salute of one gun; thence to the Exchange, where a halt was made and a refreshment of water partaken of by the company, and then to the Square in front of the American, where they were duly paraded, reviewed, exhorted, and reported upon, in presence of two or three thousand people. "The scene presented was worth seeing. The windows of the American and Wheeler's Block had all been taken out, and were filled with bright female faces; the roofs of the same buildings were lined with spectators, and the top of the portico of the American was a condensed mass of loveliness and bright colors. The Town Hall windows, steps, doors, &c. were also filled. Every good look-out anywhere near the spot was occupied, and a dense mass of by-standers and lookers-on in carriages crowded the southern part of the Square. "Of the cortege itself, the pencil of a Hogarth only could give an adequate idea. The valorous Colonel Brick was of course the centre of all eyes. He was fitly supported by his two aids. The three were in elegant uniforms, were handsomely mounted, rode well and with gallant bearing, and presented a particularly attractive appearance. "Behind them appeared a scarlet robe, surmounted by a white wig of Brobdinagian dimensions and spectacles to match, which it is supposed contained in the interior the physical system of the Reverendissimus Boanerges Diogenes Lanternarius, Chaplain, the whole mounted upon the vertebræ of a solemn-looking donkey. "The representative of the Church Militant was properly backed up by the Flying Artillery. Their banner announced that they were 'for the reduction of Sebastopol,' and it is safe to say that they will certainly take that fortress, if they get a chance. If the Russians hold out against those four ghostly steeds, tandem, with their bandy-legged and kettle-stomached riders,--that gun, so strikingly like a joint of old stove-pipe in its exterior, but which upon occasion could vomit forth your real smoke and sound and smell of unmistakable brimstone,--and those slashed and blood-stained artillerymen,--they will do more than anybody did on Wednesday. "The T.L.N. Horn-et Band, with Sackbut, Psaltery, Dulcimer, and Shawm, Tanglang, Locofodeon, and Hugag, marched next. They reserved their efforts for special occasions, when they woke the echoes with strains of altogether unearthly music, composed for them expressly by Saufylur, the eminent self-taught New Zealand composer. "Barnum's Baby-Show, on four wheels, in charge of the great showman himself, aided by that experienced nurse, Mrs. Gamp, in somewhat dilapidated attire, followed. The babies, from a span long to an indefinite length, of all shapes and sizes, black, white, and snuff-colored, twins, triplets, quartettes, and quincunxes, in calico and sackcloth, and in a state of nature, filled the vehicle, and were hung about it by the leg or neck or middle. A half-starved quadruped of osseous and slightly equine appearance drew the concern, and the shrieking axles drowned the cries of the innocents. "Mr. Joseph Hiss and Mrs. Patterson of Massachusetts were not absent. Joseph's rubicund complexion, brassy and distinctly Know-Nothing look, and nasal organ well developed by his experience on the olfactory committee, were just what might have been expected. The 'make up' of Mrs. P., a bright brunette, was capital, and she looked the woman, if not the lady, to perfection. The two appeared in a handsome livery buggy, paid for, we suppose, by the State of Massachusetts. "A wagon-load of two or three tattered and desperate looking individuals, labelled 'Recruits for the Crimea,' with a generous supply of old iron and brick-bats as material of war, was dragged along by the frame and most of the skin of what was once a horse. "Towards the rear, but by no means least in consequence or in the amount of attention attracted, was the army hospital, drawn by two staid and well-fed oxen. In front appeared the snowy locks and 'fair round belly, with good _cotton_ lined' of the worthy Dr. Esculapius Liverwort Tarand Cantchuget-urlegawa Opodeldoc, while by his side his assistant sawbones brayed in a huge iron mortar, with a weighty pestle, much noise, and indefatigable zeal, the drugs and dye-stuffs. Thigh-bones, shoulder-blades, vertebræ, and even skulls, hanging round the establishment, testified to the numerous and successful amputations performed by the skilful surgeon. "Noticeable among the cavalry were Don Quixote de la U.V.M., Knight of the patent-leather gaiters, terrible in his bright rectangular cuirass of tin (once a tea-chest), and his glittering harpoon; his doughty squire, Sancho Panza; and a dashing young lady, whose tasteful riding-dress of black cambric, wealth of embroidered skirts and undersleeves, and bold riding, took not a little attention. "Of the rank and file on foot it is useless to attempt a description. Beards of awful size, moustaches of every shade and length under a foot, phizzes of all colors and contortions, four-story hats with sky-scraping feathers, costumes ring-streaked, speckled, monstrous, and incredible, made up the motley crew. There was a Northern emigrant just returned from Kansas, with garments torn and water-soaked, and but half cleaned of the adhesive tar and feathers, watched closely by a burly Missourian, with any quantity of hair and fire-arms and bowie-knives. There were Rev. Antoinette Brown, and Neal Dow; there was a darky whose banner proclaimed his faith in Stowe and Seward and Parker, an aboriginal from the prairies, an ancient minstrel with a modern fiddle, and a modern minstrel with an ancient hurdy- gurdy. All these and more. Each man was a study in himself, and to all, Falstaff's description of his recruits would apply:-- "'My whole charge consists of corporals, lieutenants, gentlemen of companies, slaves as ragged as Lazarus in the painted cloth, where the glutton's dogs licked his sores; the cankers of a calm world and a long peace; ten times more dishonorable ragged than an old-faced ancient: and such have I, that you would think I had a hundred and fifty tattered prodigals lately come from swine-keeping, from eating draff and husks. A mad fellow met me on the way and told me I had unloaded all the gibbets and pressed the dead bodies. No eye hath seen such scarecrows.' "The proceedings on the review were exciting. After the calling of the roll, the idol of his regiment, Col. Martin Van Buren Brick, discharged an eloquent and touching speech. "From the report of Dr. Opodeldoc, which was thirty-six feet in length, we can of course give but a few extracts. He commenced by informing the Invincibles that his cures the year past had been more astounding than ever, and that his fame would continue to grow brighter and brighter, until eclipsed by the advent of some younger Dr. Esculapius Liverwort Tar Cant-ye-get-your-leg-away Opodeldoc, who in after years would shoot up like a meteor and reproduce his father's greatness; and went on as follows:-- "'The first academic that appeared after the last report was the _desideratum graduatere_, or graduating fever. Twenty-seven were taken down. Symptoms, morality in the head,--dignity in the walk, --hints about graduating,--remarkable tendency to swell,--literary movement of the superior and inferior maxillary bones, &c., &c. Strictures on bleeding were first applied; then treating homoeopathically _similis similibus_, applied roots extracted, roots Latin and Greek, infinitesimal extracts of calculus, mathematical formulas, psychological inductions, &c., &c. No avail. Finally applied huge sheep-skin plasters under the axilla, with a composition of printers' ink, paste, paper, ribbons, and writing-ink besmeared thereon, and all were despatched in one short day. "'Sophomore Exhibition furnished many cases. One man hit by a Soph-bug, drove eye down into stomach, carrying with it brains and all inside of the head. In order to draw them back to their proper place, your Surgeon caused a leaf from Barnum's Autobiography to be placed on patient's head, thinking that to contain more true, genuine _suction_ than anything yet discovered. * * * * * "'Nebraska _cancers_ have appeared in our ranks, especially in Missouri division. Surgeon recommends 385 eighty-pounders be loaded to the muzzle, first with blank cartridges,--to wit, Frank Pierce and Stephen A. Douglas, Free-Soil sermons, Fern Leaves, Hot Corn, together with all the fancy literature of the day,--and cause the same to be fired upon the disputed territory; this would cause all the breakings out to be removed, and drive off everybody.' "The close of the report was as follows. It affected many even to tears. "'May you all remember your Surgeon, and may your thoracic duck ever continue to sail peacefully down the common carrotted arteries, under the keystone of the arch of the aorta, and not rush madly into the abominable cavity and eclipse the semi-lunar dandelions, nor, still worse, play the dickens with the pneumogastric nerve and auxiliary artery, reverse the doododen, upset the flamingo, irritate the _high-old-glossus_, and be for ever lost in the receptaculum chyli. No, no, but, &c. Yours feelingly, 'Dr. E.L.T.C.O., M.D.' "Dr. O., we notice, has added a new branch, that of dentistry, to his former accomplishments. By his new system, his customers are not obliged to undergo the pain of the operations in person, but, by merely sending their heads to him, can have everything done with a great decrease of trouble. From a calf's head thus sent in, the Doctor, after cutting the gums with a hay-cutter, and filing between the teeth with a wood-saw, skilfully extracted with a pair of blacksmith tongs a very great number of molars and incisors. "Miss Lucy Amazonia Crura Longa Lignea, thirteen feet high, and Mr. Rattleshanks Don Skyphax, a swain a foot taller, advanced from the ranks, and were made one by the chaplain. The bride promised to own the groom, but _protested_ formally against his custody of her person, property, and progeny. The groom pledged himself to mend the unmentionables of his spouse, or to resign his own when required to rock the cradle, and spank the babies. He placed no ring upon her finger, but instead transferred his whiskers to her face, when the chaplain pronounced them 'wife and man,' and the happy pair stalked off, their heads on a level with the second-story windows. "Music from the Keeseville Band who were present followed; the flying artillery fired another salute; the fife and drums struck up; and the Invincibles took their winding way to the University, where they were disbanded in good season." JUNIOR. One in the third year of his collegiate course in an American college, formerly called JUNIOR SOPHISTER. See SOPHISTER. 2. One in the first year of his course at a theological seminary. --_Webster_. JUNIOR. Noting the third year of the collegiate course in American colleges, or the first year in the theological seminaries.--_Webster_. JUNIOR APPOINTMENTS. At Yale College, there appears yearly, in the papers conducted by the students, a burlesque imitation of the regular appointments of the Junior exhibition. These mock appointments are generally of a satirical nature, referring to peculiarities of habits, character, or manners. The following, taken from some of the Yale newspapers, may be considered as specimens of the subjects usually assigned. Philosophical Oration, given to one distinguished for a certain peculiarity, subject, "The Advantage of a Great Breadth of Base." Latin Oration, to a vain person, subject, "Amor Sui." Dissertations: to a meddling person, subject, "The Busybody"; to a poor punster, subject, "Diseased Razors"; to a poor scholar, subject, "Flunk on,--flunk ever." Colloquy, to a joker whose wit was not estimated, subject, "Unappreciated Facetiousness." When a play upon names is attempted, the subject "Perfect Looseness" is assigned to Mr. Slack; Mr. Barnes discourses upon "_Stability_ of character, or pull down and build greater"; Mr. Todd treats upon "The Student's Manual," and incentives to action are presented, based on the line "Lives of great men all remind us," by students who rejoice in the Christian names, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Martin Van Buren, Andrew Jackson, Charles James Fox, and Henry Clay. See MOCK PART. JUNIOR BACHELOR. One who is in his first year after taking the degree of Bachelor of Arts. No _Junior Bachelor_ shall continue in the College after the commencement in the Summer vacation.--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 19. JUNIOR FELLOW. At Oxford, one who stands upon the foundation of the college to which he belongs, and is an aspirant for academic emoluments.--_De Quincey_. 2. At Trinity College, Hartford, a Junior Fellow is one chosen by the House of Convocation to be a member of the examining committee for three years. Junior Fellows must have attained the M.A. degree, and can only be voted for by Masters in Arts. Six Junior Fellows are elected every three years. JUNIOR FRESHMAN. The name of the first of the four classes into which undergraduates are divided at Trinity College, Dublin. JUNIOR OPTIME. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., those who occupy the third rank in honors, at the close of the final examination in the Senate-House, are called _Junior Optimes_. The third class, or that of _Junior Optimes_, is usually about at numerous as the first [that of the Wranglers], but its limits are more extensive, varying from twenty-five to sixty. A majority of the Classical men are in it; the rest of its contents are those who have broken down before the examination from ill-health or laziness, and choose the Junior Optime as an easier pass degree under their circumstances than the Poll, and those who break down in the examination; among these last may be sometimes found an expectant Wrangler.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d p. 228. The word is frequently abbreviated. Two years ago he got up enough of his low subjects to go on among the _Junior Ops._--_Ibid._, p. 53. There are only two mathematical papers, and these consist almost entirely of high questions; what a _Junior Op._ or low Senior Op. can do in them amounts to nothing.--_Ibid._, p. 286. JUNIOR SOPHISTER. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a student in the second year of his residence is called Junior Soph or Sophister. 2. In some American colleges, a member of the Junior Class, i.e. of the third year, was formerly designated a Junior Sophister. See SOPHISTER. _K_. KEEP. To lodge, live, dwell, or inhabit. To _keep_ in such a place, is to have rooms there. This word, though formerly used extensively, is now confined to colleges and universities. Inquire of anybody you meet in the court of a college at Cambridge your way to Mr. A----'s room, you will be told that he _keeps_ on such a staircase, up so many pair of stairs, door to the right or left.--_Forby's Vocabulary_, Vol. II. p. 178. He said I ought to have asked for his rooms, or inquired where he _kept_.--_Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 118. Dr. Johnson, in his Dictionary, cites this very apposite passage from Shakespeare: "Knock at the study where they say he keeps." Mr. Pickering, in his Vocabulary, says of the word: "This is noted as an Americanism in the Monthly Anthology, Vol. V. p. 428. It is less used now than formerly." _To keep an act_, in the English universities, "to perform an exercise in the public schools preparatory to the proceeding in degrees." The phrase was formerly in use in Harvard College. In an account in the Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 245, entitled New England's First Fruits, is the following in reference to that institution: "The students of the first classis that have beene these foure yeeres trained up in University learning, and are approved for their manners, as they have _kept their publick Acts_ in former yeeres, ourselves being present at them; so have they lately _kept two solemn Acts_ for their Commencement." _To keep chapel_, in colleges, to attend Divine services, which are there performed daily. "As you have failed to _make up your number_ of chapels the last two weeks," such are the very words of the Dean, "you will, if you please, _keep every chapel_ till the end of the term."--_Household Words_, Vol. II. p. 161. _To keep a term_, in universities, is to reside during a term.--_Webster_. KEYS. Caius, the name of one of the colleges in the University of Cambridge, Eng., is familiarly pronounced _Keys_. KINGSMAN. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a member of King's College. He came out the winner, with the _Kingsman_ and one of our three close at his heels.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 127. KITCHEN-HATCH. A half-door between the kitchen and the hall in colleges and old mansions. At Harvard College, the students in former times received at the _kitchen-hatch_ their food for the evening meal, which they were allowed to eat in the yard or at their rooms. At the same place the waiters also took the food which they carried to the tables. The waiters when the bell rings at meal-time shall take the victuals at the _kitchen-hatch_, and carry the Same to the several tables for which they are designed.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 41. See BUTTERY-HATCH. KNOCK IN. A phrase used at Oxford, and thus explained in the Collegian's Guide: "_Knocking in_ late, or coming into college after eleven or twelve o'clock, is punished frequently with being 'confined to gates,' or being forbidden to '_knock in_' or come in after nine o'clock for a week or more, sometimes all the term."--p. 161. KNOCKS. From KNUCKLES. At some of the Southern colleges, a game at marbles called _Knucks_ is a common diversion among the students. [Greek: Kudos]. Greek; literally, _glory, fame_. Used among students, with the meaning _credit, reputation_. I was actuated not merely by a desire after the promotion of my own [Greek: kudos], but by an honest wish to represent my country well.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 27, 28. _L_. LANDSMANNSCHAFT. German. The name of an association of students in German universities. LAP-EAR. At Washington College, Penn., students of a religious character are called _lap-ears_ or _donkeys_. The opposite class are known by the common name of _bloods_. LATIN SPOKEN AT COLLEGES. At our older American colleges, students were formerly required to be able to speak and write Latin before admission, and to continue the use of it after they had become members. In his History of Harvard University, Quincy remarks on this subject:-- "At a period when Latin was the common instrument of communication among the learned, and the official language of statesmen, great attention was naturally paid to this branch of education. Accordingly, 'to speak true Latin, both in prose and verse,' was made an essential requisite for admission. Among the 'Laws and Liberties' of the College we also find the following: 'The scholars _shall never use their mother tongue_, except that, in public exercises of oratory or such like, they be called to make them in English.' This law appears upon the records of the College in the Latin as well as in the English language. The terms in the former are indeed less restrictive and more practical: 'Scholares vernaculâ linguâ, _intra Collegii limites_, nullo pretextu utentur.' There is reason to believe that those educated at the College, and destined for the learned professions, acquired an adequate acquaintance with the Latin, and those destined to become divines, with the Greek and Hebrew. In other respects, although the sphere of instruction was limited, it was sufficient for the age and country, and amply supplied all their purposes and wants." --Vol. I. pp. 193, 194. By the laws of 1734, the undergraduates were required to "declaim publicly in the hall, in one of the three learned languages; and in no other without leave or direction from the President." The observance of this rule seems to have been first laid aside, when, "at an Overseers' meeting at the College, April 27th, 1756, John Vassall, Jonathan Allen, Tristram Gilman, Thomas Toppan, Edward Walker, Samuel Barrett, presented themselves before the Board, and pronounced, in the respective characters assigned them, a dialogue in _the English tongue_, translated from Castalio, and then withdrew,"--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 240. The first English Oration was spoken by Mr. Jedediah Huntington in the year 1763, and the first English Poem by Mr. John Davis in 1781. In reference to this subject, as connected with Yale College, President Wholsey remarks, in his Historical Discourse:-- "With regard to practice in the learned languages, particularly the Latin, it is prescribed that 'no scholar shall use the English tongue in the College with his fellow-scholars, unless he be called to a public exercise proper to be attended in the English tongue, but scholars in their chambers, and when they are together, shall talk Latin.'"--p. 59. "The fluent use of Latin was acquired by the great body of the students; nay, certain phrases were caught up by the very cooks in the kitchen. Yet it cannot be said that elegant Latin was either spoken or written. There was not, it would appear, much practice in writing this language, except on the part of those who were candidates for Berkeleian prizes. And the extant specimens of Latin discourses written by the officers of the College in the past century are not eminently Ciceronian in their style. The speaking of Latin, which was kept up as the College dialect in rendering excuses for absences, in syllogistic disputes, and in much of the intercourse between the officers and students, became nearly extinct about the time of Dr. Dwight's accession. And at the same period syllogistic disputes as distinguished from forensic seem to have entirely ceased."--p. 62. The following story is from the Sketches of Yale College. "In former times, the students were accustomed to assemble together to render excuses for absence in Latin. One of the Presidents was in the habit of answering to almost every excuse presented, 'Ratio non sufficit' (The reason is not sufficient). On one occasion, a young man who had died a short time previous was called upon for an excuse. Some one answered, 'Mortuus est' (He is dead). 'Ratio non sufficit,' repeated the grave President, to the infinite merriment of his auditors."--p. 182. The story is current of one of the old Presidents of Harvard College, that, wishing to have a dog that had strayed in at evening prayers driven out of the Chapel, he exclaimed, half in Latin and half in English, "Exclude canem, et shut the door." It is also related that a Freshman who had been shut up in the buttery by some Sophomores, and had on that account been absent from a recitation, when called upon with a number of others to render an excuse, not knowing how to express his ideas in Latin, replied in as learned a manner as possible, hoping that his answer would pass as Latin, "Shut m' up in t' Buttery." A very pleasant story, entitled "The Tutor's Ghost," in which are narrated the misfortunes which befell a tutor in the olden time, on account of his inability to remember the Latin for the word "beans," while engaged in conversation, may be found in the "Yale Literary Magazine," Vol. XX. pp. 190-195. See NON PARAVI and NON VALUI. LAUREATE. To honor with a degree in the university, and a present of a wreath of laurel.--_Warton_. LAUREATION. The act of conferring a degree in the university, together with a wreath of laurel; an honor bestowed on those who excelled in writing verse. This was an ancient practice at Oxford, from which, probably, originated the denomination of _poet laureate_.--_Warton_. The laurel crown, according to Brande, "was customarily given at the universities in the Middle Ages to such persons as took degrees in grammar and rhetoric, of which poetry formed a branch; whence, according to some authors, the term Baccalaureatus has been derived. The academical custom of bestowing the laurel, and the court custom, were distinct, until the former was abolished. The last instance in which the laurel was bestowed in the universities, was in the reign of Henry the Eighth." LAWS. In early times, the laws in the oldest colleges in the United States were as often in Latin as in English. They were usually in manuscript, and the students were required to make copies for themselves on entering college. The Rev. Henry Dunster, who was the first President of Harvard College, formed the first code of laws for the College. They were styled, "The Laws, Liberties, and Orders of Harvard College, confirmed by the Overseers and President of the College in the years 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645, and 1646, and published to the scholars for the perpetual preservation of their welfare and government." Referring to him, Quincy says: "Under his administration, the first code of laws was formed; rules of admission, and the principles on which degrees should be granted, were established; and scholastic forms, similar to those customary in the English universities, were adopted; many of which continue, with little variation, to be used at the present time."--_Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 15. In 1732, the laws were revised, and it was voted that they should all be in Latin, and that each student should have a copy, which he was to write out for himself and subscribe. In 1790, they were again revised and printed in English, since which time many editions have been issued. Of the laws of Yale College, President Woolsey gives the following account, in his Historical Discourse before the Graduates of that institution, Aug. 14, 1850:-- "In the very first year of the legal existence of the College, we find the Trustees ordaining, that, 'until they should provide further, the Rector or Tutors should make use of the orders and institutions of Harvard College, for the instructing and ruling of the collegiate school, so far as they should judge them suitable, and wherein the Trustees had not at that meeting made provision.' The regulations then made by the Trustees went no further than to provide for the religious education of the College, and to give to the College officers the power of imposing extraordinary school exercises or degradation in the class. The earliest known laws of the College belong to the years 1720 and 1726, and are in manuscript; which is explained by the custom that every Freshman, on his admission, was required to write off a copy of them for himself, to which the admittatur of the officers was subscribed. In the year 1745 a new revision of the laws was completed, which exists in manuscript; but the first printed code was in Latin, and issued from the press of T. Green at New London, in 1748. Various editions, with sundry changes in them, appeared between that time and the year 1774, when the first edition in English saw the light. "It is said of this edition, that it was printed by particular order of the Legislature. That honorable body, being importuned to extend aid to the College, not long after the time when President Clap's measures had excited no inconsiderable ill-will, demanded to see the laws; and accordingly a bundle of the Latin laws--the only ones in existence--were sent over to the State-House. Not admiring legislation in a dead language, and being desirous to pry into the mysteries which it sealed up from some of the members, they ordered the code to be translated. From that time the numberless editions of the laws have all been in the English tongue."--pp. 45, 46. The College of William and Mary, which was founded in 1693, imitated in its laws and customs the English universities, but especially the University of Oxford. The other colleges which were founded before the Revolution, viz. New Jersey College, Columbia College, Pennsylvania University, Brown University, Dartmouth, and Rutgers College, "generally imitated Harvard in the order of classes, the course of studies, the use of text-books, and the manner of instruction."--_Am. Quart. Reg._, Vol. XV. 1843, p. 426. The colleges which were founded after the Revolution compiled their laws, in a great measure, from those of the above-named colleges. LEATHER MEDAL. At Harvard College, the _leather Medal_ was formerly bestowed upon the _laziest_ fellow in College. He was to be last at recitation, last at commons, seldom at morning prayers, and always asleep in church. LECTURE. A discourse _read_, as the derivation of the word implies, by a professor to his pupils; more generally, it is applied to every species of instruction communicated _vivâ voce_. --_Brande_. In American colleges, lectures form a part of the collegiate instruction, especially during the last two years, in the latter part of which, in some colleges, they divide the time nearly equally with recitations. 2. A rehearsal of a lesson.--_Eng. Univ._ Of this word, De Quincey says: "But what is the meaning of a lecture in Oxford and elsewhere? Elsewhere, it means a solemn dissertation, read, or sometimes histrionically declaimed, by the professor. In Oxford, it means an exercise performed orally by the students, occasionally assisted by the tutor, and subject, in its whole course, to his corrections, and what may be called his _scholia_, or collateral suggestions and improvements."--_Life and Manners_, p. 253. LECTURER. At the University of Cambridge, England, the _lecturers_ assist in tuition, and especially attend to the exercises of the students in Greek and Latin composition, themes, declamations, verses, &c.--_Cam. Guide_. LEM. At Williams College, a privy. Night had thrown its mantle over earth. Sol had gone to lay his weary head in the lap of Thetis, as friend Hudibras has it; The horned moon, and the sweet pale stars, were looking serenely! upon the darkened earth, when the denizens of this little village were disturbed by the cry of fire. The engines would have been rattling through the streets with considerable alacrity, if the fathers of the town had not neglected to provide them; but the energetic citizens were soon on hand. There was much difficulty in finding where the fire was, and heads and feet were turned in various directions, till at length some wight of superior optical powers discovered a faint, ruddy light in the rear of West College. It was an ancient building,--a time-honored structure,--an edifice erected by our forefathers, and by them christened LEMUEL, which in the vernacular tongue is called _Lem_ "for short." The dimensions of the edifice were about 120 by 62 inches. The loss is almost irreparable, estimated at not less than 2,000 pounds, avoirdupois. May it rise like a Phoenix from its ashes!--_Williams Monthly Miscellany_, 1845, Vol. I. p. 464, 465. LETTER HOME. A writer in the American Literary Magazine thus explains and remarks upon the custom of punishing students by sending a letter to their parents:--"In some institutions, there is what is called the '_letter home_,'--which, however, in justice to professors and tutors in general, we ought to say, is a punishment inflicted upon parents for sending their sons to college, rather than upon delinquent students. A certain number of absences from matins or vespers, or from recitations, entitles the culprit to a heartrending epistle, addressed, not to himself, but to his anxious father or guardian at home. The document is always conceived in a spirit of severity, in order to make it likely to take effect. It is meant to be impressive, less by the heinousness of the offence upon which it is predicated, than by the pregnant terms in which it is couched. It often creates a misery and anxiety far away from the place wherein it is indited, not because it is understood, but because it is misunderstood and exaggerated by the recipient. While the student considers it a farcical proceeding, it is a leaf of tragedy to fathers and mothers. Then the thing is explained. The offence is sifted. The father finds out that less than a dozen morning naps are all that is necessary to bring about this stupendous correspondence. The moral effect of the act of discipline is neutralized, and the parent is perhaps too glad, at finding his anxiety all but groundless, to denounce the puerile, infant-school system, which he has been made to comprehend by so painful a process."--Vol. IV. p. 402. Avaunt, ye terrific dreams of "failures," "conditions," "_letters home_," and "admonitions."--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. III. p. 407. The birch twig sprouts into--_letters home_ and dismissions.--_Ibid._, Vol. XIII. p. 869. But if they, capricious through long indulgence, did not choose to get up, what then? Why, absent marks and _letters home_.--_Yale Banger_, Oct. 22, 1847. He thinks it very hard that the faculty write "_letters home_."--_Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. And threats of "_Letters home_, young man," Now cause us no alarm. _Presentation Day Song_, June 14, 1854. LIBERTY TREE. At Harvard College, a tree which formerly stood between Massachusetts and Harvard Halls received, about the year 1760, the name of the Liberty Tree, on an occasion which is mentioned in Hutchinson's posthumous volume of the History of Massachusetts Bay. "The spirit of liberty," says he, "spread where it was not intended. The Undergraduates of Harvard College had been long used to make excuses for absence from prayers and college exercises; pretending detention at their chambers by their parents, or friends, who come to visit them. The tutors came into an agreement not to admit such excuses, unless the scholar came to the tutor, before prayers or college exercises, and obtained leave to be absent. This gave such offence, that the scholars met in a body, under and about a great tree, to which they gave the name of the _tree of liberty_! There they came into several resolves in favor of liberty; one of them, that the rule or order of the tutors was _unconstitutional_. The windows of some of the tutors were broken soon after, by persons unknown. Several of the scholars were suspected, and examined. One of them falsely reported that he had been confined without victuals or drink, in order to compel him to a confession; and another declared, that he had seen him under this confinement. This caused an attack upon the tutors, and brickbats were thrown into the room, where they had met together in the evening, through the windows. Three or four of the rioters were discovered and expelled. The three junior classes went to the President, and desired to give up their chambers, and to leave the college. The fourth class, which was to remain but about three months, and then to be admitted to their degrees, applied to the President for a recommendation to the college in Connecticut, that they might be admitted there. The Overseers of the College met on the occasion, and, by a vigorous exertion of the powers with which they were intrusted, strengthened the hands of the President and tutors, by confirming the expulsions, and declaring their resolution to support the subordinate government of the College; and the scholars were brought to a sense and acknowledgment of their fault, and a stop was put to the revolt."--Vol. III. p. 187. Some years after, this tree was either blown or cut down, and the name was transferred to another. A few of the old inhabitants of Cambridge remember the stump of the former Liberty Tree, but all traces of it seem to have been removed before the year 1800. The present Liberty Tree stands between Holden Chapel and Harvard Hall, to the west of Hollis. As early as the year 1815 there were gatherings under its branches on Class Day, and it is probable that this was the case even at an earlier date. At present it is customary for the members of the Senior Class, at the close of the exercises incident to Class Day, (the day on which the members of that class finish their collegiate studies, and retire to make preparations for the ensuing Commencement,) after cheering the buildings, to encircle this tree, and, with hands joined, to sing their favorite ballad, "Auld Lang Syne." They then run and dance around it, and afterwards cheer their own class, the other classes, and many of the College professors. At parting, each takes a sprig or a flower from the beautiful wreath which is hung around the tree, and this is sacredly preserved as a last memento of the scenes and enjoyments of college life. In the poem delivered before the Class of 1849, on their Class Day, occur the following beautiful stanzas in memory of departed classmates, in which reference is made to some of the customs mentioned above:-- "They are listening now to our parting prayers; And the farewell song that we pour Their distant voices will echo From the far-off spirit shore; "And the wreath that we break with our scattered band, As it twines round the aged elm,-- Its fragments we'll keep with a sacred hand, But the fragrance shall rise to them. "So to-day we will dance right merrily, An unbroken band, round the old elm-tree; And they shall not ask for a greener shrine Than the hearts of the class of '49." Its grateful shade has in later times been used for purposes similar to those which Hutchinson records, as the accompanying lines will show, written in commemoration of the Rebellion of 1819. "Wreaths to the chiefs who our rights have defended; Hallowed and blessed be the Liberty Tree: Where Lenox[44] his pies 'neath its shelter hath vended, We Sophs have assembled, and sworn to be free." _The Rebelliad_, p. 54. The poet imagines the spirits of the different trees in the College yard assembled under the Liberty Tree to utter their sorrows. "It was not many centuries since, When, gathered on the moonlit green, Beneath the Tree of Liberty, A ring of weeping sprites was seen." _Meeting of the Dryads,[45] Holmes's Poems_, p. 102. It is sometimes called "the Farewell Tree," for obvious reasons. "Just fifty years ago, good friends, a young and gallant band Were dancing round the Farewell Tree, --each hand in comrade's hand." _Song, at Semi-centennial Anniversary of the Class of 1798_. See CLASS DAY. LICEAT MIGRARE. Latin; literally, _let it be permitted him to remove_. At Oxford, a form of modified dismissal from College. This punishment "is usually the consequence of mental inefficiency rather than moral obliquity, and does not hinder the student so dismissed from entering at another college or at Cambridge."--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 224. Same as LICET MIGRARI. LICET MIGRARI. Latin; literally, _it is permitted him to be removed_. In the University of Cambridge, England, a permission to leave one's college. This differs from the Bene Discessit, for although you may leave with consent, it by no means follows in this case that you have the approbation of the Master and Fellows so to do.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ LIKE A BRICK OR A BEAN, LIKE A HOUSE ON FIRE, LIKE BRICKS. Among the students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., intensive phrases, to express the most energetic way of doing anything. "These phrases," observes Bristed, "are sometimes in very odd contexts. You hear men talk of a balloon going up _like bricks_, and rain coming down _like a house on fire_."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 24. Still it was not in human nature for a classical man, living among classical men, and knowing that there were a dozen and more close to him reading away "_like bricks_," to be long entirely separated from his Greek and Latin books.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 218. "_Like bricks_," is the commonest of their expressions, or used to be. There was an old landlady at Huntingdon who said she always charged Cambridge men twice as much as any one else. Then, "How do you know them?" asked somebody. "O sir, they always tell us to get the beer _like bricks_."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 231. LITERÆ HUMANIORES. Latin; freely, _the humanities; classical literature_. At Oxford "the _Literæ Humaniores_ now include Latin and Greek Translation and Composition, Ancient History and Rhetoric, Political and Moral Philosophy, and Logic."--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 245. See HUMANITY. LITERARY CONTESTS. At Jefferson College, in Pennsylvania, "there is," says a correspondent, "an unusual interest taken in the two literary societies, and once a year a challenge is passed between them, to meet in an open literary contest upon an appointed evening, usually that preceding the close of the second session. The _contestors_ are a Debater, an Orator, an Essayist, and a Declaimer, elected from each society by the majority, some time previous to their public appearance. An umpire and two associate judges, selected either by the societies or by the _contestors_ themselves, preside over the performances, and award the honors to those whom they deem most worthy of them. The greatest excitement prevails upon this occasion, and an honor thus conferred is preferable to any given in the institution." At Washington College, in Pennsylvania, the contest performances are conducted upon the same principle as at Jefferson. LITTLE-GO. In the English universities, a cant name for a public examination about the middle of the course, which, being less strict and less important in its consequences than the final one, has received this appellation.--_Lyell_. Whether a regular attendance on the lecture of the college would secure me a qualification against my first public examination; which is here called _the Little-go_.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 283. Also called at Oxford _Smalls_, or _Small-go_. You must be prepared with your list of books, your testamur for Responsions (by Undergraduates called "_Little-go_" or "_Smalls_"), and also your certificate of matriculation.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 241. See RESPONSION. LL.B. An abbreviation for _Legum Baccalaureus_, Bachelor of Laws. In American colleges, this degree is conferred on students who fulfil the conditions of the statutes of the law school to which they belong. The law schools in the different colleges are regulated on this point by different rules, but in many the degree of LL.B. is given to a B.A. who has been a member of a law school for a year and a half. See B.C.L. LL.D. An abbreviation for _Legum Doctor_, Doctor of Laws. In American colleges, an honorary degree, conferred _pro meritis_ on those who are distinguished as lawyers, statesmen, &c. See D.C.L. L.M. An abbreviation for the words _Licentiate in Medicine_. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., an L.M. must be an M.A. or M.B. of two years' standing. No exercise, but examination by the Professor and another Doctor in the Faculty. LOAF. At Princeton College, to borrow anything, whether returning it or not; usually in the latter sense. LODGE. At the University of Cambridge, England, the technical name given to the house occupied by the master of a college.--_Bristed_. When Undergraduates were invited to the _conversaziones_ at the _Lodge_, they were expected never to sit down in the Master's presence.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 90. LONG. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the long vacation, or, as it is more familiarly called, "The Long," commences according to statute in July, at the close of the Easter term, but practically early in June, and ends October 20th, at the beginning of the Michaelmas term. For a month or six weeks in the "_Long_," they rambled off to see the sights of Paris.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 37. In the vacations, particularly the _Long_, there is every facility for reading.--_Ibid._, p. 78. So attractive is the Vacation-College-life that the great trouble of the Dons is to keep the men from staying up during the _Long_. --_Ibid._, p. 79. Some were going on reading parties, some taking a holiday before settling down to their work in the "_Long_."--_Ibid._, p. 104. See VACATION. LONG-EAR. At Jefferson College, Pennsylvania, a student of a sober or religious character is denominated a _long-ear_. The opposite is _short-ear_. LOTTERY. The method of obtaining money by lottery has at different times been adopted in several of our American colleges. In 1747, a new building being wanted at Yale College, the "Liberty of a Lottery" was obtained from the General Assembly, "by which," says Clap, "Five Hundred Pounds Sterling was raised, clear of all Charge and Deductions."--_Hist. of Yale Coll._, p. 55. This sum defrayed one third of the expense of building what was then called Connecticut Hall, and is known now by the name of "the South Middle College." In 1772, Harvard College being in an embarrassed condition, the Legislature granted it the benefit of a lottery; in 1794 this grant was renewed, and for the purpose of enabling the College to erect an additional building. The proceeds of the lottery amounted to $18,400, which, with $5,300 from the general funds of the College, were applied to the erection of Stoughton Hall, which was completed in 1805. In 1806 the Legislature again authorized a lottery, which enabled the Corporation in 1813 to erect a new building, called Holworthy Hall, at an expense of about $24,500, the lottery having produced about $29,000.--_Quincy's Hist. of Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. pp. 162, 273, 292. LOUNGE. A treat, a comfort. A word introduced into the vocabulary of the English Cantabs, from Eton.--_Bristed_. LOW. The term applied to the questions, subjects, papers, &c., pertaining to a LOW MAN. The "_low_" questions were chiefly confined to the first day's papers.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 205. The "_low_ subjects," as got up to pass men among the Junior Optimes, comprise, etc.--_Ibid._, p. 205. The _low_ papers were longer.--_Ibid._, p. 206. LOWER HOUSE. See SENATE. LOW MAN. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the name given to a Junior Optime as compared with a Senior Optime or with a Wrangler. I was fortunate enough to find a place in the team of a capital tutor,... who had but six pupils, all going out this time, and five of them "_low men_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 204. _M_. M.A. An abbreviation of _Magister Artium_, Master of Arts. The second degree given by universities and colleges. Sometimes written A.M., which, is in accordance with the proper Latin arrangement. In the English universities, every B.A. of three years' standing may proceed to this degree on payment of certain fees. In America, this degree is conferred, without examination, on Bachelors of three years' standing. At Harvard, this degree was formerly conferred only upon examination, as will be seen by the following extract. "Every schollar that giveth up in writing a System, or Synopsis, or summe of Logick, naturall and morall Philosophy, Arithmetick, Geometry and Astronomy: And is ready to defend his Theses or positions: Withall skilled in the originalls as above-said; And of godly life and conversation; And so approved by the Overseers and Master of the Colledge, at any publique Act, is fit to be dignified with his 2d degree."--_New England's First Fruits_, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Vol. I. p. 246. Until the year 1792, it was customary for those who applied for the degree of M.A. to defend what were called _Master's questions_; after this time an oration was substituted in place of these, which continued until 1844, when for the first time there were no Master's exercises. The degree is now given to any graduate of three or more years' standing, on the payment of a certain sum of money. The degree is also presented by special vote to individuals wholly unconnected with any college, but who are distinguished for their literary attainments. In this case, where the honor is given, no fee is required. MAKE UP. To recite a lesson which was not recited with the class at the regular recitation. It is properly used as a transitive verb, but in conversation is very often used intransitively. The following passage explains the meaning of the phrase more fully. A student may be permitted, on petition to the Faculty, to _make up_ a recitation or other exercise from which he was absent and has been excused, provided his application to this effect be made within the term in-which the absence occurred.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 16. ... sleeping,--a luxury, however, which is sadly diminished by the anticipated necessity of _making up_ back lessons.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 202. MAN. An undergraduate in a university or college. At Cambridge and eke at Oxford, every stripling is accounted a _Man_ from the moment of his putting on the gown and cap.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 75. Sweet are the slumbers, indeed, of a Freshman, who, just escaped the trammels of "home, sweet home," and the pedagogue's tyrannical birch, for the first time in his life, with the academical gown, assumes the _toga virilis_, and feels himself a _Man_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 30. In College all are "_men_" from the hirsute Senior to the tender Freshman who carries off a pound of candy and paper of raisins from the maternal domicile weekly.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 264. MANCIPLE. Latin, _manceps_; _manu capio_, to take with the hand. In the English universities, the person who purchases the provisions; the college victualler. The office is now obsolete. Our _Manciple_ I lately met, Of visage wise and prudent. _The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., Vol. I. p. 115. MANDAMUS. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., a special mandate under the great seal, which enables a candidate to proceed to his degree before the regular period.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ MANNERS. The outward observances of respect which were formerly required of the students by college officers seem very strange to us of the present time, and we cannot but notice the omissions which have been made in college laws during the present century in reference to this subject. Among the laws of Harvard College, passed in 1734, is one declaring, that "all scholars shall show due respect and honor in speech and behavior, as to their natural parents, so to magistrates, elders, the President and Fellows of the Corporation, and to all others concerned in the instruction or government of the College, and to all superiors, keeping due silence in their presence, and not disorderly gainsaying them; but showing all laudable expressions of honor and reverence that are in use; such as uncovering the head, rising up in their presence, and the like. And particularly undergraduates shall be uncovered in the College yard when any of the Overseers, the President or Fellows of the Corporation, or any other concerned in the government or instruction of the College, are therein, and Bachelors of Arts shall be uncovered when the President is there." This law was still further enforced by some of the regulations contained in a list of "The Ancient Customs of Harvard College." Those which refer particularly to this point are the following:-- "No Freshman shall wear his hat in the College yard, unless it rains, hails, or snows, provided he be on foot, and have not both hands full. "No Undergraduate shall wear his hat in the College yard, when any of the Governors of the College are there; and no Bachelor shall wear his hat when the President is there. "No Freshman shall speak to a Senior with his hat on; or have it on in a Senior's chamber, or in his own, if a Senior be there. "All the Undergraduates shall treat those in the government of the College with respect and deference; particularly, they shall not be seated without leave in their presence; they shall be uncovered when they speak to them, or are spoken to by them." Such were the laws of the last century, and their observance was enforced with the greatest strictness. After the Revolution, the spirit of the people had become more republican, and about the year 1796, "considering the spirit of the times and the extreme difficulty the executive must encounter in attempting to enforce the law prohibiting students from wearing hats in the College yard," a vote passed repealing it.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 278. On this subject, Professor Sidney Willard, with reference to the time of the presidency of Joseph Willard at Harvard College, during the latter part of the last century, remarks: "Outward tokens of respect required to be paid to the immediate government, and particularly to the President, were attended with formalities that seemed to be somewhat excessive; such, for instance, as made it an offence for a student to wear his hat in the College yard, or enclosure, when the President was within it. This, indeed, in the fulness of the letter, gradually died out, and was compromised by the observance only when the student was so near, or in such a position, that he was likely to be recognized. Still, when the students assembled for morning and evening prayer, which was performed with great constancy by the President, they were careful to avoid a close proximity to the outer steps of the Chapel, until the President had reached and passed within the threshold. This was a point of decorum which it was pleasing to witness, and I never saw it violated."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, 1855, Vol. I. p. 132. "In connection with the subject of discipline," says President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse before the Graduates of Yale College, "we may aptly introduce that of the respect required by the officers of the College, and of the subordination which younger classes were to observe towards older. The germ, and perhaps the details, of this system of college manners, are to be referred back to the English universities. Thus the Oxford laws require that juniors shall show all due and befitting reverence to seniors, that is, Undergraduates to Bachelors, they to Masters, Masters to Doctors, as well in private as in public, by giving them the better place when they are together, by withdrawing out of their way when they meet, by uncovering the head at the proper distance, and by reverently saluting and addressing them." After citing the law of Harvard College passed in 1734, which is given above, he remarks as follows. "Our laws of 1745 contain the same identical provisions. These regulations were not a dead letter, nor do they seem to have been more irksome than many other college restraints. They presupposed originally that the college rank of the individual towards whom respect is to be shown could be discovered at a distance by peculiarities of dress; the gown and the wig of the President could be seen far beyond the point where features and gait would cease to mark the person."--pp. 52, 53. As an illustration of the severity with which the laws on this subject were enforced, it may not be inappropriate to insert the annexed account from the Sketches of Yale College:--"The servile requisition of making obeisance to the officers of College within a prescribed distance was common, not only to Yale, but to all kindred institutions throughout the United States. Some young men were found whose high spirit would not brook the degrading law imposed upon them without some opposition, which, however, was always ineffectual. The following anecdote, related by Hon. Ezekiel Bacon, in his Recollections of Fifty Years Since, although the scene of its occurrence was in another college, yet is thought proper to be inserted here, as a fair sample of the insubordination caused in every institution by an enactment so absurd and degrading. In order to escape from the requirements of striking his colors and doffing his chapeau when within the prescribed striking distance from the venerable President or the dignified tutors, young Ellsworth, who afterwards rose to the honorable rank of Chief Justice of the United States, and to many other elevated stations in this country, and who was then a student there, cut off entirely the brim portion of his hat, leaving of it nothing but the crown, which he wore in the form of a skull-cap on his head, putting it under his arm when he approached their reverences. Being reproved for his perversity, and told that this was not a hat within the meaning and intent of the law, which he was required to do his obeisance with by removing it from his head, he then made bold to wear his skull-cap into the Chapel and recitation-room, in presence of the authority. Being also then again reproved for wearing his hat in those forbidden and sacred places, he replied that he had once supposed that it was in truth a veritable hat, but having been informed by his superiors that it was _no hat_ at all, he had ventured to come into their presence as he supposed with his head uncovered by that proscribed garment. But the dilemma was, as in his former position, decided against him; and no other alternative remained to him but to resume his full-brimmed beaver, and to comply literally with the enactments of the collegiate pandect."--pp. 179, 180. MAN WHO IS JUST GOING OUT. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the popular name of a student who is in the last term of his collegiate course. MARK. The figure given to denote the quality of a recitation. In most colleges, the merit of each performance is expressed by some number of a series, in which a certain fixed number indicates the highest value. In Harvard College the highest mark is eight. Four is considered as the average, and a student not receiving this average in all the studies of a term is not allowed to remain as a member of college. At Yale the marks range from zero to four. Two is the average, and a student not receiving this is obliged to leave college, not to return until he can pass an examination in all the branches which his class has pursued. In Harvard College, where the system of marks is most strictly followed, the merit of each individual is ascertained by adding together the term aggregates of each instructor, these "term aggregates being the sum of all the marks given during the term, for the current work of each month, and for omitted lessons made up by permission, and of the marks given for examination by the instructor and the examining committee at the close of the term." From the aggregate of these numbers deductions are made for delinquencies unexcused, and the result is the rank of the student, according to which his appointment (if he receives one) is given.--_Laws of Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848. That's the way to stand in college, High in "_marks_" and want of knowledge! _Childe Harvard_, p. 154. If he does not understand his lesson, he swallows it whole, without understanding it; his object being, not the lesson, but the "_mark_," which he is frequently at the President's office to inquire about.--_A Letter to a Young Man who has Just entered College_, 1849, p. 21. I have spoken slightingly, too, of certain parts of college machinery, and particularly of the system of "_marks_." I do confess that I hold them in small reverence, reckoning them as rather belonging to a college in embryo than to one fully grown. I suppose it is "dangerous" advice; but I would be so intent upon my studies as not to inquire or think about my "_marks_."--_Ibid._ p. 36. Then he makes mistakes in examinations also, and "loses _marks_." --_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 388. MARKER. In the University of Cambridge, England, three or four persons called _markers_ are employed to walk up and down chapel during a considerable part of the service, with lists of the names of the members in their hands; they an required to run a pin through the names of those present. As to the method adopted by the markers, Bristed says: "The students, as they enter, are _marked_ with pins on long alphabetical lists, by two college servants, who are so experienced and clever at their business that they never have to ask the name of a new-comer more than once."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 15. His name pricked off upon the _marker's_ roll, No twinge of conscience racks his easy soul. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. MARSHAL. In the University of Oxford, an officer who is usually in attendance on one of the proctors.--_Collegian's Guide_. MARSHAL'S TREAT. An account of the manner in which this observance, peculiar to Williams College, is annually kept, is given in the annexed passage from the columns of a newspaper. "Another custom here is the Marshal's Treat. The two gentlemen who are elected to act as Marshals during Commencement week are expected to _treat_ the class, and this year it was done in fine style. The Seniors assembled at about seven o'clock in their recitation-room, and, with Marshals Whiting and Taft at their head, marched down to a grove, rather more than half a mile from the Chapel, where tables had been set, and various luxuries provided for the occasion. The Philharmonia Musical Society discoursed sweet strains during the entertainment, and speeches, songs, and toasts were kept up till a late hour in the evening, when after giving cheers for the three lower classes, and three times three for '54, they marched back to the President's. A song written for the occasion was there performed, to which he replied in a few words, speaking of his attachment to the class, and his regret at the parting which must soon take place. The class then returned to East College, and after joining hands and singing Auld Lang Syne, separated."--_Boston Daily Evening Traveller_, July 12, 1854. MASQUERADE. It was formerly the custom at Harvard College for the Tutors, on leaving their office, to invite their friends to a masquerade ball, which was held at some time during the vacation, usually in the rooms which they occupied in the College buildings. One of the most splendid entertainments of this kind was given by Mr. Kirkland, afterwards President of the College, in the year 1794. The same custom also prevailed to a certain extent among the students, and these balls were not wholly discontinued until the year 1811. After this period, members of societies would often appear in masquerade dresses in the streets, and would sometimes in this garb enter houses, with the occupants of which they were not acquainted, thereby causing much sport, and not unfrequently much mischief. MASTER. The head of a college. This word is used in the English Universities, and was formerly in use in this country, in this sense. The _Master_ of the College, or "Head of the House," is a D.D., who has been a Fellow. He is the supreme ruler within the college Trails, and moves about like an Undergraduate's deity, keeping at an awful distance from the students, and not letting himself be seen too frequently even at chapel. Besides his fat salary and house, he enjoys many perquisites and privileges, not the least of which is that of committing matrimony.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 16. Every schollar, that on proofe is found able to read the originals of the Old and New Testament into the Latine tongue, &c. and at any publick act hath the approbation of the Overseers and _Master_ of the Colledge, is fit to be dignified with his first degree.--_New England's First Fruits_, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Vol. I. pp. 245, 246. 2. A title of dignity in colleges and universities; as, _Master_ of Arts.--_Webster_. They, likewise, which peruse the questiones published by the _Masters_.--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. pp. 131, 132. MASTER OF THE KITCHEN. In Harvard College, a person who formerly made all the contracts, and performed all the duties necessary for the providing of commons, under the direction of the Steward. He was required to be "discreet and capable."--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1814, p. 42. MASTER'S QUESTION. A proposition advanced by a candidate for the degree of Master of Arts. In the older American colleges it seems to have been the established custom, at a very early period, for those who proceeded Masters, to maintain in public _questions_ or propositions on scientific or moral topics. Dr. Cotton Mather, in his _Magnalia_, p. 132, referring to Harvard College, speaks of "the _questiones_ published by the Masters," and remarks that they "now and then presume to fly as high as divinity." These questions were in Latin, and the discussions upon them were carried on in the same language. The earliest list of Masters' questions extant was published at Harvard College in the year 1655. It was entitled, "Quæstiones in Philosophia Discutiendæ ... in comitiis per Inceptores in artib[us]." In 1669 the title was changed to "Quæstiones pro Modulo Discutiendæ ... per Inceptores." The last Masters' questions were presented at the Commencement in 1789. The next year Masters' exercises were substituted, which usually consisted of an English Oration, a Poem, and a Valedictory Latin Oration, delivered by three out of the number of candidates for the second degree. A few years after, the Poem was omitted. The last Masters' exercises were performed in the year 1843. At Yale College, from 1787 onwards, there were no Masters' valedictories, nor syllogistic disputes in Latin, and in 1793 there were no Master's exercises at all. MATHEMATICAL SLATE. At Harvard College, the best mathematician received in former times a large slate, which, on leaving college, he gave to the best mathematician in the next class, and thus transmitted it from class to class. The slate disappeared a few years since, and the custom is no longer observed. MATRICULA. A roll or register, from _matrix_. In _colleges_ the register or record which contains the names of the students, times of entering into college, remarks on their character, &c. The remarks made in the _Matricula_ of the College respecting those who entered the Freshman Class together with him are, of one, that he "in his third year went to Philadelphia College."--_Hist. Sketch of Columbia College_, p. 42. Similar brief remarks are found throughout the _Matricula_ of King's College.--_Ibid._, p. 42. We find in its _Matricula_ the names of William Walton, &c.--_Ibid._, p. 64. MATRICULATE. Latin, _Matricula_, a roll or register, from _matrix_. To enter or admit to membership in a body or society, particularly in a college or university, by enrolling the name in a register.--_Wotton_. In July, 1778, he was examined at that university, and _matriculated_.--_Works of R.T. Paine, Biography_, p. xviii. In 1787, he _matriculated_ at St. John's College, Cambridge.--_Household Words_, Vol. I. p. 210. MATRICULATE. One enrolled in a register, and thus admitted to membership in a society.--_Arbuthnot_. The number of _Matriculates_ has in every instance been greater than that stated in the table.--_Cat. Univ. of North Carolina_, 1848-49. MATRICULATION. The act of registering a name and admitting to membership.--_Ayliffe_. In American colleges, students who are found qualified on examination to enter usually join the class to which they are admitted, on probation, and are matriculated as members of the college in full standing, either at the close of their first or second term. The time of probation seldom exceeds one year; and if at the end of this time, or of a shorter, as the case may be, the conduct of a student has not been such as is deemed satisfactory by the Faculty, his connection with the college ceases. As a punishment, the _matriculation certificate_ of a student is sometimes taken from him, and during the time in which he is unmatriculated, he is under especial probation, and disobedience to college laws is then punished with more severity than at other times.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 12. _Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 9. MAUDLIN. The name by which Magdalen College, Cambridge, Eng., is always known and spoken of by Englishmen. The "_Maudlin Men_" were at one time so famous for tea-drinking, that the Cam, which licks the very walls of the college, is said to have been absolutely rendered unnavigable with tea-leaves.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 202. MAX. Abbreviated for _maximum_, greatest. At Union College, he who receives the highest possible number of marks, which is one hundred, in each study, for a term, is said to _take Max_ (or maximum); to be a _Max scholar_. On the Merit Roll all the _Maxs_ are clustered at the top. A writer remarks jocosely of this word. It is "that indication of perfect scholarship to which none but Freshmen aspire, and which is never attained except by accident."--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. Probably not less than one third of all who enter each new class confidently expect to "mark _max_," during their whole course, and to have the Valedictory at Commencement.--_Ibid._ See MERIT ROLL. MAY. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the college Easter term examination is familiarly spoken of as _the May_. The "_May_" is one of the features which distinguishes Cambridge from Oxford; at the latter there are no public College examinations.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 64. As the "_May_" approached, I began to feel nervous.--_Ibid._, p. 70. MAY TRAINING. A correspondent from Bowdoin College where the farcical custom of May Training is observed writes as follows in reference to its origin: "In 1836, a law passed the Legislature requiring students to perform military duty, and they were summoned to appear at muster equipped as the law directs, to be inspected and drilled with the common militia. Great excitement prevailed in consequence, but they finally concluded to _train_. At the appointed time and place, they made their appearance armed _cap-à-pie_ for grotesque deeds, some on foot, some on horse, with banners and music appropriate, and altogether presenting as ludicrous a spectacle as could easily be conceived of. They paraded pretty much 'on their own hook,' threw the whole field into disorder by their evolutions, and were finally ordered off the ground by the commanding officer. They were never called upon again, but the day is still commemorated." M.B. An abbreviation for _Medicinæ Baccalaureus_, Bachelor of Physic. At Cambridge, Eng., the candidate for this degree must have had his name five years on the boards of some college, have resided three years, and attended medical lectures and hospital practice during the other two; also have attended the lectures of the Professors of Anatomy, Chemistry, and Botany, and the Downing Professor of Medicine, and passed an examination to their satisfaction. At Oxford, Eng., the degree is given to an M.A. of one year's standing, who is also a regent of the same length of time. The exercises are disputations upon two distinct days before the Professors of the Faculty of Medicine. The degree was formerly given in American colleges before that of M.D., but has of late years been laid aside. M.D. An abbreviation for _Medicines Doctor_, Doctor of Physic. At Cambridge, Eng., the candidate for this degree must be a Bachelor of Physic of five years' standing, must have attended hospital practice for three years, and passed an examination satisfactory to the Medical Professors of the University, At Oxford, an M.D. must be an M.B. of three years' standing. The exercises are three distinct lectures, to be read on three different days. In American colleges the degree is usually given to those who have pursued their studies in a medical school for three years; but the regulations differ in different institutions. MED, MEDIC. A name sometimes given to a student in medicine. ---- who sent The _Medic_ to our aid. _The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 23. "The Council are among ye, Yale!" Some roaring _Medic_ cries. _Ibid._, p. 24. The slain, the _Medics_ stowed away. _Ibid._, p. 24. Seniors, Juniors, Freshmen blue, And _Medics_ sing the anthem too. _Yale Banger_, Nov. 1850. Take ... Sixteen interesting "_Meds_," With dirty hands and towzeled heads. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 16. MEDALIST. In universities, colleges, &c., one who has gained a medal as the reward of merit.--_Ed. Rev. Gradus ad Cantab._ These _Medalists_ then are the best scholars among the men who have taken a certain mathematical standing; but as out of the University these niceties of discrimination are apt to be dropped they usually pass at home for absolutely the first and second scholars of the year, and sometimes they are so.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 62. MEDICAL FACULTY. Usually abbreviated Med. Fac. The Medical Faculty Society was established one evening after commons, in the year 1818, by four students of Harvard College, James F. Deering, Charles Butterfield, David P. Hall, and Joseph Palmer, members of the class of 1820. Like many other societies, it originated in sport, and, as in after history shows, was carried on in the same spirit. The young men above named happening to be assembled in Hollis Hall, No. 13, a proposition was started that Deering should deliver a mock lecture, which having been done, to the great amusement of the rest, he in his turn proposed that they should at some future time initiate members by solemn rites, in order that others might enjoy their edifying exercises. From this small beginning sprang the renowned Med. Fac. Society. Deering, a "fellow of infinite jest," was chosen its first President; he was much esteemed for his talents, but died early, the victim of melancholy madness. The following entertaining account of the early history of this Society has been kindly furnished, in a letter to the editor, by a distinguished gentleman who was its President in the year 1820, and a graduate of the class of 1822. "With regard to the Medical Faculty," he writes, "I suppose that you are aware that its object was mere fun. That object was pursued with great diligence during the earlier period of its history, and probably through its whole existence. I do not remember that it ever had a constitution, or any stated meetings, except the annual one for the choice of officers. Frequent meetings, however, were called by the President to carry out the object of the institution. They were held always in some student's room in the afternoon. The room was made as dark as possible, and brilliantly lighted. The Faculty sat round a long table, in some singular and antique costume, almost all in large wigs, and breeches with knee-buckles. This practice was adopted to make a strong impression on students who were invited in for examination. Members were always examined for admission. The strangest questions were asked by the venerable board, and often strange answers elicited,--no matter how remote from the purpose, provided there was wit or drollery. Sometimes a singularly slow person would be invited, on purpose to puzzle and tease him with questions that he could make nothing of; and he would stand in helpless imbecility, without being able to cover his retreat with even the faintest suspicion of a joke. He would then be gravely admonished of the necessity of diligent study, reminded of the anxiety of his parents on his account, and his duty to them, and at length a month or two would be allowed him to prepare himself for another examination, or he would be set aside altogether. But if he appeared again for another trial, he was sure to fare no better. He would be set aside at last. I remember an instance in which a member was expelled for a reason purely fictitious,--droll enough to be worth telling, if I could remember it,--and the secretary directed 'to write to his father, and break the matter gently to him, that it might not bring down the gray hairs of the old man with sorrow to the grave.' "I have a pleasant recollection of the mock gravity, the broad humor, and often exquisite wit of those meetings, but it is impossible to give you any adequate idea of them. Burlesque lectures on all conceivable and inconceivable subjects were frequently read or improvised by members _ad libitum_. I remember something of a remarkable one from Dr. Alden, upon part of a skeleton of a superannuated horse, which he made to do duty for the remains of a great German Professor with an unspeakable name. "Degrees were conferred upon all the members,--M.D. or D.M.[46] according to their rank, which is explained in the Catalogue. Honorary degrees were liberally conferred upon conspicuous persons at home and abroad. It is said that one gentleman, at the South, I believe, considered himself insulted by the honor, and complained of it to the College government, who forthwith broke up the Society. But this was long after my time, and I cannot answer for the truth of the tradition. Diplomas were given to the M.D.'s and D.M.'s in ludicrous Latin, with a great seal appended by a green ribbon. I have one, somewhere. My name is rendered _Filius Steti_." A graduate of the class of 1828 writes: "I well remember that my invitation to attend the meeting of the Med. Fac. Soc. was written in barbarous Latin, commencing 'Domine Crux,' and I think I passed so good an examination that I was made _Professor longis extremitatibus_, or Professor with long shanks. It was a society for purposes of mere fun and burlesque, meeting secretly, and always foiling the government in their attempts to break it up." The members of the Society were accustomed to array themselves in masquerade dresses, and in the evening would enter the houses of the inhabitants of Cambridge, unbidden, though not always unwelcome guests. This practice, however, and that of conferring degrees on public characters, brought the Society, as is above stated, into great disrepute with the College Faculty, by whom it was abolished in the year 1834. The Catalogue of the Society was a burlesque on the Triennial of the College. The first was printed in the year 1821, the others followed in the years 1824, 1827, 1830, and 1833. The title on the cover of the Catalogue of 1833, the last issued, similar to the titles borne by the others, was, "Catalogus Senatus Facultatis, et eorum qui munera et officia gesserunt, quique alicujus gradus laurea donati sunt in Facultate Medicinæ in Universitate Harvardiana constituta, Cantabrigiæ in Republica Massachusettensi. Cantabrigiæ: Sumptibus Societatis. MDCCCXXXIII. Sanguinis circulationis post patefactionem Anno CCV." The Prefaces to the Catalogues were written in Latin, the character of which might well be denominated _piggish_. In the following translations by an esteemed friend, the beauty and force of the originals are well preserved. _Preface to the Catalogue of 1824_. "To many, the first edition of the Medical Faculty Catalogue was a wonderful and extraordinary thing. Those who boasted that they could comprehend it, found themselves at length terribly and widely in error. Those who did not deny their inability to get the idea of it, were astonished and struck with amazement. To certain individuals, it seemed to possess somewhat of wit and humor, and these laughed immoderately; to others, the thing seemed so absurd and foolish, that they preserved a grave and serious countenance. "Now, a new edition is necessary, in which it is proposed to state briefly in order the rise and progress of the Medical Faculty. It is an undoubted matter of history, that the Medical Faculty is the most ancient of all societies in the whole world. In fact, its archives contain documents and annals of the Society, written on birch-bark, which are so ancient that they cannot be read at all; and, moreover, other writings belong to the Society, legible it is true, but, by ill-luck, in the words of an unknown and long-buried language, and therefore unintelligible. Nearly all the documents of the Society have been reduced to ashes at some time amid the rolling years since the creation of man. On this account the Medical Faculty cannot pride itself on an uninterrupted series of records. But many oral traditions in regard to it have reached us from our ancestors, from which it may be inferred that this society formerly flourished under the name of the 'Society of Wits' (Societas Jocosorum); and you might often gain an idea of it from many shrewd remarks that have found their way to various parts of the world. "The Society, after various changes, has at length been brought to its present form, and its present name has been given it. It is, by the way, worthy of note, that this name is of peculiar signification, the word 'medical' having the same force as 'sanative' (sanans), as far as relates to the mind, and not to the body, as in the vulgar signification. To be brief, the meaning of 'medical' is 'diverting' (divertens), that is, _turning_ the mind from misery, evil, and grief. Under this interpretation, the Medical Faculty signifies neither more nor less than the 'Faculty of Recreation.' The thing proposed by the Society is, to _divert_ its immediate and honorary members from unbecoming and foolish thoughts, and is twofold, namely, relating both to manners and to letters. Professors in the departments appropriated to letters read lectures; and the alumni, as the case requires, are sometimes publicly examined and questioned. The Library at present contains a single book, but this _one_ is called for more and more every day. A collection of medical apparatus belongs to the Society, beyond doubt the most grand and extensive in the whole world, intended to sharpen the _faculties_ of all the members. "Honorary degrees have been conferred on illustrious and remarkable men of all countries. "A certain part of the members go into all academies and literary 'gymnasia,' to act as nuclei, around which branches of this Society may be enabled to form." _Preface to the Catalogue of 1830_. "As the members of the Medical Faculty have increased, as many members have been distinguished by honorary degrees, and as the former Catalogues have all been sold, the Senate orders a new Catalogue to be printed. "It seemed good to the editors of the former Catalogue briefly to state the nature and to defend the antiquity of this Faculty. Nevertheless, some have refused their assent to the statements, and demand some reasons for what is asserted. We therefore, once for all, declare that, of all societies, this is the most ancient, the most extensive, the most learned, and the most divine. We establish its antiquity by two arguments: firstly, because everywhere in the world there are found many monuments of our ancestors; secondly, because all other societies derive their origin from this. It appears from our annals, that different curators have laid their bones beneath the Pyramids, Naples, Rome, and Paris. These, as described by a faithful secretary, are found at this day. "The obelisks of Egypt contain in hieroglyphic characters many secrets of our Faculty. The Chinese Wall, and the Colossus at Rhodes, were erected by our ancestors in sport. We could cite many other examples, were it necessary. "All societies to whom belong either wonderful art, or nothing except secrecy, have been founded on our pattern. It appears that the Society of Free-Masons was founded by eleven disciples of the Med. Fac. expelled A.D. 1425. But these ignorant fellows were never able to raise their brotherhood to our standard of perfection: in this respect alone they agree with us, in admitting only the _masculine_ gender ('masc. gen.').[47] "Therefore we have always been Antimason. No one who has ever gained admittance to our assembly has the slightest doubt that we have extended our power to the farthest regions of the earth, for we have embassies from every part of the world, and Satan himself has learned many particulars from our Senate in regard to the administration of affairs and the means of torture. "We pride ourselves in being the most learned society on earth, for men versed in all literature and erudition, when hurried into our presence for examination, quail and stand in silent amazement. 'Placid Death' alone is coeval with this Society, and resembles it, for in its own Catalogue it equalizes rich and poor, great and small, white and black, old and young. "Since these things are so, and you, kind reader, have been instructed on these points, I will not longer detain you from the book and the picture.[48] Farewell." _Preface to the Catalogue of_ 1833. "It was much less than three years since the third edition of this Catalogue saw the light, when the most learned Med. Fac. began to be reminded that the time had arrived for preparing to polish up and publish a new one. Accordingly, special curators were selected to bring this work to perfection. These curators would not neglect the opportunity of saying a few words on matters of great moment. "We have carefully revised the whole text, and, as far as we could, we have taken pains to remove typographical errors. The duty is not light. But the number of medical men in the world has increased, and it is becoming that the whole world should know the true authors of its greatest blessing. Therefore we have inserted their names and titles in their proper places. "Among other changes, we would not forget the creation of a new office. Many healing remedies, foreign, rare, and wonderful, have been brought for the use of the Faculty from Egypt and Arabia Felix. It was proper that some worthy, capable man, of quick discernment, should have charge of these most precious remedies. Accordingly, the Faculty has chosen a curator to be called the 'Apothecarius.' Many quacks and cheats have desired to hold the new office; but the present occupant has thrown all others into the shade. The names, surnames, and titles of this excellent man will be found in the following pages.[49] "We have done well, not only towards others, but also towards ourselves. Our library contains quite a number of books; among others, ten thousand obtained through the munificence and liberality of great societies in the almost unknown regions of Kamtschatka and the North Pole, and especially also through the munificence of the Emperor of all the Russias. It has become so immense, that, at the request of the Librarian, the Faculty have prohibited any further donations. "In the next session of the General Court of Massachusetts, the Senate of the Faculty (assisted by the President of Harvard University) will petition for forty thousand sesterces, for the purpose of erecting a large building to contain the immense accumulation of books. From the well-known liberality of the Legislature, no doubts are felt of obtaining it. "To say more would make a long story. And this, kind reader, is what we have to communicate to you at the outset. The fruit will show with how much fidelity we have performed the task imposed upon us by the most illustrious men. Farewell." As a specimen of the character of the honorary degrees conferred by the Society, the following are taken from the list given in the Catalogues. They embrace, as will be seen, the names of distinguished personages only, from the King and President to Day and Martin, Sam Patch, and the world-renowned Sea-Serpent. "Henricus Christophe, Rex Haytiæ quondam, M.D. Med. Fac. honorarius."[50] "Gulielmus Cobbett, qui ad Angliam ossa Thomæ Paine ferebat, M.D. Med. Fac. honorarius."[51] "Johannes-Cleaves Symmes, qui in terræ ilia penetravissit, M.D. Med. Fac. honorarius."[52] "ALEXANDER I. Russ. Imp. Illust. et Sanct. Foed. et Mass. Pac. Soc. Socius, qui per Legat. American. claro Med. Fac., '_curiositatem raram et archaicam_,' regie transmisit, 1825, M.D. Med. Fac. honorarius."[53] "ANDREAS JACKSON, Major-General in bello ultimo Americano, et _Nov. Orleans Heros_ fortissimus; et _ergo_ nunc Præsidis Rerumpub. Foed, muneris _candidatus_ et 'Old Hickory,' M.D. et M.U.D. 1827, Med. Fac. honorarius, et 1829 Præses Rerumpub. Foed., et LL.D. 1833." "Gulielmus Emmons, prænominatus Pickleïus, qui orator eloquentissimus nostræ ætatis; poma, nuces, _panem-zingiberis_, suas orationes, '_Egg-popque_' vendit, D.M. Med. Fac. honorarius."[54] "Day et Martin, Angli, qui per quinquaginta annos toto Christiano Orbi et præcipue _Univ. Harv._ optimum _Real Japan Atramentum_ ab 'XCVII. Altâ Holborniâ' subministrârunt, M.D. et M.U.D. Med. Fac. honorarius." "Samuel Patch, socius multum deploratus, qui multa experimenta, de gravitate et 'faciles descensus' suo corpore fecit; qui gradum, M.D. _per saltum_ consecutus est. Med. Fac. honorarius." "Cheng et Heng, Siamesi juvenes, invicem _a mans_ et intime attacti, Med. Fac. que honorarii." "Gulielmus Grimke, et quadraginta sodales qui 'omnes in uno' Conic Sections sine Tabulis aspernati sunt, et contra Facultatem, Col. Yal. rebellaverunt, posteaque expulsi et 'obumbrati' sunt et Med. Fac. honorarii." "MARTIN VAN BUREN, _Armig._, Civitatis Scriba Reipub. Foed. apud Aul. Brit. Legat. Extraord. sibi constitutus. Reip. Nov. Ebor. Gub. 'Don Whiskerandos'; 'Little Dutchman'; atque 'Great Rejected.' Nunc (1832), Rerumpub. Foed. Vice-Præses et 'Kitchen Cabinet' Moderator, M.D. et Med. Fac. honorarius." "Magnus Serpens Maris, suppositus, aut porpoises aut horse-mackerel, grex; 'very like a whale' (Shak.); M.D. et peculiariter M.U.D. Med. Fac. honorarius." "Timotheus Tibbets et Gulielmus J. Snelling 'par nobile sed hostile fratrum'; 'victor et victus,' unus buster et rake, alter lupinarum cockpitsque purgator, et nuper Edit. Nov. Ang. Galax. Med. Fac. honorarii."[55] "Capt. Basil Hall, Tabitha Trollope, atque _Isaacus Fiddler_ Reverendus; semi-pay centurio, famelica transfuga, et semicoctus grammaticaster, qui scriptitant solum ut prandere possint. Tres in uno Mend. Munch. Prof. M.D., M.U.D. et Med. Fac. Honorarium." A college poet thus laments the fall of this respected society:-- "Gone, too, for aye, that merry masquerade, Which danced so gayly in the evening shade, And Learning weeps, and Science hangs her head, To mourn--vain toil!--their cherished offspring dead. What though she sped her honors wide and far, Hailing as son Muscovia's haughty Czar, Who in his palace humbly knelt to greet, And laid his costly presents at her feet?[56] Relentless fate her sudden fall decreed, Dooming each votary's tender heart to bleed, And yet, as if in mercy to atone, That fate hushed sighs, and silenced many a _groan_." _Winslow's Class Poem_, 1835. MERIT ROLL. At Union College, "the _Merit Rolls_ of the several classes," says a correspondent, "are sheets of paper put up in the College post-office, at the opening of each term, containing a list of all students present in the different classes during the previous term, with a statement of the conduct, attendance, and scholarship of each member of the class. The names are numbered according to the standing of the student, all the best scholars being clustered at the head, and the poorer following in a melancholy train. To be at the head, or 'to head the roll,' is an object of ambition, while 'to foot the roll' is anything but desirable." MIDDLE BACHELOR. One who is in his second year after taking the degree of Bachelor of Arts. A Senior Sophister has authority to take a Freshman from a Sophomore, a _Middle Bachelor_ from a Junior Sophister.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 540. MIGRATE. In the English universities, to remove from one college to another. One of the unsuccessful candidates _migrated_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 100. MIGRATION. In the English universities, a removal from one college to another. "_A migration_," remarks Bristed, "is generally tantamount to a confession of inferiority, and an acknowledgment that the migrator is not likely to become a Fellow in his own College, and therefore takes refuge in another, where a more moderate Degree will insure him a Fellowship. A great deal of this _migration_ goes on from John's to the Small Colleges."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 100. MIGRATOR. In the English universities, one who removes from one college to another. MILD. A student epithet of depreciation, answering nearly to the phrases, "no great shakes," and "small potatoes."--_Bristed_. Some of us were very heavy men to all appearance, and our first attempts _mild_ enough.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 169. MINGO. Latin. At Harvard College, this word was formerly used to designate a chamber-pot. To him that occupies my study, I give for use of making toddy, A bottle full of _white-face Stingo_, Another, handy, called a _mingo_. _Will of Charles Prentiss_, in _Rural Repository_, 1795. Many years ago, some of the students of Harvard College wishing to make a present to their Tutor, Mr. Flynt, called on him, informed him of their intention, and requested him to select a gift which would be acceptable to him. He replied that he was a single man, that he already had a well-filled library, and in reality wanted nothing. The students, not all satisfied with this answer, determined to present him with a silver chamber-pot. One was accordingly made, of the appropriate dimensions, and inscribed with these words: "Mingere cum bombis Res est saluberrima lumbis." On the morning of Commencement Day, this was borne in procession, in a morocco case, and presented to the Tutor. Tradition does not say with what feelings he received it, but it remained for many years at a room in Quincy, where he was accustomed to spend his Saturdays and Sundays, and finally disappeared, about the beginning of the Revolutionary War. It is supposed to have been carried to England. MINOR. A privy. From the Latin _minor_, smaller; the word _house_ being understood. Other derivations are given, but this seems to be the most classical. This word is peculiar to Harvard College. MISS. An omission of a recitation, or any college exercise. An instructor is said _to give a miss_, when he omits a recitation. A quaint Professor of Harvard College, being once asked by his class to omit the recitation for that day, is said to have replied in the words of Scripture: "Ye ask and receive not, for ye ask a-_miss_." In the "Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D.," Professor Felton has referred to this story, and has appended to it the contradiction of the worthy Doctor. "Amusing anecdotes, some true and many apocryphal, were handed down in College from class to class, and, so far from being yet forgotten, they are rather on the increase. One of these mythical stories was, that on a certain occasion one of the classes applied to the Doctor for what used to be called, in College jargon, a _miss_, i.e. an omission of recitation. The Doctor replied, as the legend run, 'Ye ask, and ye receive not, because ye ask a-_miss_.' Many years later, this was told to him. 'It is not true,' he exclaimed, energetically. 'In the first place, I have not wit enough; in the next place, I have too much wit, for I mortally hate a pun. Besides, _I never allude irreverently to the Scriptures_.'"--p. lxxvii. Or are there some who scrape and hiss Because you never give a _miss_.--_Rebelliad_, p. 62. ---- is good to all his subjects, _Misses_ gives he every hour.--_MS. Poem_. MISS. To be absent from a recitation or any college exercise. Said of a student. See CUT. Who will recitations _miss_!--_Rebelliad_, p. 53. At every corner let us hiss 'em; And as for recitations,--_miss_ 'em.--_Ibid._, p. 58. Who never _misses_ declamation, Nor cuts a stupid recitation. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 283. _Missing_ chambers will be visited with consequences more to be dreaded than the penalties of _missing_ lecture.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 304. MITTEN. At the Collegiate Institute of Indiana, a student who is expelled is said _to get the mitten_. MOCK-PART. At Harvard College, it is customary, when the parts for the first exhibition in the Junior year have been read, as described under PART, for the part-reader to announce what are called the _mock-parts_. These mock-parts which are burlesques on the regular appointments, are also satires on the habits, character, or manners of those to whom they are assigned. They are never given to any but members of the Junior Class. It was formerly customary for the Sophomore Class to read them in the last term of that year when the parts were given out for the Sophomore exhibition but as there is now no exhibition for that class, they are read only in the Junior year. The following may do as specimens of the subjects usually assigned:--The difference between alluvial and original soils; a discussion between two persons not noted for personal cleanliness. The last term of a decreasing series; a subject for an insignificant but conceited fellow. An essay on the Humbug, by a dabbler in natural history. A conference on the three dimensions, length, breadth, and thickness, between three persons, one very tall, another very broad, and the third very fat. MODERATE. In colleges and universities, to superintend the exercises and disputations in philosophy, and the Commencements when degrees are conferred. They had their weekly declamations on Friday, in the Colledge Hall, besides publick disputations, which either the Præsident or the Fellows _moderated_.--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. p. 127. Mr. Mather _moderated_ at the Masters' disputations.--_Hutchinson's Hist. of Mass._, Vol. I. p. 175, note. Mr. Andrew _moderated_ at the Commencements.--_Clap's Hist. of Yale Coll._, p. 15. President Holyoke was of a noble, commanding presence. He was perfectly acquainted with academic matters, and _moderated_ at Commencements with great dignity.--_Holmes's Life of Ezra Stiles_, p. 26. Mr. Woodbridge _moderated_ at Commencement, 1723.--_Woolsey's Hist. Disc._, p. 103. MODERATOR. In the English universities, one who superintends the exercises and disputations in philosophy, and the examination for the degree of B.A.--_Cam. Cal._ The disputations at which the _Moderators_ presided in the English universities "are now reduced," says Brande, "to little more than matters of form." The word was formerly in use in American colleges. Five scholars performed public exercises; the Rev. Mr. Woodbridge acted as _Moderator_.--_Clap's Hist. of Yale Coll._, p. 27. He [the President] was occasionally present at the weekly declamations and public disputations, and then acted as _Moderator_; an office which, in his absence, was filled by one of the Tutors.--_Quincy's Hist. of Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 440. MONITOR. In schools or universities, a pupil selected to look to the scholars in the absence of the instructor, or to notice the absence or faults of the scholars, or to instruct a division or class.--_Webster_. In American colleges, the monitors are usually appointed by the President, their duty being to keep bills of absence from, and tardiness at, devotional and other exercises. See _Laws of Harv. and Yale Colls._, &c. Let _monitors_ scratch as they please, We'll lie in bed and take our ease. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 123. MOONLIGHT. At Williams College, the prize rhetorical exercise is called by this name; the reason is not given. The students speak of "making a rush for _moonlight_," i.e. of attempting to gain the prize for elocution. In the evening comes _Moonlight_ Exhibition, when three men from each of the three lower classes exhibit their oratorical powers, and are followed by an oration before the Adelphic Union, by Ralph Waldo Emerson.--_Boston Daily Evening Traveller_, July 12, 1854. MOONLIGHT RANGERS. At Jefferson College, in Pennsylvania, a title applied to a band composed of the most noisy and turbulent students, commanded by a captain and sub-officer, who, in the most fantastic disguises, or in any dress to which the moonlight will give most effect, appear on certain nights designated, prepared to obey any command in the way of engaging in any sport of a pleasant nature. They are all required to have instruments which will make the loudest noise and create the greatest excitement. MOSS-COVERED HEAD. In the German universities, students during the sixth and last term, or _semester_, are called _Moss-covered Heads_, or, in an abbreviated form, _Mossy Heads_. MOUNTAIN DAY. The manner in which this day is observed at Williams College is described in the accompanying extracts. "Greylock is to the student in his rambles, what Mecca is to the Mahometan; and a pilgrimage to the summit is considered necessary, at least once during the collegiate course. There is an ancient and time-honored custom, which has existed from the establishment of the College, of granting to the students, once a year, a certain day of relaxation and amusement, known by the name of '_Mountain Day_.' It usually occurs about the middle of June, when the weather is most favorable for excursions to the mountains and other places of interest in the vicinity. It is customary, on this and other occasions during the summer, for parties to pass the night upon the summit, both for the novelty of the thing, and also to enjoy the unrivalled prospect at sunrise next morning."--_Sketches of Will. Coll._, 1847, pp. 85-89. "It so happens that Greylock, in our immediate vicinity, is the highest mountain in the Commonwealth, and gives a view from its summit 'that for vastness and sublimity is equalled by nothing in New England except the White Hills.' And it is an ancient observance to go up from this valley once in the year to 'see the world.' We were not of the number who availed themselves of this _lex non scripta_, forasmuch as more than one visit in time past hath somewhat worn off the novelty of the thing. But a goodly number 'went aloft,' some in wagons, some on horseback, and some, of a sturdier make, on foot. Some, not content with a mountain _day_, carried their knapsacks and blankets to encamp till morning on the summit and see the sun rise. Not in the open air, however, for a magnificent timber observatory has been set up,--a rough-hewn, sober, substantial 'light-house in the skies,' under whose roof is a limited portion of infinite space shielded from the winds."--_Williams Monthly Miscellany_, 1845, Vol. I. p. 555. "'_Mountain day_,' the date to which most of the imaginary _rows_ have been assigned, comes at the beginning of the summer term, and the various classes then ascend Greylock, the highest peak in the State, from which may be had a very fine view. Frequently they pass the night there, and beds are made of leaves in the old tower, bonfires are built, and they get through it quite comfortable."--_Boston Daily Evening Traveller_, July 12, 1854. MOUTH. To recite in an affected manner, as if one knew the lesson, when in reality he does not. Never shall you allow yourself to think of going into the recitation-room, and there trust to "skinning," as it is called in some colleges, or "phrasing," as in others, or "_mouthing_ it," as in others.--_Todd's Student's Manual_, p. 115. MRS. GOFF. Formerly a cant phrase for any woman. But cease the touching chords to sweep, For _Mrs. Goff_ has deigned to weep. _Rebelliad_, p. 21. MUFF. A foolish fellow. Many affected to sneer at him, as a "_muff_" who would have been exceedingly flattered by his personal acquaintance.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Eng. ed., Vol. LX. p. 147. MULE. In Germany, a student during the vacation between the time of his quitting the gymnasium and entering the university, is known as a mule. MUS.B. An abbreviation for _Musicæ Baccalaureus_, Bachelor of Music. In the English universities, a Bachelor of Music must enter his name at some college, and compose and perform a solemn piece of music, as an exercise before the University. MUS.D. An abbreviation for _Musicæ Doctor_, Doctor of Music. A Mus.D. is generally a Mus.B., and his exercise is the same. MUSES. A college or university is often designated the _Temple, Retreat, Seat_, &c. _of the Muses_. Having passed this outer court of the _Temple of the Muses_, you are ushered into the Sanctum Sanctorum itself.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 87. Inviting ... such distinguished visitors as happen then to be on a tour to this attractive _retreat of the Muses_.--_Ibid._, Vol. I, p. 156. My instructor ventured to offer me as a candidate for admission into that renowned _seat of the Muses_, Harvard College.--_New England Mag._, Vol. III. p. 237. A student at a college or university is sometimes called a _Son of the Muses_. It might perhaps suit some inveterate idlers, smokers, and drinkers, but no true _son of the Muses_.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 3. While it was his earnest desire that the beloved _sons of the Muses_ might leave the institutions enriched with the erudition, &c.--_Judge Kent's Address before [Greek: Phi Beta Kappa] of Yale Coll._, p. 39, 1831. _N_. NAVY CLUB. The Navy Club, or the Navy, as it was formerly called, originated among the students of Harvard College about the year 1796, but did not reach its full perfection until several years after. What the primary design of the association was is not known, nor can the causes be ascertained which led to its formation. At a later period its object seems to have been to imitate, as far as possible, the customs and discipline peculiar to the flag-ship of a navy, and to afford some consolation to those who received no appointments at Commencement, as such were always chosen its officers. The _Lord High Admiral_ was appointed by the admiral of the preceding class, but his election was not known to any of the members of his class until within six weeks of Commencement, when the parts for that occasion were assigned. It was generally understood that this officer was to be one of the poorest in point of scholarship, yet the jolliest of all the "Jolly Blades." At the time designated, he broke the seal of a package which had been given him by his predecessor in office, the contents of which were known only to himself; but these were supposed to be the insignia of his office, and the instructions pertaining to the admiralty. He then appointed his assistant officers, a vice-admiral, rear-admiral, captain, sailing-master, boatswain, &c. To the boatswain a whistle was given, transmitted, like the admiral's package, from class to class. The Flag-ship for the year 1815 was a large marquee, called "The Good Ship Harvard," which was moored in the woods, near the place where the residence of the Hon. John G. Palfrey now stands. The floor was arranged like the deck of a man-of-war, being divided into the main and quarter decks. The latter was occupied by the admiral, and no one was allowed to be there with him without special order or permission. In his sway he was very despotic, and on board ship might often have been seen reclining on his couch, attended by two of his subordinates (classmates), who made his slumbers pleasant by guarding his sacred person from the visits of any stray mosquito, and kept him cool by the vibrations of a fan. The marquee stood for several weeks, during which time meetings were frequently held in it. At the command of the admiral, the boatswain would sound his whistle in front of Holworthy Hall, the building where the Seniors then, as now, resided, and the student sailors, issuing forth, would form in procession, and march to the place of meeting, there to await further orders. If the members of the Navy remained on board ship over night, those who had received appointments at Commencement, then called the "Marines," were obliged to keep guard while the members slept or caroused. The operations of the Navy were usually closed with an excursion down the harbor. A vessel well stocked with certain kinds of provisions afforded, with some assistance from the stores of old Ocean, the requisites for a grand clam-bake or a mammoth chowder. The spot usually selected for this entertainment was the shores of Cape Cod. On the third day the party usually returned from their voyage, and their entry into Cambridge was generally accompanied with no little noise and disorder. The Admiral then appointed privately his successor, and the Navy was disbanded for the year. The exercises of the association varied from year to year. Many of the old customs gradually went out of fashion, until finally but little of the original Navy remained. The officers were, as usual, appointed yearly, but the power of appointing them was transferred to the class, and a public parade was substituted for the forms and ceremonies once peculiar to the society. The excursion down the harbor was omitted for the first time the present year,[57] and the last procession made its appearance in the year 1846. At present the Navy Club is organized after the parts for the last Senior Exhibition have been assigned. It is composed of three classes of persons; namely, the true NAVY, which consists of those who have _never_ had parts; the MARINES, those who have had a _major_ or _second_ part in the Senior year, but no _minor_ or _first_ part in the Junior; and the HORSE-MARINES, those who have had a _minor_ or _first_ part in the Junior year, but have subsequently fallen off, so as not to get a _major_ or _second_ part in the Senior. Of the Navy officers, the Lord High Admiral is usually he who has been sent from College the greatest number of times; the Vice-Admiral is the poorest scholar in the class; the Rear-Admiral the laziest fellow in the class; the Commodore, one addicted to boating; the Captain, a jolly blade; the Lieutenant and Midshipman, fellows of the same description; the Chaplain, the most profane; the Surgeon, a dabbler in surgery, or in medicine, or anything else; the Ensign, the tallest member of the class; the Boatswain, one most inclined to obscenity; the Drum Major, the most aristocratic, and his assistants, fellows of the same character. These constitute the Band. Such are the general rules of choice, but they are not always followed. The remainder of the class who have had no parts and are not officers of the Navy Club are members, under the name of Privates. On the morning when the parts for Commencement are assigned, the members who receive appointments resign the stations which they have held in the Navy Club. This resignation takes place immediately after the parts have been read to the class. The door-way of the middle entry of Holworthy Hall is the place usually chosen for this affecting scene. The performance is carried on in the mock-oratorical style, a person concealed under a white sheet being placed behind the speaker to make the gestures for him. The names of those members who, having received Commencement appointments, have refused to resign their trusts in the Navy Club, are then read by the Lord High Admiral, and by his authority they are expelled from the society. This closes the exercises of the Club. The following entertaining account of the last procession, in 1846, has been furnished by a graduate of that year:-- "The class had nearly all assembled, and the procession, which extended through the rooms of the Natural History Society, began to move. The principal officers, as also the whole band, were dressed in full uniform. The Rear-Admiral brought up the rear, as was fitting. He was borne in a sort of triumphal car, composed of something like a couch, elevated upon wheels, and drawn by a white horse. On this his excellency, dressed in uniform, and enveloped in his cloak, reclined at full length. One of the Marines played the part of driver. Behind the car walked a colored man, with a most fantastic head-dress, whose duty it was to carry his Honor the Rear-Admiral's pipe. Immediately before the car walked the other two Marines, with guns on their shoulders. The 'Digs'[58] came immediately before the Marines, preceded by the tallest of their number, carrying a white satin banner, bearing on it, in gold letters, the word 'HARVARD,' with a _spade_ of gold paper fastened beneath. The Digs were all dressed in black, with Oxford caps on their heads, and small iron spades over their shoulders. They walked two and two, except in one instance, namely, that of the first three scholars, who walked together, the last of their brethren, immediately preceding the Marines. The second and third scholars did not carry spades, but pointed shovels, much larger and heavier; while the first scholar, who walked between the other two, carried an enormously great square shovel,--such as is often seen hung out at hardware-stores for a sign,--with 'SPADES AND SHOVELS,' or some such thing, painted on one side, and 'ALL SIZES' on the other. This shovel was about two feet square. The idea of carrying real, _bonâ fide_ spades and shovels originated wholly in our class. It has always been the custom before to wear a spade, cut out of white paper, on the lapel of the coat. The Navy Privates were dressed in blue shirts, monkey-jackets, &c., and presented a very sailor-like appearance. Two of them carried small kedges over their shoulders. The Ensign bore an old and tattered flag, the same which was originally presented by Miss Mellen of Cambridge to the Harvard Washington Corps. The Chaplain was dressed in a black gown, with an old-fashioned curly white wig on his head, which, with a powdered face, gave him a very sanctimonious look. He carried a large French Bible, which by much use had lost its covers. The Surgeon rode a beast which might well have been taken for the Rosinante of the world-renowned Don Quixote. This worthy Æsculapius had an infinite number of brown-paper bags attached to his person. He was enveloped in an old plaid cloak, with a huge sign for _pills_ fastened upon his shoulders, and carried before him a skull on a staff. His nag was very spirited, so much so as to leap over the chains, posts, &c., and put to flight the crowd assembled to see the fun. The procession, after having cheered all the College buildings, and the houses of the Professors, separated about seven o'clock, P.M." At first like a badger the Freshman dug, Fed on Latin and Greek, in his room kept snug; And he fondly hoped that on _Navy Club_ day The highest spade he might bear away. _MS. Poem_, F.E. Felton, Harv. Coll. NECK. To _run one's neck_, at Williams College, to trust to luck for the success of any undertaking. NESCIO. Latin; literally, _I do not know_. At the University of Cambridge, England, _to sport a nescio_, to shake the head, a signal that one does not understand or is ignorant of the subject. "After the Senate-House examination for degrees," says Grose, in his Classical Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue, "the students proceed to the schools, to be questioned by the proctor. According to custom immemorial, the answers _must_ be _Nescio_. The following is a translated specimen:-- "_Ques._ What is your, name? _Ans._ I do not know. "_Ques._ What is the name of this University? _Ans._ I do not know. "_Ques._ Who was your father? _Ans._ I do not know. "The last is probably the only true answer of the three!" NEWLING. In the German universities, a Freshman; one in his first half-year. NEWY. At Princeton College, a fresh arrival. NIGHTGOWN. A dressing-gown; a _deshabille_. No student shall appear within the limits of the College, or town of Cambridge, in any other dress than in the uniform belonging to his respective class, unless he shall have on a _nightgown_, or such an outside garment as may be necessary over a coat.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1790. NOBLEMAN. In the English universities, among the Undergraduates, the nobleman enjoys privileges and exemptions not accorded to others. At Oxford he wears a black-silk gown with full sleeves "couped" at the elbows, and a velvet cap with gold tassel, except on full-dress occasions, when his habit is of violet-figured damask silk, richly bedight with gold lace. At Cambridge he wears the plain black-silk gown and the hat of an M.A., except on feast days and state occasions, when he appears in a gown still more gorgeous than that of a Fellow-Commoner.--_Oxford Guide. Bristed_. NO END OF. Bristed records this phrase as an intensive peculiar to the English Cantabs. Its import is obvious "They have _no end of_ tin; i.e. a great deal of money. He is _no end of_ a fool; i.e. the greatest fool possible."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 24. The use of this expression, with a similar signification, is common in some portions of the United States. NON ENS. Latin; literally _not being_. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., one who has not been matriculated, though he has resided some time at the University; consequently is not considered as having any being. A Freshman in embryo.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ NON PARAVI. Latin; literally, _I have not prepared_. When Latin was spoken in the American colleges, this excuse was commonly given by scholars not prepared for recitation. With sleepy eyes and countenance heavy, With much excuse of _non paravi_. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, 1794, p. 8. The same excuse is now frequently given in English. The same individuals were also observed to be "_not prepared_" for the morning's recitation.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. II. p. 261. I hear you whispering, with white lips, "_Not prepared_, sir."--_Burial of Euclid_, 1850, p. 9. NON PLACET. Latin; literally, _It is not pleasing_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the term in which a _negative_ vote is given in the Senate-House. To _non-placet_, with the meaning of the verb _to reject_, is sometimes used in familiar language. A classical examiner, having marked two candidates belonging to his own College much higher than the other three examiners did, was suspected of partiality to them, and _non-placeted_ (rejected) next year when he came up for approval.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 231. NON-READING MAN. See READING MAN. The result of the May decides whether he will go out in honors or not,--that is, whether he will be a reading or a _non-reading man_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 85. NON-REGENT. In the English universities, a term applied to those Masters of Arts whose regency has ceased.--_Webster_. See REGENT. SENATE. NON-TERM. "When any member of the Senate," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "dies within the University during term, on application to the Vice-Chancellor, the University bell rings an hour; from which period _Non-Term_, as to public lectures and disputations, commences for three days." NON VALUI. Latin; literally, _I was sick_. At Harvard College, when the students were obliged to speak Latin, it was usual for them to give the excuse _non valui_ for almost every absence or omission. The President called upon delinquents for their excuses in the chapel, after morning prayers, and these words were often pronounced so broadly as to sound like _non volui_, I did not wish [to go]. The quibble was not perceived for a long time, and was heartily enjoyed, as may be well supposed, by those who made use of it. [Greek: Nous]. Greek; _sense_. A word adopted by, and in use among, students. He is a lad of more [Greek: nous], and keeps better company.--_Pref. to Grad. ad Cantab._ Getting the better of them in anything which required the smallest exertion of [Greek: nous], was like being first in a donkey-race. --_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 30. NUMBER FIFTY, NUMBER FORTY-NINE. At Trinity College, Hartford, the privies are known by these names. Jarvis Hall contains forty-eight rooms, and the numbers forty-nine and fifty follow in numerical continuation, but with a different application. NUMBER TEN. At the Wesleyan University, the names "No. 10, and, as a sort of derivative, No. 1001, are applied to the privy." The former title is used also at the University of Vermont, and at Dartmouth College. NUTS. A correspondent from Williams College says, "We speak of a person whom we despise as being a _nuts_." This word is used in the Yorkshire dialect with the meaning of a "silly fellow." Mr. Halliwell, in his Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, remarks: "It is not applied to an idiot, but to one who has been doing a foolish action." _O_. OAK. In the English universities, the outer door of a student's room. No man has a right to attack the rooms of one with whom he is not in the habit of intimacy. From ignorance of this axiom I had near got a horse-whipping, and was kicked down stairs for going to a wrong _oak_, whose tenant was not in the habit of taking jokes of this kind.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 287. A pecker, I must explain, is a heavy pointed hammer for splitting large coals; an instrument often put into requisition to force open an _oak_ (an outer door), when the key of the spring latch happens to be left inside, and the scout has gone away.--_The Collegian's Guide_, p. 119. Every set of rooms is provided with an _oak_ or outer door, with a spring lock, of which the master has one latch-key, and the servant another.--_Ibid._, p. 141. "To _sport oak_, or a door," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "is, in the modern phrase, to exclude duns, or other unpleasant intruders." It generally signifies, however, nothing more than locking or fastening one's door for safety or convenience. I always "_sported my oak_" whenever I went out; and if ever I found any article removed from its usual place, I inquired for it; and thus showed I knew where everything was last placed.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 141. If you persist, and say you cannot join them, you must _sport your oak_, and shut yourself into your room, and all intruders out.--_Ibid._, p. 340. Used also in some American colleges. And little did they dream who knocked hard and often at his _oak_ in vain, &c.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. X. p. 47. OATHS. At Yale College, those who were engaged in the government were formerly required to take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration appointed by the Parliament of England. In his Discourse before the Graduates of Yale College, President Woolsey gives the following account of this obligation:-- "The charter of 1745 imposed another test in the form of a political oath upon all governing officers in the College. They were required before they undertook the execution of their trusts, or within three months after, 'publicly in the College hall [to] take the oaths, and subscribe the declaration, appointed by an act of Parliament made in the first year of George the First, entitled, An Act for the further security of his Majesty's person and government, and the succession of the Crown in the heirs of the late Princess Sophia, being Protestants, and for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended Prince of Wales, and his open and secret abettors.' We cannot find the motive for prescribing this oath of allegiance and abjuration in the Protestant zeal which was enkindled by the second Pretender's movements in England,--for, although belonging to this same year 1745, these movements were subsequent to the charter,--but rather in the desire of removing suspicion of disloyalty, and conforming the practice in the College to that required by the law in the English universities. This oath was taken until it became an unlawful one, when the State assumed complete sovereignty at the Revolution. For some years afterwards, the officers took the oath of fidelity to the State of Connecticut, and I believe that the last instance of this occurred at the very end of the eighteenth century."--p. 40. In the Diary of President Stiles, under the date of July 8, 1778, is the annexed entry, in which is given the formula of the oath required by the State:-- "The oath of fidelity administered to me by the Hon. Col. Hamlin, one of the Council of the State of Connecticut, at my inauguration. "'You, Ezra Stiles, do swear by the name of the ever-living God, that you will be true and faithful to the State of Connecticut, as a free and independent State, and in all things do your duty as a good and faithful subject of the said State, in supporting the rights, liberties, and privileges of the same. So help you God.' "This oath, substituted instead of that of allegiance to the King by the Assembly of Connecticut, May, 1777, to be taken by all in this State; and so it comes into use in Yale College."--_Woolsey's Hist. Discourse_, Appendix, p. 117. [Greek: Hoi Aristoi.] Greek; literally, _the bravest_. At Princeton College, the aristocrats, or would-be aristocrats, are so called. [Greek: Hoi Polloi.] Greek; literally, _the many_. See POLLOI. OLD BURSCH. A name given in the German universities to a student during his fourth term. Students of this term are also designated _Old Ones_. As they came forward, they were obliged to pass under a pair of naked swords, held crosswise by two _Old Ones_.--_Longfellow's Hyperion_, p. 110. OLD HOUSE. A name given in the German universities to a student during his fifth term. OPPONENCY. The opening of an academical disputation; the proposition of objections to a tenet; an exercise for a degree.--_Todd_. Mr. Webster remarks, "I believe not used in America." In the old times, the university discharged this duty [teaching] by means of the public readings or lectures,... and by the keeping of acts and _opponencies_--being certain _vivâ voce_ disputations --by the students.--_The English Universities and their Reforms_, in _Blackwood's Magazine_, Feb. 1849. OPPONENT. In universities and colleges, where disputations are carried on, the opponent is, in technical application, the person who begins the dispute by raising objections to some tenet or doctrine. OPTIME. The title of those who stand in the second and third ranks of honors, immediately after the Wranglers, in the University of Cambridge, Eng. They are called respectively _Senior_ and _Junior Optimes_. See JUNIOR OPTIME, POLLOI, and SENIOR OPTIME. OPTIONAL. At some American colleges, the student is obliged to pursue during a part of the course such studies as are prescribed. During another portion of the course, he is allowed to select from certain branches those which he desires to follow. The latter are called _optional_ studies. In familiar conversation and writing, the word _optional_ is used alone. For _optional_ will come our way, And lectures furnish time to play, 'Neath elm-tree shade to smoke all day. _Songs, Biennial Jubilee_, Yale Coll., 1855. ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., an essay or theme written by a student in Latin, Greek, or Hebrew, is termed _original_ composition. Composition there is of course, but more Latin than Greek, and some _original Composition_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 137. _Original Composition_--that is, Composition in the true sense of the word--in the dead languages is not much practised.--_Ibid._, p. 185. OVERSEER. The general government of the colleges in the United States is vested in some instances in a Corporation, in others in a Board of Trustees or Overseers, or, as in the case of Harvard College, in the two combined. The duties of the Overseers are, generally, to pass such orders and statutes as seem to them necessary for the prosperity of the college whose affairs they oversee, to dispose of its funds in such a manner as will be most advantageous, to appoint committees to visit it and examine the students connected with it, to ratify the appointment of instructors, and to hear such reports of the proceedings of the college government as require their concurrence. OXFORD. The cap worn by the members of the University of Oxford, England, is called an _Oxford_ or _Oxford cap_. The same is worn at some American colleges on Exhibition and Commencement Days. In shape, it is square and flat, covered with black cloth; from the centre depends a tassel of black cord. It is further described in the following passage. My back equipped, it was not fair My head should 'scape, and so, as square As chessboard, A _cap_ I bought, my skull to screen, Of cloth without, and all within Of pasteboard. _Terræ-Filius_, Vol. II. p. 225. Thunders of clapping!--As he bows, on high "Præses" his "_Oxford_" doffs, and bows reply. _Childe Harvard_, p. 36. It is sometimes called a _trencher cap_, from its shape. See CAP. OXFORD-MIXED. Cloth such as is worn at the University of Oxford, England. The students in Harvard College were formerly required to wear this kind of cloth as their uniform. The color is given in the following passage: "By black-mixed (called also _Oxford-mixed_) is understood, black with a mixture of not more than one twentieth, nor less than one twenty-fifth, part of white."--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1826, p. 25. He generally dresses in _Oxford-mixed_ pantaloons, and a brown surtout.--_Collegian_, p. 240. It has disappeared along with Commons, the servility of Freshmen and brutality of Sophomores, the _Oxford-mixed_ uniform and buttons of the same color.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 263. OXONIAN. A student or graduate of the University of Oxford, England. _P_. PANDOWDY BAND. A correspondent writing from Bowdoin College says: "We use the word _pandowdy_, and we have a custom of _pandowdying_. The Pandowdy Band, as it is called, has no regular place nor time of meeting. The number of performers varies from half a dozen and less to fifty or more. The instruments used are commonly horns, drums, tin-kettles, tongs, shovels, triangles, pumpkin-vines, &c. The object of the band is serenading Professors who have rendered themselves obnoxious to students; and sometimes others,--frequently tutors are entertained by 'heavenly music' under their windows, at dead of night. This is regarded on all hands as an unequivocal expression of the feelings of the students. "The band corresponds to the _Calliathump_ of Yale. Its name is a burlesque on the _Pandean Band_ which formerly existed in this college." See HORN-BLOWING. PAPE. Abbreviated from PAPER, q.v. Old Hamlen, the printer, he got out the _papes_. _Presentation Day Songs_, Yale Coll., June 14, 1854. But Soph'more "_papes_," and Soph'more scrapes, Have long since passed away.--_Ibid._ PAPER. In the English Universities, a sheet containing certain questions, to which answers are to be given, is called _a paper_. _To beat a paper_, is to get more than full marks for it. In explanation of this "apparent Hibernicism," Bristed remarks: "The ordinary text-books are taken as the standard of excellence, and a very good man will sometimes express the operations more neatly and cleverly than they are worded in these books, in which case he is entitled to extra marks for style."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 238. 2. This name is applied at Yale College to the printed scheme which is used at the Biennial Examinations. Also, at Harvard College, to the printed sheet by means of which the examination for entrance is conducted. PARCHMENT. A diploma, from the substance on which it is usually printed, is in familiar language sometimes called a _parchment_. There are some, who, relying not upon the "_parchment_ and seal" as a passport to favor, bear that with them which shall challenge notice and admiration.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. III. p. 365. The passer-by, unskilled in ancient lore, Whose hands the ribboned _parchment_ never bore. _Class Poem at Harv. Coll._, 1835, p. 7. See SHEEPSKIN. PARIETAL. From Latin _paries_, a wall; properly, _a partition-wall_, from the root of _part_ or _pare_. Pertaining to a wall.--_Webster_. At Harvard College the officers resident within the College walls constitute a permanent standing committee, called the Parietal Committee. They have particular cognizance of all tardinesses at prayers and Sabbath services, and of all offences against good order and decorum. They are allowed to deduct from the rank of a student, not exceeding one hundred for one offence. In case any offence seems to them to require a higher punishment than deduction, it is reported to the Faculty.--_Laws_, 1850, App. Had I forgotten, alas! the stern _pariètal_ monitions? _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 98. The chairman of the Parietal Committee is often called the _Parietal Tutor_. I see them shaking their fists in the face of the _parietal tutor_.--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1849. The members of the committee are called, in common parlance, _Parietals_. Four rash and inconsiderate proctors, two tutors, and five _parietals_, each with a mug and pail in his hand, in their great haste to arrive at the scene of conflagration, ran over the Devil, and knocked him down stairs.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 124. And at the loud laugh of thy gurgling throat, The _pariètals_ would forget themselves. _Ibid._, Vol. III. p. 399 et passim. Did not thy starting eyeballs think to see Some goblin _pariètal_ grin at thee? _Ibid._, Vol. IV. p. 197. The deductions made by the Parietal Committee are also called _Parietals_. How now, ye secret, dark, and tuneless chanters, What is 't ye do? Beware the _pariètals_. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 44. Reckon on the fingers of your mind the reprimands, deductions, _parietals_, and privates in store for you.--_Orat. H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1848. The accent of this word is on the antepenult; by _poetic license_, in four of the passages above quoted, it is placed on the penult. PART. A literary appointment assigned to a student to be kept at an Exhibition or Commencement. In Harvard College as soon as the parts for an Exhibition or Commencement are assigned, the subjects and the names of the performers are given to some member of one of the higher classes, who proceeds to read them to the students from a window of one of the buildings, after proposing the usual "three cheers" for each of the classes, designating them by the years in which they are to graduate. As the name of each person who has a part assigned him is read, the students respond with cheers. This over, the classes are again cheered, the reader of the parts is applauded, and the crowd disperses except when the mock parts are read, or the officers of the Navy Club resign their trusts. Referring to the proceedings consequent upon the announcement of appointments, Professor Sidney Willard, in his late work, entitled "Memories of Youth and Manhood," says of Harvard College: "The distribution of parts to be performed at public exhibitions by the students was, particularly for the Commencement exhibition, more than fifty years ago, as it still is, one of the most exciting events of College life among those immediately interested, in which parents and near friends also deeply sympathized with them. These parts were communicated to the individuals appointed to perform them by the President, who gave to them, severally, a paper with the name of the person and of the part assigned, and the subject to be written upon. But they were not then, as in recent times, after being thus communicated by the President, proclaimed by a voluntary herald of stentorian lungs, mounted on the steps of one of the College halls, to the assembled crowd of students. Curiosity, however, was all alive. Each one's part was soon ascertained; the comparative merits of those who obtained the prizes were discussed in groups; prompt judgments were pronounced, that A had received a higher prize than he could rightfully claim, and that B was cruelly wronged; that some were unjustly passed over, and others raised above them through partiality. But at whatever length their discussion might have been prolonged, they would have found it difficult in solemn conclave to adjust the distribution to their own satisfaction, while severally they deemed themselves competent to measure the degree in the scale of merit to which each was entitled."--Vol. I. pp. 328, 329. I took but little pains with these exercises myself, lest I should appear to be anxious for "_parts_."--_Monthly Anthology_, Boston, 1804, Vol. I. p. 154. Often, too, the qualifications for a _part_ ... are discussed in the fireside circles so peculiar to college.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 378. The refusal of a student to perform the _part_ assigned him will be regarded as a high offence.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848, p. 19. Young men within the College walls are incited to good conduct and diligence, by the system of awarding _parts_, as they are called, at the exhibitions which take place each year, and at the annual Commencement.--_Eliot's Sketch of Hist. Harv. Coll._, pp. 114, 115. It is very common to speak of _getting parts_. Here Are acres of orations, and so forth, The glorious nonsense that enchants young hearts With all the humdrumology of "_getting parts_." _Our Chronicle of '26_, Boston, 1827, p. 28. See under MOCK-PART and NAVY CLUB. PASS. At Oxford, permission to receive the degree of B.A. after passing the necessary examinations. The good news of the _pass_ will be a set-off against the few small debts.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 254. PASS EXAMINATION. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., an examination which is required for the B.A. degree. Of these examinations there are three during a student's undergraduateship. Even the examinations which are disparagingly known as "_pass_" ones, the Previous, the Poll, and (since the new regulations) the Junior Optime, require more than half marks on their papers.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 319. PASSMAN. At Oxford, one who merely passes his examination, and obtains testimonials for a degree, but is not able to obtain any honors or distinctions. Opposed to CLASSMAN, q.v. "Have the _passmen_ done their paper work yet?" asked Whitbread. "However, the schools, I dare say, will not be open to the classmen till Monday."--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 309. PATRON. At some of the Colleges in the United States, the patron is appointed to take charge of the funds, and to regulate the expenses, of students who reside at a distance. Formerly, students who came within this provision were obliged to conform to the laws in reference to the patron; it is now left optional. P.D. An abbreviation of _Philosophiæ Doctor_, Doctor of Philosophy. "In the German universities," says Brande, "the title 'Doctor Philosophiæ' has long been substituted for Baccalaureus Artium or Literarium." PEACH. To inform against; to communicate facts by way of accusation. It being rather advisable to enter college before twelve, or to stay out all night, bribing the bed-maker next morning not to _peach_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 190. When, by a little spying, I can reach The height of my ambition, I must _peach_. _The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. PEMBROKER. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a member of Pembroke College. The _Pembroker_ was booked to lead the Tripos.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 158. PENE. Latin, _almost, nearly_. A candidate for admission to the Freshman Class is called a _Pene_, that is, _almost_ a Freshman. PENNILESS BENCH. Archdeacon Nares, in his Glossary, says of this phrase: "A cant term for a state of poverty. There was a public seat so called in Oxford; but I fancy it was rather named from the common saying, than that derived from it." Bid him bear up, he shall not Sit long on _penniless bench_. _Mass. City Mad._, IV. 1. That everie stool he sate on was _pennilesse bench_, that his robes were rags.--_Euphues and his Engl._, D. 3. PENSIONER. French, _pensionnaire_, one who pays for his board. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., and in that of Dublin, a student of the second rank, who is not dependent on the foundation for support, but pays for his board and other charges. Equivalent to COMMONER at Oxford, or OPPIDANT of Eton school.--_Brande. Gent. Mag._, 1795. PERUVIAN. At the University of Vermont, a name by which the students designate a lady; e.g., "There are two hundred _Peruvians_ at the Seminary"; or, "The _Peruvians_ are in the observatory." As illustrative of the use of this word, a correspondent observes: "If John Smith has a particular regard for any one of the Burlington ladies, and Tom Brown happens to meet the said lady in his town peregrinations, when he returns to College, if he meets John Smith, he (Tom) says to John, 'In yonder village I espied a _Peruvian_'; by which John understands that Tom has had the very great pleasure of meeting John's Dulcinea." PETTY COMPOUNDER. At Oxford, one who pays more than ordinary fees for his degree. "A _Petty Compounder_," says the Oxford University Calendar, "must possess ecclesiastical income of the annual value of five shillings, or property of any other description amounting in all to the sum of five pounds, per annum."--Ed. 1832, p. 92. PHEEZE, or FEEZE. At the University of Vermont, to pledge. If a student is pledged to join any secret society, he is said to be _pheezed_ or _feezed_. PHI BETA KAPPA. The fraternity of the [Greek: Phi Beta Kappa] "was imported," says Allyn in his Ritual, "into this country from France, in the year 1776; and, as it is said, by Thomas Jefferson, late President of the United States." It was originally chartered as a society in William and Mary College, in Virginia, and was organized at Yale College, Nov. 13th, 1780. By virtue of a charter formally executed by the president, officers, and members of the original society, it was established soon after at Harvard College, through the influence of Mr. Elisha Parmele, a graduate of the year 1778. The first meeting in Cambridge was held Sept. 5th, 1781. The original Alpha of Virginia is now extinct. "Its objects," says Mr. Quincy, in his History of Harvard University, "were the 'promotion of literature and friendly intercourse among scholars'; and its name and motto indicate, that 'philosophy, including therein religion as well as ethics, is worthy of cultivation as the guide of life.' This society took an early and a deep root in the University; its exercises became public, and admittance into it an object of ambition; but the 'discrimination' which its selection of members made among students, became an early subject of question and discontent. In October, 1789, a committee of the Overseers, of which John Hancock was chairman, reported to that board, 'that there is an institution in the University, with the nature of which the government is not acquainted, which tends to make a discrimination among the students'; and submitted to the board 'the propriety of inquiring into its nature and designs.' The subject occasioned considerable debate, and a petition, of the nature of a complaint against the society, by a number of the members of the Senior Class, having been presented, its consideration was postponed, and it was committed; but it does not appear from the records, that any further notice was taken of the petition. The influence of the society was upon the whole deemed salutary, since literary merit was assumed as the principle on which its members were selected; and, so far, its influence harmonized with the honorable motives to exertion which have ever been held out to the students by the laws and usages of the College. In process of time, its catalogue included almost every member of the Immediate Government, and fairness in the selection of members has been in a great degree secured by the practice it has adopted, of ascertaining those in every class who stand the highest, in point of conduct and scholarship, according to the estimates of the Faculty of the College, and of generally regarding those estimates. Having gradually increased in numbers, popularity, and importance, the day after Commencement was adopted for its annual celebration. These occasions have uniformly attracted a highly intelligent and cultivated audience, having been marked by a display of learning and eloquence, and having enriched the literature of the country with some of its brightest gems."--Vol. II. p. 398. The immediate members of the society at Cambridge were formerly accustomed to hold semi-monthly meetings, the exercises of which were such as are usual in literary associations. At present, meetings are seldom held except for the purpose of electing members. Affiliated societies have been established at Dartmouth, Union, and Bowdoin Colleges, at Brown and the Wesleyan Universities, at the Western Reserve College, at the University of Vermont, and at Amherst College, and they number among their members many of the most distinguished men in our country. The letters which constitute the name of the society are the initials of its motto, [Greek: Philosophia, Biou Kubernaetaes], Philosophy, the Guide of Life. A further account of this society may be found in Allyn's Ritual of Freemasonry, ed. 1831, pp. 296-302. PHILISTINE. In Germany this name, or what corresponds to it in that country, _Philister_, is given by the students to tradesmen and others not belonging to the university. Und hat der Bursch kein Geld im Beutel, So pumpt er die Philister an. And has the Bursch his cash expended? To sponge the _Philistine's_ his plan. _The Crambambuli Song_. Mr. Halliwell, in his Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, says of this word, "a cant term applied to bailiffs, sheriffs' officers, and drunkards." The idea of narrowmindedness, a contracted mode of thinking, and meanness, is usually connected with it, and in some colleges in the United States the name has been given to those whose characters correspond with this description. See SNOB. PHRASING. Reciting by, or giving the words or phraseology of the book, without understanding their meaning. Never should you allow yourself to think of going into the recitation-room, and there trust to "skinning it," as it is called in some colleges, or "_phrasing_," as in others.--_Todd's Students Manual_, p. 115. PIECE. "Be it known, at Cambridge the various Commons and other places open for the gymnastic games, and the like public amusements, are usually denominated _Pieces_."--_Alma Mater_, London, 1827, Vol. II. p. 49. PIETAS ET GRATULATIO. On the death of George the Second, and accession of George the Third, Mr. Bernard, Governor of Massachusetts, suggested to Harvard College "the expediency of expressing sympathy and congratulation on these events, in conformity with the practice of the English universities." Accordingly, on Saturday, March 14, 1761, there was placed in the Chapel of Harvard College the following "Proposal for a Celebration of the Death of the late King, and the Accession of his present Majesty, by members of Harvard College." "Six guineas are given for a prize of a guinea each to the Author of the best composition of the following several kinds:--1. A Latin Oration. 2. A Latin Poem, in hexameters. 3. A Latin Elegy, in hexameters and pentameters. 4 A Latin Ode. 5. An English Poem, in long verse. 6. An English Ode. "Other Compositions, besides those that obtain the prizes, that are most deserving, will be taken particular notice of. "The candidates are to be, all, Gentlemen who are now members of said College, or have taken a degree within seven years. "Any Candidate may deliver two or more compositions of different kinds, but not more than one of the same kind. "That Gentlemen may be more encouraged to try their talents upon this occasion, it is proposed that the names of the Candidates shall be kept secret, except those who shall be adjudged to deserve the prizes, or to have particular notice taken of their Compositions, and even these shall be kept secret if desired. "For this purpose, each Candidate is desired to send his Composition to the President, on or before the first day of July next, subscribed at the bottom with, a feigned name or motto, and, in a distinct paper, to write his own name and seal it up, writing the feigned name or motto on the outside. None of the sealed papers containing the real names will be opened, except those that are adjudged to obtain the prizes or to deserve particular notice; the rest will be burned sealed." This proposal resulted in a work entitled, "Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos." In January, 1762, the Corporation passed a vote, "that the collections in prose and verse in several languages composed by some of the members of the College, on the motion of his Excellency our Governor, Francis Bernard, Esq., on occasion of the death of his late Majesty, and the accession of his present Majesty, be printed; and that his Excellency be desired to send, if he shall judge it proper, a copy of the same to Great Britain, to be presented to his Majesty, in the name of the Corporation." Quincy thus speaks of the collection:--"Governor Bernard not only suggested the work, but contributed to it. Five of the thirty-one compositions, of which it consists, were from his pen. The Address to the King is stated to have been written by him, or by Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson. Its style and turn of thought indicate the politician rather than the student, and savor of the senate-chamber more than of the academy. The classical and poetic merits of the work bear a fair comparison with those of European universities on similar occasions, allowance being made for the difference in the state of science and literature in the respective countries; and it is the most creditable specimen extant of the art of printing, at that period, in the Colonies. The work is respectfully noticed by the 'Critical' and 'Monthly' Reviews, and an Ode of the President is pronounced by both to be written in a style truly Horatian. In the address prefixed, the hope is expressed, that, as 'English colleges have had kings for their nursing fathers, and queens for their nursing mothers, this of North America might experience the royal munificence, and look up to the throne for favor and patronage.' In May, 1763, letters were received from Jasper Mauduit, agent of the Province, mentioning 'the presentation to his Majesty of the book of verses from the College,' but the records give no indication of the manner in which it was received. The thoughts of George the Third were occupied, not with patronizing learning in the Colonies, but with deriving revenue from them, and Harvard College was indebted to him for no act of acknowledgment or munificence."--_Quincy's Hist. of Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. pp. 103-105. The Charleston Courier, in an article entitled "Literary Sparring," says of this production:--"When, as late as 1761, Harvard University sent forth, in Greek, Latin, and English, its congratulations on the accession of George the Third to the throne, it was called, in England, a curiosity."--_Buckingham's Miscellanies from the Public Journals_, Vol. I. p. 103. Mr. Kendall, an English traveller, who visited Cambridge in the year 1807-8, notices this work as follows:--"In the year 1761, on the death of George the Second and the accession of his present Majesty, Harvard College, or, as on this occasion it styles itself, Cambridge College, produced a volume of tributary verses, in English, Latin, and Greek, entitled, Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos; and this collection, the first received, and, as it has since appeared, the last to be received, from this seminary, by an English king, was cordially welcomed by the critical journals of the time."--_Kendall's Travels_, Vol. III. p. 12. For further remarks, consult the Monthly Review, Vol. XXIX. p. 22; Critical Review, Vol. X. p. 284; and the Monthly Anthology, Vol. VI. pp. 422-427; Vol. VII. p. 67. PILL. In English Cantab parlance, twaddle, platitude.--_Bristed_. PIMP. To do little, mean actions for the purpose of gaining favor with a superior, as, in college, with an instructor. The verb with this meaning is derived from the adjective _pimping_, which signifies _little, petty_. Did I not promise those who fished And _pimped_ most, any part they wished. _The Rebelliad_, p. 33. PISCATORIAN. From the Latin _piscator_, a fisherman. One who seeks or gains favor with a teacher by being officious toward him. This word was much used at Harvard College in the year 1822, and for a few years after; it is now very seldom heard. See under FISH. PIT. In the University of Cambridge, the place in St. Mary's Church reserved for the accommodation of Masters of Arts and Fellow-Commoners is jocularly styled the _pit_.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ PLACE. In the older American colleges, the situation of a student in the class of which he was a member was formerly decided, in a measure, by the rank and circumstances of his family; this was called _placing_. The Hon. Paine Wingate, who graduated at Harvard College in the year 1759, says, in one of his letters to Mr. Peirce:-- "You inquire of me whether any regard was paid to a student on account of the rank of his parent, otherwise than his being arranged or _placed_ in the order of his class? "The right of precedence on every occasion is an object of importance in the state of society. And there is scarce anything which more sensibly affects the feelings of ambition than the rank which a man is allowed to hold. This excitement was generally called up whenever a class in college was _placed_. The parents were not wholly free from influence; but the scholars were often enraged beyond bounds for their disappointment in their _place_, and it was some time before a class could be settled down to an acquiescence in their allotment. The highest and the lowest in the class was often ascertained more easily (though not without some difficulty) than the intermediate members of the class, where there was room for uncertainty whose claim was best, and where partiality, no doubt, was sometimes indulged. But I must add, that, although the honor of a _place_ in the class was chiefly ideal, yet there were some substantial advantages. The higher part of the class had generally the most influential friends, and they commonly had the best chambers in College assigned to them. They had also a right to help themselves first at table in Commons, and I believe generally, wherever there was occasional precedence allowed, it was very freely yielded to the higher of the class by those who were below. "The Freshman Class was, in my day at college, usually _placed_ (as it was termed) within six or nine months after their admission. The official notice of this was given by having their names written in a large German text, in a handsome style, and placed in a conspicuous part of the College _Buttery_, where the names of the four classes of undergraduates were kept suspended until they left College. If a scholar was expelled, his name was taken from its place; or if he was degraded (which was considered the next highest punishment to expulsion), it was moved accordingly. As soon as the Freshmen were apprised of their places, each one took his station according to the new arrangement at recitation, and at Commons, and in the Chapel, and on all other occasions. And this arrangement was never afterward altered, either in College or in the Catalogue, however the rank of their parents might be varied. Considering how much dissatisfaction was often excited by placing the classes (and I believe all other colleges had laid aside the practice), I think that it was a judicious expedient in Harvard to conform to the custom of putting the names in _alphabetical_ order, and they have accordingly so remained since the year 1772."--_Peirce's Hist. of Harv. Univ._, pp. 308-811. In his "Annals of Yale College," Ebenezer Baldwin observes on the subject: "Doctor Dwight, soon after his election to the Presidency [1795], effected various important alterations in the collegiate laws. The statutes of the institution had been chiefly adopted from those of European universities, where the footsteps of monarchical regulation were discerned even in the walks of science. So difficult was it to divest the minds of wise men of the influence of venerable follies, that the printed catalogues of students, until the year 1768, were arranged according to respectability of parentage."--p. 147. See DEGRADATION. PLACET. Latin; literally, _it is pleasing_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the term in which an _affirmative_ vote is given in the Senate-House. PLUCK. In the English universities, a refusal of testimonials for a degree. The origin of this word is thus stated in the Collegian's Guide: "At the time of conferring a degree, just as the name of each man to be presented to the Vice-Chancellor is read out, a proctor walks once up and down, to give any person who can object to the degree an opportunity of signifying his dissent, which is done by plucking or pulling the proctor's gown. Hence another and more common mode of stopping a degree, by refusing the testamur, or certificate of proficiency, is also called plucking."--p. 203. On the same word, the author in another place remarks as follows: "As long back as my memory will carry me, down to the present day, there has been scarcely a monosyllable in our language which seemed to convey so stinging a reproach, or to let a man down in the general estimation half as much, as this one word PLUCK."--p. 288. PLUCKED. A cant term at the English universities, applied to those who, for want of scholarship, are refused their testimonials for a degree.--_Oxford Guide_. Who had at length scrambled through the pales and discipline of the Senate-House without being _plucked_, and miraculously obtained the title of A.B.--_Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 19. O what a misery is it to be _plucked_! Not long since, an undergraduate was driven mad by it, and committed suicide.--The term itself is contemptible: it is associated with the meanest, the most stupid and spiritless animals of creation. When we hear of a man being _plucked_, we think he is necessarily a goose.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 288. Poor Lentulus, twice _plucked_, some happy day Just shuffles through, and dubs himself B.A. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. POKER. At Oxford, Eng., a cant name for a _bedel_. If the visitor see an unusual "state" walking about, in shape of an individual preceded by a quantity of _pokers_, or, which is the same thing, men, that is bedels, carrying maces, jocularly called _pokers_, he may be sure that that individual is the Vice-Chancellor. _Oxford Guide_, 1847, p. xii. POLE. At Princeton and Union Colleges, to study hard, e.g. to _pole_ out the lesson. To _pole_ on a composition, to take pains with it. POLER. One who studies hard; a close student. As a boat is impelled with _poles_, so is the student by _poling_, and it is perhaps from this analogy that the word _poler_ is applied to a diligent student. POLING. Close application to study; diligent attention to the specified pursuits of college. A writer defines poling, "wasting the midnight oil in company with a wine-bottle, box of cigars, a 'deck of eucre,' and three kindred spirits," thus leaving its real meaning to be deduced from its opposite.--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov., 1854. POLL. Abbreviated from POLLOI. Several declared that they would go out in "the _Poll_" (among the [Greek: polloi], those not candidates for honors).--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 62. At Cambridge, those candidates for a degree who do not aspire to honors are said to go out in the _poll_; this being the abbreviated term to denote those who were classically designated [Greek: hoi polloi].--_The English Universities and their Reforms_, in _Blackwood's Magazine_, Feb. 1849. POLLOI. [Greek: Hoi Polloi], the many. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., those who take their degree without any honor. After residing something more than three years at this University, at the conclusion of the tenth term comes off the final examination in the Senate-House. He who passes this examination in the best manner is called Senior Wrangler. "Then follow about twenty, all called Wranglers, arranged in the order of merit. Two other ranks of honors are there,--Senior Optimes and Junior Optimes, each containing about twenty. The last Junior Optime is termed the Wooden Spoon. Then comes the list of the large majority, called the _Hoy Polloi_, the first of whom is named the _Captain of the Poll_, and the twelve last, the Apostles."--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 3. 2. Used by students to denote the rabble. On Learning's sea, his hopes of safety buoy, He sinks for ever lost among the [Greek: hoi polloi]. _The Crayon_, Yale Coll., 1823, p. 21. PONS ASINORUM. Vide ASSES' BRIDGE. PONY. A translation. So called, it may be, from the fleetness and ease with which a skilful rider is enabled to pass over places which to a common plodder present many obstacles. One writer jocosely defines this literary nag as "the animal that ambulates so delightfully through all the pleasant paths of knowledge, from whose back the student may look down on the weary pedestrian, and 'thank his stars' that 'he who runs may read.'"--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854 And stick to the law, Tom, without a _Pony_.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 194. And when leaving, leave behind us _Ponies_ for a lower class; _Ponies_, which perhaps another, Toiling up the College hill, A forlorn, a "younger brother," "Riding," may rise higher still. _Poem before the Y.H. Soc._, 1849, p. 12. Their lexicons, _ponies_, and text-books were strewed round their lamps on the table.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 30. In the way of "_pony_," or translation, to the Greek of Father Griesbach, the New Testament was wonderfully convenient.--_New England Magazine_, Vol. III. p. 208. The notes are just what notes should be; they are not a _pony_, but a guide.--_Southern Lit. Mess._ Instead of plodding on foot along the dusty, well-worn McAdam of learning, why will you take nigh cuts on _ponies_?--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIII. p. 281. The "board" requests that all who present themselves will bring along the _ponies_ they have used since their first entrance into College.--_The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. The tutors with _ponies_ their lessons were learning. _Yale Banger_, Nov. 1850. We do think, that, with such a team of "_ponies_" and load of commentators, his instruction might evince more accuracy.--_Yale Tomahawk_, Feb. 1851. In knowledge's road ye are but asses, While we on _ponies_ ride before. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 7. PONY. To use a translation. We learn that they do not _pony_ their lessons.--_Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. If you _pony_, he will see, And before the Faculty You will surely summoned be. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 23. POPPING. At William and Mary College, getting the advantage over another in argument is called _popping_ him. POPULARITY. In the college _use_, favor of one's classmates, or of the members of all the classes, generally. Nowhere is this term employed so often, and with so much significance, as among collegians. The first wish of the Freshman is to be popular, and the desire does not leave him during all his college life. For remarks on this subject, see the Literary Miscellany, Vol. II. p. 56; Amherst Indicator, Vol. II. p. 123, _et passim_. PORTIONIST. One who has a certain academical allowance or portion. --_Webster_. See POSTMASTER. POSTED. Rejected in a college examination. Term used at the University of Cambridge, Eng.--_Bristed_. Fifty marks will prevent one from being "_posted_" but there are always two or three too stupid as well as idle to save their "_Post_." These drones are _posted_ separately, as "not worthy to be classed," and privately slanged afterwards by the Master and Seniors. Should a man be _posted_ twice in succession, he is generally recommended to try the air of some Small College, or devote his energies to some other walk of life.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 74. POSTMASTER. In Merton College, Oxford, the scholars who are supported on the foundation are called Postmasters, or Portionists (_Portionistæ_).--_Oxf. Guide_. The _postmasters_ anciently performed the duties of choristers, and their payment for this duty was six shillings and fourpence per annum.--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. 36. POW-WOW. At Yale College on the evening of Presentation Day, the Seniors being excused from further attendance at prayers, the classes who remain change their seats in the chapel. It was formerly customary for the Freshmen, on taking the Sophomore seats, to signalize the event by appearing at chapel in grotesque dresses. The impropriety of such conduct has abolished this custom, but on the recurrence of the day, a uniformity is sometimes observable in the paper collars or white neck-cloths of the in-coming Sophomores, as they file in at vespers. During the evening, the Freshmen are accustomed to assemble on the steps of the State-House, and celebrate the occasion by speeches, a torch-light procession, and the accompaniment of a band of music. The students are forbidden to occupy the State-House steps on the evening of Presentation Day, since the Faculty design hereafter to have a _Pow-wow_ there, as on the last.--_Burlesque Catalogue_, Yale Coll., 1852-53, p. 35. PRÆSES. The Latin for President. "_Præses_" his "Oxford" doffs, and bows reply. _Childe Harvard_, p. 36. Did not the _Præses_ himself most kindly and oft reprimand me? _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 98. --the good old _Præses_ cries, While the tears stand in his eyes, "You have passed and are classed With the boys of 'Twenty-Nine.'" _Knick. Mag._, Vol. XLV. p. 195. PRAYERS. In colleges and universities, the religious exercises performed in the chapel at morning and evening, at which all the students are required to attend. These exercises in some institutions were formerly much more extended than at present, and must on some occasions have been very onerous. Mr. Quincy, in his History of Harvard University, writing in relation to the customs which were prevalent in the College at the beginning of the last century, says on this subject: "Previous to the accession of Leverett to the Presidency, the practice of obliging the undergraduates to read portions of the Scripture from Latin or English into Greek, at morning and evening service, had been discontinued. But in January and May, 1708, this 'ancient and laudable practice was revived' by the Corporation. At morning prayers all the undergraduates were ordered, beginning with the youngest, to read a verse out of the Old Testament from the Hebrew into Greek, except the Freshmen, who were permitted to use their English Bibles in this exercise; and at evening service, to read from the New Testament out of the English or Latin translation into Greek, whenever the President performed this service in the Hall." In less than twenty years after the revival of these exercises, they were again discontinued. The following was then established as the order of morning and evening worship: "The morning service began with a short prayer; then a chapter of the Old Testament was read, which the President expounded, and concluded with prayer. The evening service was the same, except that the chapter read was from the New Testament, and on Saturday a psalm was sung in the Hall. On Sunday, exposition was omitted; a psalm was sung morning and evening; and one of the scholars, in course, was called upon to repeat, in the evening, the sermons preached on that day."--Vol. I. pp. 439, 440. The custom of singing at prayers on Sunday evening continued for many years. In a manuscript journal kept during the year 1793, notices to the following effect frequently occur. "Feb. 24th, Sunday. The singing club performed Man's Victory, at evening prayers." "Sund. April 14th, P.M. At prayers the club performed Brandon." "May 19th, Sabbath, P.M. At prayers the club performed Holden's Descend ye nine, etc." Soon after this, prayers were discontinued on Sunday evenings. The President was required to officiate at prayers, but when unable to attend, the office devolved on one of the Tutors, "they taking their turns by course weekly." Whenever they performed this duty "for any considerable time," they were "suitably rewarded for their service." In one instance, in 1794, all the officers being absent, Mr., afterwards Prof. McKean, then an undergraduate, performed the duties of chaplain. In the journal above referred to, under date of Feb. 22, 1793, is this note: "At prayers, I declaimed in Latin"; which would seem to show, that this season was sometimes made the occasion for exercises of a literary as well as religious character. In a late work by Professor Sidney Willard, he says of his father, who was President of Harvard College: "In the early period of his Presidency, Mr. Willard not unfrequently delivered a sermon at evening prayers on Sunday. In the year 1794, I remember he preached once or twice on that evening, but in the next year and onward he discontinued the service. His predecessor used to expound passages of Scripture as a part of the religious service. These expositions are frequently spoken of in the diary of Mr. Caleb Gannett when he was a Tutor. On Saturday evening and Sunday morning and evening, generally the College choir sang a hymn or an anthem. When these Sunday services were observed in the Chapel, the Faculty and students worshipped on Lord's day, at the stated hours of meeting, in the Congregational or the Episcopal Church." --_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. pp. 137, 138. At Yale College, one of the earliest laws ordains that "all undergraduates shall publicly repeat sermons in the hall in their course, and also bachelors; and be constantly examined on Sabbaths [at] evening prayer."--_Pres. Woolsey's Discourse_, p. 59. Prayers at this institution were at one period regulated by the following rule. "The President, or in his Absence, one of the Tutors in their Turn, shall constantly pray in the Chapel every Morning and Evening, and read a Chapter, or some suitable Portion of Scripture, unless a Sermon, or some Theological Discourse shall then be delivered. And every Member of College is obliged to attend, upon the Penalty of one Penny for every Instance of Absence, without a sufficient Reason, and a half Penny for being tardy, i.e. when any one shall come in after the President, or go out before him."--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1774, p. 5. A writer in the American Literary Magazine, in noticing some of the evils connected with the American college system, describes very truthfully, in the following question, a scene not at all novel in student life. "But when the young man is compelled to rise at an unusually early hour to attend public prayers, under all kinds of disagreeable circumstances; when he rushes into the chapel breathless, with wet feet, half dressed, and with the prospect of a recitation immediately to succeed the devotions,--is it not natural that he should be listless, or drowsy, or excited about his recitation, during the whole sacred exercise?"--Vol. IV. p. 517. This season formerly afforded an excellent opportunity, for those who were so disposed, to play off practical jokes on the person officiating. On one occasion, at one of our colleges, a goose was tied to the desk by some of the students, intended as emblematic of the person who was accustomed to occupy that place. But the laugh was artfully turned upon them by the minister, who, seeing the bird with his head directed to the audience, remarked, that he perceived the young gentlemen were for once provided with a parson admirably suited to their capacities, and with these words left them to swallow his well-timed sarcasm. On another occasion, a ram was placed in the pulpit, with his head turned to the door by which the minister usually entered. On opening the door, the animal, diving between the legs of the fat shepherd, bolted down the pulpit stairs, carrying on his back the sacred load, and with it rushed out of the chapel, leaving the assemblage to indulge in the reflections excited by the expressive looks of the astonished beast, and of his more astonished rider. The Bible was often kept covered, when not in use, with a cloth. It was formerly a very common trick to place under this cloth a pewter plate obtained from the commons hall, which the minister, on uncovering, would, if he were a shrewd man, quietly slide under the desk, and proceed as usual with the exercises. At Harvard College, about the year 1785, two Indian images were missing from their accustomed place on the top of the gate-posts which stood in front of the dwelling of a gentleman of Cambridge. At the same time the Bible was taken from the Chapel, and another, which was purchased to supply its place, soon followed it, no one knew where. One day, as a tutor was passing by the room of a student, hearing within an uncommonly loud noise, he entered, as was his right and office. There stood the occupant,[59] holding in his hands one of the Chapel Bibles, while before him on the table were placed the images, to which he appeared to be reading, but in reality was vociferating all kinds of senseless gibberish. "What is the meaning of this noise?" inquired the tutor in great anger. "Propagating the _Gospel_ among the _Indians_, Sir," replied the student calmly. While Professor Ashur Ware was a tutor in Harvard College, he in his turn, when the President was absent, officiated at prayers. Inclined to be longer in his devotions than was thought necessary by the students, they were often on such occasions seized with violent fits of sneezing, which generally made themselves audible in the word "A-a-shur," "A-a-shur." The following lines, written by William C. Bradley when an undergraduate at Harvard College, cannot fail to be appreciated by those who have been cognizant of similar scenes and sentiments in their own experience of student life. "Hark! the morning Bell is pealing Faintly on the drowsy ear, Far abroad the tidings dealing, Now the hour of prayer is near. To the pious Sons of Harvard, Starting from the land of Nod, Loudly comes the rousing summons, Let us run and worship God. "'T is the hour for deep contrition, 'T is the hour for peaceful thought, 'T is the hour to win the blessing In the early stillness sought; Kneeling in the quiet chamber, On the deck, or on the sod, In the still and early morning, 'T is the hour to worship God. "But don't _you_ stop to pray in secret, No time for _you_ to worship there, The hour approaches, 'Tempus fugit,' Tear your shirt or miss a prayer. Don't stop to wash, don't stop to button, Go the ways your fathers trod; Leg it, put it, rush it, streak it, _Run_ and worship God. "On the staircase, stamping, tramping, Bounding, sounding, down you go; Jumping, bumping, crashing, smashing, Jarring, bruising, heel and toe. See your comrades far before you Through the open door-way jam, Heaven and earth! the bell is stopping! Now it dies in silence--d**n!" PRELECTION. Latin, _prælectio_. A lecture or discourse read in public or to a select company. Further explained by Dr. Popkin: "In the introductory schools, I think, _Prelections_ were given by the teachers to the learners. According to the meaning of the word, the Preceptor went before, as I suppose, and explained and probably interpreted the lesson or lection; and the scholar was required to receive it in memory, or in notes, and in due time to render it in recitation."--_Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D._, p. 19. PRELECTOR. Latin, _prælector_. One who reads an author to others and adds explanations; a reader; a lecturer. Their so famous a _prelectour_ doth teach.--_Sheldon, Mir. of Anti-Christ_, p. 38. If his reproof be private, or with the cathedrated authority of a _prælector_ or public reader.--_Whitlock, Mann. of the English_, p. 385. 2. Same as FATHER, which see. PREPOSITOR. Latin. A scholar appointed by the master to overlook the rest. And when requested for the salt-cellar, I handed it with as much trepidation as a _præposter_ gives the Doctor a list, when he is conscious of a mistake in the excuses.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 281. PRESENTATION DAY. At Yale College, Presentation Day is the time when the Senior Class, having finished the prescribed course of study, and passed a satisfactory examination, are _presented_ by the examiners to the President, as properly qualified to be admitted to the degree of Bachelor of Arts. A distinguished professor of the institution where this day is observed has kindly furnished the following interesting historical account of this observance. "This presentation," he writes, "is a ceremony of long standing. It has certainly existed for more than a century. It is very early alluded to, not as a _novelty_, but as an established custom. There is now less formality on such occasions, but the substantial parts of the exercises are retained. The examination is now begun on Saturday and finished on Tuesday, and the day after, Wednesday, six weeks before the public Commencement, is the day of Presentation. There have sometimes been literary exercises on that day by one or more of the candidates, and sometimes they have been omitted. I have in my possession a Latin Oration, what, I suppose, was called a _Cliosophic Oration_, pronounced by William Samuel Johnson in 1744, at the presentation of his class. Sometimes a member of the class exhibited an English Oration, which was responded to by some one of the College Faculty, generally by one who had been the principal instructor of the class presented. A case of this kind occurred in 1776, when Mr., afterwards President Dwight, responded to the class orator in an address, which, being delivered the same July in which Independence was declared, drew, from its patriotic allusions, as well as for other reasons, unusual attention. It was published,--a rare thing at that period. Another response was delivered in 1796, by J. Stebbins, Tutor, which was likewise published. There has been no exhibition of the kind since. For a few years past, there have been an oration and a poem exhibited by members of the graduating class, at the time of presentation. The appointments for these exercises are made by the class. "So much of an exhibition as there was at the presentation in 1778 has not been usual. More was then done, probably, from the fact, that for several years, during the Revolutionary war, there was no public Commencement. Perhaps it should be added, that, so far back as my information extends, after the literary exercises of Presentation Day, there has always been a dinner, or collation, at which the College Faculty, graduates, invited guests, and the Senior Class have been present." A graduate of the present year[60] writes more particularly in relation to the observances of the day at the present time. "In the morning the Senior Class are met in one of the lecture-rooms by the chairman of the Faculty and the senior Tutor. The latter reads the names of those who have passed a satisfactory examination, and are to be recommended for degrees. The Class then adjourn to the College Chapel, where the President and some of the Professors are waiting to receive them. The senior Tutor reads the names as before, after which Professor Kingsley recommends the Class to the President and Faculty for the degree of B.A., in a Latin discourse. The President then responds in the same tongue, and addresses a few words of counsel to the Class. "These exercises are followed by the Poem and Oration, delivered by members of the Class chosen for these offices by the Class. Then comes the dinner, given in one of the lecture-rooms. After this the Class meet in the College yard, and spend the afternoon in smoking (the old clay pipe is used, but no cigars) and singing. Thus ends the active life of our college days." "Presentation Day," says the writer of the preface to the "Songs of Yale," "is the sixth Wednesday of the Summer Term, when the graduating Class, after having passed their second 'Biennial,' are presented to the President as qualified for the first degree, or the B.A. After this 'presentation,' a farewell oration and poem are pronounced by members of the Class, previously elected by their classmates for the purpose. After a public dinner, they seat themselves under the elms before the College, and smoke and sing for the last time together. Each has his pipe, and 'they who never' smoked 'before' now smoke, or seem to. The exercises are closed with a procession about the buildings, bidding each farewell." 1853, p. 4. This last smoke is referred to in the following lines:-- "Green elms are waving o'er us, Green grass beneath our feet, The ring is round, and on the ground We sit a class complete." _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. "It is a very jolly thing, Our sitting down in this great ring, To smoke our pipes and loudly sing."--_Ibid._ Pleasant reference is had to some of the more modern features of Presentation Day, in the annexed extract from the "Yale Literary Magazine":-- "There is one spot where the elms stretch their long arms, not 'in quest of thought,' but as though they would afford their friendly shade to make pleasant the last scene of the academic life. Seated in a circle in this place, which has been so often trampled by the 'stag-dance' of preceding classes, and made hallowed by associations which will cling around such places, are the present graduates. They have met together for the last time as a body, for they will not all be present at the closing ceremony of Commencement, nor all answer to the muster in the future Class reunions. It is hard to tell whether such a ceremony should be sad or joyous, for, despite the boisterous merriment and exuberance which arises from the prospect of freedom, there is something tender in the thought of meeting for the last time, to break strong ties, and lose individuality as a Class for ever. "In the centre of the circle are the Class band, with horns, flutes, and violins, braying, piping, or saw-filing, at the option of the owners,--toot,--toot,--bum,--bang,--boo-o-o,--in a most melodious discord. Songs are distributed, pipes filled, and the smoke cloud rises, trembles as the chorus of a hundred voices rings out in a merry cadence, and then, breaking, soars off,--a fit emblem of the separation of those at whose parting it received its birth. "'Braxton on the history of the Class!' "'The Class history!--Braxton!--Braxton!' "'In a moment, gentlemen,'--and our hero mounts upon a cask, and proceeds to give in burlesque a description of Class exploits and the wonderful success of its _early_ graduates. Speeches follow, and the joke, and song, till the lengthening shadows bring a warning, and a preparation for the final ceremony. The ring is spread out, the last pipes smoked in College laid down, and the 'stag-dance,' with its rush, and their destruction ended. Again the ring forms, and each classmate moves around it to grasp each hand for the last time, and exchange a parting blessing. "The band strike up, and the long procession march around the College, plant their ivy, and return to cheer the buildings."--Vol. XX. p. 228. The following song was written by Francis Miles Finch of the class of 1849, for the Presentation Day of that year. "Gather ye smiles from the ocean isles, Warm hearts from river and fountain, A playful chime from the palm-tree clime, From the land of rock and mountain: And roll the song in waves along, For the hours are bright before us, And grand and hale are the elms of Yale, Like fathers, bending o'er us. "Summon our band from the prairie land, From the granite hills, dark frowning, From the lakelet blue, and the black bayou, From the snows our pine peaks crowning; And pour the song in joy along, For the hours are bright before us, And grand and hale are the towers of Yale, Like giants, watching o'er us. "Count not the tears of the long-gone years, With their moments of pain and sorrow, But laugh in the light of their memories bright, And treasure them all for the morrow; Then roll the song in waves along, While the hours are bright before us, And high and hale are the spires of Yale, Like guardians, towering o'er us. "Dream of the days when the rainbow rays Of Hope on our hearts fell lightly, And each fair hour some cheerful flower In our pathway blossomed brightly; And pour the song in joy along, Ere the moments fly before us, While portly and hale the sires of Yale Are kindly gazing o'er us. "Linger again in memory's glen, 'Mid the tendrilled vines of feeling, Till a voice or a sigh floats softly by, Once more to the glad heart stealing; And roll the song on waves along, For the hours are bright before us, And in cottage and vale are the brides of Yale, Like angels, watching o'er us. "Clasp ye the hand 'neath the arches grand That with garlands span our greeting, With a silent prayer that an hour as fair May smile on each after meeting; And long may the song, the joyous song, Roll on in the hours before us, And grand and hale may the elms of Yale, For many a year, bend o'er us." In the Appendix to President Woolsey's Historical Discourse delivered before the Graduates of Yale College, is the following account of Presentation Day, in 1778. "The Professor of Divinity, two ministers of the town, and another minister, having accompanied me to the Library about 1, P.M., the middle Tutor waited upon me there, and informed me that the examination was finished, and they were ready for the presentation. I gave leave, being seated in the Library between the above ministers. Hereupon the examiners, preceded by the Professor of Mathematics, entered the Library, and introduced thirty candidates, a beautiful sight! The Diploma Examinatorium, with the return and minutes inscribed upon it, was delivered to the President, who gave it to the Vice-Bedellus, directing him to read it. He read it and returned it to the President, to be deposited among the College archives _in perpetuam rei memoriam_. The senior Tutor thereupon made a very eloquent Latin speech, and presented the candidates for the honors of the College. This presentation the President in a Latin speech accepted, and addressed the gentlemen examiners and the candidates, and gave the latter liberty to return home till Commencement. Then dismissed. "At about 3, P.M., the afternoon exercises were appointed to begin. At 3-1/2, the bell tolled, and the assembly convened in the chapel, ladies and gentlemen. The President introduced the exercises in a Latin speech, and then delivered the Diploma Examinatorium to the Vice-Bedellus, who, standing on the pulpit stairs, read it publicly. Then succeeded,-- Cliosophic Oration in Latin, by Sir Meigs. Poetical Composition in English, by Sir Barlow. Dialogue, English, by Sir Miller, Sir Chaplin, Sir Ely. Cliosophic Oration, English, by Sir Webster. Disputation, English, by Sir Wolcott, Sir Swift, Sir Smith. Valedictory Oration, English, by Sir Tracy. An Anthem. Exercises two hours."--p. 121. PRESIDENT. In the United States, the chief officer of a college or university. His duties are, to preside at the meetings of the Faculty, at Exhibitions and Commencements, to sign the diplomas or letters of degree, to carry on the official correspondence, to address counsel and instruction to the students, and to exercise a general superintendence in the affairs of the college over which he presides. At Harvard College it was formerly the duty of the President "to inspect the manners of the students, and unto his morning and evening prayers to join some exposition of the chapters which they read from Hebrew into Greek, from the Old Testament, in the morning, and out of English into Greek, from the New Testament, in the evening." At the same College, in the early part of the last century, Mr. Wadsworth, the President, states, "that he expounded the Scriptures, once eleven, and sometimes eight or nine times in the course of a week."--_Harv. Reg._, p. 249, and _Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 440. Similar duties were formerly required of the President at other American colleges. In some, at the present day, he performs the duties of a professor in connection with those of his own office, and presides at the daily religious exercises in the Chapel. The title of President is given to the chief officer in some of the colleges of the English universities. PRESIDENT'S CHAIR. At Harvard College, there is in the Library an antique chair, venerable by age and association, which is used only on Commencement Day, when it is occupied by the President while engaged in delivering the diplomas for degrees. "Vague report," says Quincy, "represents it to have been brought to the College during the presidency of Holyoke, as the gift of the Rev. Ebenezer Turell of Medford (the author of the Life of Dr. Colman). Turell was connected by marriage with the Mathers, by some of whom it is said to have been brought from England." Holyoke was President from 1737 to 1769. The round knobs on the chair were turned by President Holyoke, and attached to it by his own hands. In the picture of this honored gentleman, belonging to the College, he is painted in the old chair, which seems peculiarly adapted by its strength to support the weight which fills it. Before the erection of Gore Hall, the present library building, the books of the College were kept in Harvard Hall. In the same building, also, was the Philosophy Chamber, where the chair usually stood for the inspection of the curious. Over this domain, from the year 1793 to 1800, presided Mr. Samuel Shapleigh, the Librarian. He was a dapper little bachelor, very active and remarkably attentive to the ladies who visited the Library, especially the younger portion of them. When ushered into the room where stood the old chair, he would watch them with eager eyes, and, as soon as one, prompted by a desire of being able to say, "I have sat in the President's Chair," took this seat, rubbing his hands together, he would exclaim, in great glee, "A forfeit! a forfeit!" and demand from the fair occupant a kiss, a fee which, whether refused or not, he very seldom failed to obtain.[61] This custom, which seems now-a-days to be going out of fashion, is mentioned by Mr. William Biglow, in a poem before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, recited in their dining-hall, August 29, 1811. Speaking of Commencement Day and its observances, he says:-- "Now young gallants allure their favorite fair To take a seat in Presidential chair; Then seize the long-accustomed fee, the bliss Of the half ravished, half free-granted kiss." The editor of Mr. Peirce's History of Harvard University publishes the following curious extracts from Horace Walpole's Private Correspondence, giving a description of some antique chairs found in England, exactly of the same construction with the College chair; a circumstance which corroborates the supposition that this also was brought from England. HORACE WALPOLE TO GEORGE MONTAGU, ESQ. "_Strawberry Hill, August_ 20, 1761. "Dickey Bateman has picked up a whole cloister full of old chairs in Herefordshire. He bought them one by one, here and there in farm-houses, for three and sixpence and a crown apiece. They are of wood, the seats triangular, the backs, arms, and legs loaded with turnery. A thousand to one but there are plenty up and down Cheshire, too. If Mr. and Mrs. Wetenhall, as they ride or drive out, would now and then pick up such a chair, it would oblige me greatly. Take notice, no two need be of the same pattern."--_Private Correspondence of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford_, Vol. II. p. 279. HORACE WALPOLE TO THE REV. MR. COLE. "_Strawberry Hill, March_ 9, 1765. "When you go into Cheshire, and upon your ramble, may I trouble you with a commission? but about which you must promise me not to go a step out of your way. Mr. Bateman has got a cloister at old Windsor furnished with ancient wooden chairs, most of them triangular, but all of various patterns, and carved and turned in the most uncouth and whimsical forms. He picked them up one by one, for two, three, five, or six shillings apiece, from different farm-houses in Herefordshire. I have long envied and coveted them. There may be such in poor cottages in so neighboring a county as Cheshire. I should not grudge any expense for purchase or carriage, and should be glad even of a couple such for my cloister here. When you are copying inscriptions in a churchyard in any Village, think of me, and step into the first cottage you see, but don't take further trouble than that."--_Ibid._, Vol. III. pp. 23, 24, from _Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 312. An engraving of the chair is to be found in President Quincy's History of Harvard University, Vol. I. p. 288. PREVARICATOR. A sort of an occasional orator; an academical phrase in the University of Cambridge, Eng.--_Johnson_. He should not need have pursued me through the various shapes of a divine, a doctor, a head of a college, a professor, a _prevaricator_, a mathematician.--_Bp. Wren, Monarchy Asserted_, Pref. It would have made you smile to hear the _prevaricator_, in his jocular way, give him his title and character to face.--_A. Philips, Life of Abp. Williams_, p. 34. See TERRÆ-FILIUS. PREVIOUS EXAMINATION. In the English universities, the University examination in the second year. Called also the LITTLE-GO. The only practical connection that the Undergraduate usually has with the University, in its corporate capacity, consists in his _previous examination_, _alias_ the "Little-Go," and his final examination for a degree, with or without honors.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 10. PREX. A cant term for President. After examination, I went to the old _Prex_, and was admitted. _Prex_, by the way, is the same as President.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. But take a peep with us, dear reader, into that _sanctum sanctorum_, that skull and bones of college mysteries, the _Prex's_ room.--_The Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. Good old _Prex_ used to get the students together and advise them on keeping their faces clean, and blacking their boots, &c.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. III. p. 228. PRINCE'S STUFF. In the English universities, the fabric of which the gowns of the undergraduates are usually made. [Their] every-day habit differs nothing as far as the gown is concerned, it being _prince's stuff_, or other convenient material.--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. xv. See COSTUME. PRINCIPAL. At Oxford, the president of a college or hall is sometimes styled the Principal.--_Oxf. Cal._ PRIVAT DOCENT. In German universities, a _private teacher_. "The so-called _Privat Docenten_," remarks Howitt, "are gentlemen who devote themselves to an academical career, who have taken the degree of Doctor, and through a public disputation have acquired the right to deliver lectures on subjects connected with their particular department of science. They receive no salary, but depend upon the remuneration derived from their classes."--_Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 29. PRIVATE. At Harvard College, one of the milder punishments is what is called _private admonition_, by which a deduction of thirty-two marks is made from the rank of the offender. So called in contradistinction to _public admonition_, when a deduction is made, and with it a letter is sent to the parent. Often abbreviated into _private_. "Reckon on the fingers of your mind the reprimands, deductions, parietals, and _privates_ in store for you."--_Oration before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, 1848. What are parietals, parts, _privates_ now, To the still calmness of that placid brow? _Class Poem, Harv. Coll._, 1849. PRIVATISSIMUM, _pl._ PRIVATISSIMI. Literally, _most private_. In the German universities, an especially private lecture. To these _Privatissimi_, as they are called, or especially private lectures, being once agreed upon, no other auditors can be admitted.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 35. Then my _Privatissimum_--(I've been thinking on it For a long time--and in fact begun it)-- Will cost me 20 Rix-dollars more, Please send with the ducats I mentioned before. _The Jobsiad_, in _Lit. World_, Vol. IX. p. 281. The use of a _Privatissimum_ I can't conjecture, When one is already ten hours at lecture. _Ibid._, Vol. IX. p. 448. PRIZEMAN. In universities and colleges, one who takes a prize. The Wrangler's glory in his well-earned fame, The _prizeman's_ triumph, and the plucked man's shame. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, _May_, 1849. PROBATION. In colleges and universities, the examination of a student as to his qualifications for a degree. 2. The time which a student passes in college from the period of entering until he is matriculated and received as a member in full standing. In American colleges, this is usually six months, but can be prolonged at discretion.--_Coll. Laws_. PROCEED. To take a degree. Mr. Halliwell, in his Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, says, "This term is still used at the English universities." It is sometimes used in American colleges. In 1605 he _proceeded_ Master of Arts, and became celebrated as a wit and a poet.--_Poems of Bishop Corbet_, p. ix. They that expect to _proceed_ Bachelors that year, to be examined of their sufficiency,... and such that expect to _proceed_ Masters of Arts, to exhibit their synopsis of acts. They, that are approved sufficient for their degrees, shall _proceed_.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 518. The Overseers ... recommended to the Corporation "to take effectual measures to prevent those who _proceeded_ Bachelors of Arts, from having entertainments of any kind."--_Ibid._, Vol. II. p. 93. When he _proceeded_ Bachelor of Arts, he was esteemed one of the most perfect scholars that had ever received the honors of this seminary.--_Holmes's Life of Ezra Stiles_, p. 14. Masters may _proceed_ Bachelors in either of the Faculties, at the end of seven years, &c.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, p. 10. Of the surviving graduates, the oldest _proceeded_ Bachelor of Arts the very Commencement at which Dr. Stiles was elected to the Presidency.--_Woolsey's Discourse, Yale Coll._, Aug. 14, 1850, p. 38. PROCTOR. Contracted from the Latin _procurator_, from _procuro_; _pro_ and _curo_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., two proctors are annually elected, who are peace-officers. It is their especial duty to attend to the discipline and behavior of all persons _in statu pupillari_, to search houses of ill-fame, and to take into custody women of loose and abandoned character, and even those _de malo suspectcæ_. Their other duties are not so menial in their character, and are different in different universities.--_Cam. Cal._ At Oxford, "the proctors act as university magistrates; they are appointed from each college in rotation, and remain in office two years. They nominate four pro-proctors to assist them. Their chief duty, in which they are known to undergraduates, is to preserve order, and keep the town free from improper characters. When they go out in the evening, they are usually attended by two servants, called by the gownsmen bull-dogs.... The marshal, a chief officer, is usually in attendance on one of the proctors.... It is also the proctor's duty to take care that the cap and gown are worn in the University."--_The Collegian's Guide_, Oxford, pp. 176, 177. At Oxford, the proctors "jointly have, as has the Vice-Chancellor singly, the power of interposing their _veto_ or _non placet_, upon all questions in congregation and convocation, which puts a stop at once to all further proceedings in the matter. These are the 'censores morum' of the University, and their business is to see that the undergraduate members, when no longer under the ken of the head or tutors of their own college, behave seemly when mixing with the townsmen and restrict themselves, as far as may be, to lawful or constitutional and harmless amusements. Their powers extend over a circumference of three miles round the walls of the city. The proctors are easily recognized by their full dress gown of velvet sleeves, and bands-encircled neck."--_Oxford Guide_, Ed. 1847, p. xiii. At Oxford, "the two proctors were formerly nearly equal in importance to the Vice-Chancellor. Their powers, though diminished, are still considerable, as they administer the police of the University, appoint the Examiners, and have a joint veto on all measures brought before Convocation."--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 223. The class of officers called Proctors was instituted at Harvard College in the year 1805, their duty being "to reside constantly and preserve order within the walls," to preserve order among the students, to see that the laws of the College are enforced, "and to exercise the same inspection and authority in their particular district, and throughout College, which it is the duty of a parietal Tutor to exercise therein."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 292. I believe this is the only college in the United States where this class of academical police officers is established. PROF, PROFF. Abbreviated for _Professor_. The _Proff_ thought he knew too much to stay here, and so he went his way, and I saw him no more.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 116. For _Proffs_ and Tutors too, Who steer our big canoe, Prepare their lays. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. III. p. 144. PROFESSOR. One that publicly teaches any science or branch of learning; particularly, an officer in a university, college, or other seminary, whose business is to read lectures or instruct students in a particular branch of learning; as a _professor_ of theology or mathematics.--_Webster_. PROFESSORIATE. The office or employment of a professor. It is desirable to restore the _professoriate_.--_Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 246. PROFESSOR OF DUST AND ASHES. A title sometimes jocosely given by students to the person who has the care of their rooms. Was interrupted a moment just now, by the entrance of Mr. C------, the gentleman who makes the beds, sweeps, takes up the ashes, and supports the dignity of the title, "_Professor of Dust and Ashes_."--_Sketches of Williams College_, p. 77. The South College _Prof. of Dust and Ashes_ has a huge bill against the Society.--_Yale Tomahawk_, Feb. 1851. PROFICIENT. The degree of Proficient is conferred in the University of Virginia, in a certificate of proficiency, on those who have studied only in certain branches taught in some of the schools connected with that institution. PRO MERITIS. Latin; literally, _for his merits_. A phrase customarily used in American collegiate diplomas. Then, every crime atoned with ease, _Pro meritis_, received degrees. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, Part I. PRO-PROCTOR. In the English universities, an officer appointed to assist the proctors in that part of their duty only which relates to the discipline and behavior of those persons who are _in statu pupillari_.--_Cam. and Oxf. Cals._ More familiarly, these officers are called _pro's_. They [the proctors] are assisted in their duties by four pro-proctors, each principal being allowed to nominate his two "_pro's_."--_Oxford Guide_, 1847, p. xiii. The _pro's_ have also a strip of velvet on each side of the gown-front, and wear bands.--_Ibid._, p. xiii. PRO-VICE-CHANCELLOR. In the English universities a deputy appointed by the Vice-Chancellor, who exercises his power in case of his illness or necessary absence. PROVOST. The President of a college. Dr. Jay, on his arrival in England, found there Dr. Smith, _Provost_ of the College in Philadelphia, soliciting aid for that institution.--_Hist. Sketch of Columbia Coll._, p. 36. At Columbia College, in 1811, an officer was appointed, styled _Provost_, who, in absence of the President, was to supply his place, and who, "besides exercising the like general superintendence with the President," was to conduct the classical studies of the Senior Class. The office of Provost continued until 1816, when the Trustees determined that its powers and duties should devolve upon the President.--_Ibid._, p. 81. At Oxford, the chief officer of some of the colleges bears this title. At Cambridge, it is appropriated solely to the President of King's College. "On the choice of a Provost," says the author of a History of the University of Cambridge, 1753, "the Fellows are all shut into the ante-chapel, and out of which they are not permitted to stir on any account, nor none permitted to enter, till they have all agreed on their man; which agreement sometimes takes up several days; and, if I remember right, they were three days and nights confined in choosing the present Provost, and had their beds, close-stools, &c. with them, and their commons, &c. given them in at the windows."--_Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 85. PRUDENTIAL COMMITTEE. In Yale College, a committee to whom the discretionary concerns of the College are intrusted. They order such repairs of the College buildings as are necessary, audit the accounts of the Treasurer and Steward, make the annual report of the state of the College, superintend the investment of the College funds, institute suits for the recovery and preservation of the College property, and perform various other duties which are enumerated in the laws of Yale College. At Middlebury College, similar powers are given to a body bearing the same name.--_Laws Mid. Coll._, 1839, pp. 4, 5. PUBLIC. At Harvard College, the punishment next higher in order to a _private admonition_ is called a _public admonition_, and consists in a deduction of sixty-four marks from the rank of the offender, accompanied by a letter to the parent or guardian. It is often called _a public_. See ADMONITION, and PRIVATE. PUBLIC DAY. In the University of Virginia, the day on which "the certificates and diplomas are awarded to the successful candidates, the results of the examinations are announced, and addresses are delivered by one or more of the Bachelors and Masters of Arts, and by the Orator appointed by the Society of the Alumni."--_Cat. of Univ. of Virginia_. This occurs on the closing day of the session, the 29th of June. PUBLIC ORATOR. In the English universities, an officer who is the voice of the university on all public occasions, who writes, reads, and records all letters of a public nature, and presents, with an appropriate address, those on whom honorary degrees are conferred. At Cambridge, this it esteemed one of the most honorable offices in the gift of the university.--_Cam. and Oxf. Cals._ PUMP. Among German students, to obtain or take on credit; to sponge. Und hat der Bursch kein Geld im Beutel, So _pumpt_ er die Philister an. _Crambambuli Song_. PUNY. A young, inexperienced person; a novice. Freshmen at Oxford were called _punies of the first year_.--_Halliwell's Dict. Arch. and Prov. Words_. PUT THROUGH. A phrase very general in its application. When a student treats, introduces, or assists another, or masters a hard lesson, he is said to _put_ him or it _through_. In a discourse by the Rev. Dr. Orville Dewey, on the Law of Progress, referring to these words, he said "he had heard a teacher use the characteristic expression that his pupils should be '_put through_' such and such studies. This, he said, is a modern practice. We put children through philosophy,--put them through history,--put them through Euclid. He had no faith in this plan, and wished to see the school teachers set themselves against this forcing process." 2. To examine thoroughly and with despatch. First Thatcher, then Hadley, then Larned and Prex, Each _put_ our class _through_ in succession. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. _Q_. Q. See CUE. QUAD. An abbreviation of QUADRANGLE, q.v. How silently did all come down the staircases into the chapel _quad_, that evening!--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 88. His mother had been in Oxford only the week before, and had been seen crossing the _quad_ in tears.--_Ibid._, p. 144. QUADRANGLE. At Oxford and Cambridge, Eng., the rectangular courts in which the colleges are constructed. Soon as the clouds divide, and dawning day Tints the _quadrangle_ with its earliest ray. _The College_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, May, 1849. QUARTER-DAY. The day when quarterly payments are made. The day that completes three months. At Harvard and Yale Colleges, quarter-day, when the officers and instructors receive their quarterly salaries, was formerly observed as a holiday. One of the evils which prevailed among the students of the former institution, about the middle of the last century, was the "riotous disorders frequently committed on the _quarter-days_ and evenings," on one of which, in 1764, "the windows of all the Tutors and divers other windows were broken," so that, in consequence, a vote was passed that "the observation of _quarter-days_, in distinction from other days, be wholly laid aside, and that the undergraduates be obliged to observe the studying hours, and to perform the college exercises, on quarter-day, and the day following, as at other times."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 216. QUESTIONIST. In the English universities, a name given to those who are in the last term of their college course, and are soon to be examined for honors or degrees.--_Webster_. In the "Orders agreed upon by the Overseers, at a meeting in Harvard College, May 6th, 1650," this word is used in the following sentence: "And, in case any of the Sophisters, _Questionists_, or Inceptors fail in the premises required at their hands,... they shall be deferred to the following year"; but it does not seem to have gained any prevalence in the College, and is used, it is believed, only in this passage. QUILLWHEEL. At the Wesleyan University, "when a student," says a correspondent, "'knocks under,' or yields a point, he says he _quillwheels_, that is, he acknowledges he is wrong." _R_. RAG. This word is used at Union College, and is thus explained by a correspondent: "To _rag_ and _ragging_, you will find of very extensive application, they being employed primarily as expressive of what is called by the vulgar thieving and stealing, but in a more extended sense as meaning superiority. Thus, if one declaims or composes much better than his classmates, he is said to _rag_ all his competitors." The common phrase, "_to take the rag off_," i.e. to excel, seems to be the form from which this word has been abbreviated. RAKE. At Williams and at Bowdoin Colleges, used in the phrase "to _rake_ an X," i.e. to recite perfectly, ten being the number of marks given for the best recitation. RAM. A practical joke. ---- in season to be just too late A successful _ram_ to perpetrate. _Sophomore Independent_, Union Coll., Nov. 1854. RAM ON THE CLERGY. At Middlebury College, a synonyme of the slang noun, "sell." RANTERS. At Bethany College, in Virginia, there is "a band," says a correspondent, "calling themselves '_Ranters_,' formed for the purpose of perpetrating all kinds of rascality and mischievousness, both on their fellow-students and the neighboring people. The band is commanded by one selected from the party, called the _Grand Ranter_, whose orders are to be obeyed under penalty of expulsion of the person offending. Among the tricks commonly indulged in are those of robbing hen and turkey roosts, and feasting upon the fruits of their labor, of stealing from the neighbors their horses, to enjoy the pleasure of a midnight ride, and to facilitate their nocturnal perambulations. If detected, and any complaint is made, or if the Faculty are informed of their movements, they seek revenge by shaving the tails and manes of the favorite horses belonging to the person informing, or by some similar trick." RAZOR. A writer in the Yale Literary Magazine defines this word in the following sentence: "Many of the members of this time-honored institution, from whom we ought to expect better things, not only do their own shaving, but actually _make their own razors_. But I must explain for the benefit of the uninitiated. A pun, in the elegant college dialect, is called a razor, while an attempt at a pun is styled a _sick razor_. The _sick_ ones are by far the most numerous; however, once in a while you meet with one in quite respectable health."--Vol. XIII. p. 283. The meeting will be opened with _razors_ by the Society's jester. --_Yale Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. Behold how Duncia leads her chosen sons, All armed with squibs, stale jokes, _dull razors_, puns. _The Gallinipper_, Dec. 1849. READ. To be studious; to practise much reading; e.g. at Oxford, to _read_ for a first class; at Cambridge, to _read_ for an honor. In America it is common to speak of "reading law, medicine," &c. We seven stayed at Christmas up to _read_; We seven took one tutor. _Tennyson, Prologue to Princess_. In England the vacations are the very times when you _read_ most. _Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 78. This system takes for granted that the students have "_read_," as it is termed, with a private practitioner of medicine.--_Cat. Univ. of Virginia_, 1851, p. 25. READER. In the University of Oxford, one who reads lectures on scientific subjects.--_Lyell_. 2. At the English universities, a hard student, nearly equivalent to READING MAN. Most of the Cantabs are late _readers_, so that, supposing one of them to begin at seven, he will not leave off before half past eleven.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 21. READERSHIP. In the University of Oxford, the office of a reader or lecturer on scientific subjects.--_Lyell_. READING. In the academic sense, studying. One would hardly suspect them to be students at all, did not the number of glasses hint that those who carried them had impaired their sight by late _reading_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 5. READING MAN. In the English universities, a _reading man_ is a hard student, or one who is entirely devoted to his collegiate studies.--_Webster_. The distinction between "_reading men_" and "_non-reading men_" began to manifest itself.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 169. We might wonder, perhaps, if in England the "[Greek: oi polloi]" should be "_reading men_," but with us we should wonder were they not.--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 15. READING PARTY. In England, a number of students who in vacation time, and at a distance from the university, pursue their studies together under the direction of a coach, or private tutor. Of this method of studying, Bristed remarks: "It is not _impossible_ to read on a reading-party; there is only a great chance against your being able to do so. As a very general rule, a man works best in his accustomed place of business, where he has not only his ordinary appliances and helps, but his familiar associations about him. The time lost in settling down and making one's self comfortable and ready for work in a new place is not inconsiderable, and is all clear loss. Moreover, the very idea of a reading-party involves a combination of two things incompatible, --amusement and relaxation beyond the proper and necessary quantity of daily exercise, and hard work at books. "Reading-parties do not confine themselves to England or the island of Great Britain. Sometimes they have been known to go as far as Dresden. Sometimes a party is of considerable size; when a crack Tutor goes on one, which is not often, he takes his whole team with him, and not unfrequently a Classical and Mathematical Bachelor join their pupils."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 199-201. READ UP. Students often speak of _reading up_, i.e. preparing themselves to write on a subject, by reading the works of authors who have treated of it. REBELLION TREE. At Harvard College, a large elm-tree, which stands to the east of the south entry of Hollis Hall, has long been known by this name. It is supposed to have been planted at the request of Dr. Thaddeus M. Harris. His son, Dr. Thaddeus W. Harris, the present Librarian of the College, says that his father has often told him, that when he held the office of Librarian, in the year 1792, a number of trees were set out in the College yard, and that one was planted opposite his room, No. 7 Hollis Hall, under which he buried a pewter plate, taken from the commons hall. On this plate was inscribed his name, the day of the month, the year, &c. From its situation and appearance, the Rebellion Tree would seem to be the one thus described; but it did not receive its name until the year 1807, when the famous rebellion occurred among the students, and perhaps not until within a few years antecedent to the year 1819. At that time, however, this name seems to have been the one by which it was commonly known, from the reference which is made to it in the Rebelliad, a poem written to commemorate the deeds of the rebellion of that year. And roared as loud as he could yell, "Come on, my lads, let us rebel!" * * * * * With one accord they all agree To dance around _Rebellion Tree_. _Rebelliad_, p. 46. But they, rebellious rascals! flee For shelter to _Rebellion Tree_. _Ibid._, p. 60. Stands a tree in front of Hollis, Dear to Harvard over all; But than ---- desert us, Rather let _Rebellion_ fall. _MS. Poem_. Other scenes are sometimes enacted under its branches, as the following verses show:-- When the old year was drawing towards its close, And in its place the gladsome new one rose, Then members of each class, with spirits free, Went forth to greet her round _Rebellion Tree_. Round that old tree, sacred to students' rights, And witness, too, of many wondrous sights, In solemn circle all the students passed; They danced with spirit, until, tired, at last A pause they make, and some a song propose. Then "Auld Lang Syne" from many voices rose. Now, as the lamp of the old year dies out, They greet the new one with exulting shout; They groan for ----, and each class they cheer, And thus they usher in the fair new year. _Poem before H.L. of I.O. of O.F._, p. 19, 1849. RECENTES. Latin for the English FRESHMEN. Consult Clap's History of Yale College, 1766, p. 124. RECITATION. In American colleges and schools, the rehearsal of a lesson by pupils before their instructor.--_Webster_. RECITATION-ROOM. The room where lessons are rehearsed by pupils before their instructor. In the older American colleges, the rooms of the Tutors were formerly the recitation-rooms of the classes. At Harvard College, the benches on which the students sat when reciting were, when not in use, kept in piles, outside of the Tutors' rooms. When the hour of recitation arrived, they would carry them into the room, and again return them to their places when the exercise was finished. One of the favorite amusements of the students was to burn these benches; the spot selected for the bonfire being usually the green in front of the old meeting-house, or the common. RECITE. Transitively, to rehearse, as a lesson to an instructor. 2. Intransitively, to rehearse a lesson. The class will _recite_ at eleven o'clock.--_Webster_. This word is used in both forms in American seminaries. RECORD OF MERIT. At Middlebury College "a class-book is kept by each instructor, in which the character of each student's recitation is noted by numbers, and all absences from college exercises are minuted. Demerit for absences and other irregularities is also marked in like manner, and made the basis of discipline. At the close of each term, the average of these marks is recorded, and, when desired, communicated to parents and guardians." This book is called the _record of merit_.--_Cat. Middlebury Coll._, 1850-51, p. 17. RECTOR. The chief elective officer of some universities, as in France and Scotland. The same title was formerly given to the president of a college in New England, but it is not now in use.--_Webster_. The title of _Rector_ was given to the chief officer of Yale College at the time of its foundation, and was continued until the year 1745, when, by "An Act for the more full and complete establishment of Yale College in New Haven," it was changed, among other alterations, to that of _President_.--_Clap's Annals of Yale College_, p. 47. The chief officer of Harvard College at the time of its foundation was styled _Master_ or _Professor_. Mr. Dunster was chosen the first _President_, in 1640, and those who succeeded him bore this title until the year 1686, when Mr. Joseph Dudley, having received the commission of President of the Colony, changed for the sake of distinction the title of _President of the College_ to that of _Rector_. A few years after, the title of _President_ was resumed. --_Peirce's Hist. of Harv. Univ._, p. 63. REDEAT. Latin; literally, _he may return_. "It is the custom in some colleges," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "on coming into residence, to wait on the Dean, and sign your name in a book, kept for that purpose, which is called signing your _Redeat_."--p. 92. REFECTORY. At Oxford, Eng., the place where the members of each college or hall dine. This word was originally applied to an apartment in convents and monasteries, where a moderate repast was taken.--_Brande_. In Oxford there are nineteen colleges and five halls, containing dwelling-rooms for the students, and a distinct _refectory_ or dining-hall, library, and chapel to each college and hall.--_Oxf. Guide_, 1847, p. xvi. At Princeton College, this name is given to the hall where the students eat together in common.--Abbreviated REFEC. REGENT. In the English universities, the regents, or _regentes_, are members of the university who have certain peculiar duties of instruction or government. At Cambridge, all resident Masters of Arts of less than four years' standing and all Doctors of less than two, are Regents. At Oxford, the period of regency is shorter. At both universities, those of a more advanced standing, who keep their names on the college books, are called _non-regents_. At Cambridge, the regents compose the upper house, and the non-regents the lower house of the Senate, or governing body. At Oxford, the regents compose the _Congregation_, which confers degrees, and does the ordinary business of the University. The regents and non-regents, collectively, compose the _Convocation_, which is the governing body in the last resort.--_Webster_. See SENATE. 2. In the State of New York, the member of a corporate body which is invested with the superintendence of all the colleges, academies, and schools in the State. This board consists of twenty-one members, who are called _the Regents of the University of the State of New York_. They are appointed and removable by the legislature. They have power to grant acts of incorporation for colleges, to visit and inspect all colleges, academies, and schools, and to make regulations for governing the same.--_Statutes of New York_. 3. At Harvard College, an officer chosen from the _Faculty_, whose duties are under the immediate direction of the President. All weekly lists of absences, monitor's bills, petitions to the Faculty for excuse of absences from the regular exercises and for making up lessons, all petitions for elective studies, the returns of the scale of merit, and returns of delinquencies and deductions by the tutors and proctors, are left with the Regent, or deposited in his office. The Regent also informs those who petition for excuses, and for elective studies, of the decision of the Faculty in regard to their petitions. Formerly, the Regent assisted in making out the quarter or term bills, of which he kept a record, and when students were punished by fining, he was obliged to keep an account of the fines, and the offences for which they were imposed. Some of his duties were performed by a Freshman, who was appointed by the Faculty.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1814, and _Regulations_, 1850. The creation of the office of Regent at Harvard College is noticed by Professor Sidney Willard. In the year 1800 "an officer was appointed to occupy a room in one of the halls to supply the place of a Tutor, for preserving order in the rooms in his entry, and to perform the duties that had been discharged by the Butler, so far as it regarded the keeping of certain records. He was allowed the service of a Freshman, and the offices of Butler and of Butler's Freshman were abolished. The title of this new officer was Regent."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. p. 107. See FRESHMAN, REGENT'S. REGISTER. In Union College, an officer whose duties are similar to those enumerated under REGISTRAR. He also acts, without charge, as fiscal guardian for all students who deposit funds in his hands. REGISTRAR, REGISTRARY. In the English universities, an officer who has the keeping of all the public records.--_Encyc._ At Harvard College, the Corporation appoint one of the Faculty to the office of _Registrar_. He keeps a record of the votes and orders passed by the latter body, gives certified copies of the same when requisite, and performs other like duties.--_Laws Univ. at Cam., Mass._, 1848. REGIUS PROFESSOR. A name given in the British universities to the incumbents of those professorships which have been founded by _royal_ bounty. REGULATORS. At Hamilton College, "a Junior Class affair," writes a correspondent, "consisting of fifteen or twenty members, whose object is to regulate college laws and customs according to their own way. They are known only by their deeds. Who the members are, no one out of the band knows. Their time for action is in the night." RELEGATION. In German universities, the _relegation_ is the punishment next in severity to the _consilium abeundi_. Howitt explains the term in these words: "It has two degrees. First, the simple relegation. This consists in expulsion [out of the district of the court of justice within which the university is situated], for a period of from two to three years; after which the offender may indeed return, but can no more be received as an academical burger. Secondly, the sharper relegation, which adds to the simple relegation an announcement of the fact to the magistracy of the place of abode of the offender; and, according to the discretion of the court, a confinement in an ordinary prison, previous to the banishment, is added; and also the sharper relegation can be extended to more than four years, the ordinary term,--yes, even to perpetual expulsion."--_Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 33. RELIG. At Princeton College, an abbreviated name for a professor of religion. RENOWN. German, _renommiren_, to hector, to bully. Among the students in German universities, to _renown_ is, in English popular phrase, "to cut a swell."--_Howitt_. The spare hours of the forenoon and afternoon are spent in fencing, in _renowning_,--that is, in doing things-which make people stare at them, and in providing duels for the morrow.--_Russell's Tour in Germany_, Edinburgh ed., 1825, Vol. II. pp. 156, 157. We cannot be deaf to the testimony of respectable eyewitnesses, who, in proof of these defects, tell us ... of "_renowning_," or wild irregularities, in which "the spare hours" of the day are spent.--_D.A. White's Address before Soc. of the Alumni of Harv. Univ._, Aug. 27, 1844, p. 24. REPLICATOR. "The first discussions of the Society, called Forensic, were in writing, and conducted by only two members, styled the Respondent and the Opponent. Subsequently, a third was added, called a _Replicator_, who reviewed the arguments of the other two, and decided upon their comparative merits."--_Semi-centennial Anniversary of the Philomathean Society, Union Coll._, p. 9. REPORT. A word much in use among the students of universities and colleges, in the common sense of _to inform against_, but usually spoken in reference to the Faculty. Thanks to the friendly proctor who spared to _report_ me. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 79. If I hear again Of such fell outrage to the college laws, Of such loud tumult after eight o'clock, Thou'lt be _reported_ to the Faculty.--_Ibid._, p. 257. RESIDENCE. At the English universities, to be "in residence" is to occupy rooms as a member of a college, either in the college itself, or in the town where the college is situated. Trinity ... usually numbers four hundred undergraduates in _residence_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 11. At Oxford, an examination, not always a very easy one, must be passed before the student can be admitted to _residence_.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 232. RESIDENT GRADUATE. In the United States, graduates who are desirous of pursuing their studies in a place where a college is situated, without joining any of its departments, can do so in the capacity of _residents_ or _resident graduates_. They are allowed to attend the public lectures given in the institution, and enjoy the use of its library. Like other students, they give bonds for the payment of college dues.--_Coll. Laws_. RESPONDENT. In the schools, one who maintains a thesis in reply, and whose province is to refute objections, or overthrow arguments.--_Watts_. This word, with its companion, _affirmant_, was formerly used in American colleges, and was applied to those who engaged in the syllogistic discussions then incident to Commencement. But the main exercises were disputations upon questions, wherein the _respondents_ first made their theses.--_Mather's Magnalia_, B. IV. p. 128. The syllogistic disputes were held between an _affirmant_ and _respondent_, who stood in the side galleries of the church opposite to one another, and shot the weapons of their logic over the heads of the audience.--_Pres. Woolsey's Hist. Disc., Yale Coll._, p. 65. In the public exercises at Commencement, I was somewhat remarked as a _respondent_.--_Life and Works of John Adams_, Vol. II. p. 3. RESPONSION. In the University of Oxford, an examination about the middle of the college course, also called the _Little-go_.--_Lyell_. See LITTLE-GO. RETRO. Latin; literally, _back_. Among the students of the University of Cambridge, Eng., used to designate a _behind_-hand account. "A cook's bill of extraordinaries not settled by the Tutor."--_Grad. ad Cantab._ REVIEW. A second or repeated examination of a lesson, or the lesson itself thus re-examined. He cannot get the "advance," forgets "the _review_." _Childe Harvard_, p. 13. RIDER. The meaning of this word, used at Cambridge, Eng., is given in the annexed sentence. "His ambition is generally limited to doing '_riders_,' which are a sort of scholia, or easy deductions from the book-work propositions, like a link between them and problems; indeed, the rider being, as its name imports, attached to a question, the question is not fully answered until the rider is answered also."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 222. ROLL A WHEEL. At the University of Vermont, in student parlance, to devise a scheme or lay a plot for an election or a college spree, is to _roll a wheel_. E.g. "John was always _rolling a big wheel_," i.e. incessantly concocting some plot. ROOM. To occupy an apartment; to lodge; _an academic use of the word_.--_Webster_. Inquire of any student at our colleges where Mr. B. lodges, and you will be told he _rooms_ in such a building, such a story, or up so many flights of stairs, No. --, to the right or left. The Rowes, years ago, used to _room_ in Dartmouth Hall.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 117. _Rooming_ in college, it is convenient that they should have the more immediate oversight of the deportment of the students.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 133. Seven years ago, I _roomed_ in this room where we are now.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XII. p. 114. When Christmas came again I came back to this room, but the man who _roomed_ here was frightened and ran away.--_Ibid._, Vol. XII. p. 114. Rent for these apartments is exacted from Sophomores, about sixty _rooming_ out of college.--_Burlesque Catalogue_, Yale Coll., 1852-53, p. 26. ROOT. A word first used in the sense given below by Dr. Paley. "He [Paley] held, indeed, all those little arts of underhand address, by which patronage and preferment are so frequently pursued, in supreme contempt. He was not of a nature to _root_; for that was his own expressive term, afterwards much used in the University to denote the sort of practice alluded to. He one day humorously proposed, at some social meeting, that a certain contemporary Fellow of his College [Christ's College, Cambridge, Eng.], at that time distinguished for his elegant and engaging manners, and who has since attained no small eminence in the Church of England, should be appointed _Professor of Rooting_."--_Memoirs of Paley_. 2. To study hard; to DIG, q.v. Ill-favored men, eager for his old boots and diseased raiment, torment him while _rooting_ at his Greek.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 267. ROT. Twaddle, platitude. In use among the students at the University of Cambridge, Eng.--_Bristed_. ROWES. The name of a party which formerly existed at Dartmouth College. They are thus described in The Dartmouth, Vol. IV. p. 117: "The _Rowes_ are very liberal in their notions. The Rowes don't pretend to say anything worse of a fellow than to call him a _Blue_, and _vice versâ_." See BLUES. ROWING. The making of loud and noisy disturbance; acting like a _rowdy_. Flushed with the juice of the grape, all prime and ready for _rowing_. When from the ground I raised the fragments of ponderous brickbat. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 98. The Fellow-Commoners generally being more disposed to _rowing_ than reading.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d. p. 34. ROWING-MAN. One who is more inclined to fast living than hard study. Among English students used in contradistinction to READING-MAN, q.v. When they go out to sup, as a reading-man does perhaps once a term, and a _rowing-man_ twice a week, they eat very moderately, though their potations are sometimes of the deepest.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 21. ROWL, ROWEL. At Princeton, Union, and Hamilton Colleges, this word is used to signify a good recitation. Used in the phrase, "to make a _rowl_." From the second of these colleges, a correspondent writes: "Also of the word _rowl_; if a public speaker presents a telling appeal or passage, he would _make a perfect rowl_, in the language of all students at least." ROWL. To recite well. A correspondent from Princeton College defines this word, "to perform any exercise well, recitation, speech, or composition; to succeed in any branch or pursuit." RUSH. At Yale College, a perfect recitation is denominated a _rush_. I got my lesson perfectly, and what is more, made a perfect _rush_.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIII. p. 134. Every _rush_ and fizzle made Every body frigid laid. _Ibid._, Vol. XX. p. 186. This mark [that of a hammer with a note, "hit the nail on the head"] signifies that the student makes a capital hit; in other words, a decided _rush_.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. In dreams his many _rushes_ heard. _Ibid._, Oct. 22, 1847. This word is much used among students with the common meaning; thus, they speak of "a _rush_ into prayers," "a _rush_ into the recitation-room," &c. A correspondent from Dartmouth College says: "_Rushing_ the Freshmen is putting them out of the chapel." Another from Williams writes: "Such a man is making a _rush_, and to this we often add--for the Valedictory." The gay regatta where the Oneida led, The glorious _rushes_, Seniors at the head. _Class Poem, Harv. Coll._, 1849. One of the Trinity men ... was making a tremendous _rush_ for a Fellowship.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 158. RUSH. To recite well; to make a perfect recitation. It was purchased by the man,--who 'really did not look' at the lesson on which he '_rushed_.'--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIV. p. 411. Then for the students mark flunks, even though the young men may be _rushing_.--_Yale Banger_, Oct., 1848. So they pulled off their coats, and rolled up their sleeves, And _rushed_ in Bien. Examination. _Presentation Day Songs, Yale Coll._, June 14, 1854. RUSTICATE. To send a student for a time from a college or university, to reside in the country, by way of punishment for some offence. See a more complete definition under RUSTICATION. And those whose crimes are very great, Let us suspend or _rusticate_.--_Rebelliad_, p. 24. The "scope" of what I have to state Is to suspend and _rusticate_.--_Ibid._, p. 28. The same meaning is thus paraphrastically conveyed:-- By my official power, I swear, That you shall _smell the country air_.--_Rebelliad_, p. 45. RUSTICATION. In universities and colleges, the punishment of a student for some offence, by compelling him to leave the institution, and reside for a time in the country, where he is obliged to pursue with a private instructor the studies with which his class are engaged during his term of separation, and in which he is obliged to pass a satisfactory examination before he can be reinstated in his class. It seems plain from his own verses to Diodati, that Milton had incurred _rustication_,--a temporary dismission into the country, with, perhaps, the loss of a term.--_Johnson_. Take then this friendly exhortation. The next offence is _Rustication_. _MS. Poem_, by John Q. Adams. RUST-RINGING. At Hamilton College, "the Freshmen," writes a correspondent, "are supposed to lose some of their verdancy at the end of the last term of that year, and the 'ringing off their rust' consists in ringing the chapel bell--commencing at midnight --until the rope wears out. During the ringing, the upper classes are diverted by the display of numerous fire-works, and enlivened by most beautifully discordant sounds, called 'music,' made to issue from tin kettle-drums, horse-fiddles, trumpets, horns, &c., &c." _S_. SACK. To expel. Used at Hamilton College. SAIL. At Bowdoin College, a _sail_ is a perfect recitation. To _sail_ is to recite perfectly. SAINT. A name among students for one who pretends to particular sanctity of manners. Or if he had been a hard-reading man from choice,--or a stupid man,--or a "_saint_,"--no one would have troubled themselves about him.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Eng. ed., Vol. LX. p. 148. SALTING THE FRESHMEN. In reference to this custom, which belongs to Dartmouth College, a correspondent from that institution writes: "There is an annual trick of '_salting the Freshmen_,' which is putting salt and water on their seats, so that their clothes are injured when they sit down." The idea of preservation, cleanliness, and health is no doubt intended to be conveyed by the use of the wholesome articles salt and water. SALUTATORIAN. The student of a college who pronounces the salutatory oration at the annual Commencement.--_Webster_. SALUTATORY. An epithet applied to the oration which introduces the exercises of the Commencements in American colleges.--_Webster_. The oration is often called, simply, _The Salutatory_. And we ask our friends "out in the world," whenever they meet an educated man of the class of '49, not to ask if he had the Valedictory or _Salutatory_, but if he takes the Indicator.--_Amherst Indicator_, Vol. II. p. 96. SATIS. Latin; literally, _enough_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the lowest honor in the schools. The manner in which this word is used is explained in the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, as follows: "_Satis disputasti_; which is at much as to say, in the colloquial style, 'Bad enough.' _Satis et bene disputasti_, 'Pretty fair,--tolerable.' _Satis et optime disputasti_, 'Go thy ways, thou flower and quintessence of Wranglers.' Such are the compliments to be expected from the Moderator, after the _act is kept_."--p. 95. S.B. An abbreviation for _Scientiæ Baccalaureus_, Bachelor in Science. At Harvard College, this degree is conferred on those who have pursued a prescribed course of study for at least one year in the Scientific School, and at the end of that period passed a satisfactory examination. The different degrees of excellence are expressed in the diploma by the words, _cum laude_, _cum magna laude_, _cum summa laude_. SCARLET DAY. In the Church of England, certain festival days are styled _scarlet days_. On these occasions, the doctors in the three learned professions appear in their scarlet robes, and the noblemen residing in the universities wear their full dresses.--_Grad. ad Cantab._ SCHEME. The printed papers which are given to the students at Yale College at the Biennial Examination, and which contain the questions that are to be answered, are denominated _schemes_. They are also called, simply, _papers_. See the down-cast air, and the blank despair, That sits on each Soph'more feature, As his bleared eyes gleam o'er that horrid _scheme_! _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 22. Olmsted served an apprenticeship setting up types, For the _schemes_ of Bien. Examination. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. Here's health to the tutors who gave us good _schemes_, Vive la compagnie! _Songs, Biennial Jubilee_, 1855. SCHOLAR. Any member of a college, academy, or school. 2. An undergraduate in English universities, who belongs to the foundation of a college, and receives support in part from its revenues.--_Webster_. SCHOLAR OF THE HOUSE. At Yale College, those are called _Scholars of the House_ who, by superiority in scholarship, become entitled to receive the income arising from certain foundations established for the purpose of promoting learning and literature. In some cases the recipient is required to remain at New Haven for a specified time, and pursue a course of studies under the direction of the Faculty of the College.--_Sketches of Yale Coll._, p. 86. _Laws of Yale Coll._ 2. "The _scholar of the house_," says President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse,--"_scholaris ædilitus_ of the Latin laws,--before the institution of Berkeley's scholarships which had the same title, was a kind of ædile appointed by the President and Tutors to inspect the public buildings, and answered in a degree to the Inspector known to our present laws and practice. He was not to leave town until the Friday after Commencement, because in that week more than usual damage was done to the buildings."--p. 43. The duties of this officer are enumerated in the annexed passage. "The Scholar of the House, appointed by the President, shall diligently observe and set down the glass broken in College windows, and every other damage done in College, together with the time when, and the person by whom, it was done; and every quarter he shall make up a bill of such damages, charged against every scholar according to the laws of College, and deliver the same to the President or the Steward, and the Scholar of the House shall tarry at College until Friday noon after the public Commencement, and in that time shall be obliged to view any damage done in any chamber upon the information of him to whom the chamber is assigned."--_Laws of Yale Coll._, 1774, p. 22. SCHOLARSHIP. Exhibition or maintenance for a scholar; foundation for the support of a student--_Ainsworth_. SCHOOL. THE SCHOOLS, _pl._; the seminaries for teaching logic, metaphysics, and theology, which were formed in the Middle Ages, and which were characterized by academical disputations and subtilties of reasoning; or the learned men who were engaged in discussing nice points in metaphysics or theology.--_Webster_. 2. In some American colleges, the different departments for teaching law, medicine, divinity, &c. are denominated _schools_. 3. The name given at the University of Oxford to the place of examination. The principal exercises consist of disputations in philosophy, divinity, and law, and are always conducted in a sort of barbarous Latin. I attended the _Schools_ several times, with the view of acquiring the tact and self-possession so requisite in these public contests.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 39. There were only two sets of men there, one who fagged unremittingly for the _Schools_, and another devoted to frivolity and dissipation.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 141. S.C.L. At the English universities, one who is pursuing law studies and has not yet received the degree of B.C.L. or D.C.L., is designated S.C.L., _Student_ in or of _Civil Law_. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., persons in this rank who have kept their acts wear a full-sleeved gown, and are entitled to use a B.A. hood. SCONCE. To mulct; to fine. Used at the University of Oxford. A young fellow of Baliol College, having, upon some discontent cut his throat very dangerously, the Master of the College sent his servitor to the buttery-book to _sconce_ (i.e. fine) him 5s.; and, says the Doctor, tell him the next time he cuts his throat I'll _sconce_ him ten.--_Terræ-Filius_, No. 39. Was _sconced_ in a quart of ale for quoting Latin, a passage from Juvenal; murmured, and the fine was doubled.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 391. SCOUT. A cant term at Oxford for a college servant or waiter.--_Oxford Guide_. My _scout_, indeed, is a very learned fellow, and has an excellent knack at using hard words. One morning he told me the gentleman in the next room _contagious_ to mine desired to speak to me. I once overheard him give a fellow-servant very sober advice not to go astray, but be true to his own wife; for _idolatry_ would surely bring a man to _instruction_ at last.--_The Student_, Oxf. and Cam., 1750, Vol. I. p. 55. An anteroom, or vestibule, which serves the purpose of a _scout's_ pantry.--_The Etonian_, Vol. II. p. 280. _Scouts_ are usually pretty communicative of all they know.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Eng. ed., Vol. LX. p. 147. Sometimes used in American colleges. In order to quiet him, we had to send for his factotum or _scout_, an old black fellow.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XI. p. 282. SCRAPE. To insult by drawing the feet over the floor.--_Grose_. But in a manner quite uncivil, They hissed and _scraped_ him like the devil. _Rebelliad_, p. 37. "I do insist," Quoth he, "that two, who _scraped_ and hissed, Shall be condemned without a jury To pass the winter months _in rure_."--_Ibid._, p. 41. They not unfrequently rose to open outrage or some personal molestation, as casting missiles through his windows at night, or "_scraping him_" by day.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 25. SCRAPING. A drawing of, or the act of drawing, the feet over the floor, as an insult to some one, or merely to cause disturbance; a shuffling of the feet. New lustre was added to the dignity of their feelings by the pathetic and impressive manner in which they expressed them, which was by stamping and _scraping_ majestically with their feet, when in the presence of the detested tutors.--_Don Quixotes at College_, 1807. The morning and evening daily prayers were, on the next day (Thursday), interrupted by _scraping_, whistling, groaning, and other disgraceful noises.--_Circular, Harvard College_, 1834, p. 9. This word is used in the universities and colleges of both England and America. SCREW. In some American colleges, an excessive, unnecessarily minute, and annoying examination of a student by an instructor is called a _screw_. The instructor is often designated by the same name. Haunted by day with fearful _screw_. _Harvard Lyceum_, p. 102. _Screws_, duns, and other such like evils. _Rebelliad_, p. 77. One must experience all the stammering and stuttering, the unending doubtings and guessings, to understand fully the power of a mathematical _screw_.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 378. The consequence was, a patient submission to the _screw_, and a loss of college honors and patronage.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 26. I'll tell him a whopper next time, and astonish him so that he'll forget his _screws_.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XI. p. 336. What a darned _screw_ our tutor is.--_Ibid._ Apprehension of the severity of the examination, or what in after times, by an academic figure of speech, was called screwing, or a _screw_, was what excited the chief dread.--_Willard's Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. p. 256. Passing such an examination is often denominated _taking a screw_. And sad it is to _take a screw_. _Harv. Reg._, p. 287. 2. At Bowdoin College, an imperfect recitation is called a _screw_. You never should look blue, sir, If you chance to take a "_screw_," sir, To us it's nothing new, sir, To drive dull care away. _The Bowdoin Creed_. We've felt the cruel, torturing _screw_, And oft its driver's ire. _Song, Sophomore Supper, Bowdoin Coll._, 1850. SCREW. To press with an excessive and unnecessarily minute examination. Who would let a tutor knave _Screw _him like a Guinea slave! _Rebelliad_, p. 53. Have I been _screwed_, yea, deaded morn and eve, Some dozen moons of this collegiate life? _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 255. O, I do well remember when in college, How we fought reason,--battles all in play,-- Under a most portentous man of knowledge, The captain-general in the bloodless fray; He was a wise man, and a good man, too, And robed himself in green whene'er he came to _screw_. _Our Chronicle of '26_, Boston, 1827. In a note to the last quotation, the author says of the word _screw_: "For the information of the inexperienced, we explain this as a term quite rife in the universities, and, taken substantively, signifying an intellectual nonplus." At last the day is ended, The tutor _screws_ no more. _Knick. Mag._, Vol. XLV. p. 195. SCREWING UP. The meaning of this phrase, as understood by English Cantabs, may be gathered from the following extract. "A magnificent sofa will be lying close to a door ... bored through from top to bottom from the _screwing up_ of some former unpopular tenant; "_screwing up_" being the process of fastening on the outside, with nails and screws, every door of the hapless wight's apartments. This is done at night, and in the morning the gentleman is leaning three-fourths out of his window, bawling for rescue."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. Ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 239. SCRIBBLING-PAPER. A kind of writing-paper, rather inferior in quality, a trifle larger than foolscap, and used at the English universities by mathematicians and in the lecture-room.--_Bristed. Grad. ad Cantab._ Cards are commonly sold at Cambridge as "_scribbling-paper_."--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 238. The summer apartment contained only a big standing-desk, the eternal "_scribbling-paper_," and the half-dozen mathematical works required.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 218. SCROUGE. An exaction. A very long lesson, or any hard or unpleasant task, is usually among students denominated a _scrouge_. SCROUGE. To exact; to extort; said of an instructor who imposes difficult tasks on his pupils. It is used provincially in England, and in America in some of the Northern and Southern States, with the meaning _to crowd, to squeeze_.--_Bartlett's Dict. of Americanisms_. SCRUB. At Columbia College, a servant. 2. One who is disliked for his meanness, ill-breeding, or vulgarity. Nearly equivalent to SPOON, q.v. SCRUBBY. Possessing the qualities of a scrub. Partially synonymous with the adjective SPOONY, q.v. SCRUTATOR. In the University of Cambridge, England, an officer whose duty it is to attend all _Congregations_, to read the _graces_ to the lower house of the Senate, to gather the votes secretly, or to take them openly in scrutiny, and publicly to pronounce the assent or dissent of that house.--_Cam. Cal._ SECOND-YEAR MEN. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the title of _Second-Year Men_, or _Junior Sophs_ or _Sophisters_, is given to students during the second year of their residence at the University. SECTION COURT. At Union College, the college buildings are divided into sections, a section comprising about fifteen rooms. Within each section is established a court, which is composed of a judge, an advocate, and a secretary, who are chosen by the students resident therein from their own number, and hold their offices during one college term. Each section court claims the power to summon for trial any inhabitant within the bounds of its jurisdiction who may be charged with improper conduct. The accused may either defend himself, or select some person to plead for him, such residents of the section as choose to do so acting as jurors. The prisoner, if found guilty, is sentenced at the discretion of the court,--generally, to treat the company to some specified drink or dainty. These courts often give occasion for a great deal of fun, and sometimes call out real wit and eloquence. At one of our "_section courts_," which those who expected to enter upon the study of the law used to hold, &c.--_The Parthenon, Union Coll._, 1851, p. 19. SECTION OFFICER. At Union College, each section of the college buildings, containing about fifteen rooms, is under the supervision of a professor or tutor, who is styled the _section officer_. This officer is required to see that there be no improper noise in the rooms or corridors, and to report the absence of students from chapel and recitation, and from their rooms during study hours. SEED. In Yale College this word is used to designate what is understood by the common cant terms, "a youth"; "case"; "bird"; "b'hoy"; "one of 'em." While tutors, every sport defeating, And under feet-worn stairs secreting, And each dark lane and alley beating, Hunt up the _seeds_ in vain retreating. _Yale Banger_, Nov. 1849. The wretch had dared to flunk a gory _seed_! _Ibid._, Nov. 1849. One tells his jokes, the other tells his beads, One talks of saints, the other sings of _seeds_. _Ibid._, Nov. 1849. But we are "_seeds_," whose rowdy deeds Make up the drunken tale. _Yale Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. First Greek he enters; and with reckless speed He drags o'er stumps and roots each hapless _seed_. _Ibid._, Nov. 1849. Each one a bold _seed_, well fit for the deed, But of course a little bit flurried. _Ibid._, May, 1852. SEEDY. At Yale College, rowdy, riotous, turbulent. And snowballs, falling thick and fast As oaths from _seedy_ Senior crowd. _Yale Gallinipper_, Nov. 1848. A _seedy_ Soph beneath a tree. _Yale Gallinipper_, Nov. 1848. 2. Among English Cantabs, not well, out of sorts, done up; the sort of feeling that a reading man has after an examination, or a rowing man after a dinner with the Beefsteak Club. Also, silly, easy to perform.--_Bristed_. The owner of the apartment attired in a very old dressing-gown and slippers, half buried in an arm-chair, and looking what some young ladies call interesting, i.e. pale and _seedy_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 151. You will seldom find anything very _seedy_ set for Iambics.--_Ibid._, p. 182. SELL. An unexpected reply; a deception or trick. In the Literary World, March 15, 1851, is the following explanation of this word: "Mr. Phillips's first introduction to Curran was made the occasion of a mystification, or practical joke, in which Irish wits have excelled since the time of Dean Swift, who was wont (_vide_ his letters to Stella) to call these jocose tricks 'a _sell_,' from selling a bargain." The word _bargain_, however, which Johnson, in his Dictionary, defines "an unexpected reply tending to obscenity," was formerly used more generally among the English wits. The noun _sell_ has of late been revived in this country, and is used to a certain extent in New York and Boston, and especially among the students at Cambridge. I sought some hope to borrow, by thinking it a "_sell_" By fancying it a fiction, my anguish to dispel. _Poem before the Iadma of Harv. Coll._, 1850, p. 8. SELL. To give an unexpected answer; to deceive; to cheat. For the love you bear me, never tell how badly I was _sold_.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XX. p. 94. The use of this verb is much more common in the United States than that of the noun of the same spelling, which is derived from it; for instance, we frequently read in the newspapers that the Whigs or Democrats have been _sold_, i.e. defeated in an election, or cheated in some political affair. The phrase _to sell a bargain_, which Bailey defines "to put a sham upon one," is now scarcely ever heard. It was once a favorite expression with certain English writers. Where _sold he bargains_, Whipstitch?--_Dryden_. No maid at court is less ashamed, Howe'er for _selling bargains_ famed.--_Swift_. Dr. Sheridan, famous for punning, intending _to sell a bargain_, said, he had made a very good pun.--_Swift, Bons Mots de Stella_. SEMESTER. Latin, _semestris_, _sex_, six, and _mensis_, month. In the German universities, a period or term of six months. The course of instruction occupies six _semesters_. Class distinctions depend upon the number of _semesters_, not of years. During the first _semester_, the student is called _Fox_, in the second _Burnt Fox_, and then, successively, _Young Bursch_, _Old Bursch_, _Old House_, and _Moss-covered Head_. SENATE. In the University of Cambridge, England, the legislative body of the University. It is divided into two houses, called REGENT and NON-REGENT. The former consists of the vice-chancellor, proctors, taxors, moderators, and esquire-beadles, all masters of arts of less than five years' standing, and all doctors of divinity, civil law, and physic, of less than two, and is called the UPPER HOUSE, or WHITE-HOOD HOUSE, from its members wearing hoods lined with white silk. The latter is composed of masters of arts of five years' standing, bachelors of divinity, and doctors in the three faculties of two years' standing, and is known as the LOWER HOUSE, or BLACK-HOOD HOUSE, its members wearing black silk hoods. To have a vote in the Senate, the graduate must keep his name on the books of some college (which involves a small annual payment), or in the list of the _commorantes in villâ_.--_Webster. Cam. Cal. Lit. World_, Vol. XII. p. 283. 2. At Union College, the members of the Senior Class form what is called the Senate, a body organized after the manner of the Senate of the United States, for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the forms and practice of legislation. The members of the Junior Class compose the House of Representatives. The following account, showing in what manner the Senate is conducted, has been furnished by a member of Union College. "On the last Friday of the third term, the House of Representatives meet in their hall, and await their initiation to the Upper House. There soon appears a committee of three, who inform them by their chairman of the readiness of the Senate to receive them, and perhaps enlarge upon the importance of the coming trust, and the ability of the House to fill it. "When this has been done, the House, headed by the committee, proceed to the Senate Chamber (Senior Chapel), and are arranged by the committee around the President, the Senators (Seniors) meanwhile having taken the second floor. The President of the Senate then rises and delivers an appropriate address, informing them of their new dignities and the grave responsibilities of their station. At the conclusion of this they take their seats, and proceed to the election of officers, viz. a President, a Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer. The President must be a member of the Faculty, and is chosen for a term; the other officers are selected from the House, and continue in office but half a term. The first Vice-Presidency of the Senate is considered one of the highest honors conferred by the class, and great is the strife to obtain it. "The Senate meet again on the second Friday of the next term, when they receive the inaugural message of the President. He then divides them into seven districts, each district including the students residing in a Section, or Hall of College, except the seventh, which is filled by the students lodging in town. The Senate is also divided into a number of standing committees, as Law, Ethics, Political Economy. Business is referred to these committees, and reported on by them in the usual manner. The time of the Senate is principally occupied with the discussion of resolutions, in committee of the whole; and these discussions take the place of the usual Friday afternoon recitation. At Commencement the Senate have an orator of their own election, who must, however, have been a past or honorary member of their body. They also have a committee on the 'Commencement Card.'" On the same subject, another correspondent writes as follows:-- "The Senate is composed of the Senior Class, and is intended as a school of parliamentary usages. The officers are a President, Vice-President, and Secretary, who are chosen once a term. At the close of the second term, the Junior Class are admitted into the Senate. They are introduced by a committee of Senators, and are expected to remain standing and uncovered during the ceremony, the President and Senators being seated and covered. After a short address by the President, the old Senators leave the house, and the Juniors proceed to elect their officers for the third term. Dr. Thomas C. Reed who was the founder of the Senate, was always elected President during his connection with the College, but rarely took his place in the chamber except at the introduction of the Juniors. The Vice-President for the third term, who takes a part in the ceremonies of commencement, is considered to hold the highest honor of the class, and his election is attended with more excitement than any other in the College." See COMMENCEMENT CARD; HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SENATE-HOUSE. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the building in which the public business of the University, such as examinations, the passing of graces, and admission to degrees, is carried on.--_Cam. Guide_. SENATUS ACADEMICUS. At Trinity College, Hartford, the _Senatus Academicus_ consists of two houses, known as the CORPORATION and the HOUSE OF CONVOCATION, q.v.--_Calendar Trin. Coll._, 1850, p. 6. SENE. An abbreviation for Senior. Magnificent Juns, and lazy _Senes_. _Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. A rare young blade is the gallant _Sene_. _Ibid._, Nov. 1850. SENIOR. One in the fourth year of his collegiate course at an American college; originally called _Senior Sophister_. Also one in the third year of his course at a theological seminary.--_Webster_. See SOPHISTER. SENIOR. Noting the fourth year of the collegiate course in American colleges, or the third year in theological seminaries.--_Webster_. SENIOR BACHELOR. One who is in his third year after taking the degree of Bachelor of Arts. It is further explained by President Woolsey, in his Historical Discourse: "Bachelors were called Senior, Middle, or Junior Bachelors, according to the year since graduation and before taking the degree of Master."--p. 122. SENIOR CLASSIC. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the student who passes best in the voluntary examination in classics, which follows the last required examination in the Senate-House. No one stands a chance for _Senior Classic_ alongside of him.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 55. Two men who had been rivals all the way through school and through college were racing for _Senior Classic_.--_Ibid._, p. 253. SENIOR FELLOW. At Trinity College, Hartford, the Senior Fellow is a person chosen to attend the college examinations during the year. SENIOR FRESHMAN. The name of the second of the four classes into which undergraduates are divided at Trinity College, Dublin. SENIORITY. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the eight Senior Fellows and the Master of a college compose what is called the _Seniority_. Their decisions in all matters are generally conclusive. My duty now obliges me, however reluctantly, to bring you before the _Seniority_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 75. SENIOR OPTIME. Those who occupy the second rank in honors at the close of the final examination at the University of Cambridge, Eng., are denominated _Senior Optimes_. The Second Class, or that of _Senior Optimes_, is larger in number [than that of the Wranglers], usually exceeding forty, and sometimes reaching above sixty. This class contains a number of disappointments, many who expect to be Wranglers, and some who are generally expected to be.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 228. The word is frequently abbreviated. The Pembroker ... had the pleasant prospect of getting up all his mathematics for a place among the _Senior Ops._--_Ibid._, p. 158. He would get just questions enough to make him a low _Senior Op._ --_Ibid._, p. 222. SENIOR ORATION. "The custom of delivering _Senior Orations_," says a correspondent, "is, I think, confined to Washington and Jefferson Colleges in Pennsylvania. Each member of the Senior Class, taking them in alphabetical order, is required to deliver an oration before graduating, and on such nights as the Faculty may decide. The public are invited to attend, and the speaking is continued at appointed times, until each member of the Class has spoken." SENIOR SOPHISTER. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a student in the third year of his residence is called a Senior Soph or Sophister. 2. In some American colleges, a member of the Senior Class, i.e. of the fourth year, was formerly designated a Senior Sophister. See SOPHISTER. SENIOR WRANGLER. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the Senior Wrangler is the student who passes the best examination in the Senate-House, and by consequence holds the first place on the Mathematical Tripos. The only road to classical honors and their accompanying emoluments in the University, and virtually in all the Colleges, except Trinity, is through mathematical honors, all candidates for the Classical Tripos being obliged as a preliminary to obtain a place in that mathematical list which is headed by the _Senior Wrangler_ and tailed by the Wooden Spoon.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 34. SEQUESTER. To cause to retire or withdraw into obscurity. In the following passage it is used in the collegiate sense of _suspend_ or _rusticate_. Though they were adulti, they were corrected in the College, and _sequestered_, &c. for a time.--_Winthrop's Journal, by Savage_, Vol. II. p. 88. SERVITOR. In the University of Oxford, an undergraduate who is partly supported by the college funds. _Servitors_ formerly waited at table, but this is now dispensed with. The order similar to that of the _servitor_ was at Cambridge styled the order of _Sub-sizars_. This has been long extinct. The _sizar_ at Cambridge is at present nearly equivalent to the Oxford _servitor_.--_Gent. Mag._, 1787, p. 1146. _Brande_. "It ought to be known," observes De Quincey, "that the class of '_servitors_,' once a large body in Oxford, have gradually become practically extinct under the growing liberality of the age. They carried in their academic dress a mark of their inferiority; they waited at dinner on those of higher rank, and performed other menial services, humiliating to themselves, and latterly felt as no less humiliating to the general name and interests of learning."--_Life and Manners_, p. 272. A reference to the cruel custom of "hunting the servitor" is to be found in Sir John Hawkins's Life of Dr. Johnson, p. 12. SESSION. At some of the Southern and Western colleges of the United States, the time during which instruction is regularly given to the students; a term. The _session_ commences on the 1st of October, and continues without interruption until the 29th of June.--_Cat. of Univ. of Virginia_, 1851, p. 15. SEVENTY-EIGHTH PSALM. The recollections which cluster around this Psalm, so well known to all the Alumni of Harvard, are of the most pleasant nature. For more than a hundred years, it has been sung at the dinner given on Commencement day at Cambridge, and for more than a half-century to the tune of St. Martin's. Mr. Samuel Shapleigh, who graduated at Harvard College in the year 1789, and who was afterwards its Librarian, on the leaf of a hymn-book makes a memorandum in reference to this Psalm, to the effect that it has been sung at Cambridge on Commencement day "from _time immemorial_." The late Rev. Dr. John Pierce, a graduate of the class of 1793, referring to the same subject, remarks: "The Seventy-eighth Psalm, it is supposed, has, _from the foundation of the College_, been sung in the common version of the day." In a poem, entitled Education, delivered at Cambridge before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, by Mr. William Biglow, July 18th, 1799, speaking of the conduct and manners of the students, the author says:-- "Like pigs they eat, they drink an ocean dry, They steal like France, like Jacobins they lie, They raise the very Devil, when called to prayers, 'To sons transmit the same, and they again to theirs'"; and, in explanation of the last line, adds this note: "Alluding to the Psalm which is _always_ sung in Harvard Hall on Commencement day." In his account of some of the exercises attendant upon the Commencement at Harvard College in 1848, Professor Sidney Willard observes: "At the Commencement dinner the sitting is not of long duration; and we retired from table soon after the singing of the Psalm, which, with some variation in the version, has been sung on the same occasion from time immemorial."--_Memoirs of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. p. 65. But that we cannot take these accounts as correct in their full extent, appears from an entry in the MS. Diary of Chief Justice Sewall relating to a Commencement in 1685, which he closes with these words: "After Dinner ye 3d part of ye 103d Ps. was sung in ye Hall." In the year 1793, at the dinner on Commencement Day, the Rev. Joseph Willard, then President of the College, requested Mr. afterwards Dr. John Pierce, to set the tune to the Psalm; with which request having complied to the satisfaction of all present, he from that period until the time of his death, in 1849, performed this service, being absent only on one occasion. Those who have attended Commencement dinners during the latter part of this period cannot but associate with this hallowed Psalm the venerable appearance and the benevolent countenance of this excellent man. In presenting a list of the different versions in which this Psalm has been sung, it must not be supposed that entire correctness has been reached; the very scanty accounts which remain render this almost impossible, but from these, which on a question of greater importance might be considered hardly sufficient, it would appear that the following are the versions in which the sons of Harvard have been accustomed to sing the Psalm of the son of Jesse. 1.--_The New England Version_. "In 1639 there was an agreement amo. ye Magistrates and Ministers to set aside ye Psalms then printed at ye end of their Bibles, and sing one more congenial to their ideas of religion." Rev. Mr. Richard Mather of Dorchester, and Rev. Mr. Thomas Weld and Rev. Mr. John Eliot of Roxbury, were selected to make a metrical translation, to whom the Rev. Thomas Shepard of Cambridge gives the following metrical caution:-- "Ye Roxbury poets, keep clear of ye crime Of missing to give us very good rhyme, And you of Dorchester, your verses lengthen, But with the texts own words you will y'm strengthen." The version of this ministerial trio was printed in the year 1640, at Cambridge, and has the honor of being the first production of the North American press that rises to the dignity of _a book_. It was entitled, "The Psalms newly turned into Metre." A second edition was printed in 1647. "It was more to be commended, however," says Mr. Peirce, in his History of Harvard University, "for its fidelity to the text, than for the elegance of its versification, which, having been executed by persons of different tastes and talents, was not only very uncouth, but deficient in uniformity. President Dunster, who was an excellent Oriental scholar, and possessed the other requisite qualifications for the task, was employed to revise and polish it; and in two or three years, with the assistance of Mr. Richard Lyon, a young gentleman who was sent from England by Sir Henry Mildmay to attend his son, then a student in Harvard College, he produced a work, which, under the appellation of the 'Bay Psalm-Book,' was, for a long time, the received version in the New England congregations, was also used in many societies in England and Scotland, and passed through a great number of editions, both at home and abroad."--p. 14. The Seventy-eighth Psalm is thus rendered in the first edition:-- Give listning eare unto my law, Yee people that are mine, Unto the sayings of my mouth Doe yee your eare incline. My mouth I'le ope in parables, I'le speak hid things of old: Which we have heard, and knowne: and which Our fathers have us told. Them from their children wee'l not hide, To th' after age shewing The Lords prayses; his strength, and works Of his wondrous doing. In Jacob he a witnesse set, And put in Israell A law, which he our fathers charg'd They should their children tell: That th' age to come, and children which Are to be borne might know; That they might rise up and the same Unto their children show. That they upon the mighty God Their confidence might set: And Gods works and his commandment Might keep and not forget, And might not like their fathers be, A stiffe, stout race; a race That set not right their hearts: nor firme With God their spirit was. The Bay Psalm-Book underwent many changes in the various editions through which it passed, nor was this psalm left untouched, as will be seen by referring to the twenty-sixth edition, published in 1744, and to the edition of 1758, revised and corrected, with additions, by Mr. Thomas Prince. 2.--_Watts's Version_. The Psalms and Hymns of Dr. Isaac Watts were first published in this country by Dr. Franklin, in the year 1741. His version is as follows:-- Let children hear the mighty deeds Which God performed of old; Which in our younger years we saw, And which our fathers told. He bids us make his glories known, His works of power and grace, And we'll convey his wonders down Through every rising race. Our lips shall tell them to our sons, And they again to theirs, That generations yet unborn May teach them to their heirs. Thus shall they learn in God alone Their hope securely stands, That they may ne'er forget his works, But practise his commands; 3.--_Brady and Tate's Version_. In the year 1803, the Seventy-eighth Psalm was first printed on a small sheet and placed under every plate, which practice has since been always adopted. The version of that year was from Brady and Tate's collection, first published in London in 1698, and in this country about the year 1739. It was sung to the tune of St. Martin's in 1805, as appears from a memorandum in ink on the back of one of the sheets for that year, which reads, "Sung in the hall, Commencement Day, tune St. Martin's, 1805." From the statements of graduates of the last century, it seems that this had been the customary tune for some time previous to this year, and it is still retained as a precious legacy of the past. St. Martin's was composed by William Tans'ur in the year 1735. The following is the version of Brady and Tate:-- Hear, O my people; to my law Devout attention lend; Let the instruction of my mouth Deep in your hearts descend. My tongue, by inspiration taught, Shall parables unfold, Dark oracles, but understood, And owned for truths of old; Which we from sacred registers Of ancient times have known, And our forefathers' pious care To us has handed down. We will not hide them from our sons; Our offspring shall be taught The praises of the Lord, whose strength Has works of wonders wrought. For Jacob he this law ordained, This league with Israel made; With charge, to be from age to age, From race to race, conveyed, That generations yet to come Should to their unborn heirs Religiously transmit the same, And they again to theirs. To teach them that in God alone Their hope securely stands; That they should ne'er his works forget, But keep his just commands. 4.--_From Belknap's Collection_. This collection was first published by the Rev. Dr. Jeremy Belknap, at Boston, in 1795. The version of the Seventy-eighth Psalm is partly from that of Brady and Tate, and partly from Dr. Watts's, with a few slight variations. It succeeded the version of Brady and Tate about the year 1820, and is the one which is now used. The first three stanzas were written by Brady and Tate; the last three by Dr. Watts. It has of late been customary to omit the last stanza in singing and in printing. Give ear, ye children;[62] to my law Devout attention lend; Let the instructions[63] of my mouth Deep in your hearts descend. My tongue, by inspiration taught, Shall parables unfold; Dark oracles, but understood, And owned for truths of old; Which we from sacred registers Of ancient times have known, And our forefathers' pious care To us has handed down. Let children learn[64] the mighty deeds Which God performed of old; Which, in our younger years we saw, And which our fathers told. Our lips shall tell them to our sons, And they again to theirs; That generations yet unborn May teach them to their heirs. Thus shall they learn in God alone Their hope securely stands; That they may ne'er forget his works, But practise his commands. It has been supposed by some that the version of the Seventy-eighth Psalm by Sternhold and Hopkins, whose spiritual songs were usually printed, as appears above, "at ye end of their Bibles," was the first which was sung at Commencement dinners; but this does not seem at all probable, since the first Commencement at Cambridge did not take place until 1642, at which time the "Bay Psalm-Book," written by three of the most popular ministers of the day, had already been published two years. SHADY. Among students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., an epithet of depreciation, equivalent to MILD and SLOW.--_Bristed_. Some ... are rather _shady_ in Greek and Latin.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 147. My performances on the Latin verse paper were very _shady_.--_Ibid._, p. 191. SHARK. In student language, an absence from a recitation, a lecture, or from prayers, prompted by recklessness rather than by necessity, is called a _shark_. He who is absent under these circumstances is also known as a shark. The Monitors' task is now quite done, They 've pencilled all their marks, "Othello's occupation's gone,"-- No more look out for _sharks_. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 45. SHEEPSKIN. The parchment diploma received by students on taking their degree at college. "In the back settlements are many clergymen who have not had the advantages of a liberal education, and who consequently have no diplomas. Some of these look upon their more favored brethren with a little envy. A clergyman is said to have a _sheepskin_, or to be a _sheepskin_, when educated at college."--_Bartlett's Dict. of Americanisms_. This apostle of ourn never rubbed his back agin a college, nor toted about no _sheepskins_,--no, never!... How you'd a perished in your sins, if the first preachers had stayed till they got _sheepskins_.--_Carlton's New Purchase_. I can say as well as the best on them _sheepskins_, if you don't get religion and be saved, you'll be lost, teetotally and for ever.--(_Sermon of an Itinerant Preacher at a Camp Meeting_.)--_Ibid._ As for John Prescot, he not only lost the valedictory, but barely escaped with his "_sheepskin_."--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. X. p. 74. That handsome Senior ... receives his _sheepskin_ from the dispensing hand of our worthy Prex.--_Ibid._, Vol. XIX. p. 355. When first I saw a "_Sheepskin_," In Prex's hand I spied it. _Yale Coll. Song_. We came to college fresh and green,-- We go back home with a huge _sheepskin_. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 43. SHIN. To tease or hector a person by kicking his shins. In some colleges this is one of the means which the Sophomores adopt to torment the Freshmen, especially when playing at football, or other similar games. We have been _shinned_, smoked, ducked, and accelerated by the encouraging shouts of our generous friends.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. SHINE. At Harvard College this word was formerly used to designate a good recitation. Used in the phrase, "_to make a shine_." SHINNY. At Princeton College, the game of _Shinny_, known also by the names of _Hawky_ and _Hurly_, is as great a favorite with the students as is football at other colleges. "The players," says a correspondent, "are each furnished with a stick four or five feet in length and one and a half or two inches in diameter, curved at one end, the object of which is to give the ball a surer blow. The ball is about three inches in diameter, bound with thick leather. The players are divided into two parties, arranged along from one goal to the other. The ball is then '_bucked_' by two players, one from each side, which is done by one of these two taking the ball and asking his opponent which he will have, 'high or low'; if he says 'high,' the ball is thrown up midway between them; if he says 'low,' the ball is thrown on the ground. The game is opened by a scuffle between these two for the ball. The other players then join in, one party knocking towards North College, which is one 'home' (as it is termed), and the other towards the fence bounding the south side of the _Campus_, the other home. Whichever party first gets the ball home wins the game. A grand contest takes place annually between the Juniors and Sophomores, in this game." SHIP. Among collegians, one expelled from college is said to be _shipped_. For I, you know, am but a college minion, But still, you'll all be _shipped_, in my opinion, When brought before Conventus Facultatis. _Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. He may be overhauled, warned, admonished, dismissed, _shipped_, rusticated, sent off, suspended.--_Burlesque Catalogue_, _Yale Coll._, 1852-53, p. 25. SHIPWRECK. Among students, a total failure. His university course has been a _shipwreck_, and he will probably end by going out unnoticed among the [Greek: _polloi_].--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 56. SHORT-EAR. At Jefferson College, Penn., a soubriquet for a roistering, noisy fellow; a rowdy. Opposed to _long-ear_. SHORT TERM. At Oxford, Eng., the extreme duration of residence in any college is under thirty weeks. "It is possible to keep '_short terms_,' as the phrase is, by residence of thirteen weeks, or ninety-one days."--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 274. SIDE. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the set of pupils belonging to any one particular tutor is called his _side_. A longer discourse he will perhaps have to listen to with the rest of his _side_.--_Westminster Rev._, Am. ed., Vol. XXXV. p. 281. A large college has usually two tutors,--Trinity has three,--and the students are equally divided among them,--_on their sides_ the phrase is.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 11. SILVER CUP. At Trinity College, Hartford, this is a testimonial voted by each graduating class to the first legitimate boy whose father is a member of the class. At Yale College, a theory of this kind prevails, but it has never yet been carried into practice. I tell you what, my classmates, My mind it is made up, I'm coming back three years from this, To take that _silver cup_. I'll bring along the "requisite," A little white-haired lad, With "bib" and fixings all complete, And I shall be his "dad." _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854. See CLASS CUP. SIM. Abbreviated from _Simeonite_. A nickname given by the rowing men at the University of Cambridge, Eng., to evangelicals, and to all religious men, or even quiet men generally. While passing for a terribly hard reading man, and a "_Sim_" of the straitest kind with the "empty bottles,"... I was fast lapsing into a state of literary sensualism.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 39, 40. SIR. It was formerly the fashion in the older American colleges to call a Bachelor of Arts, Sir; this was sometimes done at the time when the Seniors were accepted for that degree. Voted, Sept. 5th, 1763, "that _Sir_ Sewall, B.A., be the Instructor in the Hebrew and other learned languages for three years."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 234. December, 1790. Some time in this month, _Sir_ Adams resigned the berth of Butler, and _Sir_ Samuel Shapleigh was chosen in his stead.--_MS. Journal, Harv. Coll._ Then succeeded Cliosophic Oration in Latin, by _Sir_ Meigs. Poetical Composition in English, by _Sir_ Barlow.--_Woolsey's Hist. Disc._, p. 121. The author resided in Cambridge after he graduated. In common with all who had received the degree of Bachelor of Arts and not that of Master of Arts, he was called "_Sir_," and known as "_Sir_ Seccomb." Some of the "_Sirs_" as well as undergraduates were arraigned before the college government.--_Father Abbey's Will_, Cambridge, Mass., 1854, p. 7. SITTING OF THE SOLSTICES. It was customary, in the early days of Harvard College, for the graduates of the year to attend in the recitation-room on Mondays and Tuesdays, for three weeks, during the month of June, subject to the examination of all who chose to visit them. This was called the _Sitting of the Solstices_, because it happened in midsummer, or at the time of the summer solstice. The time was also known as the _Weeks of Visitation_. SIZAR, SISAR, SIZER. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., a student of the third rank, or that next below that of a pensioner, who eats at the public table after the fellows, free of expense. It was formerly customary for _every fellow-commoner_ to have his _sizar_, to whom he allowed a certain portion of commons, or victuals and drink, weekly, but no money; and for this the sizar was obliged to do him certain services daily. A lower order of students were called _sub-sizars_. In reference to this class, we take the following from the Gentleman's Magazine, 1787, p. 1146. "At King's College, they were styled _hounds_. The situation of a sub-sizar being looked upon in so degrading a light probably occasioned the extinction of the order. But as the sub-sizars had certain assistances in return for their humiliating services, and as the poverty of parents stood in need of such assistances for their sons, some of the sizars undertook the same offices for the same advantages. The master's sizar, therefore, waited upon him for the sake of his commons, etc., as the sub-sizar had done; and the other sizars did the same office to the fellows for the advantage of the remains of their commons. Thus the term sub-sizar became forgotten, and the sizar was supposed to be the same as the _servitor_. But if a sizar did not choose to accept of these assistances upon such degrading terms, he dined in his own room, and was called a _proper sizar_. He wore the same gown as the others, and his tutorage, etc. was no higher; but there was nothing servile in his situation."--"Now, indeed, all (or almost all) the colleges in Cambridge have allowed the sizars every advantage of the remains of the fellows' commons, etc., though they have very liberally exempted them from every servile office." Another writer in the same periodical, 1795, p. 21, says: The sizar "is very much like the _scholars_ at Westminster, Eton, &c., who are on the _foundation_; and is, in a manner, the _half-boarder_ in private academies. The name was derived from the menial services in which he was occasionally engaged; being in former days compelled to transport the plates, dishes, _sizes_, and platters, to and from the tables of his superiors." A writer in the Encyclopædia Britannica, at the close of the article SIZAR, says of this class: "But though their education is thus obtained at a less expense, they are not now considered as a menial order; for sizars, pensioner-scholars, and even sometimes fellow-commoners, mix together with the utmost cordiality." "Sizars," says Bristed, "answer to the beneficiaries of American colleges. They receive pecuniary assistance from the college, and dine gratis after the fellows on the remains of their table. These 'remains' are very liberally construed, the sizar always having fresh vegetables, and frequently fresh tarts and puddings."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 14. SIZE. Food and drink from the buttery, aside from the regular dinner at commons. "A _size_" says Minsheu, "is a portion of bread or drinke, it is a farthing which schollers in Cambridge have at the buttery; it is noted with the letter S. as in Oxford with the letter Q. for halfe a farthing; and whereas they say in Oxford, to battle in the Buttery Booke, i.e. to set downe on their names what they take in bread, drinke, butter, cheese, &c.; so, in Cambridge, they say, to _size_, i.e. to set downe their quantum, i.e. how much they take on their name in the Buttery Booke." In the Poems of the Rev. Dr. Dodd, a _size_ of bread is described as "half a half-penny 'roll.'" Grose, also, in the Provincial Glossary, says "it signifies the half part of a halfpenny loaf, and comes from _scindo_, I cut." In the Encyclopædia Britannica is the following explanation of this term. "A _size_ of anything is the smallest quantity of that thing which can be thus bought" [i.e. by students in addition to their commons in the hall]; "two _sizes_, or a part of beef, being nearly equal to what a young person will eat of that dish to his dinner, and a _size_ of ale or beer being equal to half an English pint." It would seem, then, that formerly a _size_ was a small plateful of any eatable; the word now means anything had by students at dinner over and above the usual commons. Of its derivation Webster remarks, "Either contracted from _assize_, or from the Latin _scissus_. I take it to be from the former, and from the sense of setting, as we apply the word to the _assize_ of bread." This word was introduced into the older American colleges from Cambridge, England, and was used for many years, as was also the word _sizing_, with the same meaning. In 1750, the Corporation of Harvard College voted, "that the quantity of commons be as hath been usual, viz. two _sizes_ of bread in the morning; one pound of meat at dinner, with sufficient sauce [vegetables], and a half-pint of beer; and at night that a part pie be of the same quantity as usual, and also half a pint of beer; and that the supper messes be but of four parts, though the dinner messes be of six."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Coll._, Vol. II. p. 97. The students of that day, if we may judge from the accounts which we have of their poor commons, would have used far different words, in addressing the Faculty, from King Lear, who, speaking to his daughter Regan, says:-- "'T is not in thee To grudge my pleasures,... ... to scant my _sizes_." SIZE. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., to _size_ is to order any sort of victuals from the kitchens which the students may want in their rooms, or in addition to their commons in the hall, and for which they pay the cooks or butchers at the end of each quarter; a word corresponding to BATTEL at Oxford.--_Encyc. Brit._ In the Gentleman's Magazine, 1795, p. 21, a writer says: "At dinner, to _size_ is to order for yourself any little luxury that may chance to tempt you in addition to the general fare, for which you are expected to pay the cook at the end of the term." This word was formerly used in the older American colleges with the meaning given above, as will be seen by the following extracts from the laws of Harvard and Yale. "When they come into town after commons, they may be allowed to _size_ a meal at the kitchen."--_Laws of Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 39. "At the close of each quarter, the Butler shall make up his bill against each student, in which every article _sized_ or taken up by him at the Buttery shall be particularly charged."--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1811, p. 31. "As a college term," says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "it is of very considerable antiquity. In the comedy called 'The Return from Parnassus,' 1606, one of the character says, 'You that are one of the Devil's Fellow-Commoners; one that _sizeth_ the Devil's butteries,' &c. Again, in the same: 'Fidlers, I use to _size_ my music, or go on the score for it.'" _For_ is often used after the verb _size_, without changing the meaning of the expression. The tables of the Undergraduates, arranged according to their respective years, are supplied with abundance of plain joints, and vegetables, and beer and ale _ad libitum_, besides which, soup, pastry, and cheese can be "_sized for_," that is, brought in portions to individuals at an extra charge.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 19. _To size upon another_. To order extra food, and without permission charge it to another's account. If any one shall _size upon another_, he shall be fined a Shilling, and pay the Damage; and every Freshman sent [for victuals] must declare that he who sends him is the only Person to be charged.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1774, p. 10. SIZING. Extra food or drink ordered from the buttery; the act of ordering extra food or drink from the buttery. Dr. Holyoke, who graduated at Harvard College in 1746, says: "The breakfast was two _sizings_ of bread and a cue of beer." Judge Wingate, who graduated a little later, says: "We were allowed at dinner a cue of beer, which was a half-pint, and a _sizing_ of bread, which I cannot describe to you. It was quite sufficient for one dinner."--_Peirce's Hist. Harv. Univ._, p. 219. From more definite accounts it would seem that a sizing of biscuit was one biscuit, and a sizing of cracker, two crackers. A certain amount of food was allowed to each mess, and if any person wanted more than the allowance, it was the custom to tell the waiter to bring a sizing of whatever was wished, provided it was obtained from the commons kitchen; for this payment was made at the close of the term. A sizing of cheese was nearly an ounce, and a sizing of cider varied from a half-pint to a pint and a half. The Steward shall, at the close of every quarter, immediately fill up the columns of commons and _sizings_, and shall deliver the bill, &c.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 58. The Butler shall frequently inspect his book of _sizings_.--_Ibid._, p. 62. Whereas young scholars, to the dishonor of God, hinderance of their studies, and damage of their friends' estate, inconsiderately and intemperately are ready to abuse their liberty of _sizing_ besides their commons; therefore the Steward shall in no case permit any students whatever, under the degree of Masters of Arts, or Fellows, to expend or be provided for themselves or any townsmen any extraordinary commons, unless by the allowance of the President, &c., or in case of sickness.--Orders written 28th March, 1650.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 583. This term, together with the verb and noun _size_, which had been in use at Harvard and Yale Colleges since their foundation, has of late been little heard, and with the extinction of commons has, with the others, fallen wholly, and probably for ever, into disuse. The use of this word and its collaterals is still retained in the University of Cambridge, Eng. Along the wall you see two tables, which, though less carefully provided than the Fellows', are still served with tolerable decency, and go through a regular second course instead of the "_sizings_."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 20. SIZING PARTY. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., where this term is used, a "_sizing party_" says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, "differs from a supper in this; viz. at a sizing party every one of the guests contributes his _part_, i.e. orders what he pleases, at his own expense, to his friend's rooms,--'a _part_ of fowl' or duck; a roasted pigeon; 'a _part_ of apple pie.' A sober beaker of brandy, or rum, or hollands and water, concludes the entertainment. In our days, a bowl of bishop, or milk punch, with a chant, generally winds up the carousal." SKIN. At Yale College, to obtain a knowledge of a lesson by hearing it read by another; also, to borrow another's ideas and present them as one's own; to plagiarize; to become possessed of information in an examination or a recitation by unfair or secret means. "In our examinations," says a correspondent, "many of the fellows cover the palms of their hands with dates, and when called upon for a given date, they read it off directly from their hands. Such persons _skin_." The tutor employs the crescent when it is evident that the lesson has been _skinned_, according to the college vocabulary, in which case he usually puts a minus sign after it, with the mark which he in all probability would have used had not the lesson been _skinned_.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 1846. Never _skin_ a lesson which it requires any ability to learn.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 81. He has passively admitted what he has _skinned_ from other grammarians.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 1846. Perhaps the youth who so barefacedly _skinned_ the song referred to, fondly fancied, &c.--_The Tomahawk_, Nov. 1849. He uttered that remarkable prophecy which Horace has so boldly _skinned_ and called his own.--_Burial of Euclid_, Nov. 1850. A Pewter medal is awarded in the Senior Class, for the most remarkable example of _skinned_ Composition.--_Burlesque Catalogue, Yale Coll._, 1852-53, p. 29. Classical men were continually tempted to "_skin_" (copy) the solutions of these examples.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 381. _To skin ahead_; at Hamilton College, to read a lesson over in the class immediately before reciting. SKIN. A lesson learned by hearing it read by another; borrowed ideas; anything plagiarized. 'T was plenty of _skin_ with a good deal of Bohn.[65] _Songs, Biennial Jubilee, Yale Coll._, 1855. SKINNING. Learning, or the act of learning, a lesson by hearing it read by another; plagiarizing. Alas for our beloved orations! acquired by _skinning_, looking on, and ponies.--_Yale Banger_, Oct. 1848. Barefaced copying from books and reviews in their compositions is familiar to our students, as much so as "_skinning_" their mathematical examples.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 394. SKUNK. At Princeton College, to fail to pay a debt; used actively; e.g. to _skunk_ a tailor, i.e. not to pay him. SLANG. To scold, chide, rebuke. The use of this word as a verb is in a measure peculiar to students. These drones are posted separately as "not worthy to be classed," and privately _slanged_ afterwards by the Master and Seniors.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 74. "I am afraid of going to T------," you may hear it said; "he don't _slang_ his men enough."--_Ibid._, p. 148. His vanity is sure to be speedily checked, and first of all by his private tutor, who "_slangs_" him for a mistake here or an inelegancy there.--_Ibid._, p. 388. SLANGING. Abusing, chiding, blaming. As he was not backward in _slanging_,--one of the requisites of a good coach,--he would give it to my unfortunate composition right and left.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 166. SLEEPING OVER. A phrase equivalent to being absent from prayers. You may see some who have just arisen from their beds, where they have enjoyed the luxury of "_sleeping over_."--_Harv. Reg._, p. 202. SLOW. An epithet of depreciation, especially among students. Its equivalent slang is to be found in the phrases, "no great shakes," and "small potatoes."--_Bristed_. One very well disposed and very tipsy man who was great upon boats, but very _slow_ at books, endeavored to pacify me.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 82. The Juniors vainly attempted to show That Sophs and Seniors were somewhat _slow_ In talent and ability. _Sophomore Independent, Union College_, Nov. 1854. SLOW-COACH. A dull, stupid fellow. SLUM. A word once in use at Yale College, of which a graduate of the year 1821 has given the annexed explanation. "That noted dish to which our predecessors, of I know not what date, gave the name of _slum_, which was our ordinary breakfast, consisting of the remains of yesterday's boiled salt-beef and potatoes, hashed up, and indurated in a frying-pan, was of itself enough to have produced any amount of dyspepsia. There are stomachs, it may be, which can put up with any sort of food, and any mode of cookery; but they are not those of students. I remember an anecdote which President Day gave us (as an instance of hasty generalization), which would not be inappropriate here: 'A young physician, commencing practice, determined to keep an account of each case he had to do with, stating the mode of treatment and the result. His first patient was a blacksmith, sick of a fever. After the crisis of the disease had passed, the man expressed a hankering for pork and cabbage. The doctor humored him in this, and it seemed to do him good; which was duly noted in the record. Next a tailor sent for him, whom he found suffering from the same malady. To him he _prescribed_ pork and cabbage; and the patient died. Whereupon, he wrote it down as a general law in such cases, that pork and cabbage will cure a blacksmith, but will kill a tailor.' Now, though the son of Vulcan found the pork and cabbage harmless, I am sure that _slum_ would have been a match for him."--_Scenes and Characters at College_, New Haven, 1847, p. 117. SLUMP. German _schlump_; Danish and Swedish _slump_, a hap or chance, an accident; that is, a fall. At Harvard College, a poor recitation. SLUMP. At Harvard College, to recite badly; to make a poor recitation. In fact, he'd rather dead than dig; he'd rather _slump_ than squirt. _Poem before the Y.H. of Harv. Coll._, 1849. _Slumping_ is his usual custom, Deading is his road to fame.--_MS. Poem_. At recitations, unprepared, he _slumps_, Then cuts a week, and feigns he has the mumps. _MS. Poem_, by F.E. Felton. The usual signification of this word is given by Webster, as follows: "To fall or sink suddenly into water or mud, when walking on a hard surface, as on ice or frozen ground, not strong enough to bear the person." To which he adds: "This legitimate word is in common and respectable use in New England, and its signification is so appropriate, that no other word will supply its place." From this meaning, the transfer is, by analogy, very easy and natural, and the application very correct, to a poor recitation. SMALL-COLLEGE. The name by which an inferior college in the English universities is known. A "_Small-College_" man was Senior Wrangler.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 61. SMALL-COLLEGER. A member of a Small-College. The two Latin prizes and the English poem [were carried off] by a _Small-Colleger_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 113. The idea of a _Small-Colleger_ beating all Trinity was deemed preposterous.--_Ibid._, p. 127. SMALLS, or SMALL-GO. At the University of Oxford, an examination in the second year. See LITTLE-GO; PREVIOUS EXAMINATION. At the _Smalls_, as the previous Examination is here called, each examiner sends in his Greek and Latin book.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 139. It follows that the _Smalls_ is a more formidable examination than the Little-Go.--_Ibid._, p. 139. SMASH. At the Wesleyan University, a total failure in reciting is called a _smash_. SMILE. A small quantity of any spirituous liquor, or enough to give one a pleasant feeling. Hast ta'en a "_smile_" at Brigham's. _Poem before the Iadma_, 1850, p. 7. SMOKE. In some colleges, one of the means made use of by the Sophomores to trouble the Freshmen is to blow smoke into their rooms until they are compelled to leave, or, in other words, until they are _smoked out_. When assafoetida is mingled with the tobacco, the sensation which ensues, as the foul effluvium is gently wafted through the keyhole, is anything but pleasing to the olfactory nerves. Or when, in conclave met, the unpitying wights _Smoke_ the young trembler into "College rights": O spare my tender youth! he, suppliant, cries, In vain, in vain; redoubled clouds arise, While the big tears adown his visage roll, Caused by the smoke, and sorrow of his soul. _College Life, by J.C. Richmond_, p. 4. They would lock me in if I left my key outside, _smoke me out_, duck me, &c.--_Sketches of Williams College_, p. 74. I would not have you sacrifice all these advantages for the sake _of smoking_ future Freshmen.--_Burial of Euclid_, 1850, p. 10. A correspondent from the University of Vermont gives the following account of a practical joke, which we do not suppose is very often played in all its parts. "They 'train' Freshmen in various ways; the most _classic_ is to take a pumpkin, cut a piece from the top, clean it, put in two pounds of 'fine cut,' put it on the Freshman's table, and then, all standing round with long pipe-stems, blow into it the fire placed in the _tobac_, and so fill the room with smoke, then put the Freshman to bed, with the pumpkin for a nightcap." SMOUGE. At Hamilton College, to obtain without leave. SMUT. Vulgar, obscene conversation. Language which obtains "Where Bacchus ruleth all that's done, And Venus all that's said." SMUTTY. Possessing the qualities of obscene conversation. Applied also to the person who uses such conversation. SNOB. In the English universities, a townsman, as opposed to a student; or a blackguard, as opposed to a gentleman; a loafer generally.--_Bristed_. They charged the _Snobs_ against their will, And shouted clear and lustily. _Gradus ad Cantab_, p. 69. Used in the same sense at some American colleges. 2. A mean or vulgar person; particularly, one who apes gentility. --_Halliwell_. Used both in England and the United States, "and recently," says Webster, "introduced into books as a term of derision." SNOBBESS. In the English universities, a female _snob_. Effeminacies like these, induced, no doubt, by the flattering admiration of the fair _snobbesses_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 116. SNOBBISH. Belonging to or resembling a _snob_. SNOBBY. Low; vulgar; resembling or pertaining to a _snob_. SNUB. To reprimand; check; rebuke. Used among students, more frequently than by any other class of persons. SOPH. In the University of Cambridge, England, an abbreviation of SOPHISTER.--_Webster_. On this word, Crabb, in his _Technological Dictionary_, says: "A certain distinction or title which undergraduates in the University at Oxford assume, previous to their examination for a degree. It took its rise in the exercises which students formerly had to go through, but which are now out of use." Three College _Sophs_, and three pert Templars came, The same their talents, and their tastes the same. _Pope's Dunciad_, B. II. v. 389, 390. 2. In the American colleges, an abbreviation of Sophomore. _Sophs_ wha ha' in Commons fed! _Sophs_ wha ha' in Commons bled! _Sophs_ wha ne'er from Commons fled! Puddings, steaks, or wines! _Rebelliad_, p. 52. The _Sophs_ did nothing all the first fortnight but torment the Fresh, as they call us.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 76. The _Sophs_ were victorious at every point.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. My Chum, a _Soph_, says he committed himself too soon.--_The Dartmouth_, Vol. IV. p. 118. SOPHIC. A contraction of sophomoric. So then the _Sophic_ army Came on in warlike glee. _The Battle of the Ball_, 1853. SOPHIMORE. The old manner of spelling what is now known as SOPHOMORE. The President may give Leave for the _Sophimores_ to take out some particular Books.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1774, p. 23. His favorite researches, however, are discernible in his observations on a comet, which appeared in the beginning of his _Sophimore_ year.--_Holmes's Life of Ezra Stiles_, p. 13. I aver thou hast never been a corporal in the militia, or a _sophimore_ at college.--_The Algerine Captive_, Walpole, 1797, Vol. I. p. 68. SOPHISH GOWN. Among certain gownsmen, a gown that bears the marks of much service; "a thing of shreds and patches."--_Gradus ad Cantab._ SOPHIST. A name given to the undergraduates at Cambridge, England. --_Crabb's Tech. Dict._ SOPHISTER. Greek, [Greek: sophistaes]. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the title of students who are advanced beyond the first year of their residence. The entire course at the University consists of three years and one term, during which the students have the titles of First-Year Men, or Freshmen; Second-Year Men, or Junior Sophs or Sophisters; Third-Year Men, or Senior Sophs or Sophisters; and, in the last term, Questionists, with reference to the approaching examination. In the older American colleges, the Junior and Senior Classes were originally called Junior Sophisters and Senior Sophisters. The term is also used at Oxford and Dublin. --_Webster_. And in case any of the _Sophisters_ fail in the premises required at their hands, &c.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 518. SOPHOMORE. One belonging to the second of the four classes in an American college. Professor Goodrich, in his unabridged edition of Dr. Webster's Dictionary, gives the following interesting account of this word. "This word has generally been considered as an 'American barbarism,' but was probably introduced into our country, at a very early period, from the University of Cambridge, Eng. Among the cant terms at that University, as given in the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, we find _Soph-Mor_ as 'the next distinctive appellation to Freshman.' It is added, that 'a writer in the Gentlemen's Magazine thinks _mor_ an abbreviation of the Greek [Greek: moria], introduced at a time when the _Encomium Moriæ_, the Praise of Folly, by Erasmus, was so generally used.' The ordinary derivation of the word, from [Greek: sofos] and [Greek: moros] would seem, therefore, to be incorrect. The younger Sophs at Cambridge appear, formerly, to have received the adjunct _mor_ ([Greek: moros]) to their names, either as one which they courted for the reason mentioned above, or as one given them in sport, for the supposed exhibition of inflated feeling in entering on their new honors. The term, thus applied, seems to have passed, at a very early period, from Cambridge in England to Cambridge in America, as 'the next distinctive appellation to Freshman,' and thus to have been attached to the second of the four classes in our American colleges; while it has now almost ceased to be known, even as a cant word, at the parent institution in England whence it came. This derivation of the word is rendered more probable by the fact, that the early spelling was, to a great extent at least, Soph_i_more, as appears from the manuscripts of President Stiles of Yale College, and the records of Harvard College down to the period of the American Revolution. This would be perfectly natural if _Soph_ or _Sophister_ was considered as the basis of the word, but can hardly be explained if the ordinary derivation had then been regarded as the true one." Some further remarks on this word may be found in the Gentleman's Magazine, above referred to, 1795, Vol. LXV. p. 818. SOPHOMORE COMMENCEMENT. At Princeton College, it has long been the custom for the Sophomore Class, near the time of the Commencement at the close of the Senior year, to hold a Commencement in imitation of it, at which burlesque and other exercises, appropriate to the occasion, are performed. The speakers chosen are a Salutatorian, a Poet, an Historian, who reads an account of the doings of the Class up to that period, a Valedictorian, &c., &c. A band of music is always in attendance. After the addresses, the Class partake of a supper, which is usually prolonged to a very late hour. In imitation of the Sophomore Commencement, _Burlesque Bills_, as they are called, are prepared and published by the Juniors, in which, in a long and formal programme, such subjects and speeches are attributed to the members of the Sophomore Class as are calculated to expose their weak points. SOPHOMORIC, SOPHOMORICAL. Pertaining to or like a Sophomore. Better to face the prowling panther's path, Than meet the storm of _Sophomoric_ wrath. _Harvardiana_, Vol. IV. p. 22. We trust he will add by his example no significancy to that pithy word, "_Sophomoric_."--_Sketches of Williams Coll._, p. 63. Another meaning, derived, it would appear, from the characteristics of the Sophomore, yet not very creditable to him, is _bombastic, inflated in style or manner_.--_J.C. Calhoun_. Students are looked upon as being necessarily _Sophomorical_ in literary matters.--_Williams Quarterly_, Vol. II. p. 84. The Professor told me it was rather _Sophomorical_.--_Sketches of Williams Coll._, p. 74. SOPHRONISCUS. At Yale College, this name is given to Arnold's Greek Prose Composition, from the fact of its repeated occurrence in that work. _Sophroniscum_ relinquemus; Et Euclidem comburemus, Ejus vi soluti. _Pow-wow of Class of '58, Yale Coll._ See BALBUS. SPIRT. Among the students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., an extraordinary effort of mind or body for a short time. A boat's crew _make a spirt_, when they pull fifty yards with all the strength they have left. A reading-man _makes_ _a spirt_ when he crams twelve hours daily the week before examination.--_Bristed_. As my ... health was decidedly improving, I now attempted a "_spirt_," or what was one for me.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 223. My amateur Mathematical coach, who was now making his last _spirt_ for a Fellowship, used to accompany me.--_Ibid._, p. 288. He reads nine hours a day on a "_spirt_" the fortnight before examination.--_Ibid._, p. 327. SPIRTING. Making an extraordinary effort of mind or body for a short time.--_Bristed_. Ants, bees, boat-crews _spirting_ at the Willows,... are but faint types of their activity.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 224. SPLURGE. In many colleges, when one is either dashy, or dressed more than ordinarily, he is said to _cut a splurge_. A showy recitation is often called by the same name. In his Dictionary of Americanisms, Mr. Bartlett defines it, "a great effort, a demonstration," which is the signification in which this word is generally used. SPLURGY. Showy; of greater surface than depth. Applied to a lesson which is well rehearsed but little appreciated. Also to literary efforts of a certain nature, to character, persons, &c. They even pronounce his speeches _splurgy_.--_Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. SPOON. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the last of each class of the honors is humorously denominated _The Spoon_. Thus, the last Wrangler is called the Golden Spoon; the last Senior Optime, the Silver Spoon; and the last Junior Optime, the Wooden Spoon. The Wooden Spoon, however, is _par excellence_, "The Spoon."--_Gradus ad Cantab._ See WOODEN SPOON. SPOON, SPOONY, SPOONEY. A man who has been drinking till he becomes disgusting by his very ridiculous behavior, is said to be _spoony_ drunk; and hence it is usual to call a very prating, shallow fellow a rank _spoon_.--_Grose_. Mr. Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, says:--"We use the word only in the latter sense. The Hon. Mr. Preston, in his remarks on the Mexican war, thus quotes from Tom Crib's remonstrance against the meanness of a transaction, similar to our cries for more vigorous blows on Mexico when she is prostrate: "'Look down upon Ben,--see him, _dunghill_ all o'er, Insult the fallen foe that can harm him no more. Out, cowardly _spooney_! Again and again, By the fist of my father, I blush for thee, Ben.' "Ay, you will see all the _spooneys_ that ran, like so many _dunghill_ champions, from 54 40, stand by the President for the vigorous prosecution of the war upon the body of a prostrate foe." --_N.Y. Tribune_, 1847. Now that year it so happened that the spoon was no _spooney_.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 218. Not a few of this party were deluded into a belief, that all studious and quiet men were slow, all men of proper self-respect exclusives, and all men of courtesy and good-breeding _spoonies_. --_Collegian's Guide_, p. 118. Suppose that rustication was the fate of a few others of our acquaintance, whom you cannot call slow, or _spoonies_ either, would it be deemed no disgrace by them?--_Ibid._, p. 196. When _spoonys_ on two knees, implore the aid of sorcery, To suit their wicked purposes they quickly put the laws awry. _Rejected Addresses_, Am. ed., p. 154. They belong to the class of elderly "_spoons_," with some few exceptions, and are nettled that the world should not go at their rate of progression.--_Boston Daily Times_, May 8, 1851. SPOONY, SPOONEY. Like a _spoon_; possessing the qualities of a silly or stupid fellow. I shall escape from this beautiful critter, for I'm gettin' _spooney_, and shall talk silly presently.--_Sam Slick_. Both the adjective and the noun _spooney_ are in constant and frequent use at some of the American colleges, and are generally applied to one who is disliked either for his bad qualities or for his ill-breeding, usually accompanied with the idea of weakness. He sprees, is caught, rusticates, returns next year, mingles with feminines, and is consequently degraded into the _spooney_ Junior. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 208. A "bowl" was the happy conveyance. Perhaps this was chosen because the voyagers were _spooney_.--_Yale Banger_, Nov. 1849. SPOOPS, SPOOPSY. At Harvard College, a weak, silly fellow, or one who is disliked on account of his foolish actions, is called a _spoops_, or _spoopsy_. The meaning is nearly the same as that of _spoony_. SPOOPSY. Foolish; silly. Applied either to a person or thing. Seniors always try to be dignified. The term "_spoopsey_" in its widest signification applies admirably to them.--_Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. SPORT. To exhibit or bring out in public; as, to _sport_ a new equipage.--_Grose_. This word was in great vogue in England in the year 1783 and 1784; but is now sacred to men of _fashion_, both in England and America. With regard to the word _sport_, they [the Cantabrigians] _sported_ knowing, and they _sported_ ignorant,--they _sported_ an Ægrotat, and they _sported_ a new coat,--they _sported_ an Exeat, they _sported_ a Dormiat, &c.--_Gent. Mag._, 1794, p. 1085. I'm going to serve my country, And _sport_ a pretty wife. _Presentation Day Songs_, June 14, 1854, Yale Coll. To _sport oak_, or a door, is to fasten a door for safety or convenience. If you call on a man and his door is _sported_, signifying that he is out or busy, it is customary to pop your card through the little slit made for that purpose.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 336. Some few constantly turn the keys of their churlish doors, and others, from time to time, "_sport oak_."--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 268. SPORTING-DOOR. At the English universities, the name given to the outer door of a student's room, which can be _sported_ or fastened to prevent intrusion. Their impregnable _sporting-doors_, that defy alike the hostile dun and the too friendly "fast man."--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 3. SPREAD. A feast of a more humble description than a GAUDY. Used at Cambridge, England. This puts him in high spirits again, and he gives a large _spread_, and gets drunk on the strength of it.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 129. He sits down with all of them, about forty or fifty, to a most glorious _spread_, ordered from the college cook, to be served up in the most swell style possible.--_Ibid._, p. 129. SPROUT. Any _branch_ of education is in student phrase a _sprout_. This peculiar use of the word is said to have originated at Yale. SPRUNG. The positive, of which _tight_ is the comparative, and _drunk_ the superlative. "One swallow makes not spring," the poet sung, But many swallows make the fast man _sprung_. _MS. Poem_, by F.E. Felton. See TIGHT. SPY. In some of the American colleges, it is a prevailing opinion among the students, that certain members of the different classes are encouraged by the Faculty to report what they have seen or ascertained in the conduct of their classmates, contrary to the laws of the college. Many are stigmatized as _spies_ very unjustly, and seldom with any sufficient reason. SQUIRT. At Harvard College, a showy recitation is denominated a _squirt_; the ease and quickness with which the words flow from the mouth being analogous to the ease and quickness which attend the sudden ejection of a stream of water from a pipe. Such a recitation being generally perfect, the word _squirt_ is very often used to convey that idea. Perhaps there is not, in the whole vocabulary of college cant terms, one more expressive than this, or that so easily conveys its meaning merely by its sound. It is mostly used colloquially. 2. A foppish young fellow; a whipper-snapper.--_Bartlett_. If they won't keep company with _squirts_ and dandies, who's going to make a monkey of himself?--_Maj. Jones's Courtship_, p. 160. SQUIRT. To make a showy recitation. He'd rather slump than _squirt_. _Poem before Y.H._, p. 9. Webster has this word with the meaning, "to throw out words, to let fly," and marks it as out of use. SQUIRTINESS. The quality of being showy. SQUIRTISH. Showy; dandified. It's my opinion that these slicked up _squirtish_ kind a fellars ain't particular hard baked, and they always goes in for aristocracy notions.--_Robb, Squatter Life_, p. 73. SQUIRTY. Showy; fond of display; gaudy. Applied to an oration which is full of bombast and grandiloquence; to a foppish fellow; to an apartment gayly adorned, &c. And should they "scrape" in prayers, because they are long And rather "_squirty_" at times. _Childe Harvard_, p. 58. STAMMBOOK. German. A remembrance-book; an album. Among the German students stammbooks were kept formerly, as commonly as autograph-books now are among American students. But do procure me the favor of thy Rapunzel writing something in my _Stammbook_.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 242. STANDING. Academical age, or rank. Of what _standing_ are you? I am a Senior Soph.--_Gradus ad Cantab._ Her mother told me all about your love, And asked me of your prospects and your _standing_. _Collegian_, 1830, p. 267. _To stand for an honor_; i.e. to offer one's self as a candidate for an honor. STAR. In triennial catalogues a star designates those who have died. This sign was first used with this signification by Mather, in his Magnalia, in a list prepared by him of the graduates of Harvard College, with a fanciful allusion, it is supposed, to the abode of those thus marked. Our tale shall be told by a silent _star_, On the page of some future Triennial. _Poem before Class of 1849, Harv. Coll._, p. 4. We had only to look still further back to find the _stars_ clustering more closely, indicating the rapid flight of the spirits of short-lived tenants of earth to another sphere.--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. II. p. 66. STAR. To mark a star opposite the name of a person, signifying that he is dead. Six of the sixteen Presidents of our University have been inaugurated in this place; and the oldest living graduate, the Hon. Paine Wingate of Stratham, New Hampshire, who stands on the Catalogue a lonely survivor amidst the _starred_ names of the dead, took his degree within these walls.--_A Sermon on leaving the Old Meeting-house in Cambridge_, by Rev. William Newell, Dec. 1, 1833, p. 22. Among those fathers were the venerable remnants of classes that are _starred_ to the last two or three, or it may be to the last one.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 6. STATEMENT OF FACTS. At Yale College, a name given to a public meeting called for the purpose of setting forth the respective merits of the two great societies in that institution, viz. "Linonia" and "The Brothers in Unity." There are six orators, three from Linonia and three from the Brothers,--a Senior, a Junior, and the President of each society. The Freshmen are invited by handsomely printed cards to attend the meeting, and they also have the best seats reserved for them, and are treated with the most intense politeness. As now conducted, the _Statement of Facts_ is any thing rather than what is implied by the name. It is simply an opportunity for the display of speaking talent, in which wit and sarcasm are considered of far greater importance than truth. The Freshmen are rarely swayed to either side. In nine cases out of ten they have already chosen their society, and attend the statement merely from a love of novelty and fun. The custom grew up about the year 1830, after the practice of dividing the students alphabetically between the two societies had fallen into disuse. Like all similar customs, the Statement of Facts has reached its present college importance by gradual growth. At first the societies met in a small room of the College, and the statements did really consist of the facts in the case. Now the exercises take place in a public hall, and form a kind of intellectual tournament, where each society, in the presence of a large audience, strives to get the advantage of the other. From a newspaper account of the observance of this literary festival during the present year, the annexed extract is taken. "For some years, students, as they have entered College, have been permitted to choose the society with which they would connect themselves, instead of being alphabetically allotted to one of the two. This method has made the two societies earnest rivals, and the accession of each class to College creates an earnest struggle to see which shall secure the greater number of members. The electioneering campaign, as it is termed, begins when the students come to be examined for admission to College, that is, about the time of the Commencement, and continues through a week or two of the first term of the next year. Each society, of course, puts forth the most determined efforts to conquer. It selects the most prominent and popular men of the Senior Class as President, and arrangements are so made that a Freshman no sooner enters town than he finds himself unexpectedly surrounded by hosts of friends, willing to do anything for him, and especially instruct him in his duty with reference to the selection of societies. For the benefit of those who do not yield to this private electioneering, this Statement of Facts is made. It amounts, however, to little more than a 'good time,' as there are very few who wait to be influenced by 'facts' they know will be so distorted. The advocates of each society feel bound, of course, to present its affairs in the most favorable aspect. Disputants are selected, generally with regard to their ability as speakers, one from the Junior and one from the Senior Class. The Presidents of each society also take part."--_N.Y. Daily Times_, Sept. 22, 1855. As an illustration of the eloquence and ability which is often displayed on these occasions, the following passages have been selected from the address of John M. Holmes of Chicago, Ill., the Junior orator in behalf of the Brothers in Unity at the Statement of Facts held September 20th, 1855. "Time forbids me to speak at length of the illustrious alumni of the Brothers; of Professor Thatcher, the favorite of college,--of Professor Silliman, the Nestor of American literati,--of the revered head of this institution, President Woolsey, first President of the Brothers in 1820,--of Professor Andrews, the author of the best dictionary of the Latin language,--of such divines as Dwight and Murdock,--of Bacon and Bushnell, the pride of New England,--or of the great names of Clayton, Badger, Calhoun, Ellsworth, and John Davis,--all of whom were nurtured and disciplined in the halls of the Brothers, and there received the Achillean baptism that made their lives invulnerable. But perhaps I err in claiming such men as the peculium of the Brothers,--they are the common heritage of the human race. 'Such names as theirs are pilgrim shrines, Shrines to no code nor creed confined, The Delphian vales, the Palestines, The Meccas of the mind.' "But there are other names which to overlook would be worse than negligence,--it would be ingratitude unworthy of a son of Yale. "At the head of that glorious host stands the venerable form of Joel Barlow, who, in addition to his various civil and literary distinctions, was the father of American poetry. There too is the intellectual brow of Webster, not indeed the great defender of the Constitution, but that other Webster, who spent his life in the perpetuation of that language in which the Constitution is embalmed, and whose memory will be coeval with that language to the latest syllable of recorded time. Beside Webster on the historic canvas appears the form of the only Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States that ever graduated at this College,--Chief Justice Baldwin, of the class of 1797. Next to him is his classmate, a patriarchal old man who still lives to bless the associations of his youth,--who has consecrated the noblest talents to the noblest earthly purposes,--the pioneer of Western education,--the apostle of Temperance,--the life-long teacher of immortality,--and who is the father of an illustrious family whose genius has magnetized all Christendom. His classmate is Lyman Beecher. But a year ago in the neighboring city of Hartford there was a monument erected to another Brother in Unity,--the philanthropist who first introduced into this country the system of instructing deaf mutes. More than a thousand unfortunates bowed around his grave. And although there was no audible voice of eulogy or thankfulness, yet there were many tears. And grateful thoughts went up to heaven in silent benediction for him who had unchained their faculties, and given them the priceless treasures of intellectual and social communion. Thomas H. Gallaudet was a Brother in Unity. "And he who has been truly called the most learned of poets and the most poetical of learned men,--whose ascent to the heaven of song has been like the pathway of his own broad sweeping eagle,--J.G. Percival,--is a Brother in Unity. And what shall I say of Morse? Of Morse, the wonder-worker, the world-girdler, the space-destroyer, the author of the noblest invention whose glory was ever concentrated in a single man, who has realized the fabulous prerogative of Olympian Jove, and by the instantaneous intercommunication of thought has accomplished the work of ages in binding together the whole civilized world into one great Brotherhood in Unity? "Gentlemen, these are the men who wait to welcome you to the blessings of our society. There they stand, like the majestic statues that line the entrance to an eternal pyramid. And when I look upon one statue, and another, and another, and contemplate the colossal greatness of their proportions, as Canova gazed with rapture upon the sun-god of the Vatican, I envy not the man whose heart expands not with the sense of a new nobility, and whose eye kindles not with the heart's enthusiasm, as he thinks that he too is numbered among that glorious company,--that he too is sprung from that royal ancestry. And who asks for a richer heritage, or a more enduring epitaph, than that he too is a Brother in Unity?" S.T.B. _Sanctæ Theologiæ Baccalaureus_, Bachelor in Theology. See B.D. S.T.D. _Sanctæ Theologiæ Doctor_. Doctor in Theology. See D.D. STEWARD. In colleges, an officer who provides food for the students, and superintends the kitchen.--_Webster_. In American colleges, the labors of the steward are at present more extended, and not so servile, as set forth in the above definition. To him is usually assigned the duty of making out the term-bills and receiving the money thereon; of superintending the college edifices with respect to repairs, &c.; of engaging proper servants in the employ of the college; and of performing such other services as are declared by the faculty of the college to be within his province. STICK. In college phrase, _to stick_, or _to get stuck_, is to be unable to proceed, either in a recitation, declamation, or any other exercise. An instructor is said to _stick_ a student, when he asks a question which the student is unable to answer. But he has not yet discovered, probably, that he ... that "_sticks_" in Greek, and cannot tell, by demonstration of his own, whether the three angles of a triangle are equal to two, or four, ... can nevertheless drawl out the word Fresh, &c.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 30. S.T.P. _Sanctæ Theologiæ Professor_. Professor in Theology. A degree of similar import to S.T.D., and D.D. STUDENT. A person engaged in study; one who is devoted to learning, either in a seminary or in private; a scholar; as, the _students_ of an academy, of a college or university; a medical _student_; a law _student_. 2. A man devoted to books; a bookish man; as, a hard _student_; a close _student_.--_Webster_. 3. At Oxford, this word is used to designate one who stands upon the foundation of the college to which he belongs, and is an aspirant for academic emoluments.--_De Quincey_. 4. In German universities, by _student_ is understood "one who has by matriculation acquired the rights of academical citizenship."--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 27. STUDY. A building or an apartment devoted to study or to literary employment.--_Webster_. In some of the older American colleges, it was formerly the custom to partition off, in each chamber, two small rooms, where the occupants, who were always two in number, could carry on their literary pursuits. These rooms were called, from this circumstance, _studies_. Speaking of the first college edifice which was erected at New Haven, Mr. Clap, in his History of Yale College, says: "It made a handsome appearance, and contained near fifty _studies_ in convenient chambers"; and again he speaks of Connecticut Hall as containing thirty-two chambers and sixty-four _studies_. In the oldest buildings, some of these _studies_ remain at the present day. The _study_ rents, until December last, were discontinued with Mr. Dunster.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. p. 463. Every Graduate and Undergraduate shall find his proportion of furniture, &c., during the whole time of his having a _study_ assigned him.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1798, p. 35. To him that occupies my _study_, I give, &c.--_Will of Charles Prentiss_. STUMP. At Princeton College, to fail in reciting; to say, "Not prepared," when called on to recite. A _stump_, a bad recitation; used in the phrase, "_to make a stump_." SUB-FRESH. A person previous to entering the Freshman Class is called a _sub-fresh_, or one below a Freshman. Praying his guardian powers To assist a poor "_Sub-Fresh_" at the dread examination. _Poem before the Iadma Soc. of Harv. Coll._, 1850, p. 14. Our "_Sub-Fresh_" has that feeling. _Ibid._, p. 16. Everybody happy, except _Sub-Fresh_, and they trying hardest to appear so.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XX. p. 103. The timid _Sub-Fresh_ had determined to construct stout barricades, with no lack of ammunition.--_Ibid._, p. 103. Sometimes written _Sub_. Information wanted of the "_Sub_" who didn't think it an honor to be electioneered.--_N.B., Yale Coll., June_ 14, 1851. See PENE. SUBJECT. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., a particular author, or part of an author, set for examination; or a particular branch of Mathematics, such as Optics, Hydrostatics, &c.--_Bristed_. To _get up a subject_, is to make one's self thoroughly master of it.--_Bristed_. SUB-RECTOR. A rector's deputy or substitute.--_Walton, Webster_. SUB-SIZAR. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., formerly an order of students lower than the _sizars_. Masters of all sorts, and all ages, Keepers, _subcizers_, lackeys, pages. _Poems of Bp. Corbet_, p. 22. There he sits and sees How lackeys and _subsizers_ press And scramble for degrees. _Ibid._, p. 88. See under SIZAR. SUCK. At Middlebury College, to cheat at recitation or examination by using _ponies_, _interliners_, or _helps_ of any kind. SUPPLICAT. Latin; literally, _he supplicates_. In the English universities, a petition; particularly a written application with a certificate that the requisite conditions have been complied with.--_Webster_. A _Supplicat_, says the Gradus ad Cantabrigiam, is "an entreaty to be admitted to the degree of B.A.; containing a certificate that the Questionist has kept his full number of terms, or explaining any deficiency. This document is presented to the caput by the father of his college." SURPLICE DAY. An occasion or day on which the surplice is worn by the members of a university. "On all Sundays and Saint-days, and the evenings preceding, every member of the University, except noblemen, attends chapel in his surplice."--_Grad. ad Cantab._, pp. 106, 107. SUSPEND. In colleges, to separate a student from his class, and place him under private instruction. And those whose crimes are very great, Let us _suspend_ or rusticate.--_Rebelliad_, p. 24. SUSPENSION. In universities and colleges, the punishment of a student for some offence, usually negligence, by separating him from his class, and compelling him to pursue those branches of study in which he is deficient under private instruction, provided for the purpose. SUSPENSION-PAPER. The paper in which the act of suspension from college is declared. Come, take these three _suspension-papers_; They'll teach you how to cut such capers. _Rebelliad_, p. 32. SUSPENSION TO THE ROOM. In Princeton College, one of the punishments for certain offences subjects a student to confinement to his chamber and exclusion from his class, and requires him to recite to a teacher privately for a certain time. This is technically called _suspension to the room_. SWEEP, SWEEPER. The name given at Yale and other colleges to the person whose occupation it is to sweep the students' rooms, make their beds, &c. Then how welcome the entrance of the _sweep_, and how cutely we fling jokes at each other through the dust!--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIV. p. 223. Knocking down the _sweep_, in clearing the stairs, we described a circle to our room.--_The Yale Banger_, Nov. 10, 1846. A Freshman by the faithful _sweep_ Was found half buried in soft sleep. _Ibid._, Nov. 10, 1846. With fingers dirty and black, From lower to upper room, A College _Sweep_ went dustily round, Plying his yellow broom. _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 12. In the Yale Literary Magazine, Vol. III. p. 144, is "A tribute to certain Members of the Faculty, whose names are omitted in the Catalogue," in which appropriate praise is awarded to these useful servants. The Steward ... engages _sweepers_ for the College.--_Laws Harv. Coll._, 1816, p. 48. One of the _sweepers_ finding a parcel of wood,... the defendant, in the absence of the owner of the wood, authorizes the _sweeper_ to carry it away.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 98. SWELL BLOCK. In the University of Virginia, a sobriquet applied to dandies and vain pretenders. SWING. At several American colleges, the word _swing_ is used for coming out with a secret society badge; 1st, of the society, to _swing out_ the new men; and, 2d, of the men, intransitively, to _swing_, or to _swing out_, i.e. to appear with the badge of a secret society. Generally, _to swing out_ signifies to appear in something new. The new members have "_swung out_," and all again is harmony.--_Sophomore Independent_, Union College, Nov. 1854. SYNDIC. Latin, _syndicus_; Greek, [Greek: sundikos; sun], _with_, and [Greek: dikae], _justice_. An officer of government, invested with different powers in different countries. Almost all the companies in Paris, the University, &c., have their _syndics_. The University of Cambridge has its _syndics_, who are chosen from the Senate to transact special business, as the regulation of fees, forming of laws, inspecting the library, buildings, printing, &c.--_Webster. Cam. Cal._ SYNDICATE. A council or body of syndics. The state of instruction in and encouragement to the study of Theology were thus set forth in the report of a _syndicate_ appointed to consider the subject in 1842.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 293. _T_. TADS. At Centre College, Ky., there is "a society," says a correspondent, "composed of the very best fellows of the College, calling themselves _Tads_, who are generally associated together, for the object of electing, by the additional votes of their members, any of their friends who are brought forward as candidates for any honor or appointment in the literary societies to which they belong." TAKE UP. To call on a student to rehearse a lesson. Professor _took_ him _up_ on Greek; He tried to talk, but couldn't speak. _MS Poem_. TAKE UP ONE'S CONNECTIONS. In students' phrase, to leave college. Used in American institutions. TARDES. At the older American colleges, when charges were made and excuses rendered in Latin, the student who had come late to any religious service was addressed by the proper officer with the word _Tardes_, a kind of barbarous second person singular of some unknown verb, signifying, probably, "You are or were late." Much absence, _tardes_ and egresses, The college-evil on him seizes. _Trumbull's Progress of Dullness_, Part I. TARDY. In colleges, late in attendance on a public exercise.--_Webster_. TAVERN. At Harvard College, the rooms No. 24 Massachusetts Hall, and No. 8 Hollis Hall, were occupied from the year 1789 to 1793 by Mr. Charles Angier. His table was always supplied with wine, brandy, crackers, etc., of which his friends were at liberty to partake at any time. From this circumstance his rooms were called _the Tavern_ for nearly twenty years after his graduation. In connection with this incident, it may not be uninteresting to state, that the cellars of the two buildings above mentioned were divided each into thirty-two compartments, corresponding with the number of rooms. In these the students and tutors stored their liquors, sometimes in no inconsiderable quantities. Frequent entries are met with in the records of the Faculty, in which the students are charged with pilfering wine, brandy, or eatables from the tutors' _bins_. TAXOR. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., an officer appointed to regulate the assize of bread, the true gauge of weights, etc.--_Cam. Cal._ TEAM. In the English universities, the pupils of a private tutor or COACH.--_Bristed_. No man who has not taken a good degree expects or pretends to take good men into his _team_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 69. It frequently, indeed usually happens, that a "coach" of reputation declines taking men into his _team_ before they have made time in public.--_Ibid._, p. 85. TEAR. At Princeton College, a _perfect tear_ is a very extra recitation, superior to a _rowl_. TEMPLE. At Bowdoin College, a privy is thus designated. TEN-STRIKE. At Hamilton College, a perfect recitation, ten being the mark given for a perfect recitation. TEN-YEAR MEN. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., these are allowed to take the degree of Bachelor in Divinity without having been B.A. or M.A., by the statute of 9th Queen Elizabeth, which permits persons, who are admitted at any college when twenty-four years of age and upwards, to take the degree of B.D. after their names have remained on the _boards_ ten years or more. After the first eight years, they must reside in the University the greater part of three several terms, and perform the exercises which are required by the statutes.--_Cam. Cal._ TERM. In universities and colleges, the time during which instruction is regularly given to students, who are obliged by the statutes and laws of the institution to attend to the recitations, lectures, and other exercises.--_Webster_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., there are three terms during each year, which are fixed by invariable rules. October or Michaelmas term begins on the 10th of October, and ends on the 16th of December. Lent or January term begins on the 13th of January, and ends on the Friday before Palm Sunday. Easter or Midsummer term, begins on the eleventh day (the Wednesday sennight) after Easter-day, and ends on the Friday after Commencement day. Commencement is always on the first Tuesday in July. At Oxford University, there are four terms in the year. Michaelmas term begins on the 10th of October, and ends on the 17th of December. Hilary term begins on the 14th of January, and ends the day before Palm Sunday. But if the Saturday before Palm Sunday should be a festival, the term does not end till the Monday following. Easter term begins on the tenth day after Easter Sunday, and ends on the day before Whitsunday. Trinity term begins on the Wednesday after Whitsunday, and ends the Saturday after the Act, which is always on the first Tuesday in July. At the Dublin University, the terms in each year are four in number. Hilary term begins on the Monday after Epiphany, and ends the day before Palm Sunday. Easter term begins on the eighth day after Easter Sunday, and ends on Whitsun-eve. Trinity term begins on Trinity Monday, and ends on the 8th of July. Michaelmas term begins on the 1st of October (or on the 2d, if the 1st should be Sunday), and ends on December 16th. TERRÆ FILIUS. Latin; _son of earth_. Formerly, one appointed to write a satirical Latin poem at the public Acts in the University of Oxford; not unlike the prevaricator at Cambridge, Eng.--_Webster_. Full accounts of the compositions written on these occasions may be found in a work in two volumes, entitled "Terræ-Filius; or the Secret History of the University of Oxford," printed in the year 1726. See TRIPOS PAPER. TESTAMUR. Latin; literally, _we testify_. In the English universities, a certificate of proficiency, without which a person is not able to take his degree. So called from the first word in the formula. There is not one out of twenty of my pupils who can look forward with unmixed pleasure to a _testamur_.--_Collegian's Guide_, p. 254. Every _testamur_ must be signed by three out of the four examiners, at least.--_Ibid._, p. 282. THEATRE. At Oxford, a building in which are held the annual commemoration of benefactors, the recitation of prize compositions, and the occasional ceremony of conferring degrees on distinguished personages.--_Oxford Guide_. THEME. In college phrase, a short dissertation composed by a student. It is the practice at Cambridge [Mass.] for the Professor of Rhetoric and the English Language, commencing in the first or second quarter of the student's Sophomore year, to give the class a text; generally some brief moral quotation from some of the ancient or modern poets, from which the students write a short essay, usually denominated a _theme_.--_Works of R.T. Paine_, p. xxi. Far be it from me to enter into competition with students who have been practising the sublime art of _theme_ and forensic writing for two years.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 316. But on the sleepy day of _themes_, May doze away a dozen reams. _Ibid._, p. 283. Nimrod holds his "first _theme_" in one hand, and is leaning his head on the other.--_Ibid._, p. 253. THEME-BEARER. At Harvard College, until within a few years, a student was chosen once in a term by his classmates to perform the duties of _theme-bearer_. He received the subjects for themes and forensics from the Professors of Rhetoric and of Moral Philosophy, and posted them up in convenient places, usually in the entries of the buildings and on, the bulletin-boards. He also distributed the corrected themes, at first giving them to the students after evening prayers, and, when this had been forbidden by the President, carrying them to their rooms. For these services he received seventy-five cents per term from each member of the class. THEME-PAPER. In American colleges, a kind of paper on which students write their themes or composition. It is of the size of an ordinary letter-sheet, contains eighteen or nineteen lines placed at wide intervals, and is ruled in red ink with a margin a little less than an inch in width. Shoe-strings, lucifers, omnibus-tickets, _theme-paper_, postage-stamps, and the nutriment of pipes.--_Harv. Mag._, Vol. I. p. 266. THEOLOGUE. A cant name among collegians for a student in theology. The hardened hearts of Freshmen and _Theologues_ burned with righteous indignation.--_Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. The _Theologs_ are not so wicked as the Medics.--_Burlesque Catalogue, Yale Coll._, 1852-53, p. 30. THESES-COLLECTOR. One who collects or prepares _theses_. The following extract from the laws of Harvard College will explain further what is meant by this term. "The President, Professors, and Tutors, annually, some time in the third term, shall select from the Junior Class a number of _Theses-Collectors_, to prepare theses for the next year; from which selection they shall appoint so many divisions as shall be equal to the number of branches they may assign. And each one shall, in the particular branch assigned him, collect so many theses as the government may judge expedient; and all the theses, thus collected, shall be delivered to the President, by the Saturday immediately succeeding the end of the Spring vacation in the Senior year, at furthest, from which the President, Professors, and Tutors shall select such as they shall judge proper to be published. But if the theses delivered to the President, in any particular branch, should not afford a sufficient number suitable for publication, a further number shall be required. The name of the student who collected any set or number of theses shall be annexed to the theses collected by him, in every publication. Should any one neglect to collect the theses required of him, he shall be liable to lose his degree."--1814, p. 35. The Theses-Collectors were formerly chosen by the class, as the following extract from a MS. Journal will show. "March 27th, 1792. My Class assembled in the chapel to choose theses-collectors, a valedictory orator, and poet. Jackson was chosen to deliver the Latin oration, and Cutler to deliver the poem. Ellis was almost unanimously chosen a collector of the grammatical theses. Prince was chosen metaphysical theses-collector, with considerable opposition. Lowell was chosen mathematical theses-collector, though not unanimously. Chamberlain was chosen physical theses-collector." THESIS. A position or proposition which a person advances and offers to maintain, or which is actually maintained by argument; a theme; a subject; particularly, a subject or proposition for a school or university exercise, or the exercise itself.--_Webster_. In the older American colleges, the _theses_ held a prominent place in the exercises of Commencement. At Harvard College the earliest theses extant bear the date of the year 1687. They were Theses Technological, Logical, Grammatical, Rhetorical, Mathematical, and Physical. The last theses were presented in the year 1820. The earliest theses extant belonging to Yale College are of 1714, and the last were printed in 1797. THIRDING. In England, "a custom practised at the universities, where two _thirds_ of the original price is allowed by upholsterers to the students for household goods returned them within the year."--_Grose's Dict._ On this subject De Quincey says: "The Oxford rule is, that, if you take the rooms (which is at your own option), in that case you _third_ the furniture and the embellishments; i.e. you succeed to the total cost diminished by one third. You pay, therefore, two guineas out of each three to your _immediate_ predecessor."--_Life and Manners_, p. 250. THIRD-YEAR MEN. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the title of Third-Year Men, or Senior Sophs or Sophisters, is given to students during the third year of their residence at the University. THUNDERING BOLUS. See INTONITANS BOLUS. TICK. A recitation made by one who does not know of what he is talking. _Ticks_, screws, and deads were all put under contribution.--_A Tour through College_, Boston, 1832, p. 25. TICKER. One who recites without knowing what he is talking about; one entirely independent of any book-knowledge. If any "_Ticker_" dare to look A stealthy moment on his book. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 123. TICKING. The act of reciting without knowing anything about the lesson. And what with _ticking_, screwing, and deading, am candidate for a piece of parchment to-morrow.--_Harv. Reg._, p. 194. TIGHT. A common slang term among students; the comparative, of which _drunk_ is the superlative. Some twenty of as jolly chaps as e'er got jolly _tight_. _Poem before Y.H._, 1849. Hast spent the livelong night In smoking Esculapios,--in getting jolly _tight_? _Poem before Iadma_, 1850. He clenched his fist as fain for fight, Sank back, and gently murmured "_tight_." _MS. Poem_, W.F. Allen, 1848. While fathers, are bursting with rage and spite, And old ladies vow that the students are _tight_. _Yale Gallinipper_, Nov. 1848. Speaking of the word "drunk," the Burlington Sentinel remarks: "The last synonyme that we have observed is '_tight_,' a term, it strikes us, rather inappropriate, since a 'tight' man, in the cant use of the word, is almost always a 'loose character.' We give a list of a few of the various words and phrases which have been in use, at one time or another, to signify some stage of inebriation: Over the bay, half seas over, hot, high, corned, cut, cocked, shaved, disguised, jammed, damaged, sleepy, tired, discouraged, snuffy, whipped, how come ye so, breezy, smoked, top-heavy, fuddled, groggy, tipsy, smashed, swipy, slewed, cronk, salted down, how fare ye, on the lee lurch, all sails set, three sheets in the wind, well under way, battered, blowing, snubbed, sawed, boosy, bruised, screwed, soaked, comfortable, stimulated, jug-steamed, tangle-legged, fogmatic, blue-eyed, a passenger in the Cape Ann stage, striped, faint, shot in the neck, bamboozled, weak-jointed, got a brick in his hat, got a turkey on his back." Dr. Franklin, in speaking of the intemperate drinker, says, he will never, or seldom, allow that he is drunk; he may be "boosy, cosey, foxed, merry, mellow, fuddled, groatable, confoundedly cut, may see two moons, be among the Philistines, in a very good humor, have been in the sun, is a little feverish, pretty well entered, &c., but _never drunk_." A highly entertaining list of the phrases which the Germans employ "to clothe in a tolerable garb of decorum that dreamy condition into which Bacchus frequently throws his votaries," is given in _Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., pp. 296, 297. See SPRUNG. 2. At Williams College, this word is sometimes used as an exclamation; e.g. "O _tight_!" TIGHT FIT. At the University of Vermont, a good joke is denominated by the students a _tight fit_, and the jokee is said to be "hard up." TILE. A hat. Evidently suggested by the meaning of the word, a covering for the roof of buildings. Then, taking it from off his head, began to brush his "_tile_." _Poem before the Iadma_, 1850. TOADY. A fawning, obsequious parasite; a toad-eater. In college cant, one who seeks or gains favor with an instructor or popularity with his classmates by mean and sycophantic actions. TOADY. To flatter any one for gain.--_Halliwell_. TOM. The great bell of Christ Church, Oxford, which formerly belonged to Osney Abbey. "This bell," says the Oxford Guide, "was recast in 1680, its weight being about 17,000 pounds; more than double the weight of the great bell in St. Paul's, London. This bell has always been represented as one of the finest in England, but even at the risk of dispelling an illusion under which most Oxford men have labored, and which every member of Christ Church has indulged in from 1680 to the present time, touching the fancied superiority of mighty Tom, it must be confessed that it is neither an accurate nor a musical bell. The note, as we are assured by the learned in these matters, ought to be B flat, but is not so. On the contrary, the bell is imperfect and inharmonious, and requires, in the opinion of those best informed, and of most experience, to be recast. It is, however, still a great curiosity, and may be seen by applying to the porter at Tom-Gate lodge."--Ed. 1847, p. 5, note a. TO THE _n(-th.)_, TO THE _n + 1(-th.)_ Among English Cantabs these algebraic expressions are used as intensives to denote the most energetic way of doing anything.--_Bristed_. TOWNEY. The name by which a student in an American college is accustomed to designate any young man residing in the town in which the college is situated, who is not a collegian. And _Towneys_ left when she showed fight. _Pow-wow of Class of '58, Yale Coll._ TRANSLATION. The act of turning one language into another. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., this word is applied more particularly to the turning of Greek or Latin into English. In composition and cram I was yet untried, and the _translations_ in lecture-room were not difficult to acquit one's self on respectably.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 34. TRANSMITTENDUM, _pl._ TRANSMITTENDA or TRANSMITTENDUMS. Anything transmitted, or handed down from one to another. Students, on withdrawing from college, often leave in the room which they last occupied, pictures, looking-glasses, chairs, &c., there to remain, and to be handed down to the latest posterity. Articles thus left are called _transmittenda_. The Great Mathematical Slate was a _transmittendum_ to the best mathematical scholar in each class.--_MS. note in Cat. Med. Fac. Soc._, 1833, p. 16. TRENCHER-CAP. A-name, sometimes given to the square head-covering worn by students in the English universities. Used figuratively to denote collegiate power. The _trencher-cap_ has claimed a right to take its part in the movements which make or mar the destinies of nations, by the side of plumed casque and priestly tiara.--_The English Universities and their Reforms_, in _Blackwood's Mag._, Feb. 1849. TRIANGLE. At Union College, a urinal, so called from its shape. TRIENNIAL, or TRIENNIAL CATALOGUE. In American colleges, a catalogue issued once in three years. This catalogue contains the names of the officers and students, arranged according to the years in which they were connected with the college, an account of the high public offices which they have filled, degrees which they have received, time of death, &c.[66] The _Triennial Catalogue_ becomes increasingly a mournful record--it should be monitory, as well as mournful--to survivors, looking at the stars thickening on it, from one date to another.--_Scenes and Characters in College_, p. 198. Our tale shall be told by a silent star, On the page of some future _Triennial_. _Class Poem, Harv. Coll._, 1849, p. 4. TRIMESTER. Latin _trimestris_; _tres_, three, and _mensis_, month. In the German universities, a term or period of three months.--_Webster_. TRINITARIAN. The popular name of a member of Trinity College in the University of Cambridge, Eng. TRIPOS, _pl._ TRIPOSES. At Cambridge, Eng., any university examination for honors, of questionists or men who have just taken their B.A. The university scholarship examinations are not called _triposes_.--_Bristed_. The Classical Tripos is generally spoken of as _the Tripos_, the Mathematical one as the Degree Examination.--_Ibid._, p. 170. 2. A tripos paper. 3. One who prepares a tripos paper.--_Webster_. TRIPOS PAPER. At the University of Cambridge, England, a printed list of the successful candidates for mathematical honors, accompanied by a piece in Latin verse. There are two of these, designed to commemorate the two Tripos days. The first contains the names of the Wranglers and Senior Optimes, and the second the names of the Junior Optimes. The word _tripos_ is supposed to refer to the three-legged stool formerly used at the examinations for these honors, though some derive it from the three _brackets_ formerly printed on the back of the paper. _Classical Tripos Examination_. The final university examination for classical honors, optional to all who have taken the mathematical honors.--_C.A. Bristed_, in _Webster's Dict._ The Tripos Paper is more fully described in the annexed extract. "The names of the Bachelors who were highest in the list (Wranglers and Senior Optimes, _Baccalaurei quibus sua reservatur senioritas Comitiis prioribus_, and Junior Optimes, _Comitiis posterioribus_) were written on slips of paper; and on the back of these papers, probably with a view of making them less fugitive and more entertaining, was given a copy of Latin verses. These verses were written by one of the new Bachelors, and the exuberant spirits and enlarged freedom arising from the termination of the Undergraduate restrictions often gave to these effusions a character of buffoonery and satire. The writer was termed _Terræ Filius_, or _Tripos_, probably from some circumstance in the mode of his making his appearance and delivering his verses; and took considerable liberties. On some occasions, we find that these went so far as to incur the censure of the authorities. Even now, the Tripos verses often aim at satire and humor. [It is customary to have one serious and one humorous copy of verses.] The writer does not now appear in person, but the Tripos Paper, the list of honors with its verses, still comes forth at its due season, and the list itself has now taken the name of the Tripos. This being the case with the list of mathematical honors, the same name has been extended to the list of classical honors, though unaccompanied by its classical verses."--_Whewell on Cambridge Education_, Preface to Part II., quoted in _Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 25. TRUMP. A jolly blade; a merry fellow; one who occupies among his companions a position similar to that which trumps hold to the other cards in the pack. Not confined in its use to collegians, but much in vogue among them. But soon he treads this classic ground, Where knowledge dwells and _trumps_ abound. _MS. Poem_. TRUSTEE. A person to whom property is legally committed in _trust_, to be applied either for the benefit of specified individuals, or for public uses.--_Webster_. In many American colleges the general government is vested in a board of _trustees_, appointed differently in different colleges. See CORPORATION and OVERSEER. TUFT-HUNTER. A cant term, in the English universities, for a hanger-on to noblemen and persons of quality. So called from the _tuft_ in the cap of the latter.--_Halliwell_. There are few such thorough _tuft-hunters_ as your genuine Oxford Don.--_Blackwood's Mag._, Eng. ed., Vol. LVI. p. 572. TUITION. In universities, colleges, schools, &c., the money paid for instruction. In American colleges, the tuition is from thirty to seventy dollars a year. TUTE. Abbreviation for Tutor. TUTOR. Latin; from _tueor_, to defend; French, _tuteur_. In English universities and colleges, an officer or member of some hall, who has the charge of hearing the lessons of the students, and otherwise giving them instruction in the sciences and various branches of learning. In the American colleges, tutors are graduates selected by the trustees, for the instruction of undergraduates of the first three years. They are usually officers of the institution, who have a share, with the president and professors, in the government of the students.--_Webster_. TUTORAGE. In the English universities, the guardianship exerted by a tutor; the care of a pupil. The next item which I shall notice is that which in college bills is expressed by the word _Tutorage_.--_De Quincey's Life and Manners_, p. 251. TUTOR, CLASS. At some of the colleges in the United States, each of the four classes is assigned to the care of a particular tutor, who acts as the ordinary medium of communication between the members of the class and the Faculty, and who may be consulted by the students concerning their studies, or on any other subject interesting to them in their relations to the college. At Harvard College, in addition to these offices, the Class Tutors grant leave of absence from church and from town for Sunday, including Saturday night, on the presentation of a satisfactory reason, and administer all warnings and private admonitions ordered by the Faculty for misconduct or neglect of duty.--_Orders and Regulations of the Faculty of Harv. Coll._, July, 1853, pp. 1, 2. Of this regulation as it obtained at Harvard during the latter part of the last century, Professor Sidney Willard says: "Each of the Tutors had one class, of which he was charged with a certain oversight, and of which he was called the particular Tutor. The several Tutors in Latin successively sustained this relation to my class. Warnings of various kinds, private admonitions for negligence or minor offences, and, in general, intercommunication between his class and the Immediate Government, were the duties belonging to this relation."--_Memories of Youth and Manhood_, Vol. I. p. 266, note. TUTOR, COLLEGE. At the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, an officer connected with a college, whose duties are described in the annexed extracts. With reference to Oxford, De Quincey remarks: "Each college takes upon itself the regular instruction of its separate inmates,--of these and of no others; and for this office it appoints, after careful selection, trial, and probation, the best qualified amongst those of its senior members who choose to undertake a trust of such heavy responsibility. These officers are called Tutors; and they are connected by duties and by accountability, not with the University at all, but with their own private colleges. The public tutors appointed in each college [are] on the scale of one to each dozen or score of students."--_Life and Manners_, Boston, 1851, p. 252. Bristed, writing of Cambridge, says: "When, therefore, a boy, or, as we should call him, a young man, leaves his school, public or private, at the age of eighteen or nineteen, and 'goes up' to the University, he necessarily goes up to some particular college, and the first academical authority he makes acquaintance with in the regular order of things is the College Tutor. This gentleman has usually taken high honors either in classics or mathematics, and one of his duties is naturally to lecture. But this by no means constitutes the whole, or forms the most important part, of his functions. He is the medium of all the students' pecuniary relations with the College. He sends in their accounts every term, and receives the money through his banker; nay, more, he takes in the bills of their tradesmen, and settles them also. Further, he has the disposal of the college rooms, and assigns them to their respective occupants. When I speak of the College _Tutor_, it must not be supposed that one man is equal to all this work in a large college,--Trinity, for instance, which usually numbers four hundred Undergraduates in residence. A large college has usually two Tutors,--Trinity has three,--and the students are equally divided among them,--_on their sides_, the phrase is,--without distinction of year, or, as we should call it, of _class_. The jurisdiction of the rooms is divided in like manner. The Tutor is supposed to stand _in loco parentis_; but having sometimes more than a hundred young men under him, he cannot discharge his duties in this respect very thoroughly, nor is it generally expected that he should."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 10, 11. TUTORIAL. Belonging to or exercised by a tutor or instructor. Even while he is engaged in his "_tutorial_" duties, &c.--_Am. Lit. Mag._, Vol. IV. p. 409. TUTORIC. Pertaining to a tutor. A collection of two was not then considered a sure prognostic of rebellion, and spied out vigilantly by _tutoric_ eyes.--_Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 314. TUTORIFIC. The same as _tutoric_. While thus in doubt they hesitating stand, Approaches near the _Tutorific_ band. _Yale Tomahawk_, May, 1852. "Old Yale," of thee we sing, thou art our theme, Of thee with all thy _Tutorific_ host.--_Ibid._ TUTORING FRESHMEN. Of the various means used by Sophomores to trouble Freshmen, that of _tutoring_ them, as described in the following extract from the Sketches of Yale College, is not at all peculiar to that institution, except in so far as the name is concerned. "The ancient customs of subordination among the classes, though long since abrogated, still preserve a part of their power over the students, not only of this, but of almost every similar institution. The recently exalted Sophomore, the dignified Junior, and the venerable Senior, look back with equal humor at the 'greenness' of their first year. The former of these classes, however, is chiefly notorious in the annals of Freshman capers. To them is allotted the duty of fumigating the room of the new-comer, and preparing him, by a due induction into the mysteries of Yale, for the duties of his new situation. Of these performances, the most systematic is commonly styled _Tutoring_, from the character assumed by the officiating Sophomore. Seated solemnly in his chair of state, arrayed in a pompous gown, with specs and powdered hair, he awaits the approach of the awe-struck subject, who has been duly warned to attend his pleasure, and fitly instructed to make a low reverence and stand speechless until addressed by his illustrious superior. A becoming impression has also been conveyed of the dignity, talents, and profound learning and influence into the congregated presence of which he is summoned. Everything, in short, which can increase his sufficiently reverent emotions, or produce a readier or more humble obedience, is carefully set forth, till he is prepared to approach the door with no little degree of that terror with which the superstitious inquirer enters the mystic circle of the magician. A shaded light gleams dimly out into the room, and pours its fuller radiance upon a ponderous volume of Hebrew; a huge pile of folios rests on the table, and the eye of the fearful Freshman half ventures to discover that they are tomes of the dead languages. "But first he has, in obedience to his careful monitor, bowed lowly before the dignified presence; and, hardly raising his eyes, he stands abashed at his awful situation, waiting the supreme pleasure of the supposed officer. A benignant smile lights up the tutor's grave countenance; he enters strangely enough into familiar talk with the recently admitted collegiate; in pathetic terms he describes the temptations of this _great_ city, the thousand dangers to which he will be exposed, the vortex of ruin into which, if he walks unwarily, he will be surely plunged. He fires the youthful ambition with glowing descriptions of the honors that await the successful, and opens to his eager view the dazzling prospect of college fame. Nor does he fail to please the youthful aspirant with assurances of the kindly notice of the Faculty; he informs him of the satisfactory examination he has passed, and the gratification of the President at his uncommon proficiency; and having thus filled the buoyant imagination of his dupe with the most glowing college air-castles, dismisses him from his august presence, after having given him especial permission to call on any important occasion hereafter."--pp. 159-162. TUTOR, PRIVATE. At the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, an instructor, whose position and studies are set forth in the following extracts. "Besides the public tutors appointed in each college," says De Quincey, writing of Oxford, "there are also tutors strictly private, who attend any students in search of special and extraordinary aid, on terms settled privately by themselves. Of these persons, or their existence, the college takes no cognizance." "These are the working agents in the Oxford system." "The _Tutors_ of Oxford correspond to the _Professors_ of other universities."--_Life and Manners_, Boston, 1851, pp. 252, 253. Referring to Cambridge, Bristed remarks: "The private tutor at an English university corresponds, as has been already observed, in many respects, to the _professor_ at a German. The German professor is not _necessarily_ attached to any specific chair; he receives no _fixed_ stipend, and has not public lecture-rooms; he teaches at his own house, and the number of his pupils depends on his reputation. The Cambridge private tutor is also a graduate, who takes pupils at his rooms in numbers proportionate to his reputation and ability. And although while the German professor is regularly licensed as such by his university, and the existence of the private tutor _as such_ is not even officially recognized by his, still this difference is more apparent than real; for the English university has _virtually_ licensed the tutor to instruct in a particular branch by the standing she has given him in her examinations." "Students come up to the University with all degrees of preparation.... To make up for former deficiences, and to direct study so that it may not be wasted, are two _desiderata_ which probably led to the introduction of private tutors, once a partial, now a general appliance."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, pp. 146-148. TUTORSHIP. The office of a tutor.--_Hooker_. In the following passage, this word is used as a titulary compellation, like the word _lordship_. One morning, as the story goes, Before his _tutorship_ arose.--_Rebelliad_, p. 73. TUTORS' PASTURE. In 1645, John Bulkley, the "first Master of Arts in Harvard College," by a deed, gave to Mr. Dunster, the President of that institution, two acres of land in Cambridge, during his life. The deed then proceeds: "If at any time he shall leave the Presidency, or shall decease, I then desire the College to appropriate the same to itself for ever, as a small gift from an alumnus, bearing towards it the greatest good-will." "After President Dunster's resignation," says Quincy, "the Corporation gave the income of Bulkley's donation to the tutors, who received it for many years, and hence the enclosure obtained the name of '_Tutors' Pasture_,' or '_Fellows' Orchard_.'" In the Donation Book of the College, the deed is introduced as "Extractum Doni Pomarii Sociorum per Johannem Bulkleium."--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. I. pp. 269, 270. For further remarks on this subject, see Peirce's "History of Harvard University," pp. 15, 81, 113, also Chap. XIII., and "Memorial of John S. Popkin, D.D.," pp. 390, 391. TWITCH A TWELVE. At Middlebury College, to make a perfect recitation; twelve being the maximum mark for scholarship. _U_. UGLY KNIFE. See JACK-KNIFE. UNDERGRADUATE. A student, or member of a university or college, who has not taken his first degree.--_Webster_. UNDERGRADUATE. Noting or pertaining to a student of a college who has not taken his first degree. The _undergraduate_ students shall be divided into four distinct classes.--_Laws Yale Coll._, 1837, p. 11. With these the _undergraduate_ course is not intended to interfere.--_Yale Coll. Cat._, 1850-51, p. 33. UNDERGRADUATESHIP. The state of being an undergraduate.--_Life of Paley_. UNIVERSITY. An assemblage of colleges established in any place, with professors for instructing students in the sciences and other branches of learning, and where degrees are conferred. A _university_ is properly a universal school, in which are taught all branches of learning, or the four faculties of theology, medicine, law, and the sciences and arts.--_Cyclopædia_. 2. At some American colleges, a name given to a university student. The regulation in reference to this class at Union College is as follows:--"Students, not regular members of college, are allowed, as university students, to prosecute any branches for which they are qualified, provided they attend three recitations daily, and conform in all other respects to the laws of College. On leaving College, they receive certificates of character and scholarship."--_Union Coll. Cat._, 1850. The eyes of several Freshmen and _Universities_ shone with a watery lustre.--_The Parthenon_, Vol. I. p. 20. UP. To be _up_ in a subject, is to be informed in regard to it. _Posted_ expresses a similar idea. The use of this word, although common among collegians, is by no means confined to them. In our past history, short as it is, we would hardly expect them to be well _up_.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 28. He is well _up_ in metaphysics.--_Ibid._, p. 53. UPPER HOUSE. See SENATE. _V_. VACATION. The intermission of the regular studies and exercises of a college or other seminary, when the students have a recess.--_Webster_. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., there are three vacations during each year. Christmas vacation begins on the 16th of December, and ends on the 13th of January. Easter vacation begins on the Friday before Palm Sunday, and ends on the eleventh day after Easter-day. The Long vacation begins on the Friday succeeding the first Tuesday in July, and ends on the 10th of October. At the University of Oxford there are four vacations in each year. At Dublin University there are also four vacations, which correspond nearly with the vacations of Oxford. See TERM. VALEDICTION. A farewell; a bidding farewell. Used sometimes with the meaning of _valedictory_ or _valedictory oration_. Two publick Orations, by the Candidates: the one to give a specimen of their Knowledge, &c., and the other to give a grateful and pathetick _Valediction_ to all the Officers and Members of the Society.--_Clap's Hist. Yale Coll._, p. 87. VALEDICTORIAN. The student of a college who pronounces the valedictory oration at the annual Commencement.--_Webster_. VALEDICTORY. In American colleges, a farewell oration or address spoken at Commencement, by a member of the class which receive the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and take their leave of college and of each other. VARMINT. At Cambridge, England, and also among the whip gentry, this word signifies natty, spruce, dashing; e.g. he is quite _varmint_; he sports a _varmint_ hat, coat, &c. A _varmint_ man spurns a scholarship, would consider it a degradation to be a fellow.--_Gradus ad Cantab._, p. 122. The handsome man, my friend and pupil, was naturally enough a bit of a swell, or _varmint_ man.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. II. p. 118. VERGER. At the University of Oxford, an officer who walks first in processions, and carries a silver rod. VICE-CHANCELLOR. An officer in a university, in England, a distinguished member, who is annually elected to manage the affairs in the absence of the Chancellor. He must be the head of a college, and during his continuance in office he acts as a magistrate for the university, town, and county.--_Cam. Cal._ At Oxford, the Vice-Chancellor holds a court, in which suits may be brought against any member of the University. He never walks out, without being preceded by a Yeoman-Bedel with his silver staff. At Cambridge, the Mayor and Bailiffs of the town are obliged, at their election, to take certain oaths before the Vice-Chancellor. The Vice-Chancellor has the sole right of licensing wine and ale-houses in Cambridge, and of _discommuning_ any tradesman or inhabitant who has violated the University privileges or regulations. In both universities, the Vice-Chancellor is nominated by the Heads of Houses, from among themselves. VICE-MASTER. An officer of a college in the English universities who performs the duties of the Master in his absence. VISITATION. The act of a superior or superintending officer, who visits a corporation, college, church, or other house, to examine into the manner in which it is conducted, and see that its laws and regulations are duly observed and executed.--_Cyc._ In July, 1766, a law was formally enacted, "that twice in the year, viz. at the semiannual _visitation_ of the committee of the Overseers, some of the scholars, at the direction of the President and Tutors, shall publicly exhibit specimens of their proficiency," &c.--_Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ._, Vol. II. p. 132. VIVA VOCE. Latin; literally, _with the living voice_. In the English universities, that part of an examination which is carried on orally. The examination involves a little _viva voce_, and it was said, that, if a man did his _viva voce_ well, none of his papers were looked at but the Paley.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 92. In Combination Room, where once I sat at _viva voce_, wretched, ignorant, the wine goes round, and wit, and pleasant talk.--_Household Words_, Am. ed., Vol. XI. p. 521. _W_. WALLING. At the University of Oxford, the punishment of _walling_, as it is popularly denominated, consists in confining a student to the walls of his college for a certain period. WARDEN. The master or president of a college.--_England_. WARNING. In many colleges, when it is ascertained that a student is not living in accordance with the laws of the institution, he is usually informed of the fact by a _warning_, as it is called, from one of the faculty, which consists merely of friendly caution and advice, thus giving him an opportunity, by correcting his faults, to escape punishment. Sadly I feel I should have been saved by numerous _warnings_. _Harvardiana_, Vol. III. p. 98. No more shall "_warnings_" in their hearing ring, Nor "admonitions" haunt their aching head. _Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XV. p. 210. WEDGE. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the man whose name is the last on the list of honors in the voluntary classical examination, which follows the last examination required by statute, is called the _wedge_. "The last man is called the _wedge_" says Bristed, "corresponding to the Spoon in Mathematics. This name originated in that of the man who was last on the first Tripos list (in 1824), _Wedgewood_. Some one suggested that the _wooden wedge_ was a good counterpart to the _wooden spoon_, and the appellation stuck."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 253. WET. To christen a new garment by treating one's friends when one first appears in it; e.g.:--A. "Have you _wet_ that new coat yet?" B. "No." A. "Well, then, I should recommend to you the propriety of so doing." B. "What will you drink?" This word, although much used among students, is by no means confined to them. WHINNICK. At Hamilton College, to refuse to fulfil a promise or engagement; to retreat from a difficulty; to back out. WHITE-HOOD HOUSE. See SENATE. WIGS. The custom of wearing wigs was, perhaps, observed nowhere in America during the last century with so much particularity as at the older colleges. Of this the following incident is illustrative. Mr. Joseph Palmer, who graduated at Harvard in the year 1747, entered college at the age of fourteen; but, although so young, was required immediately after admission to cut off his long, flowing hair, and to cover his head with an unsightly bag-wig. At the beginning of the present century, wigs were not wholly discarded, although the fashion of wearing the hair in a queue was more in vogue. From a record of curious facts, it appears that the last wig which appeared at Commencement in Harvard College was worn by Mr. John Marsh, in the year 1819. See DRESS. WILL. At Harvard College, it was at one time the mode for the student to whom had been given the JACK-KNIFE in consequence of his ugliness, to transmit the inheritance, when he left, to some one of equal pretensions in the class next below him. At one period, this transmission was effected by a _will_, in which not only the knife, but other articles, were bequeathed. As the 21st of June was, till of late years, the day on which the members of the Senior Class closed their collegiate studies, and retired to make preparations for the ensuing Commencement, Wills were usually dated at that time. The first will of this nature of which mention is made is that of Mr. William Biglow, a member of the class of 1794, and the recipient for that year of the knife. It appeared in the department entitled "Omnium Gatherum" of the Federal Orrery, published at Boston, April 27, 1795, in these words:-- "A WILL: BEING THE LAST WORDS OF CHARLES CHATTERBOX, ESQ., LATE WORTHY AND MUCH LAMENTED MEMBER OF THE LAUGHING CLUB OF HARVARD UNIVERSITT, WHO DEPARTED COLLEGE LIFE, JUNE 21, 1794, IN THE TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF HIS AGE. "I, CHARLEY CHATTER, sound of mind, To making fun am much inclined; So, having cause to apprehend My college life is near its end, All future quarrels to prevent, I seal this will and testament. "My soul and body, while together, I send the storms of life to weather; To steer as safely as they can, To honor GOD, and profit man. "_Imprimis_, then, my bed and bedding, My only chattels worth the sledding, Consisting of a maple stead, A counterpane, and coverlet, Two cases with the pillows in, A blanket, cord, a winch and pin, Two sheets, a feather bed and hay-tick, I order sledded up to _Natick_, And that with care the sledder save them For those kind parents, first who gave them. "_Item_. The Laughing Club, so blest, Who think this life what 't is,--a jest,-- Collect its flowers from every spray, And laugh its goading thorns away; From whom to-morrow I dissever, Take one sweet grin, and leave for ever; My chest, and all that in it is, I give and I bequeath them, viz.: Westminster grammar, old and poor, Another one, compiled by Moor; A bunch of pamphlets pro and con The doctrine of salva-ti-on; The college laws, I'm freed from minding, A Hebrew psalter, stripped from binding. A Hebrew Bible, too, lies nigh it, Unsold--because no one would buy it. "My manuscripts, in prose and verse, They take for better and for worse; Their minds enlighten with the best, And pipes and candles with the rest; Provided that from them they cull My college exercises dull, On threadbare theme, with mind unwilling, Strained out through fear of fine one shilling, To teachers paid t' avert an evil, Like Indian worship to the Devil. The above-named manuscripts, I say. To club aforesaid I convey, Provided that said themes, so given, Full proofs that _genius won't be driven_, To our physicians be presented, As the best opiates yet invented. "_Item_. The government of college, Those liberal _helluos_ of knowledge, Who, e'en in these degenerate days, Deserve the world's unceasing praise; Who, friends of science and of men, Stand forth Gomorrah's righteous ten; On them I naught but thanks bestow, For, like my cash, my credit's low; So I can give nor clothes nor wines, But bid them welcome to my fines. "_Item_. My study desk of pine, That work-bench, sacred to the nine, Which oft hath groaned beneath my metre, I give to pay my debts to PETER. "_Item_. Two penknives with white handles, A bunch of quills, and pound of candles, A lexicon compiled by COLE, A pewter spoon, and earthen bowl, A hammer, and two homespun towels, For which I yearn with tender bowels, Since I no longer can control them, I leave to those sly lads who stole them. "_Item_. A gown much greased in Commons, A hat between a man's and woman's, A tattered coat of college blue, A fustian waistcoat torn in two, With all my rust, through college carried, I give to classmate O----,[67] who's _married_. "_Item_. C------ P------s[68] has my knife, During his natural college life,-- That knife, which ugliness inherits, And due to his superior merits; And when from Harvard he shall steer, I order him to leave it here, That 't may from class to class descend, Till time and ugliness shall end. "The said C------ P------s, humor's son, Who long shall stay when I am gone, The Muses' most successful suitor, I constitute my executor; And for his trouble to requite him, Member of Laughing Club I write him. "Myself on life's broad sea I throw, Sail with its joy, or stem its woe, No other friend to take my part, Than careless head and honest heart. My purse is drained, my debts are paid, My glass is run, my will is made, To beauteous Cam. I bid adieu, And with the world begin anew." Following the example of his friend Biglow, Mr. Prentiss, on leaving college, prepared a will, which afterwards appeared in one of the earliest numbers of the Rural Repository, a literary paper, the publication of which he commenced at Leominster, Mass., in the autumn of 1795. Thomas Paine, afterwards Robert Treat Paine, Jr., immediately transferred it to the columns of the Federal Orrery, which paper he edited, with these introductory remarks: "Having, in the second number of 'Omnium Gatherum' presented to our readers the last will and testament of Charles Chatterbox, Esq., of witty memory, wherein the said Charles, now deceased, did lawfully bequeath to Ch----s Pr----s the celebrated 'Ugly Knife,' to be by him transmitted, at his collegiate demise, to the next succeeding candidate;... and whereas the said Ch-----s Pr-----s, on the 21st of June last, departed his aforesaid '_college life_,' thereby leaving to the inheritance of his successor the valuable legacy, which his illustrious friend had bequeathed, as an _entailed estate_, to the poets of the university,--we have thought proper to insert a full, true, and attested copy of the will of the last deceased heir, in order that the world may be furnished with a correct genealogy of this renowned _jack-knife_, whose pedigree will become as illustrious in after time as the family of the 'ROLLES,' and which will be celebrated by future wits as the most formidable _weapon_ of modern genius." "A WILL; BEING THE LAST WORDS OP CH----S PR----S, LATE WORTHY AND MUCH LAMENTED MEMBER OF THE LAUGHING CLUB OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY, WHO DEPARTED COLLEGE LIFE ON THE 21ST OF JUNE, 1795. "I, Pr-----s Ch----s, of judgment sound, In soul, in limb and wind, now found; I, since my head is full of wit, And must be emptied, or must split, In name of _president_ APOLLO, And other gentle folks, that follow: Such as URANIA and CLIO, To whom my fame poetic I owe; With the whole drove of rhyming sisters, For whom my heart with rapture blisters; Who swim in HELICON uncertain Whether a petticoat or shirt on, From vulgar ken their charms do cover, From every eye but _Muses' lover_; In name of every ugly GOD; Whose beauty scarce outshines a toad; In name of PROSERPINE and PLUTO, Who board in hell's sublimest grotto; In name of CERBERUS and FURIES, Those damned _aristocrats_ and tories; In presence of two witnesses, Who are as homely as you please, Who are in truth, I'd not belie 'em, Ten times as ugly, faith, as I am; But being, as most people tell us, A pair of jolly clever fellows, And classmates likewise, at this time, They sha'n't be honored in my rhyme. I--I say I, now make this will; Let those whom I assign fulfil. I give, grant, render, and convey My goods and chattels thus away: That _honor of a college life_, _That celebrated_ UGLY KNIFE, Which predecessor SAWNEY[69] orders, Descending to time's utmost borders, To _noblest bard of homeliest phiz_, To have and hold and use as his; I now present C----s P----y S----r,[70] To keep with his poetic lumber, To scrape his quid, and make a split, To point his pen for sharpening wit; And order that he ne'er abuse Said Ugly Knife, in dirtier use, And let said CHARLES, that best of writers, In prose satiric skilled to bite us, And equally in verse delight us, Take special care to keep it clean From unpoetic hands,--I ween. And when those walls, the Muses' seat, Said S----r is obliged to quit, Let some one of APOLLO'S firing, To such heroic joys aspiring, Who long has borne a poet's name, With said knife cut his way to fame. "I give to those that fish for parts, Long sleepless nights, and aching hearts, A little soul, a fawning spirit, With half a grain of plodding merit, Which is, as Heaven I hope will say, Giving what's not my own away. "Those _oven baked_ or _goose egg folded_, Who, though so often I have told it, With all my documents to show it, Will scarce believe that I'm a poet, I give of criticism the lens With half an ounce of common sense. "And 't would a breach be of humanity, Not to bequeath D---n[71] my vanity; For 'tis a rule direct from Heaven, _To him that hath, more shall be given_. "_Item_. Tom M----n,[72] COLLEGE LION, Who'd ne'er spend cash enough to buy one, The BOANERGES of a pun, A man of science and of fun, That quite uncommon witty elf, Who darts his bolts and shoots himself, Who oft hath bled beneath my jokes, I give my old _tobacco-box_. "My _Centinels_[73] for some years past, So neatly bound with thread and paste, Exposing Jacobinic tricks, I give my chum _for politics_. "My neckcloth, dirty, old, yet _strong_, That round my neck has lasted long, I give BIG BOY, for deed of pith, Namely, to hang himself therewith. "To those who've parts at exhibition Obtained by long, unwearied fishing, I say, to such unlucky wretches, I give, for wear, a brace of breeches; Then used; as they're but little tore, I hope they'll show their tails no more. "And ere it quite has gone to rot, I, B---- give my blue great-coat, With all its rags, and dirt, and tallow, Because he's such a dirty fellow. "Now for my books; first, _Bunyan's Pilgrim_, (As he with thankful pleasure will grin,) Though dog-leaved, torn, in bad type set in, 'T will do quite well for classmate B----, And thus, with complaisance to treat her, 'T will answer for another Detur. "To him that occupies my study, I give, for use of making toddy, A bottle full of _white-face_ STINGO, Another, handy, called a _mingo_. My wit, as I've enough to spare, And many much in want there are, I ne'er intend to keep at _home_, But give to those that handiest come, Having due caution, _where_ and _when_, Never to spatter _gentlemen_. The world's loud call I can't refuse, The fine productions of my muse; If _impudence_ to _fame_ shall waft her, I'll give the public all, hereafter. My love-songs, sorrowful, complaining, (The recollection puts me pain in,) The last sad groans of deep despair, That once could all my entrails tear; My farewell sermon to the ladies; My satire on a woman's head-dress; My epigram so full of glee, Pointed as epigrams should be; My sonnets soft, and sweet as lasses, My GEOGRAPHY of MOUNT PARNASSUS; With all the bards that round it gather, And variations of the weather; Containing more true humorous satire, Than's oft the lot of human nature; ('O dear, what can the matter be!' I've given away my _vanity_; The vessel can't so much contain, It runs o'er and comes back again.) My blank verse, poems so majestic, My rhymes heroic, tales agrestic; The whole, I say, I'll overhaul 'em, Collect and publish in a volume. "My heart, which thousand ladies crave, That I intend my wife shall have. I'd give my foibles to the wind, And leave my vices all behind; But much I fear they'll to me stick, Where'er I go, through thin and thick. On WISDOM'S _horse_, oh, might I ride, Whose steps let PRUDENCE' bridle guide. Thy loudest voice, O REASON, lend, And thou, PHILOSOPHY, befriend. May candor all my actions guide, And o'er my every thought preside, And in thy ear, O FORTUNE, one word, Let thy swelled canvas bear me onward, Thy favors let me ever see, And I'll be much obliged to thee; And come with blooming visage meek, Come, HEALTH, and ever flush my cheek; O bid me in the morning rise, When tinges Sol the eastern skies; At breakfast, supper-time, or dinner, Let me against thee be no sinner. "And when the glass of life is run, And I behold my setting sun, May conscience sound be my protection, And no ungrateful recollection, No gnawing cares nor tumbling woes, Disturb the quiet of life's close. And when Death's gentle feet shall come To bear me to my endless home, Oh! may my soul, should Heaven but save it, Safely return to GOD who gave it." _Federal Orrery_, Oct. 29, 1795. _Buckingham's Reminiscences_, Vol. II. pp. 228-231, 268-273. It is probable that the idea of a "College Will" was suggested to Biglow by "Father Abbey's Will," portions of which, till the present generation, were "familiar to nearly all the good housewives of New England." From the history of this poetical production, which has been lately printed for private circulation by the Rev. John Langdon Sibley of Harvard College, the annexed transcript of the instrument itself, together with the love-letter which was suggested by it, has been taken. The instances in which the accepted text differs from a Broadside copy, in the possession of the editor of this work, are noted at the foot of the page. "FATHER ABBEY'S WILL: TO WHICH IS NOW ADDED, A LETTER OF COURTSHIP TO HIS VIRTUOUS AND AMIABLE WIDOW. "_Cambridge, December_, 1730. "Some time since died here Mr. Matthew Abbey, in a very advanced age: He had for a great number of years served the College in quality of Bedmaker and Sweeper: Having no child, his wife inherits his whole estate, which he bequeathed to her by his last will and testament, as follows, viz.:-- "To my dear wife My joy and life, I freely now do give her, My whole estate, With all my plate, Being just about to leave her. "My tub of soap, A long cart-rope, A frying pan and kettle, An ashes[74] pail, A threshing-flail, An iron wedge and beetle. "Two painted chairs, Nine warden pears, A large old dripping platter, This bed of hay On which I lay, An old saucepan for butter. "A little mug, A two-quart jug, A bottle full of brandy, A looking-glass To see your face, You'll find it very handy. "A musket true, As ever flew, A pound of shot and wallet, A leather sash, My calabash, My powder-horn and bullet. "An old sword-blade, A garden spade, A hoe, a rake, a ladder, A wooden can, A close-stool pan, A clyster-pipe and bladder. "A greasy hat, My old ram cat, A yard and half of linen, A woollen fleece, A pot of grease,[75] In order for your spinning. "A small tooth comb, An ashen broom, A candlestick and hatchet, A coverlid Striped down with red, A bag of rags to patch it. "A rugged mat, A tub of fat, A book put out by Bunyan, Another book By Robin Cook,[76] A skein or two of spun-yarn. "An old black muff, Some garden stuff, A quantity of borage,[77] Some devil's weed, And burdock seed, To season well your porridge. "A chafing-dish, With one salt-fish. If I am not mistaken, A leg of pork, A broken fork, And half a flitch of bacon. "A spinning-wheel, One peck of meal, A knife without a handle, A rusty lamp, Two quarts of samp, And half a tallow candle. "My pouch and pipes, Two oxen tripes, An oaken dish well carved, My little dog, And spotted hog, With two young pigs just starved. "This is my store, I have no more, I heartily do give it: My years are spun, My days are done, And so I think to leave it. "Thus Father Abbey left his spouse, As rich as church or college mouse, Which is sufficient invitation To serve the college in his station." _Newhaven, January_ 2, 1731. "Our sweeper having lately buried his spouse, and accidentally hearing of the death and will of his deceased Cambridge brother, has conceived a violent passion for the relict. As love softens the mind and disposes to poetry, he has eased himself in the following strains, which he transmits to the charming widow, as the first essay of his love and courtship. "MISTRESS Abbey To you I fly, You only can relieve me; To you I turn, For you I burn, If you will but believe me. "Then, gentle dame, Admit my flame, And grant me my petition; If you deny, Alas! I die In pitiful condition. "Before the news Of your dear spouse Had reached us at New Haven, My dear wife dy'd, Who was my bride In anno eighty-seven. "Thus[78] being free, Let's both agree To join our hands, for I do Boldly aver A widower Is fittest for a widow. "You may be sure 'T is not your dower I make this flowing verse on; In these smooth lays I only praise The glories[79] of your person. "For the whole that Was left by[80] _Mat._ Fortune to me has granted In equal store, I've[81] one thing more Which Matthew long had wanted. "No teeth, 't is true, You have to shew, The young think teeth inviting; But silly youths! I love those mouths[82] Where there's no fear of biting. "A leaky eye, That's never dry, These woful times is fitting. A wrinkled face Adds solemn grace To folks devout at meeting. "[A furrowed brow, Where corn might grow, Such fertile soil is seen in 't, A long hook nose, Though scorned by foes, For spectacles convenient.][83] "Thus to go on I would[84] put down Your charms from head to foot, Set all your glory In verse before ye, But I've no mind to do 't.[85] "Then haste away, And make no stay; For soon as you come hither, We'll eat and sleep, Make beds and sweep. And talk and smoke together. "But if, my dear, I must move there, Tow'rds Cambridge straight I'll set me.[86] To touse the hay On which you lay, If age and you will let me."[87] The authorship of Father Abbey's Will and the Letter of Courtship is ascribed to the Rev. John Seccombe, who graduated at Harvard College in the year 1728. The former production was sent to England through the hands of Governor Belcher, and in May, 1732, appeared both in the Gentleman's Magazine and the London Magazine. The latter was also despatched to England, and was printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for June, and in the London Magazine for August, 1732. Both were republished in the Massachusetts Magazine, November, 1794. A most entertaining account of the author of these poems, and of those to whom they relate, may be found in the "Historical and Biographical Notes" of the pamphlet to which allusion has been already made, and in the "Cambridge [Mass.] Chronicle" of April 28, 1855. WINE. To drink wine. After "wining" to a certain extent, we sallied forth from his rooms.--_Alma Mater_, Vol. I. p. 14. Hither they repair each day after dinner "_to wine_." _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 95. After dinner I had the honor of _wining_ with no less a personage than a fellow of the college.--_Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 114. In _wining_ with a fair one opposite, a luckless piece of jelly adhered to the tip of his still more luckless nose.--_The Blank Book of a Small-Colleger_, New York, 1824, p. 75. WINE PARTY. Among students at the University of Cambridge, Eng., an entertainment after dinner, which is thus described by Bristed: "Many assemble at _wine parties_ to chat over a frugal dessert of oranges, biscuits, and cake, and sip a few glasses of not remarkably good wine. These wine parties are the most common entertainments, being rather the cheapest and very much the most convenient, for the preparations required for them are so slight as not to disturb the studies of the hardest reading man, and they take place at a time when no one pretends to do any work."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 21. WIRE. At Harvard College, a trick; an artifice; a stratagem; a _dodge_. WIRY. Trickish; artful. WITENAGEMOTE. Saxon, _witan_, to know, and _gemot_, a meeting, a council. In the University of Oxford, the weekly meeting of the heads of the colleges.--_Oxford Guide_. WOODEN SPOON. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., the scholar whose name stands last of all on the printed list of honors, at the Bachelors' Commencement in January, is scoffingly said to gain the _wooden spoon_. He is also very currently himself called the _wooden spoon_. A young academic coming into the country immediately after this great competition, in which he had conspicuously distinguished himself, was asked by a plain country gentleman, "Pray, Sir, is my Jack a Wrangler?" "No, Sir." Now Jack had confidently pledged himself to his uncle that he would take his degree with honor. "A Senior Optime?" "No, Sir." "Why, what was he then?" "Wooden Spoon!" "Best suited to his wooden head," said the mortified inquirer.--_Forby's Vocabulary_, Vol. II. p. 258. It may not perhaps be improper to mention one very remarkable personage, I mean "the _Wooden Spoon_." This luckless wight (for what cause I know not) is annually the universal butt and laughing-stock of the whole Senate-House. He is the last of those young men who take honors, in his year, and is called a Junior Optime; yet, notwithstanding his being in fact superior to them all, the very lowest of the [Greek: oi polloi], or gregarious undistinguished bachelors, think themselves entitled to shoot the pointless arrows of their clumsy wit against the _wooden spoon_; and to reiterate the stale and perennial remark, that "Wranglers are born with gold spoons in their mouths, Senior Optimes with silver, Junior Optimes with _wooden_, and the [Greek: oi polloi] with leaden ones."--_Gent. Mag._, 1795, p. 19. Who while he lives must wield the boasted prize, Whose value all can feel, the weak, the wise; Displays in triumph his distinguished boon, The solid honors of the _wooden spoon_. _Grad. ad Cantab._, p. 119. 2. At Yale College, this title is conferred on the student who takes the last appointment at the Junior Exhibition. The following account of the ceremonies incident to the presentation of the Wooden Spoon has been kindly furnished by a graduate of that institution. "At Yale College the honors, or, as they are there termed, appointments, are given to a class twice during the course;--upon the merits of the two preceding years, at the end of the first term, Junior; and at the end of the second term, Senior, upon the merits of the whole college course. There are about eight grades of appointments, the lowest of which is the Third Colloquy. Each grade has its own standard, and if a number of students have attained to the same degree, they receive the same appointment. It is rarely the case, however, that more than one student can claim the distinction of a third colloquy; but when there are several, they draw lots to see which is entitled to be considered properly _the_ third colloquy man. "After the Junior appointments are awarded, the members of the Junior Class hold an exhibition similar to the regular Junior exhibition, and present a _wooden spoon_ to the man who received the lowest honor in the gift of the Faculty. "The exhibition takes place in the evening, at some public hall in town. Except to those engaged in the arrangements, nothing is known about it among the students at large, until the evening of the performances, when notices of the hour and place are quietly circulated at prayers, in order that it may not reach the ears of the Faculty, who are ever too ready to participate in the sports of the students, and to make the result tell unfavorably against the college welfare of the more prominent characters. "As the appointed hour approaches, long files of black coats may be seen emerging from the dark halls, and winding their way through the classic elms towards the Temple, the favorite scene of students' exhibitions and secret festivals. When they reach the door, each man must undergo the searching scrutiny of the door-keeper, usually disguised as an Indian, to avoid being recognized by a college officer, should one chance to be in the crowd, and no one is allowed to enter unless he is known. "By the time the hour of the exercises has arrived, the hall is densely packed with undergraduates and professional students. The President, who is a non-appointment man, and probably the poorest scholar in the class, sits on a stage with his associate professors. Appropriate programmes, printed in the college style, are scattered throughout the house. As the hour strikes, the President arises with becoming dignity, and, instead of the usual phrase, 'Musicam audeamus,' restores order among the audience by 'Silentiam audeamus,' and then addresses the band, 'Musica cantetur.' "Then follow a series of burlesque orations, dissertations, and disputes, upon scientific and other subjects, from the wittiest and cleverest men in the class, and the house is kept in a continual roar of laughter. The highest appointment men frequently take part in the speeches. From time to time the band play, and the College choir sing pieces composed for the occasion. In one of the best, called AUDACIA, composed in imitation of the Crambambuli song, by a member of the class to which the writer belonged, the Wooden Spoon is referred to in the following stanza:-- 'But do not think our life is aimless; O no! we crave one blessed boon, It is the prize of value nameless, The honored, classic WOODEN SPOON; But give us this, we'll shout Hurrah! O nothing like Audacia!' "After the speeches are concluded and the music has ceased, the President rises and calls the name of the hero of the evening, who ascends the stage and stands before the high dignitary. The President then congratulates him upon having attained to so eminent a position, and speaks of the pride that he and his associates feel in conferring upon him the highest honor in their gift,--the Wooden Spoon. He exhorts him to pursue through life the noble cruise he has commenced in College,--not seeking glory as one of the illiterate,--the [Greek: oi polloi],--nor exactly on the fence, but so near to it that he may safely be said to have gained the 'happy medium.' "The President then proceeds to the grand ceremony of the evening, --the delivery of the Wooden Spoon,--a handsomely finished spoon, or ladle, with a long handle, on which is carved the name of the Class, and the rank and honor of the recipient, and the date of its presentation. The President confers the honor in Latin, provided he and his associates are able to muster a sufficient number of sentences. "When the President resumes his seat, the Third Colloquy man thanks his eminent instructors for the honor conferred upon him, and thanks (often with sincerity) the class for the distinction he enjoys. The exercises close with music by the band, or a burlesque colloquy. On one occasion, the colloquy was announced upon the programme as 'A Practical Illustration of Humbugging,' with a long list of witty men as speakers, to appear in original costumes. Curiosity was very much excited, and expectation on the tiptoe, when the colloquy became due. The audience waited and waited until sufficiently _humbugged_, when they were allowed to retire with the laugh turned against them. "Many men prefer the Wooden Spoon to any other college honor or prize, because it comes directly from their classmates, and hence, perhaps, the Faculty disapprove of it, considering it as a damper to ambition and college distinctions." This account of the Wooden Spoon Exhibition was written in the year 1851. Since then its privacy has been abolished, and its exercises are no longer forbidden by the Faculty. Tutors are now not unfrequently among the spectators at the presentation, and even ladies lend their presence, attention, and applause, to beautify, temper, and enliven the occasion. The "_Wooden Spoon_," tradition says, was in ancient times presented to the greatest glutton in the class, by his appreciating classmates. It is now given to the one whose name comes last on the list of appointees for the Junior Exhibition, though this rule is not strictly followed. The presentation takes place during the Summer Term, and in vivacity with respect to the literary exercises, and brilliance in point of audience, forms a rather formidable rival to the regularly authorized Junior Exhibition.--_Songs of Tale_, Preface, 1853, p. 4. Of the songs which are sung in connection with the wooden spoon presentation, the following is given as a specimen. "Air,--_Yankee Doodle_. "Come, Juniors, join this jolly tune Our fathers sang before us; And praise aloud the wooden spoon In one long, swelling chorus. Yes! let us, Juniors, shout and sing The spoon and all its glory,-- Until the welkin loudly ring And echo back the story. "Who would not place this precious boon Above the Greek Oration? Who would not choose the wooden spoon Before a dissertation? Then, let, &c. "Some pore o'er classic works jejune, Through all their life at College,-- I would not pour, but use the spoon To fill my mind with knowledge. So let, &c. "And if I ever have a son Upon my knee to dandle, I'll feed him with a wooden spoon Of elongated handle. Then let, &c. "Most college honors vanish soon, Alas! returning never, But such a noble wooden spoon Is tangible for ever. So let, &c. "Now give, in honor of the spoon, Three cheers, long, loud, and hearty, And three for every honored June In coch-le-au-re-a-ti.[88] Yes! let us, Juniors, shout and sing The spoon and all its glory,-- Until the welkin loudly ring And echo back the story." _Songs of Yale_, 1853, p. 37. WRANGLER. In the University of Cambridge, Eng., at the conclusion of the tenth term, the final examination in the Senate-House takes place. A certain number of those who pass this examination in the best manner are called _Wranglers_. The usual number of _Wranglers_--whatever Wrangler may have meant once, it now implies a First Class man in Mathematics--is thirty-seven or thirty-eight. Sometimes it falls to thirty-five, and occasionally rises above forty.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 227. See SENIOR WRANGLER. WRANGLERSHIP. The office of a _Wrangler_. He may be considered pretty safe for the highest _Wranglership_ out of Trinity.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 103. WRESTLING-MATCH. At Harvard College, it was formerly the custom, on the first Monday of the term succeeding the Commencement vacation, for the Sophomores to challenge the Freshmen who had just entered College to a wrestling-match. A writer in the New England Magazine, 1832, in an article entitled "Harvard College Forty Years Ago," remarks as follows on this subject: "Another custom, not enjoined by the government, had been in vogue from time immemorial. That was for the Sophomores to challenge the Freshmen to a wrestling-match. If the Sophomores were thrown, the Juniors gave a similar challenge. If these were conquered, the Seniors entered the lists, or treated the victors to as much wine, punch, &c. as they chose to drink. In my class, there were few who had either taste, skill, or bodily strength for this exercise, so that we were easily laid on our backs, and the Sophomores were acknowledged our superiors, in so far as 'brute force' was concerned. Being disgusted with these customs, we held a class-meeting, early in our first quarter, and voted unanimously that we should never send a Freshman on an errand; and, with but one dissenting voice, that we would not challenge the next class that should enter to wrestle. When the latter vote was passed, our moderator, pointing at the dissenting individual with the finger of scorn, declared it to be a vote, _nemine contradicente_. We commenced Sophomores, another Freshman Class entered, the Juniors challenged them, and were thrown. The Seniors invited them to a treat, and these barbarous customs were soon after abolished."--Vol. III. p. 239. The Freshman Class above referred to, as superior to the Junior, was the one which graduated in 1796, of which Mr. Thomas Mason, surnamed "the College Lion," was a member,--"said," remarks Mr. Buckingham, "to be the greatest _wrestler_ that was ever in College. He was settled as a clergyman at Northfield, Mass., resigned his office some years after, and several times represented that town in the Legislature of Massachusetts." Charles Prentiss, the wit of the Class of '95, in a will written on his departure from college life, addresses Mason as follows:-- "Item. Tom M----n, COLLEGE LION, Who'd ne'er spend cash enough to buy one, The BOANERGES of a pun, A man of science and of fun, That quite uncommon witty elf, Who darts his bolts and shoots himself, Who oft has bled beneath my jokes, I give my old _tobacco-box_." _Buckingham's Reminiscences_, Vol. II. p. 271. The fame which Mr. Mason had acquired while in College for bodily strength and skill in wrestling, did not desert him after he left. While settled as a minister at Northfield, a party of young men from Vermont challenged the young men of that town to a bout at wrestling. The challenge was accepted, and on a given day the two parties assembled at Northfield. After several rounds, when it began to appear that the Vermonters were gaining the advantage, a proposal was made, by some who had heard of Mr. Mason's exploits, that he should be requested to take part in the contest. It had now grown late, and the minister, who usually retired early, had already betaken himself to bed. Being informed of the request of the wrestlers, for a long time he refused to go, alleging as reasons his ministerial capacity, the force of example, &c. Finding these excuses of no avail, he finally arose, dressed himself, and repaired to the scene of action. Shouts greeted him on his arrival, and he found himself on the wrestling-field, as he had stood years ago at Cambridge. The champion of the Vermonters came forward, flushed with his former victories. After playing around him for some time, Mr. Mason finally threw him. Having by this time collected his ideas of the game, when another antagonist appeared, tripping up his heels with perfect ease, he suddenly twitched him off his centre and laid him on his back. Victory was declared in favor of Northfield, and the good minister was borne home in triumph. Similar to these statements are those of Professor Sidney Willard relative to the same subject, contained in his late work entitled "Memories of Youth and Manhood." Speaking of the observances in vogue at Harvard College in the year 1794, he says:--"Next to being indoctrinated in the Customs, so called, by the Sophomore Class, there followed the usual annual exhibition of the athletic contest between that class and the Freshman Class, namely, the wrestling-match. On some day of the second week in the term, after evening prayers, the two classes assembled on the play-ground and formed an extended circle, from which a stripling of the Sophomore Class advanced into the area, and, in terms justifying the vulgar use of the derivative word Sophomorical, defied his competitors, in the name of his associates, to enter the lists. He was matched by an equal in stature, from that part of the circle formed by the new-comers. Beginning with these puny athletes, as one and another was prostrated on either side, the contest advanced through the intermediate gradations of strength and skill, with increasing excitement of the parties and spectators, until it reached its summit by the struggle of the champion or coryphæus in reserve on each of the opposite sides. I cannot now affirm with certainty the result of the contest; whether it was a drawn battle, whether it ended with the day, or was postponed for another trial. It probably ended in the defeat of the younger party, for there were more and mightier men among their opponents. Had we been victorious, it would have behooved us, according to established precedents, to challenge the Junior Class, which was not done. Such a result, if it had taken place, could not fade from the memory of the victors; while failure, on the contrary, being an issue to be looked for, would soon be dismissed from the thoughts of the vanquished. Instances had occurred of the triumph of the Freshman Class, and one of them recent, when a challenge in due form was sent to the Juniors, who, thinking the contest too doubtful, wisely resolved to let the victors rejoice in their laurels already won; and, declining to meet them in the gymnasium, invited them to a sumptuous feast instead. "Wrestling was, at an after period, I cannot say in what year, superseded by football; a grovelling and inglorious game in comparison. Wrestling is an art; success in the exercise depends not on mere bodily strength. It had, at the time of which I have spoken, its well-known and acknowledged technical rules, and any violation of them, alleged against one who had prostrated his adversary, became a matter of inquiry. If it was found that the act was not achieved _secundum artem_, it was void, and might be followed by another trial."--Vol. I. pp. 260, 261. Remarks on this subject are continued in another part of the work from which the above extract is made, and the story of Thomas Mason is related, with a few variations from the generally received version. "Wrestling," says Professor Willard, "was reduced to an art, which had its technical terms for the movement of the limbs, and the manner of using them adroitly, with the skill acquired by practice in applying muscular force at the right time and in the right degree. Success in the art, therefore, depended partly on skill; and a violation of the rules of the contest vitiated any apparent triumph gained by mere physical strength. There were traditionary accounts of some of our predecessors who were commemorated as among the coryphæi of wrestlers; a renown that was not then looked upon with contempt. The art of wrestling was not then confined to the literary gymnasium. It was practised in every rustic village. There were even migrating braves and Hectors, who, in their wanderings from their places of abode to villages more or less distant, defied the chiefest of this order of gymnasts to enter the lists. In a country town of Massachusetts remote from the capital, one of these wanderers appeared about half a century since, and issued a general challenge against the foremost wrestlers. The clergyman of the town, a son of Harvard, whose fame in this particular had travelled from the academic to the rustic green, was apprised of the challenge, and complied with the solicitation of some of his young parishioners to accept it in their behalf. His triumph over the challenger was completed without agony or delay, and having prostrated him often enough to convince him of his folly, he threw him over the stone wall, and gravely admonished him against repeating his visit, and disturbing the peace of his parish."--Vol. I. p. 315. The peculiarities of Thomas Mason were his most noticeable characteristics. As an orator, his eloquence was of the _ore rotundo_ order; as a writer, his periods were singularly Johnsonian. He closed his ministerial labors in Northfield, February 28, 1830, on which occasion he delivered a farewell discourse, taking for his text, the words of Paul to Timothy: "The time of my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith; henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness." As a specimen of his style of writing, the following passages are presented, taken from this discourse:--"Time, which forms the scene of all human enterprise, solicitude, toil, and improvement, and which fixes the limitations of all human pleasures and sufferings, has at length conducted us to the termination of our long-protracted alliance. An assignment of the reasons of this measure must open a field too extended and too diversified for our present survey. Nor could a development of the whole be any way interesting to us, to whom alone this address is now submitted. Suffice it to say, that in the lively exercise of mutual and unimpaired friendship and confidence, the contracting parties, after sober, continued, and unimpassioned deliberation, have yielded to existing circumstances, as a problematical expedient of social blessing." After commenting upon the declaration of Paul, he continued: "The Apostle proceeds, 'I have fought a good fight' Would to God I could say the same! Let me say, however, without the fear of contradiction, 'I have fought a fight!' How far it has been 'good,' I forbear to decide." His summing up was this: "You see, my hearers, all I can say, in common with the Apostle in the text, is this: 'The time of my departure is at hand,'--and, 'I have finished my course.'" Referring then to the situation which he had occupied, he said: "The scene of our alliance and co-operation, my friends, has been one of no ordinary cast and character. The last half-century has been pregnant with novelty, project, innovation, and extreme excitement. The pillars of the social edifice have been shaken, and the whole social atmosphere has been decomposed by alchemical demagogues and revolutionary apes. The sickly atmosphere has suffused a morbid humor over the whole frame, and left the social body little more than 'the empty and bloody skin of an immolated victim.' "We pass by the ordinary incidents of alienation, which are too numerous, and too evanescent to admit of detail. But seasons and circumstances of great alarm are not readily forgotten. We have witnessed, and we have felt, my friends, a political convulsion, which seemed the harbinger of inevitable desolation. But it has passed by with a harmless explosion, and returning friends have paused in wonder, at a moment's suspension of friendship. Mingled with the factitious mass, there was a large spice of sincerity which sanctified the whole composition, and restored the social body to sanity, health, and increased strength and vigor. "Thrice happy must be our reflections could we stop here, and contemplate the ascending prosperity and increasing vigor of this religious community. But the one half has not yet been told,--the beginning has hardly been begun. Could I borrow the language of the spirits of wrath,--was my pen transmuted to a viper's tooth dipped in gore,--was my paper transformed to a vellum which no light could illume, and which only darkness could render legible, I could, and I would, record a tale of blood, of which the foulest miscreant must burn in ceaseless anguish only once to have been suspected. But I refer to imagination what description can never reach." What the author referred to in this last paragraph no one knew, nor did he ever advance any explanation of these strange words. Near the close of his discourse, he said: "Standing in the place of a Christian minister among you, through the whole course of my ministrations, it has been my great and leading aim ever to maintain and exhibit the character and example of a Christian man. With clerical foppery, grimace, craft, and hypocrisy, I have had no concern. In the free participation of every innocent entertainment and delight, I have pursued an open, unreserved course, equally removed from the mummery of superstition and the dissipation of infidelity. And though I have enjoyed my full share of honor from the scandal of bigotry and malice, yet I may safely congratulate myself in the reflection, that by this liberal and independent progress were men weighed in the balance of intellectual, social, and moral worth, I have yet never lost a single friend who was worth preserving."--pp. 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11. _Y_. YAGER FIGHTS. At Bowdoin College, "_Yager Fights_," says a correspondent, "are the annual conflicts which occur between the townsmen and the students. The Yagers (from the German _Jager_, a hunter, a chaser) were accustomed, when the lumbermen came down the river in the spring, to assemble in force, march up to the College yard with fife and drum, get famously drubbed, and retreat in confusion to their dens. The custom has become extinct within the past four years, in consequence of the non-appearance of the Yagers." YALENSIAN. A student at or a member of Yale College. In making this selection, we have been governed partly by poetic merit, but more by the associations connected with various pieces inserted, in the minds of the present generation of _Yalensians_. --_Preface to Songs of Yale_, 1853. The _Yalensian_ is off for Commencement.--_Yale Lit. Mag._, Vol. XIX. p. 355. YANKEE. According to the account of this word as given by Dr. William Gordon, it appears to have been in use among the students of Harvard College at a very early period. A citation from his work will show this fact in its proper light. "You may wish to know the origin of the term _Yankee_. Take the best account of it which your friend can procure. It was a cant, favorite word with Farmer Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about 1713. Two aged ministers, who were at the College in that town, have told me, they remembered it to have been then in use among the students, but had no recollection of it before that period. The inventor used it to express excellency. A _Yankee_ good horse, or _Yankee_ cider, and the like, were an excellent good horse and excellent cider. The students used to hire horses of him; their intercourse with him, and his use of the term upon all occasions, led them to adopt it, and they gave him the name of Yankee Jon. He was a worthy, honest man, but no conjurer. This could not escape the notice of the collegiates. Yankee probably became a by-word among them to express a weak, simple, awkward person; was carried from the College with them when they left it, and was in that way circulated and established through the country, (as was the case in respect to Hobson's choice, by the students at Cambridge, in Old England,) till, from its currency in New England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New-Englanders in common, as a term of reproach."--_American War_, Ed. 1789, Vol. I. pp. 324, 325. _Thomas's Spy_, April, 1789, No. 834. In the Massachusetts Magazine, Vol. VII., p. 301, the editor, the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, D.D., of Dorchester, referring to a letter written by the Rev. John Seccombe, and dated "Cambridge, Sept. 27, 1728," observes: "It is a most humorous narrative of the fate of a goose roasted at 'Yankee Hastings's,' and it concludes with a poem on the occasion, in the mock-heroic." The fact of the name is further substantiated in the following remarks by the Rev. John Langdon Sibley, of Harvard College: "Jonathan Hastings, Steward of the College from 1750 to 1779,... was a son of Jonathan Hastings, a tanner, who was called 'Yankee Hastings,' and lived on the spot at the northwest corner of Holmes Place in Old Cambridge, where, not many years since, a house was built by the late William Pomeroy."--_Father Abbey's Will_, Cambridge, Mass., 1854, pp. 7, 8. YEAR. At the English universities, the undergraduate course is three years and a third. Students of the first year are called Freshmen, and the other classes at Cambridge are, in popular phrase, designated successively Second-year Men, Third-year Men, and Men who are just going out. The word _year_ is often used in the sense of class. The lecturer stands, and the lectured sit, even when construing, as the Freshmen are sometimes asked to do; the other _Years_ are only called on to listen.--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 18. Of the "_year_" that entered with me at Trinity, three men died before the time of graduating.--_Ibid._, p. 330. YEOMAN-BEDELL. At the University of Cambridge, Eng., the _yeoman-bedell_ in processions precedes the esquire-bedells, carrying an ebony mace, tipped with silver.--_Cam. Guide_. At the University of Oxford, the yeoman-bedels bear the silver staves in procession. The vice-chancellor never walks out without being preceded by a yeoman-bedel with his insignium of office.--_Guide to Oxford_. See BEADLE. YOUNG BURSCH. In the German universities, a name given to a student during his third term, or _semester_. The fox year is then over, and they wash the eyes of the new-baked _Young Bursche_, since during the fox-year he was held to be blind, the fox not being endued with reason.--_Howitt's Student Life of Germany_, Am. ed., p. 124. A LIST OF AMERICAN COLLEGES REFERRED TO IN THIS WORK, IN CONNECTION WITH PARTICULAR WORDS OR CUSTOMS. AMHERST COLLEGE, Amherst, Mass., 10 references. ANDERSON COLLEGIATE INSTITUTE, Ind., 3 references. BACON COLLEGE, Ky., 1 reference. BETHANY COLLEGE, Bethany, Va., 2 references. BOWDOIN COLLEGE, Brunswick, Me., 17 references. BROWN UNIVERSITY, Providence, R.I., 2 references. CENTRE COLLEGE, Danville, Ky., 4 references. COLUMBIA [KING'S] COLLEGE, New York., 5 references. COLUMBIAN COLLEGE, Washington, D.C., 1 reference. DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, Hanover, N.H., 27 references. HAMILTON COLLEGE, Clinton, N.Y., 16 references. HARVARD COLLEGE, Cambridge, Mass., 399 references. JEFFERSON COLLEGE, Canonsburg, Penn., 8 references. KING'S COLLEGE. See COLUMBIA. MIDDLEBURY COLLEGE, Middlebury, Vt., 11 references. NEW JERSEY, COLLEGE OF, Princeton, N.J., 29 references. NEW YORK, UNIVERSITY OF, New York., 1 reference. NORTH CAROLINA, UNIVERSITY OF, Chapel Hill, N.C., 3 references. PENNSYLVANIA, UNIVERSITY OF, Philadelphia, Penn., 3 references. PRINCETON COLLEGE. See NEW JERSEY, COLLEGE OF. RUTGER'S COLLEGE, New Brunswick, N.J., 2 references. SHELBY COLLEGE, Shelbyville, Ky., 2 references. SOUTH CAROLINA COLLEGE, Columbia, S.C., 3 references. TRINITY COLLEGE, Hartford, Conn., 11 references. UNION COLLEGE, Schenectady, N.Y., 41 references. VERMONT, UNIVERSITY OF, Burlington, Vt., 25 references. VIRGINIA, UNIVERSITY OF, Albemarle Co., Va., 14 references. WASHINGTON COLLEGE, Washington, Penn., 5 references. WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY, Middletown, Conn., 5 references. WESTERN RESERVE COLLEGE, Hudson, Ohio., 1 reference. WEST POINT, N.Y., 1 reference. WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE, Williamsburg, Va., 3 references. WILLIAMS COLLEGE, Williamstown, Mass., 43 references. YALE COLLEGE, New Haven, Conn., 264 references. THE END. FOOTNOTES: [01] Hon. Levi Woodbury, whose subject was "Progress." [02] _Vide_ Aristophanes, _Aves_. [03] Alcestis of Euripides. [04] See BRICK MILL. [05] At Harvard College, sixty-eight Commencements were held in the old parish church which "occupied a portion of the space between Dane Hall and the old Presidential House." The period embraced was from 1758 to 1834. There was no Commencement in 1764, on account of the small-pox; nor from 1775 to 1781, seven years, on account of the Revolutionary war. The first Commencement in the new meeting-house was held in 1834. In 1835, there was rain at Commencement, for the first time in thirty-five years. [06] The graduating class usually waited on the table at dinner on Commencement Day. [07] Rev. John Willard, S.T.D., of Stafford, Conn., a graduate of the class of 1751. [08] "Men, some to pleasure, some to business, take; But every woman is at heart a rake." [09] Rev. Joseph Willard, S.T.D. [10] The Rev. Dr. Simeon Howard, senior clergyman of the Corporation, presided at the public exercises and announced the degrees. [11] See under THESIS and MASTER'S QUESTION. [12] The old way of spelling the word SOPHOMORE, q.v. [13] Speaking of Bachelors who are reading for fellowships, Bristed says, they "wear black gowns with two strings hanging loose in front."--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 20. [14] Bristed speaks of the "blue and silver gown" of Trinity Fellow-Commoners.--_Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 34. [15] "A gold-tufted cap at Cambridge designates a Johnian or Small-College Fellow-Commoner."--_Ibid._, p. 136. [16] "The picture is not complete without the 'men,' all in their academicals, as it is Sunday. The blue gown of Trinity has not exclusive possession of its own walks: various others are to be discerned, the Pembroke looped at the sleeve, the Christ's and Catherine curiously crimped in front, and the Johnian with its unmistakable 'Crackling.'"--_Bristed's Five Years in an Eng. Univ._, Ed. 2d, p. 73. "On Saturday evenings, Sundays, and Saints' days the students wear surplices instead of their gowns, and very innocent and exemplary they look in them."--_Ibid._, p. 21. [17] "The ignorance of the popular mind has often represented academicians riding, travelling, &c. in cap and gown. Any one who has had experience of the academic costume can tell that a sharp walk on a windy day in it is no easy matter, and a ride or a row would be pretty near an impossibility. Indeed, during these two hours [of hard exercise] it is as rare to see a student in a gown, as it is at other times to find him beyond the college walks without one."--_Ibid._, p. 19. [18] Downing College. [19] St. John's College. [20] See under IMPOSITION. [21] "Narratur et prisci Catonis Sæpè mero caluisse virtus." Horace, Ode _Ad Amphoram_. [22] Education: a Poem before [Greek: Phi. Beta. Kappa.] Soc., 1799, by William Biglow. [23] 2 Samuel x. 4. [24] A printed "Order of Exhibition" was issued at Harvard College in 1810, for the first time. [25] In reference to cutting lead from the old College. [26] Senior, as here used, indicates an officer of college, or a member of either of the three upper classes, agreeable to Custom No. 3, above. [27] The law in reference to footballs is still observed. [28] See SOPHOMORE. [29] I.e. TUTOR. [30] Abbreviated for Cousin John, i.e. a privy. [31] Joseph Willard, President of Harvard College from 1781 to 1804. [32] Timothy Lindall Jennison, Tutor from 1785 to 1788. [33] James Prescott, graduated in 1788. [34] Robert Wier, graduated in 1788. [35] Joseph Willard. [36] Dr. Samuel Williams, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. [37] Dr. Eliphalet Pearson, Professor of Hebrew and other Oriental Languages. [38] Eleazar James, Tutor from 1781 to 1789. [39] Jonathan Burr, Tutor 1786, 1787. [40] "Flag of the free heart's hope and home! By angel hands to valor given." _The American Flag_, by J.R. Drake. [41] Charles Prentiss, who when this was written was a member of the Junior Class. Both he and Mr. Biglow were fellows of "infinite jest," and were noted for the superiority of their talents and intellect. [42] Mr. Biglow was known in college by the name of Sawney, and was thus frequently addressed by his familiar friends in after life. [43] Charles Pinckney Sumner, afterwards a lawyer in Boston, and for many years sheriff of the county of Suffolk. [44] A black man who sold pies and cakes. [45] Written after a general pruning of the trees around Harvard College. [46] Doctor of Medicine, or Student of Medicine. [47] Referring to the masks and disguises worn by the members at their meetings. [48] A picture representing an examination and initiation into the Society, fronting the title-page of the Catalogue. [49] Leader Dam, _Armig._, M.D. et ex off L.K. et LL.D. et J.U.D. et P.D. et M.U.D, etc., etc., et ASS. He was an empiric, who had offices at Boston and Philadelphia, where he sold quack medicines of various descriptions. [50] Christophe, the black Prince of Hayti. [51] It is said he carried the bones of Tom Paine, the infidel, to England, to make money by exhibiting them, but some difficulty arising about the duty on them, he threw them overboard. [52] He promulgated a theory that the earth was hollow, and that there was an entrance to it at the North Pole. [53] Alexander the First of Russia was elected a member, and, supposing the society to be an honorable one, forwarded to it a valuable present. [54] He made speeches on the Fourth of July at five or six o'clock in the morning, and had them printed and ready for sale, as soon as delivered, from his cart on Boston Common, from which he sold various articles. [55] Tibbets, a gambler, was attacked by Snelling through the columns of the New England Galaxy. [56] Referring to the degree given to the Russian Alexander, and the present received in return. [57] 1851. [58] See DIG. In this case, those who had parts at two Exhibitions are thus designated. [59] Jonathan Leonard, who afterwards graduated in the class of 1786. [60] 1851. [61] William A. Barron, who was graduated in 1787, and was tutor from 1793 to 1800, was "among his contemporaries in office ... social and playful, fond of _bon-mots_, conundrums, and puns." Walking one day with Shapleigh and another gentleman, the conversation happened to turn upon the birthplace of Shapleigh, who was always boasting that two towns claimed him as their citizen, as the towns, cities, and islands of Greece claimed Homer as a native. Barron, with all the good humor imaginable, put an end to the conversation by the following epigrammatic impromptu:-- "Kittery and York for Shapleigh's birth contest; Kittery won the prize, but York came off the best." [62] In Brady and Tate, "Hear, O my people." [63] In Brady and Tate, "instruction." [64] Watts, "hear." [65] See BOHN. [66] The Triennial Catalogue of Harvard College was first printed in a pamphlet form in the year 1778. [67] Jesse Olds, a classmate, afterwards a clergyman in a country town. [68] Charles Prentiss, a member of the Junior Class when this was written; afterwards editor of the Rural Repository.--_Buckingham's Reminiscences_, Vol. II. pp. 273-275. [69] William Biglow was known in college by the name of Sawney, and was frequently addressed by this sobriquet in after life, by his familiar friends. [70] Charles Pinckney Sumner,--afterwards a lawyer in Boston, and for many years Sheriff of the County of Suffolk. [71] Theodore Dehon, afterwards a clergyman of the Episcopal Church, and Bishop of the Diocese of South Carolina. [72] Thomas Mason, a member of the class after Prentiss, said to be the greatest _wrestler_ that was ever in College. He was settled as a clergyman at Northfield, Mass.; resigned his office some years after, and several times represented that town in the Legislature of Massachusetts. See under WRESTLING-MATCH. [73] The Columbian Centinel, published at Boston, of which Benjamin Russell was the editor. [74] "Ashen," on _Ed.'s Broadside_. [75] "A pot of grease, A woollen fleece."--_Ed's Broadside_. [76] "Rook."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. "Hook."--_Gent. Mag._, May, 1732. [77] "Burrage."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [78] "That."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [79] "Beauties."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [80] "My."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [81] "I've" omitted in _Ed.'s Broadside_. Nay, I've two more What Matthew always wanted.--_Gent. Mag._, June, 1732. [82] "But silly youth, I love the mouth."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [83] This stanza, although found in the London Magazine, does not appear in the Gentleman's Magazine, or on the Editor's Broadside. It is probably an interpolation. [84] "Cou'd."--_Gent. Mag._, June, 1732. [85] "Do it."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [86] "Tow'rds Cambridge I'll get thee."--_Ed.'s Broadside_. [87] "If, madam, you will let me."--_Gent. Mag._, June, 1732. [88] See COCHLEAUREATUS. 
51409	----	https://archive.org/details/publicschoollife00waug PUBLIC SCHOOL LIFE * * * * * * COUNTRIES OF THE MIND MIDDLETON MURRY Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net IBSEN AND HIS CREATION Professor JANKO LAVRIN Cr. 8vo. 7s. 6d. net THE RETURN WALTER DE LA MARE Cr. 8vo. 7s. 6d. net * * * * * * PUBLIC SCHOOL LIFE Boys Parents Masters by ALEC WAUGH Author of 'The Loom of Youth,' 'Pleasure,' etc. [Illustration: Logo] London: 48 Pall Mall W. Collins Sons & Co. Ltd. Glasgow Melbourne Auckland Copyright, 1922 Manufactured in Great Britain A DEDICATORY LETTER TO ARNOLD LUNN _December 6, 1921_: MY DEAR ARNOLD,--It was with genuine surprise that I read the other day, while turning over the pages of _The Harrovians_, the date 1913 upon the title-page. Only eight years ago, and since then so much has happened. What a long while it seems since _The Harrovians_ was the most borrowed book in the house, and we passed the hours of evening hall, that should have been spent in the study of irregular verbs, in eager discussions on your book. It was a revelation to us--we schoolboys of 1913. It explained us to ourselves. We thought then that the last word on the subject had been said. But one can never say the last word on such a subject as the Public Schools, especially in a novel. In a novel one is constrained to tell a story or to reveal a character. In _The Harrovians_ you dealt with the Public School System only in as far as it effected the development of Peter, and in _Loose Ends_ you found yourself equally fettered with regard to Maurice. It is for this reason that I feel there is still room for a book such as this, which, though a narrative, has for its object simply the analysis and presentation of public school life. At any rate I hope that you may think, when you come to read it, that it was worth doing. If you do not, well then at least here is your name after the title-page in grateful tribute to many pleasant hours spent in the company of yourself and of your books, and in the hope of many more such hours. For their sake, if not for its own sake, please accept this book, and believe me, As ever, your sincere friend, ALEC WAUGH. CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE I. INTRODUCTORY 1 II. THE PREPARATORY SCHOOL 20 III. THE NEW BOY 38 IV. THE SECOND YEAR 60 V. ATHLETICISM 76 VI. THE TRUE ETHICS OF CRIBBING 91 VII. MORALITY AND THE ROMANTIC FRIENDSHIP 124 VIII. THE MIDDLE YEARS 161 IX. PREFECTSHIP 171 X. THE LAST TERM 198 XI. THE OLD BOY AS SCHOOLMASTER AND PARENT 215 XII. SOME SUGGESTIONS: THE LEAVING AGE WITH REGARD TO MORALS 231 XIII. THE LEAVING AGE WITH REGARD TO ATHLETICS 256 XIV. CONCLUSION 263 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY Twenty years ago a father said to his son, who had just come down from Oxford with a batting average of 35.7: 'For ten years, my boy, you have been playing cricket all through the summer at my expense. You can now either come into my business and play first-class cricket during your month's holiday in August, or, if you want to continue to play cricket all through the season, you can go down to the Oval and apply to be taken on as a professional.' The moral, the obvious moral, that is to say, is admirable. And the elderly gentleman whom I overheard repeating this story in the pavilion, leant back in his seat and affirmed proudly, though with a deep sense of the passage of good things, that it was in such a spirit that the game had been played when he was young. 'That's what cricket meant to the Studds, the Lyttletons, the Fosters. We didn't have any of these amateur professionals, none of these fine fellows who get found soft jobs by their county committees. What's the difference, I should like to know, between the fellow who gets paid five pounds a match and the fellow who is presented with the directorship of a ladies' corset factory at a comfortable salary, and who has only to go to the office once a week to sign his name in the directors' attendance book?' The elderly gentleman shrugged his shoulders with disgust. He was quite right, of course. There are too many cricketers who make as much money out of the game as any professional, yet are entitled to put initials before their name upon the score card. And the father was quite right when he insisted on the industry of his son. He was none the less right because things probably failed to turn out as they had been planned. They rarely do. We can guess what happened. For a year the son worked hard. During his month's holiday he made a couple of centuries in first-class cricket, and various papers commenting on this achievement expressed their regret that so promising a cricketer should only be available in August. It is needless to add that the other members of the family saw to it that these references did not escape the attention of their father. Next season the county started so well, that by the end of May it stood at the head of the championship, and the young financier was entreated to turn out for the Yorkshire match in the middle of June. On such an occasion parental discipline was naturally relaxed. And an innings of 87 on a tricky wicket was followed by an invitation to play for the Gentlemen at Lords. Parental pride was flattered. Next season the same thing happened, only more frequently. There was, in fact, an understanding that he was available for all the important matches, and very soon not only the fixtures with Middlesex, Kent, and Surrey, came to be regarded as important, but also those with Hampshire, Gloucestershire, Somerset, and Worcester. Indeed, in five years' time the son found himself playing county cricket steadily from May to August and as an amateur. Things happen like that. Still the pact, as the elderly gentleman in the pavilion asserted, had been made in the right spirit. And it was, after all, a family affair. But the fine distinction between the amateur and the amateur professional is defined only by the obvious moral to this story, and the subtler moral had passed unnoticed by the elderly reactionary in the pavilion. A young man, twenty-three years of age, has been expensively educated for some ten to twelve years. And he is faced at the end of his education, when it is assumed, that is to say, that he is equipped with the knowledge and trained ability that will enable him to take up that portion of the world's work for which he is best fitted, with two alternatives. Either he can go into his father's business, or else he can lose his caste and sign on as a professional cricketer. It occurred neither to the father nor to the son nor to the elderly gentleman who repeated the story in the pavilion that any other alternative was possible, or, indeed, desirable. The son was not in a position to say to his father: 'Of course I wouldn't become a pro. But I'm really not keen on your business. I shouldn't be a success at it. I'd rather do something else.' He could not say that, because there was nothing else for him to do. Six years earlier he could have gone to Sandhurst. If he had worked harder at school he might possibly have passed into the Egyptian civil service. It is possible that his blue would have obtained for him a schoolmastership, but his gulf in mods, would have limited his choice of schools. And the prospects of a junior master at a second-rate Public School are not inviting. So, whatever his own inclinations might have been, he had to accept his father's offer. It is here that we find the true moral of the story; and we ask ourselves whether this young man was, in spite of his ten years at Oxford and at a Public School, really educated. He had learnt how to make centuries in county cricket, and he had acquired a certain quantity of uncorrelated information. But he had not developed the ability to perform properly the type of work for which he was best fitted, nor, indeed, had he discovered what that type of work might be. As likely as not his father's business was the last that he should have chosen. We all react from our surroundings, and he had probably become heartily sick of his father's particular form of 'shop.' He had so often sat wearily at the dinner table, fingering his bread, piling the salt into pyramids on the edge of the cruet, while his father had explained to his mother the minute details of his latest deal. 'You see, my dear, I bought in at twenty-six....' Of all hideous employments the buying and selling of shares had seemed to him the weariest. And yet there was nothing for him but to accept a desk beside a telephone with the files of the _Financial News_ spread out before him. He can have brought no enthusiasm to his work. Out of a sense of duty, and in order to improve his own position, he may have worked hard during the winter months, but he must have worked without pleasure, with his work not as an end but as a means. Yet nothing in a man's life is of more importance than his profession. If he does not enjoy his work he values too highly the privileges that success in it will bring to him. He asks too much of his private life, and if he is disappointed, he embarks on a desperate search for pleasure. Half of the discontent of modern life, the discontent that expresses itself in endless parties, dances, and entertainments, can be traced to the reactions of men and women engaged in uncongenial employment. And so we return again to that first question. Can we call a man educated who has not discovered in what capacity he is most likely to be of service to society, or who, having discovered it, has not taken steps to qualify himself for that profession. That, in a sentence, is the case against the English Public School. A system stands or falls by its products. And it is only natural that parents who are not particularly well off, and who have no private business into which they can draft their children, should ask themselves whether or not a public school education is worth the considerable personal sacrifice that will be entailed if their sons are to be sent to Wellington, Clifton, or Uppingham. 'We want to do the best for Tommy,' they say. 'But after spending £250 a year on him for five years what do we get in return? Tommy is not clever enough to pass into the civil service; he may get a mastership on a salary only slightly better than that of a Metropolitan policeman. Is it worth it?' When the head master to whom these doubts are carried, commences to enlarge on the moral qualities that are revealed and strengthened by 'the honest give and take of public school life,' the parent is still unsatisfied. 'Are you quite sure?' they say. 'Of course we know it's all exaggerated, but where there's smoke, you know, and one has heard....' Is it surprising that under such circumstances the mandarins of the public school profession should have erected a barricade of prejudice between themselves and criticism. Their maintenance is at stake. They have to persuade the parent that he is getting his money's worth. Otherwise he will send his son to a day school, or, worse still, to some pension in Rome or Brussels. And so it has happened that any critic of the Public Schools is immediately driven into a false position. For so long the Public Schools have been accepted with an unquestioning reverence--for so long, that is to say, the authorities have been able to persuade the world that the goods they are selling are the best, in fact the only goods upon the market--that if any one breathes a word against them now he is labelled a revolutionary; it is assumed that politically he is a Socialist, that he wishes to substitute co-operation for competition, that he is a harbinger of red ruin, concealing a bomb intended for William of Wykeham's Tower or the green sward of Agar's plough; that his programme involves the complete destruction of the existing fabric, and that he proposes to erect about its ruins some bizarre construction of eugenics and modernity. Nothing, as a matter of fact, is further from the truth. The majority of assailants are anything but socialists. They consider an enlightened oligarchy the ideal form of government, and their chief quarrel with the Public Schools is the absence of that enlightened oligarchy. No one wants to destroy the Public Schools. No one would be so foolish. But we do maintain that the public school system--a very old, a very magnificent, a very venerable mansion--stands in drastic need of repair. It is some years since the drains were attended to; electric light is more serviceable than gas; the tapestries are a little moth-eaten; the books in the library are dusty. The house wants to be spring cleaned. It is easy, of course, to say that, but it is very difficult to know how to set about it. Our institutions are mirrors in which are reflected our personal imperfections. They can be no better than ourselves; and the merchants of panaceas take for granted a world which has left behind it envy, greed, malice, and desire. To that degree of perfection we shall never attain, but we can at any rate be honest with one another. And there is no side of English life about which rulers and ruled, fathers and sons, old and young have been so consistently dishonest with one another in the past as they have been about the standards and ideals of the English Public Schools. It is the old trouble of the merchant and his goods, and though the English Public Schools do not insert double-column advertisements in the daily papers, they are at least beholden not to prejudice the value of their stock. The greengrocer does not inform you that, on the whole, his potatoes are not bad, considering that he bought them from a farmer with a leaking shed. A head master does not tell a parent that, if he is going to send his son to a Public School, his own school is not worse than any other. Yet the same man who views with grave suspicion eulogies of a patent medicine, accepts complacently the house-master's assurance that Tommy is improving enormously both morally and intellectually under his care. A schoolmaster spends a large part of his life boosting the value of his goods, and in time, of course, he comes to believe that every word of what he says is true. The commercial traveller of two years' experience will wink his eye: 'I spun him the tale!' But the commercial traveller of ten years' experience has a solemn countenance. 'People know good stuff when they see it.' A few weeks ago I was staying in the country with some friends, and was taken over by them to the prize-giving of the Preparatory School at which their sons were being educated. The ceremony was enacted in the gymnasium. The staff sat at the end of the room on a raised dais, in the centre of which was a table covered with 'calf-bound mementoes of industry.' Behind this table stood the head master. He was a large, genial, middle-aged man, rubicund with a surfeit of golf, and he smiled down upon the school and upon its parents. 'Well, you boys,' he said, 'I want to tell you how pleased I am with the way you've backed me up this term. You've worked hard and you've played hard: I don't really know how long it is since we've had such a thoroughly satisfactory term: of course there are one or two young gentlemen'--and at this point a twinkle appeared in the corner of his eye--'who have been a little, well, shall we say, difficult; but that's past history, we won't say anything more about it; and, as a whole, as I've already said, I don't think I've ever had such a satisfactory set of fellows.' There were a few more remarks of mutual congratulation, and then he proceeded to the distribution of the prizes. Afterwards I had a chat with one of the assistant masters, with whom I happened to be on fairly intimate terms. 'A wonderful fellow, the Head,' he told me. 'Do you know he's made that same speech at prize-giving for the last twenty years. Hardly a phrase different. He wants to send the parents away in a good temper. They'll get their account to-morrow. Of course he doesn't know that's why he's doing it. But it's the reason right enough. And how clever that bit is about the young gentlemen who've been a little troublesome. It makes every mother feel that her boy is better than her neighbour's.' I suggested that such an opinion was likely to be revised under the influence of the terminal report. 'Not a bit of it,' he answered. 'All our reports are strictly censored. We write them out on a piece of foolscap and the Head gets them typed; but where we write "lazy and unintelligent," the parents read "moderate." You can take my word for it that the boy who gets "moderate" in his report from here is one of earth's best dunces.' That was, of course, at a private school; but, even at the most prosperous Public Schools there is a tacit understanding that parents should be stroked down after the manner of refractory cats. The half-term report contains frequently enough a quantity of pungent critical writing, but the parental visit to the school is invariably the occasion for much conversational flattery. Freddie, unless he has become involved in any particularly unfortunate adventure, is the object of restrained, perhaps qualified, but still potential commendation. The father is assured by the house-master that everything is going on splendidly: 'A little low in form, perhaps, rather too boisterous at times in the day room, but a sound fellow at heart, the sort of fellow that the house will be proud of one day.' And the mother's qualms are put at rest by the house-master's wife. 'The tone of the house is so excellent, you see. No bullying at all, and Freddie's manners are so charming. Every one likes him.' It is possible that if the house-master were taken to task in the privacy of his own study, he might be persuaded to confess himself a pragmatist. 'One has to keep them quiet,' he might say. 'The young rascal'll get on all right as long as they don't start meddling with him.' But it is hard to be honest with oneself. The schoolmaster cannot help regarding the parent in much the same way that the junior subaltern regarded the brigadier. We all know what happened when the runner brought the news that at such an hour the brigadier would visit Lieutenant Jones's gun emplacements. Lieutenant Jones specially called the brigadier's attention to what he knew would please him. He put his smartest men on guard. He assured the brigadier that everything was going quite all right, that the men were perfectly comfortable and that the supply of rations was adequate; Lieutenant Jones did everything, in fact, to get the brigadier into the next trench as soon as possible. Which was, of course, all very rational. The brigadier's interest in Lieutenant Jones's gun emplacements was remote and theoretical, and either way was of small importance. But it is a different thing altogether when house-masters wave parents out of the way with comfortable excuses. It establishes at once a dishonest relationship. The schoolmaster does not trust the parent. He regards him as a nuisance that periodically has to be appeased. And, as long as things go smoothly, he is content to leave him in the dark. There is no co-operation. And that is absolutely fatal. It means that the two people who are chiefly responsible for the boy's welfare are working at cross purposes. The trouble does not end there. For between the parents themselves there is frequently an incomplete mutual appreciation of the difficulties of school life. Women, in the nature of things, can only know about Public Schools what men choose to tell them. That is usually remarkably little. Many a husband encourages in his wife the illusion that before he met her his life was a vague, indeterminate, ineffectual thing, the incidents of which are unworthy to be recorded. And many others on such matters as public school life consider that a lie that saves friction is justifiable. It is so easy to see how it happens. Husband and wife are sitting after dinner on either side of the fireplace. The wife has just finished reading _The Harrovians_, and she looks up with a puzzled, unhappy look. 'Harold, dear,' she says, 'it's not like that really, is it? If it were true I couldn't think of sending Freddie to such a place.' And what is Harold to say? He has read _The Harrovians_. He knows that substantially it is true, but equally well he knows that if he acknowledges this to his wife his domestic life for the next six years will be complicated by incessant arguments and anxieties. To begin with he will have to spend many evenings of discussion before he can persuade his wife of the advisability of sending Freddie to Rugby. And afterwards there will be constant uneasiness. His wife will fret. She will want to pay visits to Rugby, to interview the head master, to ask her son uncomfortable questions. His own life would become unbearable. And a lie smooths out so much. 'Oh, no, dear, quite unlike the Rugby of my day. An exaggerated picture of a bad house in a bad school, that's all it is.' Such a situation must arise fairly frequently. And at least one instance of it has come within the circle of my own experience. While I was a prisoner in Germany I lent a copy of my school story, _The Loom of Youth_, to a fellow-prisoner, who had expressed a wish to read it. A few days later he returned it to me with such a flattering display of enthusiasm that, in a moment of unusual generosity I promised to send him a copy on our return. The sequel reached me a few days later. He had returned to his room and remarked that Waugh had promised to give him a copy of that book of his, 'the thing that's all full of oaths. I don't know what I shall do with it,' he said. 'I shall have to be jolly careful that my wife doesn't read it.' If one may generalise from such an incident, and I believe that one may, for it has its root in the eternal indolence of human nature, then not only schoolmasters and parents, but fathers and mothers are working at cross purposes. And so the boy finds himself alone, stranded in a society the nature of which he has to discover for himself. He never regards his house-master as one working in co-operation with his parents for the welfare of his soul. Schoolmasters will be to him a separate caste. And although he will never reason this out with himself, he will appreciate it intuitively in the natural cunning with which he will exploit one or the other in the furtherance of his own ends. I do not mean that he is deceitful. But he may want to specialise in History, or to abandon German in favour of Greek, and he will think whether he would do better to approach his father or his house-master. There is a sort of dual monarchy, and if one sovereign is opposed to a favourite scheme, it is but natural to try one's fortune with the other. His parents' interest in his school life must appear to him superficial. When his father comes down at half term, he has to answer innumerable questions as to his prowess on the cricket field; and very often indeed the chief pleasure that his athletic successes brings him is the thought of the delight that his father will experience. But the intimate side of his school life, his thoughts, his friendships, his troubles, his ambitions, do not enter into his relationship with his parents. In the same way his house-master's interest in his home life seems to him superficial. On his return to school he is asked a few questions about the theatres he has visited; whether he is in training for the football; has he done any private work? not a word of his intimate life. The boy ceases to regard his school life as a continuation of his home life. The two are entirely separate, and it depends on the temperament of the individual as to which of the two he will consider the more important. We hear a great deal of talk about the influence of the home; it is, indeed, the stock argument of the pedagogue who would shelve his own responsibility on to other shoulders, but I believe that its influence is greatly overrated. Home and school present to the average boy two watertight compartments. They are different lives, a different technique is required. And human nature has at least one property of the chameleon. A schoolboy sets out, therefore, to discover school life for himself. He knows what his parents expect him to make of it; he has a fairly shrewd idea of what his schoolmaster expects him to make of it. It remains for him to investigate school life as his companions have made it. Naturally he does not announce his investigations. He lets his parents think what they like and his schoolmasters think what they like. He goes his own way. And it is thus that school life as it is, differs so enormously from the traditional concept of it. There must be always a gulf between the reality and the imagined idea. But in public school life the gulf is between, not the schoolboy reality and his idea of it, but between the schoolboy reality, and the confused idea of it that is held by parents and masters. It is two degrees from the truth. In consequence, when any one does attempt to tell the truth there is an outburst of indignant protest. And the worst of it is that it is an honest outburst. When head masters write to the Press and say 'these accusations are entirely false,' they honestly believe what they say. That is what makes everything so difficult. They have forgotten their own schooldays, and for so long they have been persuading parents of the value of a public school education that they have come to believe in their own advertisements. And yet what they have come to believe is far more remarkable than the truth. In sermons and addresses they assure the boy and his parents that school life is a miniature of the larger world; which is the statement of a fact: yet every subsequent act and utterance is in contradiction to this initial axiom. For, if that larger world did really resemble the official concept of school life, what a bizarre, what an extravagant affair it would be. It would be filled with high lights, with breathless escapades, with impossible heroics. It has been accepted as quite credible that a boy should be capable of the most extreme and loathsome brutalities, that a percentage of every school should spend its life in gambling and heavy drinking, that at least one prefect in every school should contract inconvenient liabilities at the Baron's Arms, and that to extricate himself he should forge his house-master's signature. Indeed, anything may happen provided that the course of life follows a simple process of right and wrong which leads to the triumph of virtue and the downfall of vice. It is something like a Lyceum melodrama. And, though we can all manage to enjoy for a couple of hours the fine sensationalism of _The Beggar Girl's Wedding_, we should hardly accept its values as a philosophical background for our daily life. And yet that has actually happened in the case of the Public Schools. Mr P. G. Wodehouse, in his delightful _Mike_, makes Psmith say to a new acquaintance: 'Are you the Bully, the Pride of the School, or the Boy who is led astray and takes to drink in Chapter Sixteen?' Such figureheads exist in the popular imagination. The world believes in bullies, in villains, in straight heroes and in the weak character who goes wrong, but is saved through the influence of either the hero or the head master, or the head master's daughter, or through the sermon of an occasional preacher. It is all very jolly, of course, and no doubt the world would be a far more comfortable place if it were possible to label and pigeonhole all our friends and acquaintances. But life cannot be simplified by any arbitrary process. We have our standards of conduct, but they are shifting and relative. They are the measures that each successive society arranges for what it considers to be its convenience. And we accept them for what they are. At a Public School, however, a traditional conception has formed a code of rules for the convenience of a society that does not exist. Which is confusing: and when Desmond Coke wrote in _The Bending of a Twig_ a very entertaining skit on the behaviour of a boy who had read a number of school stories, and went to Shrewsbury expecting to find bullies behind every cloister, schoolmasters laughed over the book, but did not read into it any criticism of themselves. And yet there is nothing that we need more than an honest facing of the facts of public school life. Facts are a solid neutral ground on which parents and boys and masters may meet to discuss their ideals and their difficulties. And, in the course of that discussion, they may discover, as likely as not, a way out of their troubles. The hope of this book is to provide that statement of facts. It does not set out as an educational treatise. It accepts the Public Schools as the system best suited to the material with which it deals. It suggests no new system of teaching. It does not advocate co-education. It does not advance any plea for Montessor methods. It will contain no discussion of the advantages of Greek over German. There will be no appendix with time-tables and suggested curriculum. For, as things are now, it does not matter whether Sanscrit is substituted for mathematics: the boy will learn equally little of either. It is intended as a human study of public school life, as an attempt to break down that conspiracy of silence, that relationship of evasion and deceit that exists officially between parents, boys, and masters; and from time to time it will suggest solutions. It is, of course, only an attempt. For no one person can see more than a side of the truth. However impartial we try to be, we can see in a situation only what the limitations of our personality allow us. We are all at tether. During the last three years many public men have visited Russia; they have been honest men, and we know quite well that they went there with the firm intention of telling nothing but the truth. But, before they went, we could have told them exactly what they would say on their return. Yet the analogy does not quite hold good. For we, too, have gone, each of us, to a Public School with a preconceived idea of what school life would be, and each of us in turn has had that conception destroyed by actuality, and each in turn has had to create for himself his own picture. It follows then that there must in each picture be a certain measure of truth. CHAPTER II THE PREPARATORY SCHOOL We hear much of the embarrassed misery of a boy's first week at school. And, certainly, it is pretty wretched. Mr Vachell compared it to the first plunge into an ice-cold swimming bath: the sudden shock, and, afterwards, the glory of a swim. But it is the inaction, the loneliness of the first week that is so difficult. It is more like standing on the edge of the swimming bath on a cold day waiting for the signal that will start the race. And yet the change must have been a great deal more difficult for our parents than it was for us. The preparatory school system is of more or less recent growth, and, when one considers how much one learnt at a Preparatory School, in _esprit de corps_, in patience, in sportsmanship, in the give and take of a communal life, one wonders how an earlier generation managed to survive the first term. School life by all accounts was a fairly barbarous business in the eighties, and by what strange roads our parents came to those rough waters. Some came straight from home, some from private tutors: the majority from the old-fashioned dame school. It is not surprising that the Preparatory Schools should have so increased in number and improved in quality. For the Preparatory School fulfils a most important function, and it fulfils it extremely efficiently. It is what it sets out to be, a school that will take a small boy almost from the nursery, and train him in the course of four or five years to take his place in a large Public School. The task that the head master of a Preparatory School has to tackle is not, however, anything like so hard as that which confronts the head master of a Public School. For a Public School has to equip a boy for life; and life is vast, indeterminate, a swiftly moving river that is never the same from one moment to another. The Preparatory School, on the other hand, has only to equip a boy for a Public School, and the Public School is a fixed quantity. As regards curriculum, the task is simple. The required standard of education is known. A certain percentage in the common entrance examination has to be obtained. The school has not to discover the career for which its individual members are best suited. It has merely to decide which of them are good enough to be trained specially for scholarships. The main object of the Preparatory School, however, is to produce presentable specimens of society, boys who will do the right thing in the right circumstances. And this the Preparatory School does admirably well. It is at a Preparatory School that boys learn manners, courtesy, the proper behaviour in the presence of ladies. But these things, you may say, a boy will learn at home. No doubt he ought to, but any preparatory schoolmaster will disabuse you on that point. How many small boys of seven who have not been to a school will, when they are handed a plate of cakes, take the one nearest to them rather than the one of which they fancy the appearance. How many small boys will think of opening a door for a lady, of offering her his chair when she enters the room, of apologising to his hostess if he arrives late for breakfast. These are the little things that a boy learns at a Preparatory School and that he will learn nowhere else; at all good schools a great value is placed on these points of etiquette; if anything, 'good manners' are rather overdone, and the precipitate charge of twelve or thirteen urchins towards a door handle is likely to prove embarrassing to the lady visitor who has risen from her chair. At my own school, for instance, music lessons always took place immediately after lunch; so that, if lunch was a little late, the first boys were allowed to leave the table before grace. It was a rule, however, that no boy should ever leave the dining-room till he had asked the permission of the ladies. And many visitors were much perplexed by the repeated inaudible apologies of nervous small boys who came stumbling towards them between two close-packed tables. The good manners of a preparatory school boy are indeed slightly pedagogic. Their elbows are pressed into their sides when they eat, their wrists are raised above the table, and, in a precise voice, they request permission to trouble their next door neighbour for the salt. They are like the critics who insist that a sonnet is not a sonnet if the last lines of the sestet form a couplet. But it is a fault on the right side. For manners, as well as morals, relax in the greater freedom of a Public School, and at the age of fifteen one has managed to substitute ease for stiffness. It is, indeed, impossible to say how much one learns at a Preparatory School. At the age of ten one has not the necessary detachment to view oneself as an objective reality. It is impossible, for instance, to remember where, or when, was learnt the spirit of comradeship and sportsmanship that is, perhaps, the most lovable quality of the old public school boy. It is hardly inherited. For the average small boy is greedy, selfish, and acquisitive; and, when one is given leg before to a left-hand round the wicket bowler who is turning the ball from the off, the temptation to protest against the umpire's decision is natural. The primitive man, indeed, would have uprooted a stump and walked to the other end of the pitch. Where does one learn to turn straight round and walk towards the pavilion? I think it is at the Preparatory School. A small boy knows that he has got to play cricket like a sportsman; he knows that a sportsman does not question the umpire's decision; and he is terribly afraid of doing the wrong thing in the presence of his schoolfellows. The first time he is given out caught at the wicket off his pad, a blind anger seizes him. His mouth opens to make a protest. The same thing happened last year when he was playing cricket in the garden with his brother and sister, and, when they insisted that he was out, he sat down in the middle of the field and howled till they told him he could continue his innings. The temptation to repeat the experiment is considerable. But he dare not make any exhibition of himself. He would be mercilessly ragged; and so he returns to his seat under the trees and contents himself with the announcement that Jones is a mean sneak who was trying to get a revenge for the kicking he got that morning. And of course the incident will be repeated. Umpires make mistakes in first-class cricket: small boys make them with a melancholy frequency on lower grounds, and few batsmen are satisfied with an l.b.w. decision. The young cricketer has many opportunities of displaying the Christian qualities of patience and restraint, and every time the temptation to sit down in the middle of the pitch and howl grows weaker. 'The monster custom is angel yet in this,' and, by the time he goes to his Public School, his features have learnt to assume a good-natured smile, and he says something about it being all in the game and that last week he had a decision in his favour. I am inclined to think that in that example can be found the essence of preparatory school life; the habits of courtesy and sportsmanship are acquired till they become a second nature. We are told that man is a logical creature, that when he has been properly educated it will be possible for forty million people to live in one country without competition; that in an enlightened society there will be no need for policemen, for every man will instinctively appreciate what is right. It may be so. No one knows what the world will be like two thousand years hence. But, in the meantime, I think we do wisely to train small boys as we train an animal. We thrash our dog if he plays havoc in our neighbour's chicken run, and we rag the small boy who disputes the umpire's decision. The dog does not chase chickens again, nor does the small boy argue in the middle of the pitch. It is a strange business, though, this acquiring of social habits, and, though preparatory school life has been only dealt with in a small way by educationalists and novelists, the process is certainly interesting. Everything, to allow for the subsequent relaxation at the Public School, is slightly overdone, and the small boy tends to become a prig. It is only natural that he should. By nature he is at that time a somewhat poisonous little beast. He is the victim of numberless petty faults and jealousies; and when he becomes reformed he is self-righteous. He would never think of sneaking, of course, but he would not hesitate to whisper just as a master is coming into the class-room, 'Oh, shut up, Jones.' He always enjoys putting some one else in the wrong, and Arnold Lunn has, in _The Harrovians_, an incident that provides an admirable example of this attitude. A member of the school has just died. He was not a popular boy; he was not distinguished in games or work. No one really minded, but the school felt bound to present a countenance of appropriate melancholy. A certain Clayford, however, had a set of stamps he wished to sell, and he accosted cheerfully a couple of boys who were discussing the last hours of their lost comrade. 'I say, you chaps, like to buy a complete set of Borneos surcharged Labuan?' 'Not to-day, thank you,' said Peter stiffly. 'We're not much interested in stamps _to-day_,' added Morgan. It is a perfect picture. And as there is no stricter moralist than the potential rake, there is no one with a more rigid code of honour than the preparatory school boy. 'Owning up' becomes a fetish. Popular opinion drives the wretched urchin into the head master's study. I remember once that on the eve of a school match a member of the eleven went sick with a headache. There was immediate consternation. Ferguson might not be a good bowler, his batting was indifferent and he missed his catches more often than not, but he was a distinct improvement on Evans, the twelfth man. The chances of a victory were prejudiced: and then some one recollected that that morning Smith had smacked Ferguson's head in the changing room. It also happened that, for the moment, Smith was extremely unpopular. Morison's people had just paid their half-term visit to the school, and when the Head had brought Morison's mother into the room, Smith had not stood up. It had been a direct insult to Morison's mater. Every one had said so, and none of us would listen to Smith's excuse that he had had his back to the door, and was filling his fountain pen, a combination of circumstances that rendered a sudden leap to the feet impossible. 'Don't argue, Smith; you're a cad.' That's what every one had said; and when it was remembered that Smith had punched Ferguson's head that morning, the fury of popular opinion knew no limit. 'You've lost the match, I hope you know; you'll have to own up, of course,' we said. Smith was resentful. He did not see why he should. 'Because, Smith, that is what a gentleman does under such circumstances.' Smith was still obstinate. He did not see why Ferguson should have got a headache just because of this. People had had their heads punched before without getting headaches. There was a murmur of contumely. 'But that wasn't an ordinary punch, Smith; you hit him with all your force.' The suggestion that it was not an ordinary punch flattered Smith's pride. He, too, was inclined to think that there had been about that punch a certain something. He grudgingly admitted that it had been a pretty hard smack. 'Even so, though, I don't see how things are going to be made any better by my owning up.' Such an attitude was opposed to every idea of preparatory school honour. There was a shudder of supreme contempt. 'Perhaps _you_ don't, Smith.' And there the argument stopped. But for the rest of the day Smith's life was made miserable. Every time any one passed him they said: 'Owned up yet?' No one would talk to him at tea-time; when he joined a group afterwards the group dispersed and he was left alone. Finally, of two evils, confession appeared to him the less, and, after prayers, he pushed open the door of the head master's study and blurted out to the accompaniment of big quivering sobs that he had punched Ferguson's head in the changing-room and given him a headache, and, perhaps, lost the match. A couple of years ago I went down to my old school, and, just before lunch, when the whole school was collected in the hall, the head master announced that he wanted the name of the boy who had left the tap running in the bathroom. There was a slight commotion in a far corner; one boy was being nudged and pressed forward. There was a whisper of 'Go on, Hunter.' All eyes were turned in his direction. There was no course for Hunter but to come forward into the open and confess. And yet, as likely as not, some one else was the offender. It was the sort of offence that any one might commit. It is not easy to remember what one has forgotten. No doubt he thought he had turned off the tap, otherwise he would hardly have left the bathroom; yet he might very likely have done it. His companions told him that he had, and his faith in their loving kindness was not sufficient for him to have wondered why they had not repaired his mistake. If Hunter had not owned up he would have had to say definitely that he had not left the tap running, and that he could not truthfully have done. So he owned up. The fear of being thought a coward very often makes the preparatory school boy confess to sins that he has never committed, and it is usually the ones who are most often in trouble who find themselves in this position. After all, if you are always getting into scrapes, are always engaged in some misadventure, it is very hard to tell whether, on a particular occasion, you are innocent or not. The head master comes into a class-room in the afternoon. 'Now look here, you fellows,' he says, 'you know I've told you that I won't have you running down that steep path to the football field. You are bound to fall down; you must walk. I've told you that a hundred times. Now the matron tells me that she saw one of you running down there this morning. I want to know that boy's name.' What is Jones mi. to do? He has run down that path so often. Whether or not he did so that morning he cannot remember. He has had so much to think about since then. Yet, suppose he did run down the hill, and suppose that some one saw him. If he does not own up, he will be called a coward all over the school. Far better 'own up,' and receive some small punishment. Indeed, it may be said that the Jones mi.'s of the world form a rule for themselves, that they own up to every offence of which they are not dead certain that they are innocent. Head masters, like batsmen, have to have the benefit of the doubt. It is equally difficult to acknowledge innocence in the midst of crime. At my old school there was an excellent rule that for half an hour after lunch we should sit in our class-rooms and read quietly. One afternoon this peaceful siesta was disturbed by a loud and fierce and general discussion of the superiority of Yorkshire cricket over that of Lancashire. The particular class-room unfortunately happened to be situated beneath the nursery of the head master's children, and the angry voices of the disputants roused from her slumbers a recent addition to the family. The complaints of a very indignant nurse forced a very busy master to disturb the repose of that restful half-hour after lunch. On this occasion the usual formula was reversed. He did not ask the names of the boys who had been talking, he asked for the names of the boys who had not been talking. Now, as it happened, I had taken no part in the argument. I am a Middlesex supporter, I had just received as a birthday present a bound volume of _Chums_, I was also, at the time, in popular disfavour. So I had seated myself in a far corner of the room and read steadily, with my fingers pressed into my ears. But I did not dare to say so. I should never have been forgiven. It would have been the action of a conscientious objector. No one would have believed me. I realised how hopelessly out of things I should feel while the rest of the school were receiving their punishment. Suppose a half-holiday was stopped--what on earth should I do with a half-holiday all to myself? I should be much happier working out theorems in a class-room. And it was also possible that I might have said something that some one had overheard--at any rate, I was not going to risk it. I sat silent at my desk and accepted meekly the common lot. From the outside a Preparatory School looks very much like a miniature Public School. It presents the same features, the same routine, the same curriculum; there is even some attempt at a prefectorial system. Superficially they have much in common. But there the resemblance ends. The scale of values is altogether different. Indeed the Preparatory School is very like the Public School of traditional conception. Talbot Baines Reed is only read by boys of under thirteen; and boys of under thirteen have moulded themselves after his image. There are, of course, none of the high-lights, the heroism, the sacrifice. There are no nocturnal visits to ostlers; but otherwise it is not unlike _The Fifth Form at St Dominic's_. The smallest boys do resemble the 'Tadpoles' of that popular romance. In spite of frequent visits to the bathroom their hands and collars are continually smeared with ink; when they go for walks at least one of them falls into the ditch and cuts his trousers; they are all dog-eared except at meal times and at the start of the morning's work. And they have the same attitude to life. They are continually forming rival gangs; they are on the brink of feuds and jealousies. They side against one another. Each boy in turn becomes the object of general dislike. There is a certain amount of bullying, a great deal more than there is at most public schools. New boys, for instance, are subjected to an inquisition. They are asked what their father is, and whether they would rather be a bigger ass than they look, or look a bigger ass than they are. At a Public School only one boy in every twenty gets really ragged, and usually for obvious reasons. But at a Preparatory School every one has to put up with a certain amount of persecution. There is a good deal of sycophancy, and the independent learn many lessons. But when all is said and done, the really big difference between the Preparatory and the Public School is the absence of the cult of athleticism. The scholar is entitled to and receives as much respect as the cricketer and for obvious reasons. The Preparatory School has to contend with a far more competitive system than the Public School. Schools have their ups and downs. Numbers rise and fall, but a Public School that has a name can be always certain of the support of its old boys. It has a firmly established tradition. Only a few Preparatory Schools, on the other hand, possess this questionable advantage. The name of only a few are familiar. None of them would justify the journalist in the employment of his cliché 'a household word.' The Preparatory School depends largely on the energy and personality of one man, and the scholars are, after all, his exhibition blooms. He may produce cricketer after cricketer, but the Public School will take all the credit. We speak of Hedges and Chapman and Stevens as products of Tonbridge, Uppingham, and U.C.S. respectively. We do not know where they learnt the groundwork of the game. The scholar, however, comes into prominence while he is still at his Preparatory School. The name of the school is put after the name of the successful candidate. It is the scholar, not the cricketer, who advertises a school. If the head master of a Preparatory School told you that seven of his old boys were at that time playing in their Public School Eleven, you would not feel that he was entitled to any extravagant credit. If, however, he told you that in one year seven of his boys had won scholarships you would be considerably impressed. The boys themselves naturally, of course, are more interested in cricket than in Greek, but they appreciate that scholastic triumph has a marketable value, and the school officially is prouder of its Winchester scholar than of its slow left-hand bowler. The small boy who goes home for the holidays knows that he can impress his uncle by the announcement that Hughes got the second Eton scholarship, but that the statement that they beat Southdown by 100 runs and that Evans took seven wickets for twenty-three will elicit only a polite 'really.' It is exactly the opposite at a Public School. The new boy will proudly announce that the captain of his house had played for Notts. There is a standard by which one can judge public school cricket and football; there is no more a standard for the performances of preparatory school athletes than there is for the startling figures of the village fast bowler. Naturally there is more excitement when a new boy shows an uncanny apprehension of the theorems of geometry than over a new boy who brings the ball back naturally from the off. As a result the preparatory master is inclined to push the clever boys on too fast. It is the one real mistake that the Preparatory School makes, and it should be noticed. For it is serious. A boy of eighteen can stand the strain of systematic coaching; a boy of twelve cannot. The preparatory scholar is more often than not a hot-house product. He has drawn on his reserves too early; his mind has been forced into a groove at the start. He is trained like a pet Pomeranian, and he is kept in blinkers; he is not allowed to explore bye-paths that are of interest to him. That would be prejudicial to his chances. He has to keep on the straight road of scholarship. He may get his scholarship; he probably will, for such Preparatory Schools are specialists at the game, but, in the long run, it does not pay. The boy has been forced too soon and he is stale by the time he gets to his Public School. It is very interesting to note how often, in the course of a year or two, boys who did not get scholarships are higher up in the school than their successful rivals: a man who starts the half-mile at a hundred yards pace leads at the end of the first lap, but he does not win the race. And the preparatory school master is inclined to forget that, while a Winchester scholarship is the whole race for him, it is only the first lap for the boy. He naturally wants the credit of the scholarship for his school, but on the other hand he has to be unselfish. He has to ask himself whether, in the long run, it is not better for the boy to carry on with the general routine and take the scholarship examination in his stride. If he succeeds well and good; if not, there is plenty of time. And the wise parent will insist on this. The boy himself, however, realises that his world is that of the green leaf and the bud. It is a time of sowing. And the fruits will show elsewhere. He knows that his career will only start when he reaches his Public School. The fact is always being forced upon his attention. 'This sort of thing is all very well here,' his masters will tell him, 'but it won't work at your Public School.' In the same way the commandant at Sandhurst used to adjure us in his speeches, 'to keep always before you the thought of the day when you will join your regiment.' There is the fear and the attraction of the unknown future. And, for the sake of it, a boy will work far harder than he would otherwise have done. He looks beyond the rewards and position that his own school offers. It is not enough to be in the highest form, not enough to be in the first eleven. He must improve himself so as to be able to take a high place in the next stage of his career. A public school boy, on the other hand, regards the honours that his school has to offer as an end sufficient in themselves. In occasional addresses he is adjured to think of the day when he will have to step out of that cloistered peace into the rush and traffic of life; but that day is distant. He has little ambition beyond 'a ribboned coat' and a seat at the high table. His horizon is contracted, and his behaviour is that of those who do not believe in a survival after death. He places an undue value upon the immediate and the present. The preparatory school boy always looks ahead to a future stage of life. And so it is that, when the last day at school comes, he is not the victim of the surprised sentimentality that overcomes the public school boy. He has begun to feel that he has outgrown his surroundings. He has chafed at the restraint of childhood. He has felt that success or failure is of little importance: so soon he will be making a fresh start. He has lived in the future. He has spent long summer evenings reading the history of his new school. He has studied photographs of its buildings; he has pored over old numbers of the school magazines, and has formed a romantic conception of the giants of whose prowess he has read. The future opens before him with limitless opportunities, and he can face it with an eager confidence after his five long years of discipline. How long they have taken in the passing, and yet in retrospect how flat they appear, how colourless, how tiresome. Nothing has happened; day has followed day. Ah, well, that is over now. Life is to begin. The new boy sets out hungry for experience. On the last day at his Preparatory School he is addressed, in company with the other boys who are leaving, by the head master. His egotism is flattered by the assurance that the honour of his old school lies in his hands. He is told that he will need a firm upper lip and a stout heart. He listens to a recommendation of honesty, truthfulness, and courage--all this he has heard before. He has read so many school stories. And then, suddenly, he is startled by a warning against temptations, the nature of which he imperfectly understands. His curiosity is roused. He learns that if he yields to these temptations his career will be spoilt, his health and brain will be ruined. How this fate is going to be brought about he is not certain, but he agrees with his head master that it is a fatality at all costs to be avoided. He asks a friend for enlightenment and receives a superior answer of: 'Oh, don't you know!' which makes him think that his friend knows even less about it than he does. At any rate this particular temptation has not yet presented itself, and the acknowledgment of its existence fades from his contemplation of a golden future. CHAPTER III THE NEW BOY Alpha and Omega are the most widely known letters of the Greek alphabet. And the first and last weeks of a public school career have inspired more essays and sermons than the other two hundred and fifty weeks put together. Yet in neither the beginning nor the end is to be found the essence of school life. The last week is a period of agreeable sentiment. The first of embarrassed loneliness. The new boy feels that he has no part in the life of the school. On that first afternoon, when he has said good-bye to his parents, and turns to walk away from the station, the school buildings, chapel, studies, cloisters, assume in the mellow September sunlight the prospect of a distant city that one day he may be privileged to enter. At present he is outside it, as he stands at the edge of the courts, forlorn in his black tie and wide brimmed straw hat, while the stream of boys in bowler hats and gaily coloured ties pours up from the station. On all sides he hears shouts of welcome, snatches of eager conversation. No one takes the least notice of him. He is an unrecognised foreigner. During supper, he sits silent and nervous among the new boys at the day-room table. From time to time he casts hesitating glances at the raised table where the prefects sit. What giants they seem. He wonders which is Featherstone, the head of the House?[1] Is that imposing figure with the black hair brushed back from his forehead, the G. O. Evans, who made 121 in the Public School's match at Lords? Can it be possible that he and they are members of the same society? A prefect rises from the high table and leaves the hall. Immediately forms are pushed back and the long narrow passage leading to the dormitories is filled with sound. The new boy is taken with the stream. What will happen to him now, he wonders? He has always understood that most of the ragging takes place in the dormitories. Will all new boys be subjected to some common lot? In a way he almost hopes that they will. He may thus be given an opportunity of showing his courage. He will be marked down at once as 'a bit of a sport.' But nothing happens. He walks timidly into the large airy room with its bare boards, its row of wash-hand stands and red-quilted beds. He sees his bag lying in the middle of the floor. Three hours earlier when he and his parents had been shown round by the house-master's wife, he had placed his bag on the corner bed. It had seemed to him a good idea to reserve that particular bed. He would then be open to attack only on one side. Memories of Horatius Cocles had stirred his imagination. But some one else is already undressing there. He picks up his bag, and is about to place it on the bed nearest him when a warning voice informs him that Jones has bagged that bed. He looks round him in dismay. There are only two vacant beds. 'May I have that one?' he asks. The boy with the warning voice looks surprised at being questioned. 'I should think so,' he says, 'unless Hughes wants it. He had it last term.' The new boy does not know whether or not he dare begin to undress beside the bed that Hughes may possibly commandeer. He stands irresolute; then decides to take the risk. There is nothing to choose between the two positions, and Hughes would probably prefer a change. He begins slowly to undress. No one takes the least notice of him. No one evinces the slightest inclination to test the courage of the new man. No hardened bully enters with a blanket. It is possible that two blasé young gentlemen from another dormitory will stroll in 'just to have a look at the new men,' will make a cursory examination, and having expressed their disgust at 'such an appalling crew,' will seek better fortune elsewhere. That will be all. The inquisition of preparatory school terrors is a myth. This generation is not more timid than its predecessors, but it is more subtle. The boy who has just ceased to be labelled 'new' wishes to impress his importance on the new boy. Forty years ago he achieved this object by putting the new boy on a chair and throwing boots at him. The appeal to physical force was not, however, invariably successful. Sometimes the small boy retaliated, and there is no reason why a boy of thirteen should not be a match for one of fourteen. At any rate the 'year older' has accepted the twentieth century doctrine that the easiest way to impress a person is to ignore him. And so the boy of a year's standing assumes an air of Olympian superiority. The new man is beneath his notice. He prefers to lean in the doorway of the dormitory, and talk of the days when 'Meredith had that far bed, and Johnstone had the wash-hand stand beneath the window.' He will casually let fall the names of the mighty and note their effect on the young. In the daytime he is probably quite an insignificant person, low in form and a funk at football. He can only appear great in the presence of his juniors during the quarter of an hour between supper and lights out. He therefore takes enormous pains to secure the admiration of those whom he affects to despise. It is the same everywhere. At Sandhurst, on the first night of each term, the seniors used to cluster round the piano and sing till 'rooms' with incredible violence and discord. It was done entirely to impress the juniors, and on the whole I am inclined to think it was successful. The junior is a shy person, and the din has on him an effect not unlike that of an intensive bombardment. As the junior sits in a far corner of the anteroom, cowed and unhappy by an exhibition that is being conducted, though he does not know it, entirely for his benefit, so does the new boy lie back in bed on his first night, wondering what it is all about. The jargon puzzles him; the attitude to life puzzles him. The boy with the warning voice is lamenting that he has got his 'budge.' 'Rotten luck,' he says. 'I should like to have stopped in old Moke's for at least a year. I did just well enough in each paper to avoid being bottled. Fourteenth I came out, and now they've started a new form, so we've all got shoved up.' The rest of the dormitory express sympathy. Then some one wonders whether Davenport will turn 'pi' now he's a 'pre'; the opinion is expressed that Ferguson will find himself pretty lonely now that Wodehouse has left. A lot of people have apparently been waiting a long time to kick him with impunity. Some one says, 'Let's make up the Fifteen,' and the rival claims of Bradshaw and Murray are carefully weighed. And all the while four wretched new boys listen in silent, confused wonderment. The conversation gradually becomes spasmodic. There are longer and longer pauses between the conclusion of one topic and the introduction of another. 'Well,' says the senior boy, 'about time we were going to sleep. Good-night all.' There is a murmur of 'good-night': silence: and then again the warning voice. 'Oh, but I say, Stewart, what about the new men's concert?' There is immediate interest among the senior members. Of course, they had forgotten that ... the new men's concert. 'Too late now,' says Stewart. 'Let's have it on Sunday.' 'Hear that, you new fellows; you must all have a song by Sunday. Good-night.' But there is little sleep for the new boy. Where is he? What has happened to him? Such a little while ago he was secure, garrisoned, sheltered by his home. Only twelve hours. He begins to wish that he had not been so anxious to leave his prep. Why hadn't he stayed on there another year? He would have been head of the school. At this very moment if he had not been so absurdly impetuous he would be turning over to go to sleep, having wished his dormitory 'good-night.' Just as Stewart had done. The thought of the concert terrifies him. He is a bad singer. Will they make him stand on a chair? will they throw boots at him if his voice quavers, or if he forgets the words? It will be a long-drawn agony. And for a couple of days he is made wretched by the prospect of this ordeal. It allows him no peace of mind. In form, on the football field, as he walks up to the tuck shop, the disquieting thought descends to torture him. But in the end it is a very tame affair. It takes place after lights out, and new boys, as well as lovers, win a strange courage of the darkness. Moreover, the object of the concert is to amuse the senior members of the dormitory, and bad singing amuses no one. Myself, I remember being stopped before I had completed one verse of 'The British Grenadiers,' whereas the boy next to me, who had an agreeable treble voice was made to sing, 'Put on your ta-ta, little girlie,' every other night for the rest of the term. The concert is practically the sole direct ordeal that a new boy has to face: yet it is probable that he would, on the whole, prefer the old-fashioned methods. It is better to be ragged than to be ignored. And he spends most of his first week wondering whether he has done the right thing. It is especially difficult if he finds himself placed high in the school. The lower forms are mainly composed of new boys, companions in calamity, and the master in charge of the second is lenient during the early days. It is different for the boy who finds himself in the Lower Fifth, or Upper Fourth. As likely as not there is only one other new boy in his house in the same form, and, when he cannot find that particular boy, there is no one to whom he may turn for advice. He soon learns that it is not wise to carry his troubles to his seniors. He may find himself in his house-master's study, waiting to hand in the list of books he will require, and suddenly he remembers that he has forgotten to put down his Latin prose book on the list; he has also forgotten what Latin prose book his form uses. He casts a despairing eye round the room and recognises, leaning against a bookcase the languid, supercilious figure of Watney. What luck, he thinks, Watney has been in the Upper Fourth two years. He is sure to know. The new boy edges towards him. 'Please,' he asks, 'what Latin prose book do we use?' His query is met by a look of amazed, outraged disapproval. Watney looks him up and down. Then at last: 'Who are "we"?' he says. The experiment is not repeated. The new boy arrives in form without his Latin prose book and is threatened with an imposition. The geography of the school is very puzzling. No new boy could be expected to gather much help from the information that his class-room is 'under the library, up on the right, next to Uncle Ned's.' For at least a week he is always entering the wrong form room. In the lower forms it is customary for the master to glance round the class, see that five boys are missing, and send the senior member in search of them as a matter of course. Indeed the first week of term is very pleasant for the senior member of the lower forms. He spends most of his time searching for lost lambs, and he is in no frantic haste to complete his task. But that is in the lower form, and, in the middle and upper schools, form masters do not care to have their time wasted. The absence of Jones mi. is not regarded as a joke. Nicknames are confusing. The new boy does not realise that 'Crusoe' and Mr Robinson are the same person. And, when he finds himself a quarter of an hour late in Mr Robinson's class-room, his excuse that he thought he had to go to 'Mr Crusoe' is not an official success. He is always on the brink of a mistake. Probably his life is further complicated by the fact that he is playing Rugby football for the first time, and, for at least a month, his performances on the field can give him little satisfaction and less amusement. In the course of two or three puntabouts he is taught by his house-captain how to pack and how to take a pass. He is then drafted on to pick ups and house-games to fare as best he may. He fares extremely badly. He hangs about on the edge of the scrum. He catches hold of his opponents when they are dribbling and attempts an Association barge when they are running. For a long time he never touches the ball with his hands at all, and on the rare occasions when he discovers it at his feet, he takes a terrific rout at it and is contemptuously informed that he is not playing soccer. He is playing with boys older and heavier than himself. He has little chance of acquiring self-confidence: no footballer is really any use till he has scored a try, and that day is slow in coming. The new boy's chief anxiety on the field is to avoid the notice of any house caps that may be on the touchline. At half-time he will rub worm-casts on his knees to present an appearance of muddy valour. He is terribly afraid he will be reported and beaten for slacking. This fate rarely, as a matter of fact, overtakes a small boy. A beating for slackness is usually reserved for the boy about half-way up the house who has committed no definite offence, but has been making a nuisance of himself generally.[2] Slackness on the field is the excuse for an official reprimand, and its effect is usually salutary. This, however, the new boy does not know. Games, when the house-captain is on the touchline, become a misery. During his first term he looks forward to the First Fifteen matches chiefly because on those days he will not himself have to play. But it is in his spare time that he most acutely feels himself outside the general life of the school. He is oppressed by liberty. He does not know what to do with it. At his Preparatory School an elaborate time-table was posted on the notice-board, and every moment of his day was pigeonholed. A boy had no excuse for not knowing at any given time what he ought to be doing, and where he ought to be doing it. There was constant supervision. But, at a Public School, provided a boy answers his name at roll-call, and fulfils his social engagements in the form room and on the football field, no one worries much what he is doing during the rest of the time. He can search for plovers' eggs, or hunt for fossils, or develop photographs, or overeat at the tuck shop. He is his own master, and this the new boy cannot understand. When he has changed after football on a half-holiday he asks himself: 'What ought I to be doing now?' The answer is, of course: 'Nothing in particular. Whatever you like.' A disconcerting answer, for there is nothing in particular that he wants to do. The day room is inhospitable. The big chairs round the fire are occupied by the mighty. The library is only of less interest to him than the museum. The tuck shop at such an hour is full of bloods in whose presence he feels embarrassed. He wanders disconsolately round the courts. All the other new boys seem to have found something to do (a common delusion this). In the end he succeeds in finding some one equally lonely with whom he goes for a walk: and a walk, unless one is a botanist, is such a strange way of spending an afternoon, that I have since wondered whether any one after his first term ever goes for a walk at school without an ulterior motive, except when he is in training. It is a strange business that first term, and its importance is, I think, overrated. It is not public school life. It is composed of the hesitations, the reactions of a novice. School life is on the other side of it. The new boy sees that life in fragments. It puzzles him. He tries to fit it into shape with the scale of values he acquired at his Preparatory School. And fails. The Preparatory School belongs to childhood, the Public School to adolescence. The new boy understands little of what is going on round him. Indeed there is no person whose testimony can be less relied upon than that of the new boy of four weeks' standing. He never knows what he should, and what he should not, believe. The new life is so strange to him that he is prepared to accept any absurdity for the truth. The veriest nincompoop can pull his leg. The following story is true. It was the custom in my house for the matron to put out clean underclothes for each boy on Saturday evening. On my first Saturday I noticed that no clean pants had been put out for me. I asked an elder boy why this was. 'Oh, don't you know?' he said, 'we only have clean pants twice a term.' I believed him. The matron thought that I, in common with many others, did not start wearing pants till well into the winter. In consequence I wore the same pair till the second week in November. It is the same with regard to the more serious issues of school life. Mischief is often caused by the mistaken ideas that new boys give their parents of what does and what does not go on in their house. I was provided the other day with a good example. At a certain house in a famous school it was the practice of the house-master's wife to sit at the day-room table for lunch. The idea was admirable. The house-master's wife was a sympathetic woman who wished to recall to the small boys the regenerating atmosphere of their homes. The results, however, were unfortunate. The small boys became communicative. In their innocence they repeated stories of which the true significance had escaped them. In their ignorance they misinterpreted stories of which the nature happened to be direct. In neither case did the reputation of certain light-hearted sportsmen on the Va. table rise in the official esteem. Indeed of that particular house there was composed a limerick, the exact wording of which has more humour than propriety, to the effect that the house reports of the Sixth Form table were written by the fags. Few parents, however, would accept this explanation. Officially the first term is usually an unqualified success. The new boy is not distracted from his studies by the stress of house politics nor by the ambitions of the football field. The weekly form order is his chief excitement. And it would be surprising, considering the qualified enthusiasm with which the majority of the form welcome this occurrence, if the new boy did not soon find himself in the running for promotion. There is, indeed, little else for him to do.[3] He lives in a world of his own. He sees a good deal of new boys in other houses, and the usual question in break on Saturday morning is: 'Where were you this week?' His offences against discipline are inconsiderable. It is 'side' for a new boy to rag in the day room, in the changing room, and in the dormitories. That is the privilege of his seniors. He is not hardened enough to rag in form. He still regards work as important. I remember once seeing a very small and inoffensive scholar crumple up a sheet of paper and fling it at the head of his chemistry master. He maintained, however, that he was aiming at the waste-paper basket, and, though the excuse was not accepted, the offender's subsequent performances on the cricket field have inclined me to think he spoke the truth. At any rate this is the sole piece of audacity on the part of a new boy that I have witnessed. Indeed the new boy who does not return home with a thundering good report is a well-placed candidate for expulsion. Most of us start well. How many public school boys would have to confess that they won their only prize in their first term. The new boy returns home as from a Roman triumph. The indulgent father is prodigal of largess and theatre-tickets. His secretary is instructed to type out the report and send copies of it to aunts and uncles and his former head master. It is a great occasion, and we do well to make the most of it. It does not come twice. The change begins, I suppose, on the first evening of the second term, when the novice, clad appropriately in bowler hat and coloured tie, is accosted by a member of the form into which he has been promoted and informed that he will be expected to do the 'con' for them that term. There is no threat. It is merely the announcement of an arrangement for mutual help. The old stagers who have slowly moved up the school, with the danger of superannuation camping on their trail, consider that their last terms should pass in a soft tranquility. They expect the newcomer to provide them with that peace. 'Here,' they say, 'is a smart lad who has got his promotion straight away; he can be of great service to us.' It is a form of practical communism of which the scholar is particularly the victim. There is a general conscription of intellect. Scholars are expected to do the work of the bloods. 'You are paid to come here,' say the great men, 'you must prove yourselves worthy of your hire.' Arnold Lunn has described how the captain of his house used to hold an educational raffle. Slips of paper on which were written: 'Greek Prose'; 'Latin Prose'; 'Essay,' were placed in a hat and the scholars took their chance of drawing a blank. I can still hear the voice of the school fast-bowler shouting over the banisters to a wretched goggle-eyed youth, 'No. 69, Becke, and shove it in my study before prayers.' But the scholar is an exceptional person, and the novice who is accosted in the courts has an easier fate. He does not have to do other people's work. He merely has to do his own out loud. He is, moreover, a privileged person. He does not have to look the words up in a dictionary. That is the task of another member of the combination. He is spared the hack work of translation. It is for him to discover the sense. At a first glance it would seem that this arrangement would be to the advantage of the new boy; certainly it will ensure his industry. There is no chance of his scamping his work. The fate of others depends on his efficiency, and it does not pay him to guess at the sense. I remember once translating _Remotis arbielis, surrexit e lectulo_, 'having kicked off his bedclothes he rose from his bed.' No one questioned the interpretation, so I proceeded to the next sentence. None of us luckily was put on to translate that passage, but I can recall now the icy looks of the other members of the combination when the sentence was correctly rendered. I made a bolt for it afterwards, but they caught me. I did not guess again. The form interpreter is never able to say to himself: 'I went on to con yesterday, and I went on the day before, there's not the least likelihood of my being put on to-day. I shan't prepare it.' He has to labour for the general good, and probably, by the end of the term, he knows the Latin and Greek books pretty well. But he has not only learnt the correct rendering of certain obscure classical passages; he has learnt also, through contact with older boys, the correct public school attitude to work and the relative importance of football and mathematics. This is what he learns. It is the business of the school to win their matches and to produce first-class footballers and cricketers; it is the business of the house to win their house matches and to produce as many colours as possible. It is the business of every individual member of the school to subscribe to this creed. The value of scholastic achievements is relative. It is a feather in the cap of a double first to be privileged to wear the dark blue ribbon of the Sixth. But it is not a necessary achievement. Scholars, on the other hand, should work. They are no use to the school at games. It is for them to do what little lies within their power; a scholarship has its value. The school likes to get scholarships. It is a side show, of course, but a creditable side show. And the Fourth Former, after recounting the feats of Lewis in the big school match, comments on the fact that Bevan won a Balliol scholarship in the same way that the village greengrocer will say: 'Oh, yes, sir, we have a drapery department, too.' Real brains are accorded a sort of grudging admiration. They are entitled to respect. A Fellow has done his job well. It may not be an important job, but he has done it. Our Fourth Former remembers the parable of the talents. The Balliol scholar has converted his one talent into two. The boy, however, who, without being a scholar, shows unusual signs of industry, is a swot. Valuable time is wasted. The school is divided into two parts: the scholars and the rest. The rest brings to its work whatever energy is saved from its more arduous activities. No one thinks any the less of a man for being low in form. Slackness on the football field is anti-social. In the long category of an unpopular boy's offence the final evidence of worthlessness is the statement: 'He doesn't even work.' Even that resort, 'that last infirmity,' is denied him. What purpose has his existence? These are the articles of faith; these are the conventions. And the new boy who is ambitious, who wishes to win the respect and admiration of his comrades realises that athletic prowess will win him a position that is beyond the reach of the liveliest intellect. He begins to look on his work as a side show. It does not particularly matter what happens to him in the class-room. It would be nice to reach the Sixth. There are agreeable privileges. But it is not of first importance. No sooner has he decided this, than he discovers that his form work is intolerably dull. Of course he does. He brings no enthusiasm to it. The masters who can inspire the indifferent are rare. And the mind wanders from the inky desks, the hunched row of shoulders, and the far voice of a master droning monotonously, to the swimming bath and the cricket field. Will Butler get the cricket cup? Did Frobisher get his firsts because he was worth them, or because he was in the Captain's house? These topics offer inviting prospects; speculation follows speculation till suddenly the tired voice breaks into the day-dream: 'Will you continue now, please, Dunkin?' There is a scuffle as Dunkin collects his books and thoughts. There is a whisper of: 'Where's the place?' 'What does _crates favorum_ mean?' And the delinquent begins to stumble through his lines in a fashion that may, or may not, result in an imposition. To the unresponsive the atmosphere is one of intolerable listlessness. He makes another discovery, namely, that during his first term he did far more work than was strictly necessary. That he should discover the idiosyncracies of certain masters was a matter of course. Sooner or later he would have been bound to learn that in Old Mouldy's he could pin the repetition on to the back of the boy in front of him, that the Moke's mathematical class provided him with an admirable opportunity for writing the imposition that his house-master had given him the evening before. A good batsman soon sizes up the opposing fieldsmen; he knows whether he can risk a single to cover, or whether there is one for a throw when the ball goes slowly to third man. That is part of the game. The new boy makes more important discoveries than that. He comes to understand the intricacies of the set system by which the middle and upper schools learn French, German, Science, and Mathematics. For the days have passed when a boy learnt only Latin and Greek and a little French grammar. A liberal education is supposed to give him a general idea of a wide number of subjects. A choice of subjects is allowed, and it is hard to arrange a fair system of marking that will bring the boy who does German into line with the boy who does Greek. Each school tackles the situation in a different way, but each system probably leaves a loophole for the idle. It could hardly be otherwise, and it is enough to describe one system and the tactics that are adopted to cope with it. This particular system works as follows: It is accepted that the only universal subjects, that is, the only subjects that are studied by the whole form under the same master, are Latin and English, and, under English, are to be included History, Literature, Geography, and Divinity. On the marks earned in these subjects the form order and promotion depends. All other subjects, Greek, German, French, Science, and Mathematics are treated independently of the form order and are taught in sets of varying standards. It would seem to be a very sound scheme. A boy, for instance, may be a bad historian and a poor classic, but a fine mathematician. If all subjects were included in the same order he would be kept back by his bad English and Latin and would have to do algebra that he had long outgrown, yet at the same time his mathematical ability would place him in a form where the English and classics would be too difficult for him. Under the set system it is possible for the boy to reach the highest set in the school at mathematics and yet remain in the Shell or Lower Fourth. During his first term the new boy worked with equal industry at form and set subjects. During his second term he realises that he is wasting his energy. Proficiency in Greek will not help him to secure his promotion into the Lower Fifth; whereas, if he takes things easily at Greek, he will be able to spend more time on History and Latin. Indeed, it might be said that the wily one 'makes a book' in form and set subjects. He appreciates the need of reserve strength. He ought always to have a little in hand. He casts his eye down his time-table. There is no reason why he should not spare himself during the hour in the laboratory. The time might be so much more profitably devoted to his Latin 'con'; and at the time, of course, he will not consider the possibility of allowing such an arrangement to divert in any way his classical activities in 'prep' on the previous night. Far from it. He will have an opportunity to revise. He again studies his time-table. French with 'Bogus.' A little relaxation there is possible. Greek with 'Crusoe,' however, presents difficulties. Crusoe is something of a martinet; he expects lessons to be prepared, and he has a way of remembering what impositions he has set. He will have to work hard for Crusoe. Indeed it would be as well if he tried an honest, or the equivalent for an honest term's work for Crusoe. Is not the next set conducted by the Moke on admirably communal grounds. In the Moke's every one helps every one. There is no haste, no envy, no striving for position. A few scholars hurry through on their way to Balliol scholarships. They do not matter. They are only ripples on the surface of that calm, deep pool. Sometimes 'the book is made' the other way. A member of the school eleven has at last reached the Lower Fifth, and is content for a term or two to rest upon his achievements. He decides to do just enough work to avoid being bottled. He realises, however, that it will be as well for his father's peace of mind if a few single figures appear after his name in the report. And so he devotes himself to Chemistry and French. Two subjects appear on the time-table for each evening's preparation. And it is a bad day when it is impossible to dismiss at least one of them in a quarter of an hour. Examinations present difficulties. And it is here that the new boy, at the end of the summer term, makes his first serious compromise with the rigid code of ethics that he has brought with him from his Preparatory School. Why should he not crib in set subjects. They are unimportant. Promotion does not depend on them. He is not taking an unfair advantage of any one else. He will only do just well enough to avoid having to do the paper again. Why should he have to spend hours sweating up a useless subject. It is absurd. Besides, cribbing is rather an exciting game. It is a daring feat to smuggle the principal parts of the irregular verb, into a waistcoat pocket. It needs courage to open a French dictionary beneath the desk. He will be able to talk about it afterwards, and fellows will say he is a sport. It is the first step, and afterwards the compromise becomes increasingly easy. He returns home at the end of his first year fortified with a deal of worldly wisdom. He looks forward to the next year hopefully. He knows where he is now. He has learnt the tricks of the trade. It is all going to be splendid fun. FOOTNOTES: [1] I have used throughout this book the idiom of my own school. The Head of a house or of the school is the head boy in work. The Captainship of a house or of the school is a term applicable only to athletic prominence. [2] I am speaking of the average house. There are frequent occasions, of course, in bad houses where this privilege of the house-captain is abused. [3] It has even been known for a new boy to work in his spare time. CHAPTER IV THE SECOND YEAR And it is splendid fun. Let us make no mistake about that. It is splendid fun. For the ordinary boy, for all those, that is to say, who have not been designed by nature for the contemptuous entertainment of their companions, nothing is much better than the second and third years. It is a light-hearted, swash-buckling period. The anxieties of the fag have been forgotten, the responsibilities of the Sixth Former are still remote. The second yearer can rag, and his ragging is not taken seriously. At the end of the term house-masters do not address him solemnly and appeal to his better nature. They beat him, and that makes it a square fight. He knows where he is. He has to remain on the right side of the law. If he passes the limit, he knows what to expect. Later on the issue will be complicated by his position: for a while he can afford to be an irresponsible free-lance. It is a happy time of eager unreflecting action. There is a good deal of noisiness and 'showing off.' But it is harmless. A boy has just begun to find himself. He is free at last. At his Preparatory School he was always under the eye of authority. His freedom was enmeshed by a network of regulations. His first year at his Public School his freedom was fettered by nervousness and prejudice. That is over now. I sometimes think that we love Charlie Chaplin so dearly because he does all the things we have not the courage to do ourselves. When a waiter hurries past us with a pile of plates, how delightful it would be, we think, to drive our feet between his legs; who would not love to hurl a brick at a retreating foe; who is not tempted to crook his walking-stick round the ankles of the pompous. We never do these things; not as we should like to do them. But we come as near as we ever shall come to the attainment of this desire during our second year at school. On a small scale it is permitted us to destroy furniture. We can pull chairs from beneath an unsuspecting foe. The strings of a hammock have been cut to the discomfiture of the occupant. The terminal bill for breakages is often considerable, but no one is ever really hurt. For what little bullying exists nowadays the second and third yearers are in the main responsible. The effect of a new-found freedom is intoxicating. And there is always a boy in every house who is an irresistible butt. There is a compound German word that means 'face-that-invites-a-box-on-the-ear.' And such a physiognomy is the invariable possession of at least one scholar; in its own way the magnetic influence of such ugliness is as irresistible as the charm of a pretty woman. One has only to see that particular brand of face to want to heave a boot at it. One refrains seldom. It used to be held that every house contains one bully. It would be truer to say that every house contains one boy who is bullied. Most boys go through their schooldays without being subjected to any bullying, but most boys indulge in a little spasmodic bullying themselves. It is a sort of bull baiting, and it is in the main good-natured. Four or five fellows are sitting in a study after tea. There are still twenty minutes before lock-up, and the conversation has grown desultory. They all feel a little bored. One of them suggests that they should go and see how that ass 'Sniffy' is getting on. It is a popular suggestion, and a raid is made upon Sniffy's study. Sniffy is discovered working. This is considered to be a disgrace to the house, and Sniffy is informed of the fact. He invites his guests to get out. 'But, my dear Sniffy, what hospitality! Surely you are going to offer us a chair! No? Then we must teach you manners!' Sniffy's chair is suddenly jerked from under him and Sniffy is flung forward on to his table. He jumps up and lets fly at one of his assailants. It is no fun ragging some one who does not retaliate, and proceedings are soon less cordial. In the end Sniffy's study is pretty effectively wrecked. This happens about once a fortnight, but, beyond this, I am inclined to think that, except in a bad house, there is very little bullying now in Public Schools. The tone of a house changes far more quickly than the tone of a school. And, in every school, there is usually a thoroughly bad house. As a house-master grows old he tends to leave the management of the house more and more in the hands of his prefects. As long as his prefects are efficient all goes well; but, sooner or later, a weak head is bound to come, and then the swash-buckling element gets out of hand. One of the houses when I first went to school had got into this state. The head boy was easy-going, and there were in the day room two members of the First Fifteen who had in school failed to reach the Lower Fourth and who were thorough 'wrong 'uns.' Terrible tales of refined torture used to be repeated in the upper dormitories, and I can well believe that life there was pretty wretched. But I always distrust second-hand accounts. Nothing is more easily distorted than the story of atrocities, and, for my part, I have neither been a victim, nor the witness of any serious bullying. The only case that reached official notice during my time savoured strongly of the ludicrous. A parent had complained that his son had been ill-treated, and all the house prefects were summoned into the head master's presence. The offenders were leaning nervously against the wall; their victim was enduring tortures of self-consciousness; the head master was fingering his pen, and the avenging father blocked up the entire fireplace. There was a dead silence. We were all hard put to it not to smile. The offenders looked so much smaller than the prey. At last proceedings were opened by the boy's parent. He followed the traditional line. He had been a boy. He knew what boys were. He knew the public school code of honour. He loathed sneaking. His boy had not sneaked. The confession had been dragged out of him. What he, the father, wanted, was not punishment, but the assurance that such a thing would not happen again. 'And now, John,' he concluded, 'show the head master that bruise upon your arm.' Very sheepishly the boy drew off his coat, rolled up his sleeve and revealed a bruise, certainly of extensive proportions. 'How did they do that?' asked the chief. 'By flicking him with wet towels, head master,' said the parent. A simultaneous denial came from both offenders. 'We didn't make that bruise, sir.' 'But did you flick him?' asked the chief. 'Well, sir; yes.' 'Then how on earth can you tell that you did not make that bruise?' There was a moment's silence, during which the smaller of the offenders surveyed the wound with an almost envious eye. 'It couldn't have been me, sir,' he said at last. 'I can't flick well enough to have done that.' I hope I may be pardoned for retelling this story, which I have already told elsewhere. But it seems to me to interpret perfectly the attitude towards bullying that exists in most houses. No doubt there was a great deal of bullying fifty years ago. And people think that what was true of the Rugby of _Tom Brown's Schooldays_ is true of the Shrewsbury of to-day. They still think that the three chief sins of a Public School are bullying, stealing, and midnight escapades into the town. But those days have passed. In Desmond Coke's _The Bending of a Twig_ the new boy who sought for bullies behind every cloister quickly won the nickname of Don Q. It is usually during the course of his fourth term that a boy first begins to swear. For swearing is, on the whole, confined to members of the Middle School. It is side for a fag to swear, and an oath, except on rare occasions, is considered beneath the dignity of a blood. He is supposed to dwell in an Olympian fastness beyond the reach of inconvenience, where the need for violent language is infrequently presented. For the second yearer, however, life is full of emotion that demands to be registered forcibly. I can never quite see why so many people refuse to believe that a schoolboy's conversation is punctuated with 'damns' and 'bloodys.' We employ the idiom of our surroundings. A boy does not swear at home; at school he does. And there is no particular reason why he should not. An oath means little to him. He knows that some indecency is implied. But the meaning of the word is not defined by his use of it. He rarely employs it appropriately. He recommends the most contradictory performances. A powerful expression is needed. He wishes the world to know that he has been moved powerfully either to anger, or to delight. That is all. Any word that would have this effect would suit him, and I remember a dormitory captain insisting that the only expletive to be used in his presence should be 'daggers'; this crasis satisfied every one. The language a boy uses is no index to his character. Swearing and 'talking smut' are very different things. It is also in his fourth term that a boy who is anything of an athlete begins to discover himself on the football field. He finds himself scoring tries in home games. He is noticed by the bloods as a coming man. He makes friends among his seniors. He is no longer outside the life of the school. The road of ambition lies clear and straight before him. It is marked out in distinct stages. He learnt, of course, during his first term that a house cap may put one hand in his trouser pockets, that a seconds may put both, that a first may walk across the sixth form green in break; but these facts were distant in the imagination like the ritual of a mediæval court: they now become realities. In a year, he reminds himself, he will be in his house fifteen. The year after he should get his house cap. In four years he should be a first. It might, indeed, be maintained that the blood system is at the same time the magnet and the expression of the second yearer's ambition. The blood would not value his performances so highly were he not encouraged by others in the belief that he is of supreme importance. And, at fifteen, one idealises the future. It seems splendid to be a blood, to play for the school against Blackheath, to saunter across the courts with one's hands in one's pockets, one's books stuck under one's arms; to be on terms of friendly intercourse with masters, to be beyond the reach of punishment. And, because the future seems so glorious, the second yearer idealises the dwellers in it. In the same way that in Chelsea the latest poet or draughtsman can disregard the social laws of property and of propriety, in the eyes of the junior the blood can do no wrong. His voice is hushed when a blood passes him in the cloisters. If one should speak to him, he blushes and stammers and feels proud of it for days. The blood naturally endeavours to realise the popular conception of himself. He owes his position to it. For the higher up the school we go, the less important the blood appears, and, when our time comes to sit at the high table, we can hardly believe that we are occupying the same chair that Meredith sat in four years ago. It is absurd. How the house must have come down. To think of that little ass, Barton, being a prefect. How short a time since he was playing in junior house games and getting cursed for funking. And for ourselves--it is only yesterday that we were trembling, a diffident new boy, at the far corner of the day-room table. We cannot but believe our generation to be vastly inferior to those that have preceded it, and we do not think otherwise even when we win the senior cricket cup, although in Meredith's year the house was beaten by an innings in the first round. It is not in our nature to desire, or even value highly, what we possess. The last year is often a disappointment. No such foreknowledge mars the enjoyment and anticipation of the second yearer. It is indeed hard to imagine a more fortunate combination of circumstances. From an agreeable present he surveys the prospect of a delightful future. The days may pass slowly, or swiftly, as they will--their passage will be a long enchantment. It is during this period that a boy gets through the majority of his ragging in form. Now the ragging of masters is a very specialised art. The master holds all the cards. He has behind him the marshalled forces of the law. He can cane, he can give lines. He has every implement, physical and moral, for the preservation of order. He ought to be able to keep order. Yet the boy usually wins. Indeed, I often wonder how a master, who has once begun to be ragged, can ever hope to regain order. He is fighting a confident foe. The new boy learns during his first week that 'one can do anything one likes in Musty's.' Musty stands no chance. He enters the form room nervously; he is on the lookout for trouble; he is afraid to turn his back on the class when he is working on the blackboard. For ten minutes there is silence, a suspicious silence, perhaps, but still a silence. Musty tells himself that if any one attempts to break that silence he will make him sorry for it. He will punish the first whisper: that is the only way. And then, suddenly, from the back of the room, comes an ominous sound. It is not a cough: it is not a sneeze: it is a hideous nasal and vocal croak that Musty has learnt to recognise as the prelude to rebellion. He observes that some one is cramming a handkerchief into his mouth, and is choking in the subdued manner of one who is unsuccessfully stifling a laugh. Musty decides on action. 'Jones, take that handkerchief out of your mouth immediately, and you'll spend the afternoon doing me a hundred lines.' Jones withdraws the handkerchief from his chin, and his face assumes an expression of outraged innocence. 'But, sir----' he begins. 'A hundred and fifty lines,' snaps Musty. At this point the democracy of the class feels that its independence has been violated. There is a murmur of disapproval. And a tall, cadaverous youth rises from the front desk. 'Please, sir----' 'Silence, Evans.' 'No, sir, but really,' Evans persists, 'I must explain to you, sir, that the younger Jones is suffering from a very severe cold.' 'Yes, sir, I am,' blurts out the victim. 'And the matron said I was not to play football this afternoon.' At this point Musty should, of course, be firm. 'I am sorry,' he should say, 'but, at the same time, that will allow you, Jones, to do me two hundred lines instead of a hundred and fifty. And perhaps you, Evans, will do me a hundred and fifty. Thank you. We will now proceed with the lesson.' Such tactics might succeed. But Musty hesitates; for a moment he wonders whether Jones is telling him the truth. And the delay is fatal. Already other members have started to produce testimonials to Jones mi.'s integrity and disease. 'He really is awfully bad, sir. My study's next door to him, and he was coughing all last night. He made such a noise that I was only able to do you three problems instead of six!' A general conversation begins. Members cease even to address the chair. When Evans assures Musty that 'Jones would never tell a lie,' Power retorts that the other day Jones sold him a watch as new which went smash at once. 'Dirty little liar, I call him!' 'You wait till afterwards,' is Jones's reply. And, by the time honour has been vindicated, there is no chance of restoring order that day. The class is already out of hand. Jones mi. has the general permission to sneeze as often as he likes, a permission of which he generously avails himself. Such a disturbance should have been quelled by a firm hand. Masters have to run the risk of being unfair. There is, of course, the possibility that Jones's cold may have been genuine, but his previous record should preclude it to a 100 to 1 chance. At any rate, it is unlikely that Jones would be anxious to carry the case to the head master. Criminals avoid Bow Street. It is not usually, however, so easy to distinguish the preliminary manoeuvres. When, for instance, a boy walks quickly up to the master's desk and says that he thinks there is a peculiar smell in the room, the master is taken off his guard. He assumes interest. He walks to where the boy was sitting and sniffs. A polite boy rises and asks respectfully if anything is the matter. 'No, nothing,' says the master, 'Jones thought there was a curious smell where he was sitting.' The interest of the form is quickened. There is a general sound of sniffing. 'Well, sir, now that Jones comes to mention it, I do seem to recognize--I don't quite know what it is, sir.' 'Come, come,' says the master, 'that'll do.' 'No, but really, sir, I don't know if it's quite healthy. Do you think the drains are all right?' The information is hazarded that there have been several cases of typhoid recently in the town. 'It must be the drains.' Then some one suggests that it may be the gas. The school custos is notoriously careless in these matters. The suggestion is welcomed. At any rate it deserves investigation. And such investigations, when conducted by twenty clumsy boys, whose clumsy feet are shod with heavy boots, are a long and noisy business. Books fall with a clatter on to the floor. The hindquarters of the inoffensive are accidentally kicked. Smith endeavours to jump from one desk to another, misses his footing and crashes on the desk. Musty is lost. He stands in the middle of the room. He says 'Come, now!' a great many times. He varies it occasionally with 'That'll do.' He asks Smith whether he considers that what he is doing 'is really necessary.' At last a piping unrecognisable voice rises from the far corner. 'It isn't the gas. It must be Musty himself. He never washes.' In most schools there are at least two masters who are the continual victims of such treatment. Such ragging, however, is too simple to content the truly adventurous. The Mustys of the scholastic world are objects of contempt, and we prefer to respect our enemies. It is far more entertaining to rag a disciplinarian. One has to guard oneself. The master has all the weapons. Among other things the ragster has to work. If he is unexpectedly put on to con, flounders through a couple of lines and breaks down completely at the third, he has played into his opponent's hand. He has deserved the imposition that he will most certainly get. The ragster must prepare his work. That is part of his defence. He cannot say to himself: 'I have been on twice running. I shall not go on to-day.' If he makes a cheeky remark in form, the master's just retort is: 'Jones, you seem to like talking. I think you had better translate the next passage.' And, if Jones translates the passage successfully he feels that he is one up. Such ragging is very different from the general rag of the complete incompetent. It is a free-lance affair. It is an art. The majority of masters meet it in some form or other. It is only a few who are subjected to displays in which the whole form take part. Yet it is a puzzle to find out how exactly this ill-fortune selects its particular victims. Personality is limited. There are only a few who have a real genius for teaching. The majority are merely competent. And competence must fall before invention. Why is it that some are ragged and others not. The ragged master may be an excellent fellow. He may be good at games; he may be just as exemplary a member of society as his colleagues, and yet he is selected for this refined torture. There are some masters for whom one never works hard; one does enough and no more to avoid being bottled. One sits in the class-room for long, sultry, tedious hours; the insipid sunlight moves across the wall. One watches a fly crawl up the window-pane. One writes 'is a fool' upon the desk after the inscribed name of an enemy. One sticks a compass into the back of the man in front. Perhaps one revises the next hour's lesson. It may be that there is an imposition to be completed. The minutes pass slowly; one longs for the strike of the clock. And yet no one attempts to enliven the hour with some geniality. The few attempts that are made are spasmodic and unsuccessful. We had a master who was nicknamed, I never knew why, Marchand. And, one day, a boy who was doing translation paused at the French word _marchand_. 'Please, sir,' he said, 'I don't know what _marchand_ means.' There was no laugh, not even a titter. We were all too surprised. The master's face did not alter. 'It means merchant, Smith,' he said, 'and you will stay behind afterwards and speak to me.' He received six of the best. And it was, no doubt, such a master who made the historic retort to the boy who, during an hour that was devoted to the discussion of Old Testament history, inquired what 'harlot' meant. 'A harlot, Jones,' the master answered, 'is a lady who finds herself in unfortunate circumstances, and you will take two hundred lines.' If such an answer had been made by Musty, the boy would have expostulated freely; other members of the form would have interested themselves in the cause of justice. As it is, Smith gets his half-dozen and Jones his two hundred lines, and the world says 'silly ass!' There are certain masters who inspire neither industry nor insubordination, and yet I suppose that once they, too, had their hour of trial. So much depends on the first impression. Arnold Lunn has recounted in _The Harrovians_ the story of one Crabbe, who was so unmercifully ragged that he had to leave at the end of his first term. 'He went on to another school where his reputation had not preceded him. He opened his first lesson by setting a boy a hundred lines for sneezing. After having successfully established a reputation for unbridled ferocity, he was able, by slow degrees, to relapse into his natural kindly self.' It is typical of much. The master who has once allowed himself to be ragged is lost for ever. He may beat, he may line, he will never restore order. His only chance is to try elsewhere. The ragging of prefects is of very much the same order. There is less of it, because the head of the house has a way of jumping suddenly on the turbulent. 'I hear you were ragging Beetle last night in hall. You've got to stop it--see? and you're going to get six as a warning!' The head of the house has more authority than an assistant master. If a boy felt that an assistant master was unjust he might very well complain to the head master. But no boy would care to appeal against a boy--that would be sneaking. A good head of the house sees to it that none of the prefects are indiscriminately ragged, but there is always one of them for whom the rest of the house has but little respect, and to whom the taking of prep is always an anxiety. He beats and lines more than the rest of the prefects put together. But it has small effect. Indeed the second yearer acquires a hardened hide. Punishment is no deterrent to him; it is merely a pawn in the game. CHAPTER V ATHLETICISM By this time the new boy may be truly said to have reached the inner circle of a public school philosophy. He knows to what gods he must bow the knee. And he serves dutifully before the altar of the god of sport. The cult of athleticism has been for a long while the target at which the enemies of the Public School have launched their abuse. And until this cult is understood, it is impossible to understand the standards and the scale of values of a Public School. Every community must have a religion of sorts, a faith to which all faiths are subservient, a service which makes the first demands. A man, when called to decide between two claims, must be able to know which way his duty lies. He may not follow the claim of duty, but he should be able to distinguish which it is. In some communities it is the observance of social custom, in another the making of money is all important, in one the honour of the regiment, in a second the teaching of the Scriptures. At a Public School it is athletic prominence. The position of a school is decided by its performances on the field. If two men in a club are discussing the merits of a certain school, the first consideration will be athletics. 'Oh, yes,' they will say. 'Fernhurst stands very well just now. It beat Tonford and Merton last season, and it's got two fellows in the Varsity eleven.' The social status of a school is judged, not by the number of Balliol scholars it has produced, but by the quality of the schools it plays. 'Oh, Marestone can't be much of a place,' you will hear said. 'They only play a few grammar schools.' This fact the new boy realises at once. His father's friends are impressed when he can tell them that his school has beaten Haileybury. They display a mild interest at his casual reference to Bennett's scholarship. The new boy reads in the daily papers enthusiastic articles on the performances of the school eleven, and he learns that Haslett is being watched by the county authorities. There is an air of publicity about every school match. There will be reports in the newspapers. The new boy feels himself to be participating in a function of considerable general interest. All over the country people will be wondering what will chance in this particular encounter. He is on the spot. The Press accentuates his keenness. How could he, in the face of such a testimony, doubt the supreme importance of athletics. We believe in the goods that are most widely advertised. Who ever read an article on the prospects of the various competitors for a certain exam. Who has read in the _Times_ that 'enormous interest is being taken in the approaching scholarship examinations. Clifton has several promising scholars. Marston may be poor at unseen, but he is very deft in his handling of Latin prose, and he has a good ear for hexameters. Haileybury, on the other hand, place their faith in Johnson, a steady, industrious worker who can be trusted to perform consistently in all subjects....' Yet, two or three times a week, we can read in the _Sportsman_ that Fernhurst has a vastly improved side and that with Evans back again in the three-quarter line, is hopeful of emerging triumphantly from the approaching contest with Tonford. Public School sport is awarded at the present moment a preposterous amount of publicity. It is bad for the schools; it is bad for the boys themselves, and, as far as one can gather, it has not helped English sport to any appreciable degree. It encourages in schools the belief that games matter more than anything else. Very often it makes boys swelled-headed, certainly it makes them think they are bigger than they are, and is preparing for them a big disappointment. It is so easy to appear a giant among pigmies. In my own short experience I can remember more than one player who was described while at school as being an England batsman in the making, and who now experiences a difficulty in getting into the county side. Every summer we know by name a whole host of public school cricketers that are never heard of afterwards. They have averages of sixty during their last term; their exploits are described in fervid journalese. They go up to Oxford, fail to reach double figures in the Freshmen's match, and are quickly submerged in college cricket. Others go up with enormous reputations, making centuries in the trial match, and then find that there is a difference between club and county cricket. They just get their blue with a batting average of twenty-five; they play for the county during August and do nothing exceptional. They are just average cricketers, useful members of a side and nothing more. In the meanwhile the journalists are shrieking of the natural offbreak of a sixteen-year-old Rugbeian. This particular type of writer resembles the literary critic who hails every new poet as a 'second Keats,' and every new novelist as 'a second Hardy,' but loses interest in his discoveries after the appearance of their fourth book. There is no need to dive back into past history. We can find enough examples in post-war cricket. N. E. Partridge in 1919 had a batting average of 43, and took 71 wickets for under 12 runs each. He had a magnificent press. Next to Stevens, and perhaps Hedges, he was the most discussed boy cricketer of the year. On the strength of this boosting he very nearly received an invitation to play for the Gentlemen at Lords. As a matter of fact, I am not certain that he did not actually receive an invitation, and that his head master refused to let him go--but on that point I am not certain. At any rate his claims were seriously advanced by a great many reputable judges of the game, among whom I think Sydney Pardon has to be included. He went up to Cambridge with a tremendous reputation; he did only moderately. At one time, indeed, it seemed improbable that he would get his blue. Last season he did nothing exceptional for Warwickshire. I may, of course, be misjudging a cricketer whom I have never seen play, but everything would seem to suggest that Partridge will develop into nothing more exciting than the average county cricketer.[4] We could also take the example of L. P. Hedges. I spent the summer of 1918 in a German prison camp; but even to that distant city came news of the brilliant Tonbridge batsman who was greater even than Hutchings. During the summer of 1919 the assiduous student of the _Sportsman_ heard much of him. Every week appeared the score of some fresh triumph, and, to crown it all, came that brilliant 163 at Lords. It was a gorgeous show. I was thankful not to be fielding at coverpoint. But, let it be whispered gently, the bowling did not look particularly difficult, and, though Hedges's innings was dazzling, a quite ordinary batsman should, off the same bowling, have been able to help himself to a generous allowance of fours. That particular innings marked, I suppose, the height of Hedges's career from the point of view of press publicity and popular esteem; the height had been reached, that is to say, before his qualities had been placed on the open market and tested by the stress of three days' cricket and the accuracy of professional bowling. We do not hear much of Hedges nowadays. He has played useful cricket for Oxford and for Kent; but he has done nothing sensational. And yet, when I saw him last summer make a 50 against Middlesex at Lords, I could not help feeling that he is a better bat to-day than he was in 1919, and that that 50 in an important match, against confident bowling, and while Woolley was scratching uncomfortably at the over end, was in every way a finer performance than his 163 of two years earlier. He drove Haig and Durston through the covers as easily as in 1919 he had plastered the ring with boundaries. And yet the pressmen remained calm. It is vain and it is unfair to attempt to form a judgment of a person whose wares are not upon the open market. No one can tell who is, and who is not, going to prove a test match cricketer. Equally it is impossible to tell from public school form which boys are potential cricketers. Who, for example, who saw in 1910 F. H. Knott and D. J. Knight batting in the Public School's match at Lords realised that Knight was going to develop into an incomparably greater batsman than Knott. And yet sportsmen continue to write about boy cricketers with the seriousness that they devote to Hobbs. They draw the most ridiculous comparisons. I discovered last summer in one of the most influential daily papers the following passage in the account of the Public School's match at Lords: 'There is probably no cricketer, with the exception of R. H. Spooner, who sees the ball more quickly than J. L. Guise.' Now anything much more ridiculous I can hardly imagine. It is like the literary critic, who shall be nameless, who described the work of a minor poet, who shall be also nameless, as having given him more pleasure than anything since the first flights of Swinburne. It is preposterous to speak of Guise, who is an extremely promising cricketer, as seeing the ball more quickly than any batsman except Spooner. It all depends on what manner of ball he is seeing. In the Eton match he, no doubt, saw Allen's deliveries with considerable speed. Spooner, however, was in the habit of seeing in this manner the deliveries of Cotter, Tarrant, and Schwarz. Speed of eye is relative to the quality of the bowling. I should hesitate to call myself a batsman, but there is a type of ball that I can see with incredible rapidity. It is bowled to me, alas, too occasionally, in village matches. It is medium paced, it pitches on the middle stump, a little more than half-way down the pitch, and it turns away ever so slightly towards the leg. Any one can look a good bat who is opposed to bad bowling. And I maintain that it is no sort of sense indulging in wild panegyrics about schoolboys who have never been tested by first-class bowling. If a boy seems promising the county authorities should give him a trial, and, if he does well, then let the pressmen get busy. Every one is so terrified lest a good man may be overlooked. But how unlikely that is if the county authorities are at all keen. Trial matches can be arranged. Visits can be paid to schools. There is no need for this hectic discovery of twenty Spooners every season. The school figures of players like Stevens and Chapman and Hubert Ashton would have been quite sufficient to ensure a proper trial for them. And the fact remains that in spite of this press work amateur cricket is at a lower ebb now than it has ever been before. The Gentlemen and Players match has become too one-sided to stimulate interest in anything save individual performances. Very few amateurs are good enough to play for England. Douglas is; and he was not one of the marked men of cricket articles. His entrance was as untheatrical as his batting. D. J. Knight, is on his form of 1919, the second best batsman in the country; Stevens, at his best, is a great match-winning factor; Tennyson and Fender are useful players. But it is impossible to maintain that there are to-day any amateur batsmen comparable with Maclaren, Spooner, Fry, Stoddart, and Jackson, than the cricketers, that is to say, who passed unheralded on their merits into first-class cricket. The low standard of amateur cricket cannot be argued away. And this trumpeting of the press could only be excused, could it be proved to further the interests of amateur sport in England. Instead of furthering those interests, it works against them. It makes games at a Public School too much of a business and too little of a sport. It introduces professionalism. And I am prepared to wonder how far one really enjoys one's games at school. One is frightfully excited about them; one is very pleased when one does well and depressed if one does badly. One works oneself into a state of nervous misery before a match, and one of hysterical excitement after it. Victory and defeat mean a great deal. And it was with a real surprise that I realised a few months ago at the end of a very pleasant season that, although I should continue to play football for another ten years, and cricket, I hope, for another forty, I should never again really care whether the side for which I am playing wins or loses--care, that is to say, as I cared at school about a house match. In club cricket and football one asks for a good game in pleasant company, and victory is incidental. While one is playing, of course, one is keen, but one will not brood afterwards over one's mistakes,--not as one does after a school match. There is, I suppose, no public school man under the sun who does not now and again on some winter evening drop his paper on his knees and curse himself because, fifteen years ago, he missed a catch at an important crisis--that is one of the things one never ceases to regret. That awful moment when one picks up the ball with tingling fingers and tosses it back to the bowler; it is for all time a vivid memory. One does not feel like that about an ordinary catch in an ordinary club game. One is annoyed with oneself; one is sorry for the bowler; one apologises to the captain, but one remembers that one is out, after all, to enjoy oneself. That is the difference between school and club cricket. At school one is not out to enjoy oneself. It is a business, this getting of runs and taking of wickets. There are cups for house matches, and there are cups for batting and bowling averages, and it is a sin to miss a catch. There are few worse things than the anxiety attendant on those who play on the fringe of a school side. Not only is one worried about one's own performances, but about one's rivals. If one has made a duck oneself one cannot, in spite of one's patriotism, be anxious for a particular rival to retrieve the fortunes of the side with a century. A first eleven cap is valued far too highly for such unselfishness. It is equally little fun to be a member of a bad fifteen. One is subjected to a series of complaints and recriminations. One grows sick of the whole business. And I can remember during the first winter of the war the relief with which we learnt that the Tonbridge match had been scratched. We had a poor side. We knew that we should be thoroughly trounced, and that, for the next week, the lives of those who had not distinguished themselves would be made wretched. We never for a moment questioned the justice of this tyranny. The Lord our God was a jealous God. We had to serve him. But we were not sorry that an occasion for his wrath should be removed. I very much doubt whether the actual playing of games was as pleasant at school as it is outside it. The intensity and rapture are irrecoverable. There is nothing to compare with the elation that follows a victory over a stronger side. But in the long run I find cricket more enjoyable to-day than I did six years ago. It is less complicated. One takes a day off from one's work and spends it in agreeable company. One can field out all day and never take a wicket, miss a couple of catches, and then crown everything by making a duck, and yet thoroughly enjoy oneself. At school that would have been a rotten day, and one would have spent the evening in deep despondency. Yet everything is in favour of one enjoying one's game at school. It is so simple. One strolls down after lunch in a leisurely fashion to the field. One changes one's boots in the pavilion. A hot bath is waiting for one afterwards. But, in order to play football after one has left, one has to rush off to catch impossible trains from impossible stations. One has no time for lunch. The train always seems to start at 1.18. There is as likely as not a long walk from the station. One changes in a converted army hut; one is more than a little tired before the game starts. There are no proper baths afterwards, and one has to hurry, or one will miss the only train to town: for it is amazing the number of football fields which are on loop lines with trains at hourly intervals. And yet, personally, I enjoy my football now a great deal more than I ever did at school. It would not be just, however, to lay the blame of this professionalism to the account of the sporting press. Journalists are rarely responsible for anything. They do not lead public opinion. They follow it or, if they are clever, they anticipate it. Had not the worship of athleticism been already firmly established in the schools themselves it would never have occurred to them to run it as a stunt. The journalist spends most of his time searching for a town of blind men over which he, with his one eye, may rule. And the journalist discovered that the Public School had enthroned an unofficial king who had not received his due of public recognition. The journalist decided to officialise his position. To this king was paid extensive homage; and, as there is no more pleasant reading for ladies-in-waiting than court gossip, he commenced a column of court news. But he did not set up the court, or crown the king. He is only a herald. And we must regard these tiresome articles as a proof, but not a cause of this peculiar ritual. The trumpeting of the herald adds certainly to the glamour of the court, but his absence would not start a revolution. If not another article appeared on public school sport, the cult of athleticism would still continue; it would continue because as things are at present there is no other focus for the enthusiasm and partisanship of a boy of seventeen. There is really little else about which a schoolboy could reasonably become excited. Indeed it is hard to see what other results could have been expected from such a combination of circumstances. Four hundred boys are divided into ten houses. They are encouraged to feel an intense loyalty for their house and for their school. They are told that it is up to them to make their house the best house in the school, and their school the best school in the country. They set out in all good faith to accomplish their task. In what, they ask themselves, does the goodness of a house consist. It is not much sense to speak to them of the moral tone of a house or school. They desire a tangible manifestation of virtue, 'an outward and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace.' And the only available outward and visible sign is the row of silver challenge cups on the dining-hall mantelpiece. It is natural to assume that the house which has the most cups is the best house; a school can only prove its superiority over another school by victory on the football field. Scholarships are an indirect form of competition. For the best boys from one school may not come into touch with the best boys of another. But a victory by 30 points is a direct statement of a fact. The victorious school is superior to the defeated school. It is in athletic contests alone that a house or school can express a united will, can become indeed one person. The loyalty of a boy for his house or school is a fine thing, but it renders athletic worship almost inevitable. Were there not this intense house and school feeling individual boys would cultivate their individual tastes; forty boys would be grouped together for convenience of boarding--that is all a house would be. But as soon as a boy comes to regard himself as a member of a fine community, he feels a natural pride and loyalty in its performances and in its welfare. There is no other focus for partisanship: form work is uninteresting. Boxing, fives, the corps, and the gymnasium are side shows. Cricket and football are what count. A boy must have a religion of sorts. He must have some ideal to which the demands of his own temperament may become subservient. On this worship of games is based the scale of social values. The ethics of cribbing, for example, are based entirely on the assumption that a success in form is of inconsiderable importance; it is permissible for a boy to crib in order to save his energies for worthier causes. The blood system is built on an intense admiration for those who are upholding the honour of the house, and is an expression of the small boy's longing to reach such a position himself. The attitude to morality on the part of masters is intimately connected with athletics, and on the boy's part, the belief that a member of a school side is, _ipso facto_, an invaluable asset to the school, allows the blood to do very much what he likes; as long, in fact, as a boy can satisfy his companions and himself that he is exerting all his power on the football field, he can amuse himself in other ways as he thinks fit. There is no other criterion for a boy's worthiness, or unworthiness, as a member of a house, and the half-bloods consider that a very big responsibility has descended on them. They have to keep the house up to the mark. The big men cannot bother themselves about individuals. But the half-bloods who are, as it were, emissaries between heaven and earth, can investigate closely the behaviour of the coming generation. They can notice who is showing signs of slackness. They individually give themselves enormous airs. They form a sort of improvement society. I remember that, in the course of one term, our house lost every challenge cup that it had possessed. This was considered a disgrace. And several of us decided that it was for us to reform the house. We did not consider ourselves to stand in any need of improvement. But we used to wander round the studies between tea and hall inquisitioning fags and scholars, asking them what use they thought they were to house or school, and informing them that they would be well advised to make more strenuous efforts. It was, I suppose, a form of bullying; or rather perhaps an aid to vanity. What we really needed was for some one to kick us hard. No one did, however. It seemed to occur to no one else, any more than it did to us, that there were objects of a public school education other than the acquiring of caps and cups. You might as well expect an Indian priest to doubt the omnipotence of Buddha. FOOTNOTE: [4] The proofs of this book were corrected in April. Should anything unforeseen change during the cricket season, before its appearance, I can only plead the fallibility of the prophet. CHAPTER VI THE TRUE ETHICS OF CRIBBING The boy who thus exhausts in ragging the residue of energy that the football field allows him, has, it follows, to be careful not to burn the candle at both ends. He has to spare himself, and to spare himself he abandons the spasmodic cribbing of his first year's summer examination for sustained, systematic methods. Now the true ethics of this subject are as little understood as those relating to any other sphere of public school life. Cribbing is generally regarded as a dishonest practice to which only the ignoble few have regular resort. The habitual cribber is as morally lost as a thief. For what, after all, is cribbing, say our aunts, but the stealing of marks from your companions. 'When you crib,' they tell us, 'and say that you are not stealing, you argue from the standpoint of the housemaid who would return conscientiously the sixpence you have left on your dressing-table, but would not think twice of filling a medicine bottle with your best brandy and handing it over to her young man.' While we are at our Preparatory Schools we are inclined to agree with this. We ourselves would never think of cribbing. At a Preparatory School it is not done. But at a Public School we learn otherwise. To the public school boy cribbing is not dishonest. It is not wrong, because it is not anti-social. There are no doubt somewhere, if we could discover them, fixed immutable standards of righteousness. But we have not found them yet. In the meantime we are content to frame conventions that alter with each generation to safeguard what we consider to be our comfort. We put a thief in prison because we are anxious to protect our property. His actions are anti-social. They are only anti-social, however, because we happen to value our property. We should not object if he took from us what we did not prize. It is thus indeed that the dustman earns his living. And the public school boy does not usually set much greater value on his marks than the housewife on her egg-shells. I remember reading several years ago a short story that appeared in _The Captain_. It was about an American who came to an English Public School. On the result of a certain examination depended the position of head boy in the house, and the American broke into the head master's study and extracted the examination paper. The theft was, however, discovered, and the American summoned to the head master's study for an interview that was the certain prelude to expulsion. This fact was made known to him. 'Waal,' he said, 'I guess that's fair. My father often said to me when a big bluff fails, it's down and out for the guy that misses.' The head master was surprised. He appreciated the difference between a big bluff and a piece of calculated deceit. He saw that the American had, because of the atmosphere of business in which he had been brought up, a standard different from his own. The American had honestly believed himself to be attempting 'a big bluff.' Now, in the world at large, ignorance of the law is no excuse. If it were, law court procedure would be infinitely complex. At school, however, the intention matters more than the result. The means are set before the end. The head master in the story realised that the American's offence was actually far less serious than it appeared, and the American was not expelled. In this case, of course, the theft of the examination paper was definitely anti-social. It was a real theft. The American was endeavouring to acquire a position that others valued through means not at the disposal of his competitors. But this story, which appeared in a paper the moral tone of which has necessarily to be above suspicion, establishes officially the principle that the seriousness of an offence depends largely on the attitude adopted to it by the offender. And therein lie the true ethics of cribbing. What public opinion approves cannot be anti-social. Only a few recognise the distinction between the immoral and the anti-social. And public opinion is, on the whole, inclined to condone cribbing. Every boy is anxious to be a power in his house; he wants to be a prefect, he looks forward to the day when he will be safe from authority, will be, indeed, authority itself. But he knows that, without unduly exerting himself in the class-room, he will be able to achieve prominence through success at football. A house cap has to sit at the Va table: as a second, probably, and certainly as a first, he will be raised to the dignity of the dais; thence the process of seniority will carry him quickly to his prefectship. It is assumed that by that time the same process of seniority will have carried him to the Upper Fifth. (It is hard to avoid being promoted once a year.) The hours spent in the class-room are a dull setting for the vivid hues of the life that lies outside it. Occasionally the setting is relieved by a bright patch of colour--an ingenious rag, a successful piece of cribbing--but, on the whole, it is dull and monotonous. A boy works spasmodically, sometimes to get a promotion, sometimes to secure the good-will of a master he admires, sometimes to reach a form where it will be only rarely necessary for him to prepare his work. And he cribs more or less consistently out of laziness, to avoid being bottled, to save himself trouble, to be able to devote as much of his evening as is possible to more sympathetic forms of employment. He does not consider he is doing anything wrong. He knows that, if he is caught, he will be punished. But then he sees the relationship of boys and masters as a long, intermittent struggle, a game played in good faith, with fixed rewards and penalties. He does not expect his conduct to be condoned officially. His form master has set him so many lines of Virgil to prepare. It is assumed that he will take an hour to prepare those lines properly. However, with the help of Dr Giles's translation, he has managed to prepare those lines satisfactorily in twenty minutes. He has gained, therefore, forty minutes; naturally the master demands, and exacts, a reparation. But his companions do not mind. And he regards as anti-social only what will offend them. If he were a thief it would be in their eyes that he would be guilty. But a theft only becomes criminal when the injured party has taken proceedings against the offender. In this case no proceedings have been taken. He has not been reported to the head master, nor has he been kicked round the cloisters. He considers himself to be innocent. Indeed, popular opinion is far more likely to be directed against the boy who is scrupulously honest. His behaviour may be anti-social. There was a form, for instance, in which it was the custom for the boys to correct their own papers and give up their own marks. They would pass their papers to the next boy but two. The answers would be read out and the marks awarded. When all the answers had been given the marks would be added up. 'Any one over 90?' a couple of hands would rise. 'Any one over 95?' one of the hands would sink. 'Right,' said the master. 'Divide all marks by 11.' The names of the boys would then be read out in turn, and the marks earned by each would be delivered by the corrector. Now the correction of exercises and the addition of marks entails a measure of labour, and no one does unnecessary work. It had become the custom, therefore, to doze pleasantly while the answers were being given out, to insert various hieroglyphics in the margin, and to return at the conclusion an average total. The system had been in existence a long while, and it was known that the top mark usually lay somewhere between 100 and 90; a top mark of over 110 or beneath 80 would rouse comment, perhaps inspire investigation, and that was, of course, the last thing the form desired. So that, when the form master said any one 'over 90' some one on the front bench raised a hand. It happened in rotation more or less; at the end of the term there was little to choose between the top ten in the marks for those particular exercises. Certainly whatever difference there was could be easily counteracted by superior proficiency in some other field. All went well till a certain Miller was promoted into this particular form. Miller was a prig: he came from an undistinguished house. He was excessively industrious. He had the prude's morality. He was desperately honest. He corrected the papers passed to him accurately and gave up the right mark. During his first week in the form, when the top mark was 91, Miller gave up 63. The form master was surprised; Miller had corrected the paper of quite a senior member of the form. 'Really, Jones,' he said, 'I'm surprised.' Jones also was surprised. After the lesson he expressed his surprise with a well-aimed kick that landed Miller at the foot of the second landing. He considered that no further explanation was required. He was wrong. The next day, when the top mark was 103 he received 57. On the occasion of this second essay in originality the whole form decided to interest itself in Miller's welfare. There was an informal meeting at the end of the hour, in which Miller was given to understand that on this system exercises had been marked in the Middle Fifth for upwards of twenty years. Tradition had approved the system. The form was conservative. It meant to uphold that tradition. In earnest of its intention it proceeded to demonstrate what defensive method it would adopt. Miller made no answer, but the next day he not only returned Jones's paper with 65 at the head of it, but when a certain Burton announced that the paper he had marked was worth 103, Miller said something to the effect that the maximum was 93. Such a thing had never happened before in the Middle Fifth. It was an orderly form, but there was very nearly a popular demonstration. Burton's honour had been questioned. The form master agreed that such an imputation had not been made upon a boy during the five-and-twenty years that he had sat in that class-room. 'We'll go through the questions one by one and see what the maximum is.' Now, luckily for Burton, the master had not kept a check upon the marks. He had gone through question after question, saying after each: 'Now let me see, I think that should be worth 10,' or 'that 15.' So that, when he went through the questions again, he appealed, on each occasion, to the head boy of the form. 'How many did I give you for that, Evans?' And, on each occasion, Evans was generous. Once Miller timidly suggested that for Question 6, 15 marks and not 30 had been the maximum, but there was a complete unanimity of opinion among the rest of the form. 'Thirty, sir, certainly it was 30. It must have been--I've got 23 down to Firth for that, sir.' Miller was overruled. The maximum was finally discovered to be 130. 'So you see, Miller,' said the master, 'you've not only questioned Burton's word, but you've been inattentive during the lesson. You will do me 200 lines, and if you will hand me up Jones's paper I will correct it myself.' With this generous addition to the maximum Jones received a heavy mark. After such a disaster the form felt certain that Miller would bow to the convention; but there is no limit to the obstinacy of the martyr: Miller continued to mark according to order. He was kicked, but kicking was of no avail. His own paper was undermarked. This, too, was unavailing. Finally the form decided to accept him as an inevitable affliction. They ceased to kick him. Each of the ten top boys took it in turn to sit two places away from him so that no one person should suffer unduly from the general evil. And the one who sat two places on the other side of Miller had instructions to over-mark his paper so that he should be got out of the form as speedily as possible. At the end of the term Miller was promoted; and the Middle Fifth relapsed into its placid communal existence. Now Miller's conduct would no doubt appear worthy of the most intense approval. He had behaved like the hero of the school sermon. He had done what every new boy is adjured to do. He had taken a firm stand against a dishonest practice. He had been bullied, but he had remained firm. His honour had withstood the shock of his opponents. Such a splendid example would shine like a candle in a dark cathedral, and from this simile the preacher, as a runner reaching the straight, can stride into the rounded periods of his peroration. 'If only others of you would light your candle from that flame; if only in that large cathedral there were a hundred burning candles instead of one, how soon would not the whole building be filled with light. The beautiful tracery of the roof would emerge from shadow. A soft glow would be shed on the strong carved pillars. The brasses would glimmer on the wall. The splendid architecture of the building would be plain. So is it with the human soul.' We have heard that sermon many times. Miller is a splendid handle for rhetoric, but his behaviour remains anti-social. If it is wrong to place oneself in a position of inequitable advantage, it is equally wrong to place a rival in a position of inequitable disadvantage: and that is what Miller had done. Jones had done his work as thoroughly and as conscientiously as the others, but he had received lower marks for it, because Miller had chosen to apply to it a standard that was not imposed on that of his companions. It is not unfair in a hundred yards' sprint to start a second before the pistol is fired if you know that the other runners are going to do likewise, but it is hard lines on the one runner who is compelled to wait for the proper signal. True morality plays an insignificant part in business and competition. We all have different ideas of what is sport. If W. G.'s much-criticised running out of Jones in the Test Match of 1880 had taken place at a house match at school, we can assume that W. G., whatever his batting average, would not have been invited to play for the school again. What is moral and what is anti-social become practically synonymous terms as long as every one starts fair and plays the game by the same code of rules. No one must be allowed opportunities that are not at the disposal of his opponents. And, in the case of the Middle Fifth's corrections, the rules of the game ordered generous marking and no great gulf between the first and last. Miller played the game by different rules. The form was righteously indignant. It is doubtful even whether Miller's immortal soul drew sustenance from the conflict. It was probably confirmed in its priggishness. Certainly Miller became, in the course of time, a highly officious prefect. I do not know what fortune the 'romance of destiny' may hold in store for him, but I can imagine that he will occupy some post of prim, precise officialdom. He will create nothing. Whereas Evans's opportunism is largely responsible for the rapidly increasing market for Messrs. ----'s patent cookers. The schoolmaster asserts that between himself and his form there exists a compact of square dealing. But the signature of the form has not been obtained, and it is an agreement every clause of which is very clearly to the advantage of the schoolmaster and to the disadvantage of the form. The form does not recognise the treaty. It refuses to commit itself, and indeed in this singular document the true nature of cribbing has not been defined. The exact line between cribbing and co-operation has not been drawn. We are safe when dealing with 'con,' that is to say, the translation of Greek or Latin into English. We know, for instance, that boys are allowed to prepare their work together. Two brains are better than one. Well and good. But, if two soldiers have to dig a trench one uses the pick and the other the shovel. So it is with Latin 'con.' One boy looks up the meaning of the words in a dictionary; the other unravels the sense. That means that the boy who looks up the words never brings his mind to bear on the translation of the text. Yet such a combination is accepted as fair by any master. And, once this combination has been accepted, a master's position becomes logically impossible. For it must be remembered that a schoolboy has a fairly sound grasp of consecutive reasoning. He studies the theorems of geometry. He struggles with the dialectic of Plato. He is capable, that is to say, of following out to their logical conclusion such lines of argument as will, in the end, assuage his conscience. He could construct, for instance, an imaginary conversation between Socrates and his form master. _Soc._: You object, Mr. Featherbrain, to the cribbing that is prevalent in your form? _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: Now, as I am inexperienced in this matter, never having been myself to a Public School, perhaps you will be so kind as to make me better acquainted with the methods adopted by these members of your form. _Mr. F._: Certainly. Some of the boys use English translations with which to prepare their Virgil and Homer. Others copy the Greek prose of their more clever companions, inserting, from time to time, certain gross errors that they expect will throw me off the scent. _Soc._: I understand. Now, in this matter of English translations: you expect each boy to prepare his Virgil by himself, and to produce in form the results of solitary unaided labour? _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: If, therefore, you discovered one boy asking another to explain to him a difficult passage, you would punish him severely? _Mr. F._: No. You have misunderstood me. I should not. _Soc._: But how is that? Have you not just told me that each boy must produce in form the results of solitary, unaided labour? _Mr. F._: Certainly, but we allow boys to prepare their 'con' together. _Soc._: I understand. On the assumption that two brains are better than one, you permit two boys to unravel the sense together. _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: Now, if two people attempt a certain task, what procedure would they follow? Would they not divide the task into two portions. If two men are building a house one man stands at the top of a ladder and lays the bricks that his companion, who is standing below, throws up to him. _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: Time would be wasted were each man to do the same work: that is to say, were two ladders to be placed against the wall and were the two men to descend and ascend the ladder carrying bricks to the top? _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: Therefore, we may assume that in all tasks that are undertaken by two persons, the work is divided into two duties? _Mr. F._: But I do not see, Socrates, that this line of reasoning has any bearing on the subject we are preparing to discuss. _Soc._: That may very well be, for, as I have told you, I am ignorant of these matters and have come to you for guidance. It does seem to me, however, that in this matter of translation, which is the discovery of an unknown thing, the unknown may be divided into two parts. _Mr. F._: How is that? _Soc._: When a boy reads over the passage that he has to translate, two things are unknown to him: the general meaning of the passage and certain words in the passage. That is so, is it not? _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: Then do you not think that two boys, before setting out to translate a passage, would make some arrangement by which one of them should be responsible for unravelling the sense, while the other should look up the unknown words in a dictionary. _Mr. F._: It is possible. _Soc._: And to which of the two would be entrusted the task of unravelling the sense. _Mr. F._: To the cleverer, undoubtedly. _Soc._: Therefore the less clever would do the drudge work: that is to say, he would never bring his mind to bear upon the passage: and the imaginative work would be done for him by his companion. _Mr. F._: It would seem so, Socrates. _Soc._: Yet the system is approved as an honest one by the authorities and the work of the drudge is accepted as solitary and unaided labour. _Mr. F._: That is so, Socrates. _Soc._: Now, is this task of translation limited to the co-operation of two persons, or may three or more persons take their share in it? _Mr. F._: As many persons may take their share in it as may conveniently be crowded into a study measuring eight feet by four. _Soc._: I understand. Suppose now that three persons are preparing a passage together. We have agreed, have we not, that this work can be divided into two duties only? _Mr. F._: That is so. _Soc._: Then what share of the work will the third partner take? _Mr. F._: He will act as a reserve and will bring assistance to either party when it is necessary. _Soc._: But, to whom have we allotted the task of unravelling the sense: to the cleverest, have we not? If the help of the third party, then, is only requested when the cleverest finds himself in difficulties, does it seem to you likely that the third party will succeed where one cleverer than himself has failed? _Mr. F._: It is unlikely. _Soc._: And, if this third party is higher and more important than the second party, it is unlikely, is it not, that he will content himself with what we have admitted to be the drudge's work of looking up words in a dictionary? _Mr. F._: It is unlikely. _Soc._: Then the third party will do nothing save profit by the industry of his two companions, and the work that he will produce in the class-room next day will, strictly speaking, be not his at all, but theirs. _Mr. F._: It would seem so, Socrates. _Soc._: Now, let us take a further example. For I am anxious to discover at what exact point the work that a boy produces in form will cease to be, in the official eye, the result of solitary and unaided labour. Suppose that the third party is a member of the Eleven, who has various social duties: it is possible, is it not, that he would prefer to spend over his translation less than the three-quarters of an hour that his two companions require? _Mr. F._: It is possible. _Soc._: Then, is it impossible that he might arrange for the cleverer of the two to come to him after breakfast and explain to him in twenty minutes the meaning of the passage? _Mr. F._: It is possible. _Soc._: And such an arrangement would be accepted by you? _Mr. F._: I do not see that I could object. _Soc._: Now let us suppose that the cleverer of the two finds that he will have to clean his corps clothes during the twenty minutes between breakfast and chapel. He will feel himself bound in honour, and also by fear, to translate the passage to the third party, but he will obviously be unable to do it in person. Is it not likely, therefore, that he will write out the meaning of the passage and hand it to the third party? Would such conduct be unacceptable to you? _Mr. F._: I do not know, Socrates. _Soc._: But, surely in your own mind you have clearly defined the line that separates what is honest from what is dishonest. Surely that is your profession--to teach the young to distinguish between what is good and what is not good? _Mr. F._: That is so, Socrates. _Soc._: Then do you see any real difference between hearing a translation and reading a translation? Is there any difference between a meaning that is apprehended through the ear and a meaning that is apprehended through the eyes; for are not both eyes and ears channels through which meanings are carried to the brain? _Mr. F._: It would seem so, and, when you put it that way, I can distinguish no essential difference. _Soc._: Very good: then we have established that it is fair for a boy to come to his study after breakfast, find in his hand a written translation of his Virgil, and, with that written translation, prepare in twenty minutes his morning's lesson. _Mr. F._: It would seem so, Socrates. _Soc._: If, however, he were to take from his drawer a printed translation of Virgil, and with that prepare his morning's lesson, you would consider him capable of dishonest behaviour and you would report him to the head master. _Mr. F._: Most certainly, Socrates. _Soc._: In what, then, lies the essential difference between the printed translation and the one that was copied out for him by his companion? _Mr. F._: But that is surely obvious. _Soc._: It is not to me, and it is for this reason that I seek enlightenment of you. For to me it seems that the work produced in form by the boy who has studied the printed translation is every bit as much the result of solitary and unaided labour as that which is informed by the study of a written translation. But is it that you appreciate a difference between the written and the printed word? _Mr. F._: Perhaps that is it, Socrates. _Soc._: Then would you allow a boy during the holidays to copy out one of Dr. Giles's aids to the classics? _Mr. F._: Most certainly not. _Soc._: Then it is not between the written and the printed word that the difference lies? _Mr. F._: It would seem not. _Soc._: Then where does it lie? _Mr. F._: I do not know, Socrates. _Soc._: Then we must surely assume that there is no difference; and we must further add that you have not dealt honestly with your form in so severely punishing them for conduct that you, yourself, are not able logically to condemn. _Mr. F._: As ever, Socrates, you have succeeded in making me say what I did not mean to say. _Soc._: Then, in order that you may extricate yourself, let us consider this question of the prose. _Mr. F._: Certainly. For, here at least, my position is impregnable. _Soc._: I, too, am certain of it, and, in order that I may know the true nature of the offence, you will, I hope, permit me to ask you certain questions. You say that the more stupid members of your form are in the habit of copying the exercises of their more clever comrades? _Mr. F._: That is so. _Soc._: Now is it a rule that a boy may not give another assistance in his Latin prose? _Mr. F._: Certainly. _Soc._: The position is not the same as that of the Latin translation, where two boys were permitted to co-operate? _Mr. F._: Certainly not. _Soc._: I presume that you have explained to your form the essential difference that exists between the nature of Latin 'con' and Latin prose. _Mr. F._: How do you mean, Socrates? _Soc._: Why, surely, if in the preparation of Latin 'con,' which is the translation of Latin into English, two boys are allowed to co-operate, and, if in the preparation of Latin prose, which is the translation of English into Latin, they are not allowed to co-operate, it follows that there must be some essential difference in the nature of the two studies. _Mr. F._: It would seem so, Socrates. _Soc._: It would certainly seem so, and this difference you have, no doubt, made clear to your form, for, at present, I must confess myself unable to discover in what it consists. The exercise of Latin prose as of Latin 'con,' for each study is the translation of a language and the correct rendering of the idiom of that language into the language and idiom of another tongue, is no doubt intended to train, inform, and quicken the intelligence. Each would appear to be branches of the same study, and for each the same method of instruction should be employed. You tell me, however, that there is between these two branches an essential difference. _Mr. F._: You are right, Socrates, and, though I cannot explain the difference in so many words, its nature is plain to me. _Soc._: Of that, Mr. Featherbrain, I am certain. I understand that you apprehend this fine distinction as you apprehended the fine distinction between the written and the printed 'crib.' We should consider, though, whether this distinction is equally plain to your form. Such intuitive knowledge may be denied to them, and, if they sin through ignorance, their sin is slighter than if they sinned through knowledge. Tell me, now, whether, if you overheard one member of your form say to another on the way to chapel: 'I'm absolutely tied up with that piece of prose. Shall I put it in O. R. or O. O.?' would you immediately report that boy to the head master? _Mr. F._: I should not. _Soc._: You would no more report him than if you had overheard him asking his friend to make clear to him a passage of Virgil that had puzzled him. _Mr. F._: That is so. _Soc._: Do you not think, therefore, that the boy who knows he is allowed to ask for help in his Latin 'con,' and who does not know for what reason he is not allowed to ask for help in his Latin prose, who has never, that is to say, been able to apprehend the fine difference between the nature of the two studies, is likely to consider that the same technique is permissible for both branches, and would not that third party of whom we spoke and who is in the habit of getting his Latin 'con' done for him by his friend, consider himself morally justified in accepting the same assistance in his Latin prose? _Mr. F._: But I have told him that it is not allowed. _Soc._: Certainly, but good can only come from a reasoned knowledge of what is good, and you have not explained to him in what his fault consists. Moreover, if you have granted him permission to seek advice in small matters, you must tell him at what exact point the thirst for information becomes dishonest; a line must be drawn between what is good and what is bad. Is a boy responsible for a percentage of his prose, and, if so, for what percentage. Have you made these things plain to him? _Mr. F._: I have not, O Socrates. _Soc._: Then how do you expect the unformed mind of a boy to draw this line for himself. It would seem to me, Mr. Featherbrain, that you are not training the youth as it should be trained, when you order its conduct not by the results of logical deduction but by arbitrary ruling. For if in your own mind you are not certain at what exact point the good becomes the bad, and indeed are not certain of what the bad consists; what confusion must you not expect to discover in the minds of those that are taught by you. You must remember that on the football and cricket field a boy is under orders which he accepts, but of whose moral nature he is ignorant. He knows that if he is offside in football a free kick is awarded to the other side; he knows that if he knocks the ball forward with his hands a scrum is given. He has made a mistake. He has committed a tactical, but not a moral offence. The rulings of the Rugby Union are arbitrary and subject to frequent alteration; whereas the rulings concerning what is good and what is bad are fixed and irradicable. Is it not likely, therefore, that a boy will come to regard your rulings in these matters of cribbing as arbitrary rulings that may be altered. His life is a game, you must always remember that, and it is on that basis that he accepts it. He knows that he will be punished if he uses a crib; he knows that you appear to apprehend a distinction between the written and printed word; he knows also that you have discovered a difference in the nature of the studies of translation and prose, and that while you will allow him to ask advice on certain points you will not allow him to seek advice on the whole, though at the same time you do not define the point at which these same certain points cease to be certain points and become sufficiently part of the whole to be called the whole. Can you expect him, then, to regard such a system as anything but the complicated rulings of a game played between you and him. And can you expect him to attach to these regulations any moral significance. On the cricket field he places his leg in front of the wicket and tries to hit a short length ball over square-leg's head. If he misses the ball he is leg before, and goes to the pavilion. In his study he prepares his translation with a crib; he is discovered by his house master; he goes to the head master. And it is in this spirit, Mr. Featherbrain, that your form deceives you. You have to make clear to the young many things before you can expect them to attach a moral significance to what has no logical proof. There may be flaws in the argument, for the Socratic method is insidious, but I have not, myself, been able to discover them. The ethics of cribbing from the master's point of view are illogical. The exact point where co-operation starts and cribbing begins is not fixed. Cribbing goes by form and houses. Its activities expand and contract according to the demands of popular opinion. It is always communal. There is a conscription of intellect and knowledge. No boy would prejudice his chances of winning his house cap; but most boys would assist their most dangerous rivals in promotion. We hear in chapel sad stories of the large and brutal bully who cribs steadily throughout the term and wrests the prize from the pure innocent who looked up every word in a large Lewis & Short. But it rarely happens like that. No one cribs for a prize, because few really want a prize. Occasionally cribbing wins a prize, but it is usually through a fluke. A boy is particularly nervous about the results of a certain paper. He takes elaborate precautions to make sure that he will not have to spend the last Saturday of term rewriting the paper, and, in consequence, unexpectedly discovers himself at the head of the list. I recall one such instance in particular, and, because it seems to me so singularly appropriate, I may be pardoned, I trust, for retelling a story that I have incorporated elsewhere. Divinity in the army class was a casual affair; a knowledge of the Old Testament not being considered a necessary part of the intellectual equipment of a subaltern, the Sandhurst authorities did not examine candidates on the subject, and both the form and its master regarded the hour's lesson on Sunday morning as a pause in the exertions of the week. The yearly divinity examination always occasioned, therefore, a measure of panic among the soldiers, for the form master, when confronted with irrefutable proofs of his own indolence, was in the habit of punishing not only the form but himself by keeping in for two hours on the last Saturday those of the form who had failed to score an adequate percentage. During the preceding days feverish and spasmodic attempts were made to cope successfully with the complicated relations of kings and prophets. One year, however, the form was fortunate. A certain Mallaby, while searching in the class-room just before lock-up for a book he thought he had left there, saw lying among the papers on the master's desk, the rough draft of the questions for the divinity exam. In surprised delight he copied them all down. According to the popular conception of schoolboy honour, Mallaby, being a potential thief, would have kept the information to himself. Being a boy, however, he imparted it to his companions. The form entered the examination room in a mood of quiet confidence, and left it in a mood of deep content. Two days later, however, it was announced that this year the annual interest of a bequest would be devoted to a series of divinity papers throughout the school. The next day Mallaby learnt that he was head of the army class in divinity. His conscience was fluttered. He could not, he felt, take a prize which he would have won through cribbing. It would be dishonest. It would be stealing. He announced his intention of explaining matters to the chief. This announcement was not, however, received with the enthusiasm that should have welcomed the imminence of so noble, so disinterested, so sacrificial a performance. The form was indeed seriously perturbed. It explained to Mallaby that, if he went to the chief, he would be queering not only his own pitch, but theirs as well, and that there were certain members of form who did not stand well enough in the eyes of authority to be able to risk such an addition to their score of discovered crimes. 'And, after all,' they said, 'why shouldn't you take the prize? We all knew the questions; you took the trouble to prepare them. You worked hard, and prizes are the reward of hard work. You've worked for the prize, harder than we did. Therefore you deserve the prize. And let's have no more of this nonsense about confession.' In these matters each form and each house works out its own salvation. In some houses cribbing is not general, and in some forms cribbing is not general; and, in such cases, cribbing is anti-social. It might be urged that boys from houses that do not crib find themselves at a disadvantage in relation to boys from houses that do. But life usually manages to adjust itself, and a boy's position in form is chiefly important as regards the relation it bears to that of the other members of his house. It does not matter much to a boy in the school house if he is passed by a boy in Buller's. It will not affect his seniority in his own house, and it is his seniority in his own house that matters. Only a very few are concerned with the specialised rivalry of the Upper Sixth that decides who will be the official head of the school. Scholastically the ambition of few passes outside their house. In games it is different. But then the eleven is not a fluid body like the Sixth; it is a close corporation, and once the reputation of being the best slow left-hand bowler is lost, the chance of a ribboned coat grows distant. I remember once a parson from the East End preaching a sermon in the school chapel, in which he intimated that in comparison with the loathsome atrocities that had for setting the Mile End Road, a schoolboy merely played at sin. This was reassuring to certain genial sportsmen who had hitherto been unable to view with any confidence the prospect of immortality: and the phrase 'playing at sin' passed into the vocabulary of the school. To such an extent, indeed, that the head master was forced to deliver a special midweek address, in which he pointed out that the degree of sin was relative to environment, and that the moral offences of a man who had been nurtured in surroundings of bestiality and filth were less grave than those of the boy who had spent his childhood in the clean atmosphere of a decent home. The complacence of the aforesaid sportsmen was broken. Not only were their offences as serious as those of their less fortunately placed brethren, they were actually more grave: a disquieting reflection. But I have often felt inclined to question, not the irrefutable logic of the head master's sermon, but the truth of that original contention about 'playing at sin.' Are, that is to say, the vices of the lower orders actually more startling than those of Mayfair? Are they more startling? I wonder: a higher standard of civilisation refines our pleasures, quickens our powers of appreciation, makes us more subtle, more complex; does it not also sharpen the edge of misbehaviour? It is a point on which perhaps Casanova would be able to enlighten us. But, certainly, in the matter of cribbing, the methods of the lower forms are clumsy, unimaginative, bourgeois in comparison with those of the Fifths and Sixths. A master who expects to discover in the Third the guile of the Fifths will be disappointed; and, equally, the master who has successfully combated the guile of the Lower Second may discover himself completely outwitted by the Middle Sixth. In the Lower School the use of the actual crib is rare. It is easy for the Sixth Former to possess himself of a translation. The Everyman series contains excellent renderings of Thucydides and Plato. The Loeb library is not useless. Gilbert Murray may be a poet, but his translations of Euripides have proved of assistance to many a harassed student. Jebb's version of Sophocles is to be found in the shelves of the school library. It is a different job to find a crib of Ovid and Livy. Dr. Giles has done some excellent research work, but questions are apt to be asked about bona fide students; an address such as 'The School House, Fernhurst,' is likely to wake suspicion, and the Third Former has not read enough French novels to appreciate the value of the _poste restante_. He considers that a crib is more trouble than it is worth. And what is cribbing but laziness! Moreover, he has a distrust of cribs. He is naturally stupid or he would be higher in the school, and he knows that when a boy gives the right meaning to the wrong words there are unpleasant investigations. He prefers to rely on the inspiration of the moment: as a result the offences of the Lower Second are trivial. They rarely reach the green baize of the head master's study. One boy looks over another's paper, another is prompted during 'con,' there is a strange similarity between two Latin proses, an unusual mistake is repeated in several exercises. The offender is beaten afterwards, and no more is heard about it. As a matter of fact there is less cribbing in the Lower School than in the Upper. Opportunities are rare and the example of hardened criminals is absent. The second yearer only becomes a practised deceiver under the influence of his seniors, and there are not many third yearers in the Lower School. Higher up it is different. But it is to be doubted whether the effects of cribbing are as serious as they are depicted. The case against them comes under two main headings: (1) The moral issue; (2) The expediency issue. With the moral issue I have already dealt. Most boys crib at school, but the public school man is straighter in business than the self-made man and the American. Nearly all men will boast in their clubs of the way they bamboozled 'old Moke,' of how they pinned up the rep. on the back of the boy in front, and of how they used to strip off the cover of the translation book and sew it round one of Dr. Giles's publications; but the man who has forced a young inventor into a hard contract remains silent. It is a matter that he prefers to keep to himself. I do not believe that cribbing saps the moral sense. The expediency issue is more complicated. And, on the surface, it does seem that the use of a crib is the very worst thing for a boy who hopes to win scholarships and fellowships. It is a short cut. He does not need to use his brain. His thinking is done for him. That is true, but there are points on the other side. He is set fifty lines of Virgil to prepare. If he comes into form next morning with those lines half learnt he will derive little benefit from the hour's lesson. The whole time he will be worrying at the sense. He will not be able to give his full attention to the points of grammar and history that will arise in the course of the hour. If, on the other hand, he is free from the anxiety of failure he is able to give his full attention to what is perhaps the more important part of the lesson. Also a boy remembers what he has worked out for himself; and a crib used intelligently provides just enough struggle to impinge the result of the effort on the memory. And the wise do use a crib intelligently. They not only want to know their 'con' for the next day: they also wish to be able to remember it for the examination. They, therefore, read a sentence over first in the original. Some one wonders what a certain word means. The word is looked up. Then a shot is made at the sense, not a very serious shot perhaps, and speedy reference is made to the crib. The English is read out loud. 'Now, how does he get that out of it?' some one asks. There is a minute of tussle and explanation--then all is clear. And the next sentence is read out loud. That is the way to use a crib. And if one has worked out for oneself, even if it be with the aid of a crib, the meaning of a long passage of Virgil, one remembers that passage. I have forgotten now nearly all my Greek and Latin, but I can still read currently and with pleasure the Eclogues, for which I used a crib. Whereas the memory of other books, through which I struggled honestly, but less successfully, has faded altogether. For the average member of the Sixth I believe the intelligent use of a crib is to be recommended. A greater number of lines could be prepared at one time, and there would be leisure for acquiring that knowledge that comes to us indirectly from the classics. Plato is a window through which we see the gymnasiums of Ancient Greece. But it will be shuttered for those to whom the struggle is ever with correct rendering and syntax. The real scholar, whose life will be spent largely with the classics, must avoid short cuts; he should glory in difficulties that will quicken his wits: he has his whole life before him. He does not have to pass, as the rest of us do, swiftly into a world of politics and business. And, indeed, the real scholar realises this. I can recall few instances in which a boy with a really fine brain has deadened his perceptions by the use of translations. The scholar, when he reaches the Sixth, and is no longer forced to write the proses and prepare the translations of his less clever comrades, prefers to work alone, if not in the company of boys who are equally brilliant. But the real scholar is the exception. This book is written for, and about, the average schoolboy. I know that in the matter of cribbing I am pleading a lost cause. Cribbing will always, of course, be a forbidden thing; therein lies its charm. But it is important that master and parents should realise in what light these questions appear to the boy. A boy is frequently misunderstood. He is accused of dishonesty. He resents the accusation, but he is unable to explain why his offence does not deserve so stern a label. He is tempted to lose heart, to console himself with the reflection that 'they don't understand,' and so further estrange himself from sympathy and mutual understanding. The boy stands before the house master and lets the wind of words flow over him. What use is it for him to attempt an explanation. If he argues his punishment will be increased. It is better to assume contrition; to say, 'Yes, sir, I hadn't seen it in that light before,' and to be more clever another time. It would be far more just were the master to regard cribbing as a boy regards it: as a game, to be punished effectively when discovered, but not to be associated with the welfare of the human spirit. If school authorities wish, however, to find a lasting cure they have in their own hands the remedy. They will not achieve their ends through increased vigilance; that will only make the boy more clever. They should make work more interesting. There is little cribbing in form where boys are interested in what they are learning. Boys are not anxious to learn what a master is not anxious to teach. Laziness begets laziness, and cribbing is a form of laziness. Systematic cribbing will not disappear till popular opinion regards as important success or failure in the class-room. Success at games is considered important; games are, in consequence played fairly. But, as popular opinion sets no value on school work, it does not seem to matter much what happens in school hours. Success in form needs to be brought into some sort of relationship with success at football. Athletic prowess will always, naturally, and perhaps rightly, be rated more highly than intellectual achievement. But that is no reason why intellectual achievement should be disparaged in the case of all save the brilliant few whose feats are received with a mild enthusiasm. At Sandhurst we used to have weekly examinations, and, as far as I remember, there was no cribbing at all in these exams. To a certain extent promotion depended on one's performance in them, and each G. C. was anxious to work out the problems for himself so as to be able to judge how much, or how little, progress he had made. This did not mean that we were more interested in topography than late cuts, but that we realised that, at this stage of our career proficiency in topography would be of service to us. I believe that a similar state of affairs would exist at a Public School were the social values to be readjusted. Cribbing, like so much else in public school life, is a side-shoot of athleticism. CHAPTER VII MORALITY AND THE ROMANTIC FRIENDSHIP It is at this period, also, of a boy's development that the moral question assumes a definite significance. There is no phase of school life that is more generally misunderstood and misrepresented, and there is no phase that a writer tackles with greater misgiving and disinclination. He is confronted with the barricaded prejudices of a vested interest, with the tremulous ignorance of mothers who seek to be deceived, with the conspiracy of silence that exists between boys, parents, and masters, and, last of all, with the wilful jealousy of the yellow press that is only too ready to decry the value of what it is pleased to call the 'trades union of snobbery.' There are times, indeed, when it seems better to acquiesce in that conspiracy of silence rather than to give those speculators in contention another opportunity of mud-slinging. There are times when it seems hopeless to attempt to explain the nature of public school morality to those who have not themselves been to a Public School. It is like looking at a stained-glass window from the outside. One reminds oneself that for many years, without, perhaps, any very disastrous results, we have muddled along in contented ignorance and self-deceit. Why not leave things where they are? Why stir up trouble? And yet the moral question is such an essential part of school life, it exercises such an influence on the development of the boy; indirectly it colours so considerably the attitude of the master to every other phase of school life, that it is impossible to omit all reference to it in a detailed study such as this, and, if it is impossible to avoid mention of it, it is fatal to content oneself, as one may very well do in a novel, with stray suggestions and inferences. A novel is an abstraction. One compresses into a few pages the action of several years, so that one has to suggest rather than to state. One can withhold one's own opinion, one is under no compunction to generalise from the incidents one selects. One is telling a story or interpreting a personality. Only rarely is one constructing a thesis. In a novel it is not difficult to deal with the moral question. Most good school stories have touched more or less indirectly on some side of it. Ivor Brown and Compton Mackenzie have both dealt subtly with an intricate relationship. Hugh Walpole, if less originally, faced the same situation more courageously, while Arnold Lunn in _Loose Ends_ has interpreted the boy as opposed to the official attitude to this issue with extreme effectiveness. The novelist is constrained to discuss only that part of the question that affects the action of the story. That is one of the great charms of story-telling: one can touch lightly without need of explanation on the most delicate situations. One can say only as much as one wants to say, and say it, what is more, obliquely. In a book such as this, however, one must deal with the subject thoroughly if at all. One must tackle every side of it. One is bound to follow one's thought through to the end. And that is a thing that no one cares to do in public. It was said of a certain intrepid Rugby player that he had not the brains to be afraid. It is certainly true that many soldiers lost their nerve after they had been once wounded, and that few soldiers were really frightened till they had seen what a shell could do; it may well be that at twenty-three one has not sufficient experience of the world to realise what risks one runs through honesty. The first difficulty, especially for those who, without having been to a Public School themselves, are the fathers of present or prospective public school boys, is to start investigations with a clear mind. This feat the majority never manage to accomplish. For the moral question in schools is concerned with the relationship of two members of the same sex. Now such a relationship is counted in the world at large an unmentionable and unforgivable sin. It is regarded with horror by the average man. It is a penal offence. The man who enters into such a relationship is abnormal, and, as such, is considered a menace to society. But the same standards are not applicable to school life. A man was intended by nature to marry at eighteen. The average villager, clerk, pit-boy, work-boy begins 'walking out' with a girl at the age of fifteen or sixteen; the public school boy has no such opportunities of courtship. Three hundred boys are spending three-quarters of their lives in a monastic world; from the beginning of the term to the end the only women to whom they have the opportunity of speaking are the matron and the house master's wife. They have never any chances of seeing girls of their own class and of their own age. At a particularly susceptible period, therefore, they have no natural object for their affections. The youngest boys are only thirteen, the eldest are between eighteen or nineteen. In such circumstances it would be surprising if there were no uncomfortable complications. The public school system is, in this respect, unnatural; one must expect unnatural results. The trouble is to discover what those results are. For, although people speak glibly enough of immorality in Public Schools, it is extremely doubtful whether they realise of what exactly that immorality consists. It is a convenient phrase, but beyond it there is the conspiracy of silence. Schoolmasters prefer to deal with straight issues. They dislike the subtleties of action and character which are of such charm to the psychologist. They like to say, 'This is an offence.' Finer shades of meaning trouble them. At least that is their official attitude. And so it has come to be generally accepted that public school morality resolves itself into one main issue: that is, the corruption of a small boy by a big one. To protect the new boy from this danger elaborate precautions are taken. It is on this point that a boy is given advice before he goes to school. He is warned never to make friends with boys bigger than himself; it is against this danger that the majority of school sermons are directed. And, of course, this is a very convenient attitude for the schoolmaster to adopt. The offence is obviously so grave that there can be no cause to withhold complete official condemnation; it is also so rare that the head master is able to assure prospective parents of the excellent tone of the school. For I am convinced that the deliberate seduction of a smaller boy is an extremely rare occurrence. There are, of course, certain houses--probably there is one at every school--in which a good-looking boy stands very little chance of remaining straight. But I have not been in such a house and I can speak with no authority. I have heard, certainly, some astonishing stories of what can be tolerated in a really bad house; but, second-hand reports, especially on such matters, can only be accepted with reserve. Certainly in the average house cases of corruption are very rare. Few boys have the nerve, the assurance, or the adroitness to attempt such a task. A man of twenty-five will set out deliberately to seduce a housemaid, but the schoolboy in such matters is a novice. If a senior boy is casually attracted by the appearance of a smaller boy, he asks a friend lower down in the house to make inquiries as to the morals of the small boy. If the 'go-between' discovers that the small boy is 'straight,' the elder boy lets the matter fall from his mind. There are others who are not. If, on the other hand, the attraction is more than casual, the chances of seduction are even more remote. It is unlikely that the affection will be reciprocated. And, if a boy is really fond of another boy, the last thing he would wish would be to subject his friend to unwelcome advances. When a boy first falls in love with a girl the thought of sexual intimacy is, often, unattractive. It is only when his love is returned that he really desires it. It is fatal to confuse the processes of life at large with the processes of life in a monastic system. Because young men seduce young women with regrettable frequency, it is assumed that much the same sort of thing is happening at a Public School. And, parents believing this, are reassured; they are certain that their dear child when young will be strong enough to resist the passive temptation; they are equally certain that their dear child when nearly a man would not, for one moment, consider the possibility of active sin. And this amiable delusion schoolmasters encourage. It saves them a lot of trouble. They say one thing in public and another in private. But the Jekyll and Hyde business breeds confusion. They forget what they should believe and what they should not believe. They are agreed only on this: that any attempt at criticism, at explanation, at interpretation shall be counteracted with a concerted unanimity of opinion. They will deny hotly the prevalence of any such practices, they will make slighting references to the bad house in the bad school. They will complete their defence by asserting that for what faults there are the parents are alone responsible in that they had not sufficiently warned their sons of the evils of a Public School--evils, be it noted, that they had previously assured the parent did not exist outside the perverted imagination of the critic. And yet it is amazing what these same apologists will be prepared to believe about any institution other than their own. Six years ago Sandhurst had an extremely bad name. Every kind of debauch was rumoured to flourish there. Sobriety was only more unpopular than purity. The G. C.'s secreted whisky beneath their beds, and actresses within them. The glittering temptations of St Anthony allured the unwary in the tea-shops of Camberley. And I remember being shown, before I went there, a letter that had been sent to the parents of a prospective cadet by his head master. 'I hope,' the letter ran, 'that Arthur is aware of the temptations to which he will be subjected. Concupiscence seems to be the chief topic of conversation and the sole Sunday afternoon amusement of the cadets.' It all sounded fearfully exciting. But it proved very tame. Indeed I am inclined to think that, on the whole, fewer temptations presented themselves to me during the eight months I spent at Sandhurst than during any other period of my time in the army. A fellow could do what he liked. No pressure was put on him to drink or gamble, or pursue loose women. He was none the less respected for being straight, nor the more admired for being crooked. A community such as this which exerts pressure on the individual in neither direction, I should be prepared to call as moral as any that is likely to be found this side of heaven, yet this head master, who would, no doubt, repudiate hotly the least suggestion that immorality in his own school was anything but a spasmodic and occasional phenomenon, was ready to believe that Sandhurst was a cesspool of all the vices that flourished so gracefully in the days of Petronius Arbiter. In our investigations we are not likely to be helped far by schoolmasters. They are constrained by the laws of exchange and mart to vindicate the quality of their wares. It is generally assumed for the purposes of dialectic that there are two classes of persons: the normal and the abnormal, and that all normal people follow the same process of development from birth to death. To disprove this Havelock Ellis collected at the end of certain volumes of his psychology authenticated histories of men whose development he claimed to be normal, but whose histories were as different from one another as apples are from plums. In the face of such evidence it is dangerous to dogmatise on the gradual discovery of the sexual impulse by public school boys during adolescence. The most one can say is that the majority of them come to a Public School innocent and ignorant, and that they leave it certainly not ignorant and with a relative degree of innocence. This at least is sure--that between the years of thirteen and nineteen the impulse will have become powerfully defined and that each boy will have had to come to terms with its direction and control. Now the important point seems to me to be this: the sexual impulse is a force on the proper direction of which depends, to a large extent, the happiness of a man's life; and marriage is the course into which it should be directed. No one, I think, will deny that. We may talk of the liberation of the sexes, of greater facilities for divorce, of the right of each man and woman to repair a mistake caused by the first surprise of a newly-awakened instinct; but there can be no questioning the assertion that monogamy is the ideal, and that while nothing can be more wretched than an ill-harmonised relationship, in the lifelong devotion of man and woman is to be found the surest happiness. That is the standard by which public school morality should be judged. But it is not the standard by which it is officially, and indeed generally, judged. A Public School is only a phase, a prelude in the sexual development of a man. Head masters are inclined to mistake it for the completed rhythm. In the same way that the head master of a Preparatory School specially coaches a boy for a scholarship, not realising that what for him is the whole race is for the boy but a first lap, so the head master of a Public School regards the preservation of innocence between the years of 13 and 19 as the entire battle. As far as I can make out this attitude is adopted by nearly every unscientific writer on the subject. If the matter ended there it would, of course, be simple. Rigid policemanship and supervision and a system of spies would probably be effective. They might stamp out impurity to a large extent; they would also destroy the discipline of independence, of trust and of authority that one learns at a Public School. The matter is far less simple. The public school system is unnatural. Through unnatural channels, therefore, a natural impulse has to flow into a natural course. Let us see, more or less, what happens. We have assumed that an ignorant and innocent boy arrives at his Public School at the age of thirteen, and, to simplify the matter further, we will assume that the boy is not particularly good-looking, and is not, therefore, likely to win the patronage of his seniors. For the first weeks everything is so strange that he lives in a world of his own fashioning. Later on, as he begins to enter the life of the school, he is puzzled by references to an offence the nature of which he does not understand. He hears some one described as being 'smutty.' He does not in any way connect this with the elaborate address that was delivered to him on the last day at his prep. Indeed I knew of a new boy who informed his parents on a postcard that a rather decent chap in his house had been nearly sacked for 'smut.' 'Is this,' he asked, 'anything serious?' He received in reply a reassuring letter telling him that he need not worry about such things just yet. It is the fashion nowadays to demand open discussion of all subjects; there must be no secrets. Parents are told that they are guilty of criminal negligence if they do not instruct their sons and daughters in the physiology of sex. And, no doubt, it will be maintained that at this point the father should have written his son a long letter explaining to him the nature of the temptation to which he would be exposed. That is the fashion nowadays. No doubt the Victorians suffered from an excessive reserve. We have gone to the other extreme. We are trying to reduce love to an exact science. On the whole, I suppose that the instruction of children by parents depends entirely on the individual case. But at such a time it would be very easy for the parents to become embarrassed and lose the boy's sympathy. The number of boys who learn from their parents more than a vague idea of motherhood is probably small. And at a Public School it is the physiology of fatherhood that occupies the boy's attention. We are given to understand that in the first place a boy must be corrupted by another boy. But this is not generally the case. A boy usually manages to corrupt himself. He has overheard the conversation of older boys, he has discussed different problems with his companions; the atmosphere of school life with its continual references to immorality in sermons and addresses, have made him precociously curious. He evolves for himself the practice of private immorality. A boy's knowledge of sex necessarily is very fragmentary, and on many points he is actually misinformed. He has a preposterous idea, for instance, of the effects that this habit will have upon his health. Syphilis is not more dangerous. His hair will drop out, he will go blind, his brain will soften. Probably he will go mad. Numerical considerations mean nothing to him: once a thief always a thief. The idea of restrained disorder does not occur to him. He suffers from the misery of an incommunicable grief. He is apart from his fellows. If he told them his secret, he thinks that they would despise him. He becomes morbidly introspective. He makes vows to break himself of the habit, fails, and despises himself. He begins to search for the symptoms of his approaching physical and intellectual collapse. If he makes a duck at cricket, misses a catch in a house game, or fails badly in his repetition, he tells himself that the process has begun. There are times when he wants to steal away by himself like an animal that is sick. There are others in which he wishes at all costs to mix with his companions, to take part in any rag that is afoot; to this cause can be invariably attributed the mingled rowdyism and moodiness of certain boys. The idea that such practices are physically injurious is encouraged by the master. It appears to him the most sure preventative. There are, indeed, occasions when masters are so misinformed that they actually believe in these terrible vengeances of the body. For schoolmasters who, of all people, ought to know most of hygiene and physiology, are, for the most part, woefully ignorant of them. It would be indeed interesting to discover what percentage of public school house masters have read any serious medical writing. They are only too willing to believe that such habits have the disastrous results they prophesy. And of course it has not, unless it is practised to excess and unless the subject is particularly feeble. It is foolish to throw lighted matches about the place, but the habit only becomes dangerous when the matches are flung on inflammable material. It so happens that the greater part of active immorality in schools takes place between boys of fifteen and sixteen; not, as is more frequently imagined, between junior and senior boys. Such relationships are usually of brief duration. They pass with the dawn of the romantic friendship. And it is here that I feel most acutely the difficulty of my task. It is almost impossible to explain to some one who has not been to a Public School the nature of one of these romantic friendships. In a book called _Pleasure_ I published a story dealing with such a friendship. The majority of old public school boys who read it seemed to like it. But none of the men who had not been to a Public School could make head or tail of it. They told me in their reviews of it that it was absurd, mawkish, and unhealthy. It may be so. It may be that I wrote the story badly. I can only repeat that old public school boys liked it. And indeed it is a difficult thing to explain. For what is a romantic friendship but the falling in love of one boy with another. Such a relationship seems preposterous. I can only repeat that the public school system is unnatural, and that one must expect unnatural results from it. What, after all, is to be expected? A boy of seventeen is passing through a highly romantic period. His emotions are searching for a focus. He is filled with wild, impossible loyalties. He longs to surrender himself to some lost cause. He hungers for adventures. On occasions he even goes so far as to express himself in verse, an indiscretion that he will never subsequently commit. And what focus does a Public School provide for this eager emotionalism? There are the fierce contests of the football field, but they are, when all is said and done, the business of life, the cause for his existence. They are an enthusiasm he shares with three hundred others. He longs for something more intimate, more personal; he is, in fact, in love with love; he does not see a girl of his own age, of his own class, from one end of the term to the other; it is in human nature to accept the second best. In this environment there is nothing unnatural about the attraction exercised by a small boy over an elder one. A small boy is the nearest approach possible to the feminine ideal. Indeed a small boy at a Public School has many of the characteristics that a man would hope and expect to find in a woman. He is small, weak, and stands in need of protection. He is remote as a woman is, in that he moves in a different circle of school life, with different friends, different troubles, different ambitions. He is an undiscovered country. The emotion experienced is genuine, and usually takes the elder boy by surprise. In a man's love for a woman there is often a degree of premeditation. A man looks at a woman and wonders if he could ever come to fall in love with her. As he walks homewards from her drawing-room he asks himself whether or not he is in love with her. He analyses his emotions; very often he persuades himself he is in love with her when in reality he is not. Either way he is prepared. But the schoolboy is taken off his guard. He has not realised it is possible that he should fall in love with another boy. He has no previous experience which will enable him to recognise the symptoms. He has heard older boys spoken of as being 'keen' on some one or other, but he has associated such an assertion with the references in sermons to the corruption of a young mind. He does not, therefore, know what is happening when he finds himself becoming increasingly interested in some quite small boy. He has noticed him playing a plucky game on the Lower and has congratulated him. They have happened to meet on the way up from hall and have walked across together to the studies. They have smiled when they passed each other as they changed from one class-room to another in break. The elder boy is surprised: he is still more surprised when he finds himself frequently walking into the smaller boy's study on no very necessary errand, to borrow a book he does not want or to return a book he has not borrowed; and that he should stop there to talk for an indefinite period. The day on which he has not seen or spoken to his small friend is empty for him. He does not understand his increasing wish for the company of an admittedly inferior person. But it is all very delightful. He is desperately anxious to appear in his best light. He makes strenuous, and often successful, efforts to abandon certain habits he had contracted. He may even work harder in form, and certainly he will make superhuman efforts on the football field, feeling that success will render him more attractive. He wonders what the small boy thinks of him, and persuades one whose social position lies midway between the two of them to make inquiries. The growing intimacy is a rich enchantment. He becomes curious, and, in a way, jealous of the life that his friend is leading; their standards, their environment, their friends are so different. He knows instinctively that one has more in common with one's contemporaries than with those who lie outside the circle of one's immediate interests, and this knowledge distresses him. There are times when he feels intensely miserable, others when he feels radiantly happy. At any rate he is living more intensely and less selfishly than he did before. He is on a distinctly higher plane of emotional tension. Indeed in its beginnings such a friendship is certainly good for the elder boy and probably for the younger one; at any rate there is the comfortable knowledge that he has an elder friend to whom he can turn for sympathy and advice; and he is protected thus from many of the dangers to which his good looks might otherwise expose him. The environment of school life does not allow, however, the friendship to retain its first freshness. It becomes conscious of itself. It is noticed by other members of the house: 'Hallo, Jones,' they say, 'seen anything of Morrison this morning?' Jones, being the elder, is embarrassed by what seems to him an accusation of weakness. Morrison is flattered to think that others have recognised and perhaps envied the patronage. Jones begins to make inquiries of his friends, and a series of confidences convinces him that he has reached the condition of being 'keen' on Morrison. This conviction places his friendship on an entirely different and, to a certain extent, official basis. If he had been left alone it is not improbable that he would have made no such discovery. As Morrison would never have more than liked him, his feeling for the smaller boy would not have become defined. Their friendship would have remained in the strictest sense of the word, platonic. But so frail a flower could not hope to flourish for long in the rigid atmosphere of a Public School. Everything in a Public School has to conform to type; there are rules for the proper ordering of every situation. Friendship, like personality, has to pass through the mint. In order to follow the technique of such relationships, the official point of view towards them has to be understood. The house master on this point finds himself in extreme difficulty. And, indeed, there is no point on which schoolmasters as a whole waver quite so much. They realise, for the most part, that it is natural, if unfortunate, for boys to feel like this. At the same time they have to discountenance such friendships. Where actual misconduct is concerned, they think themselves to be on safe ground. And, as they believe that immorality in schools consists in the main of the corruption of small boys by big boys, they are able to speak with unrestrained violence against the majority of such friendships. They adjure their prefects to suppress at once the least sign of intimacy between a small and a big boy. They, themselves, watch carefully to see whether any of their seniors are evincing an interest in members of the day room. Every one in a school knows that a friendship between two boys of different positions will be viewed seriously by authority. A boy is given to understand that the romantic emotion he feels for a smaller boy is an emotion that is unworthy of him and of its object, and should consequently be suppressed. Such teaching is absolutely wrong. The emotions that a boy has for a smaller boy are as natural as those that he would feel for a girl were he not restrained by an unnatural system. It is wrong to make a boy say to himself: 'I ought not to feel like this.' Such teaching is responsible for many of the mistakes that a boy will make when he becomes a man; it arbitrarily defines the form which the romantic friendship takes. A boy is surprised by a new, delightful, interesting emotion. He feels strangely happy. Under its inspiration he works better and plays his games harder. He is told it is wrong to feel as he is feeling. But that he cannot believe. The emotions that are condemned in the pulpit and in confirmation addresses must in their essentials be different from those that he is feeling. That must be lust, the mere desire for sensation. This, on the other hand, is love. And so the public school boy of sixteen makes the discovery that love is in its highest form unphysical. The truth of this intuition is established for him by public opinion and by the course of his own experience. The slightest suggestion of indecent conduct between the big and the small boy is regarded by boys as well as masters as the unforgivable offence. It is hard to know exactly how important a part these friendships play in the life of a boy. It has often been said that the novelist falsifies life by writing too much about love, that except at certain periods of a man's life love occupies only a small part of his attention; he is caught up by other interests. This argument, however, is no sounder than the objection raised by an old lady against the number of nudes displayed at the Paris Salon. 'It's so absurd,' she said, 'one-half of these portraits are nudes, and think how small a part of our life we spend without any clothes on.' A beautiful woman is most beautiful when she is naked, and a man's life is most interesting when he is in love. The condensation and indeed the actual elimination of whole periods must in a novel always falsify life for those who demand a direct transcription of it. If you were to record one average day of a man's life on gramophone and cinema and exhibit the result at the Alhambra you would empty the theatre in an hour. A story-teller recounts only what is of interest. He is a good or a bad story-teller according to the degree of his ability to discern what is, and what is not, of interest. He merely indicates the passage of the unimportant. The man, therefore, who draws direct conclusions from a school story, would imagine that a schoolboy spends his entire time in form ragging masters, and, when not ragging, in cribbing, and that the rest of his time is divided between the fierce rivalries of the football field and the intrigues of romantic friendships. Such, it is needless to say, is not the case. The story-teller has only written of what seemed to him to be of interest. He has omitted, and he has expected his reader to realise out of his own experience that he has omitted, the long, tedious hours of good behaviour, the ordered harmony of routine. The romantic friendship has a modest place in the schoolboy's scale of values, but its nature is curious enough. It has the great charm of the forbidden. It is mixed with fear. Even after the first interest has waned, its setting makes it a delightful toy that no one would willingly throw away. It is the flavouring to the routine. There is usually a 'go between' who carries messages from one to the other. And the glance across a table stating that the intermediary has something of interest to disclose is one of the exciting moments of the day, as exciting as the post is to a recluse or the arrival of rations to a soldier. There are jealousies and intrigues. There is the interchange of notes--the joy of a secret. There are carefully arranged appointments. On Sundays there will be meetings in some prearranged point outside the town, at which each will arrive by a different route, and they will sit in a wood and talk till the afternoon has waned and the chiming of the abbey clock warns them that roll-call is imminent. It is not surprising that such an adventure should appeal irresistibly to a schoolboy. When such a friendship is ended either by the appearance of a rival, or more frequently through the inclination of the smaller boy, who has risen in the school and feels that such a position is beneath his dignity, the elder boy feels an immense gap in his life. The immediate sense of anticipation has gone. There is nothing particular to which he may look forward. He is bored. Often he drifts into such another friendship out of loneliness. Authority adopts towards these friendships a wavering attitude. It realises that such a friendship does not necessarily imply the least indecency, that it often, on the other hand, has a very salubrious effect on the elder boy, but it still is vividly aware of the danger. Suppose something went wrong; suppose there was a grave scandal, on whose shoulders would the responsibility rest. We can well imagine a resentful father asking a head master why, if he was aware of the existence of such a friendship, he did not take immediate steps to stop it. 'You knew about this,' he would say, 'while my son was still innocent: why did you not protect him? Why should you knowingly subject him to such a risk?' The head master has always to be thinking of what a boy's parents will say. It is difficult for him to work on the plan of 'circumstances alter cases.' He would thus lay himself open to the accusation of favouritism. 'You didn't stop Cartright and Evans, sir,' is a weapon for which a master has no shield. There is usually a compromise.[5] The attitude of authority is one of nervous hesitance. The schoolboy, as in all other cases, evolves his own standards from his own life. It remains to be seen what are the actual effects on the partners in a relationship that must have a large influence on their subsequent development. The first objection raised by authority is that it is very bad for a small boy to be petted and treated like a girl. And such is an undoubted fact. The small boy who is taken up by a 'blood' makes a very good thing out of it. He gets first-hand information on a number of disputed points. He knows two or three hours before any one else in the day room who is going to be given his house cap and who his seconds. He has a position among his contemporaries. Favours are sought through him. His friends get leave off house runs and are allowed to watch First Eleven matches when others have to attend pick ups. He is immune from the assaults of the swash-bucklers, for no one would willingly run the risk of making himself unpopular with the bloods. He gets his 'con' done for him, and, after football, he will sit in front of a warm study fire. He has many privileges, and, of course, it is very bad for him. How far the effects last into manhood I cannot say with any degree of certainty. I am inclined to think that they pass more quickly than is popularly imagined. But the small boy who is taken up by his seniors gets very little out of his schooldays. If he gets taken up by a 'blood' he has a fairly good time while that blood is still at school. But it is by no means certain that he will be taken up by a blood, and he may very likely find himself an object of fierce jealousy between two fellows in the Middle School, both of whom he likes, but for neither of whom he feels any strong attachment. Neither of them is sufficiently important to claim a monopoly. Between them they contrive to make his life wretched for him. They worry him with notes and with pleas for an appointment. Each tries to persuade him to have nothing to do with the other. The whole of his spare time is divided between them. And the small boy who is unable to see why he should not choose what friends he likes, grows more and more impatient. At the end of a term's wrangling he decides to speak to neither of them again. But the life even of the favoured-of-the-mighty has its disadvantages. The hours that he spends in the day room are numbered, so that he makes few friends among his contemporaries. The majority of them dislike him; nearly all of them are jealous and distrust him. They are afraid to say things in his presence for fear that they will be repeated. His only friends are those who hope to be able to gain some advantages from him. His life is made none too comfortable in the dormitory. He is accepted as being in a higher social position than the rest of the room, which is, of course, flattering to his pride; but it is not nice when every occupant of the room only speaks when he is spoken to. He feels himself apart. The evenings in the dormitory which, with their sing-songs, their football matches, and long talks, provide such delightful material for reminiscence, are for him cheerless. It cannot be too often repeated that the biggest mistake a boy can make at a Public School is to form friendships outside the circle of his contemporaries. The good-looking boy makes friends so easily among his seniors, and the successful athlete can, if he wants, after a year or two choose his friends among boys who have been at school a couple of years longer than he has. It is very exciting for a boy to feel that he is outstripping his contemporaries, to be able to nod to fellows in the Fifteen and Eleven, but, in the long run, it does not pay. The big man leaves, and the social aspirant is left stranded. I have seen it happen so many times. One term a boy seems to be surrounded with friends. His life is a continual course of tea parties and suppers. An arm always lies through his as he walks down to the field, or to the tuck shop. And then, suddenly, a generation passes; he is left an anachronism without his friends. His contemporaries do not welcome him. They have made their own friends. If he has reached his prominence as an athlete he will be able to make friends in other houses, and, before long, in his own house. To the athlete everything is forgiven. But the boy who has become the associate of bloods not through any quality of his own, but merely because he is good-looking, never makes friends with his contemporaries. They have been jealous of him and have distrusted him a long time. There was a time when they longed for the big boy to go, so that they could 'jolly well boot the little swine.' But members of the Sixth Form table consider it beneath their dignity to indulge emotions that are the exclusive property of fags. They remain coldly distant. It may be that for the favoured small boy these years of loneliness adjust the balance and teach him those lessons of fortitude and independence that he should have learnt in the day room. But it is an unhappy time. He can hardly look back on his schooldays without regret. He would wish things had turned out otherwise. And it is not thus that we should look back on our schooldays. Certainly I could wish nothing worse for any friend of mine than to be taken up as a small boy. There remains to be considered the effect that such friendships have on the elder boy. And it is generally conceded that though they may on occasions do harm to the smaller boy, they usually prove of benefit to the elder boy. Authority confines its objection to the secrecy that is involved. An eyebrow is raised at the interchange of notes and the carefully arranged Sunday afternoon walks. 'This is bad, this is bad,' says Authority. 'There would be no need for all this secrecy if the thing were honest and straightforward. They are both ashamed of themselves really. They wish to hide the thing away from their masters and their comrades. It is a bad thing for a boy, the harbouring of a secret. It will prey upon his mind. He will be forced to lie within himself. He will be unable to look us squarely in the face. He will never be free from worry.' Now all this about the subtle poison of a secret life is very true (though it is a fact seldom taken into account in the question of self abuse), but it is not at all applicable to the romantic friendship. The secret is an open secret. Neither party is ashamed of it. And the pretence of a secret is little more than part of a delightful game. A child in a nursery lays a deck chair on the blue carpet and imagines he is sailing the high seas in a schooner, while with a poker to his shoulder he shoots an albatross for breakfast. Twelve years later he signs notes with a false name, rolls them into a pellet, conveys them to a messenger and imagines he is a diplomat. The sending of notes is nothing but a game. Otherwise no one would write them, carry them, nor read them: for they are most unnecessary, and most dangerous. People will drop them in the cloisters, or put them in their waistcoat pockets and then leave their waistcoats in the matron's room to have a button sewn on them. The writing of notes has upset more careers than the rustling of silk or the creaking of shoes. And yet they will always be written, for they are a prelude to adventure. Moreover, a certain measure of secrecy is prudent. If you have stolen a man's greatcoat you do not call at his house next day wearing it; and the schoolboy sees no reason why he should parade his affection before his head master's study window. Only the ass courts trouble. Prefects who are well aware of the existence of such a friendship do not wish to have their attention called to it officially. There are things they prefer not to notice. If a member of the Eleven and a new boy started out together for a walk under the shade of the school buildings the heads of their houses would reluctantly feel themselves forced to take some sort of action. They would be extremely annoyed with the school slow bowler for his lack of tact. A prefect is usually on the side of the house. Masters, however, are pleased to imagine that a pact has been signed between the schoolboy and themselves which binds the schoolboy to confess to any fault he may have committed, and to answer any leading questions that may be put to him. The schoolboy does not look on things in this light. He knows that there is no such agreement. There are certain things he wants to do, the doing of which, if known, will render him liable to punishment. When the wish to do these overrides the fear of punishment he takes all reasonable precautions to avoid detection, and proceeds to break the inconvenient rule. It is up to the master to find him out. If the master came down to the dining-hall one evening and said: 'Now, look here, there have been complaints that some fellows, I don't say you, but fellows in the school, have been getting out at night and going down to the Eversham Arms. If any one of you here has been getting out at night, I want him to come to my study afterwards and tell me.' If a house master were to do that, the guilty one would not feel himself under the least compunction to own up. He has run a big risk in getting out of the boothole window at half-past eleven. It was up to the master to catch him then. If a form master were to call a member of his form aside and say to him: 'Jones, last term you were bottom of the form; this term you have reached single figures. Last term you had to write me a hundred lines nearly every time I put you on to construe; this term you have not failed once. I cannot understand it. Are you working honestly?' Jones would reply: 'Yes, sir.' He would not feel that he was telling a lie. He would feel, on the other hand, that his form master had taken an unfair advantage of him in putting him a leading question. No one thinks a murderer lies because he says, 'Not guilty, my lord.' It is the law of England that the Crown has to prove the defendant guilty. A schoolboy considers himself entitled to the same rights as the murderer and the thief. A master has to find him out. And it is quite absurd to say that a boy's soul is going to suffer because of the secrecy he imposes on himself in the course of a romantic friendship. There are a lot of things that a boy is not anxious that his house master should know, and of which no one could expect him to be ashamed. To smuggle into the dormitory a chicken, a loaf of bread, and a pound of cheese in preparation for a midnight feast is a natural and, according to one's point of view, a worthy act; but it is not a performance the success of which one would be in a hurry to confide in one's house master. When a schoolboy deceives a master he does not feel he is deceiving an individual, but an impersonal body. In the same way do we call the grocer's attention to the omission of a pound of butter on our weekly books, but skilfully conceal from the income-tax assessor a number of interesting facts. A lie is hardly a lie if the person telling it does not consider it so. We may dismiss altogether the assertion that romantic friendships are bad because they entail secrecy. If, then, the objection of secrecy is to be discounted, it would at first sight appear that for the elder boy these friendships are, on the whole, good things. The emotion experienced is a noble one; it is unselfish, it makes considerable demands on the patience and self-control of the subject; it encourages the bigger boy to work hard and play his games harder; it protects him from many of the dangers of school life, and yet I believe that its results are, in the long run, more serious for the elder than for the younger boy. It is the worst possible prelude to the sexual life of a man. It sends a boy into the world with an entirely false view of the normal sexual relations of men and women; it is a hindrance to him in marriage. A boy of sixteen experiences for a younger boy the emotion that he would naturally at such a period feel for a girl of his own age. He is surprised into a new relationship, and he is told that the relationship can only remain worthy of him as long as it remains platonic. Sexual emotion is, he is given to understand, unclean. During adolescence he will be subjected to a force that he must, at all costs, resist. That is the official attitude, and it is the attitude of nearly every unscientific writer on the subject. A schoolmaster considers the moral question from the point of view of the policeman. 'Here,' he says, 'is something that must be suppressed.' Various writers suggest various remedies. The popular idea is to sublimate the passions, to provide another focus. Schoolmasters usually select the focus that is most near to the boy's interests: namely, athletics. They encourage the athletic worship, because a boy who really wishes to excel in this will not run the risk of losing his proficiency by weakening practices. This panacea has not worked too well, and the band of earnest idealists has begun to clamour for a more spiritual focus: poetry, art, religion. Which is all very jolly, but gets us no nearer to solving the main problem of how a natural force is to be directed through an unnatural channel into a natural one. It is no sort of use to place a lump of granite in front of the unnatural channel and say: 'This is forbidden.' The stream will only select another course, and very likely one that will not lead it to the natural waters. It is, I admit, an extremely difficult question, but that does not alter the fact that it is being treated in an entirely wrong manner. The boy is told that sexual emotion is wrong; he assumes, therefore, that love to be truly love must be sexless. He draws fine distinctions between love and lust. A decent fellow, he says, would never want to do anything like that with some one for whom he really cared. And nothing happens in the course of his romantic friendship to make him reconsider this opinion. It is probable that his affection will not be returned; and, indeed, why should it be? Under such circumstances it is natural that a big boy should be attracted by a smaller boy because the smaller boy is the nearest approach to the feminine ideal. It would be quite unnatural for a small boy to be attracted by a bigger boy who would be to him as far as possible removed from femininity. The small boy likes the elder boy, is grateful for his kindness to him, is perhaps even mildly fond of him; nothing more. As, therefore, there is no response to the elder boy, it is impossible for the natural rhythm of mutually felt emotion to carry them out of the reach of conventional standards, and the friendship is too sacred to the elder boy to allow passage to the itch of sensation; while the small boy, even if he happened to be casual among his contemporaries on such matters, would be restrained by the shyness that he must always feel in the presence of a senior boy and by the inevitable embarrassment at finding himself the object of an emotion he does not understand. Nothing happens, therefore, to disabuse the conviction that love in its purest form is sexless. As a boy is, however, on the whole an amoral creature, he sees no reason why he should not misconduct himself with a person for whom he has no respect. He is not sullying a fine romance. It is a different thing altogether; this is a thing of sensation. A bachelor refrains from prostitutes more often through fear of illness than through reverence for a moral code. There is at school a type that corresponds to the prostitute from whom boys refrain, when they do refrain, for many mixed reasons, of which fear of expulsion is generally not one. Boys are not afraid of punishments, nor do they think that a punishable offence is necessarily a moral offence. That point must always be kept in mind. Punishments to a boy's mind are part of the game that is played between him and authority. The boy has his own scale of values. He would think an immoral act highly reprehensible if he were at the time engaged in a romantic friendship, but he could square his conscience to it if he happened to be emotionally free. The reasons why a boy commits an immoral act are so many and so complex that inquiry into them for the purpose of a generalisation is unprofitable. It may be that he has had a quarrel with his small friend, it may be that he is bored, or that he is curious; he may think it the 'blood' thing to do. If he is literary he may be in search of some equivalent for the emotional reactions of decadent poetry. The confessions that a boy makes himself must always be accepted with reserve. The confessional is a subtle form of flattery. It titillates the egotism; it is a self-indulgence. Madame Bovary used to invent small crimes because she enjoyed the romantic atmosphere of the confessional, and though most schoolboys would stand in no need of such invention, they create the most ingenious setting for their offences. They feel what they want to feel. They have derived emotion at second hand from some book, or the confidence of an elder brother; they want to make themselves believe that they are interesting. The most trivial affair is embellished with a wealth of motive that would have delighted Henry James. Sometimes they lie quite conscientiously. A boy was once asked by his house master whether he felt that confirmation had been of any assistance to him. It had not, but the boy felt that it was up to him to pretend that it had. The house master obviously expected it; it was a social decency, on a par with the assurance to a hostess that one had spent a most delightful evening. The boy was inclined to think that he swore less than he had done. The master's interest was aroused. Where had he learnt to swear? The boy had, of course, acquired this knowledge in the day room. He realised, however, that this was one of the things that one did not confess. He said he had learnt it from some navvies in the holidays. More questions were asked. 'Oh, yes,' the boy said, 'My people allow me to do more or less what I like. I wander all over the place.' It was quite untrue, but it confirmed the house master in his belief that all the faults of a Public School could be attributed to the ignorance and foolishness of parents. He developed the idea in a letter which he contributed to a well-known weekly. It is never safe to generalise from a boy's confession, and house masters would do well in such cases to base their conclusions on their own experience and on their previous knowledge of the boy's character. In their investigations, however, of the moral question, there is one motive that they can almost certainly rule out: the motive of strong personal attraction. Such an act would be opposed to the ethics of school society, and a boy only rarely does what he, himself, feels to be wrong. He is inclined to enter a world of women with the idea that the sexual impulse can only be gratified with a woman he does not love. He realises that in marriage it is necessary for the procreation of children. But he regards it chiefly from his point of view as a 'remedy against sin,' and on the woman's part an act of gracious compliance. It is thus that a man comes to divide women into classes: one's sisters' friends, and the rest. There is little need to elaborate the results of such an attitude. The subject has been discussed exhaustively. On this rock many marriages have been shipwrecked. It can do little in cases of strong mutual feeling. Passion harmonises all things; the rhythm of love takes its own course. But where the woman has not been deeply moved before marriage, where she knows her future husband only slightly, and is timid in his presence, then the preconceived formula of the 'pure girl' will achieve havoc. The woman will sink herself in motherhood, and the man will seek elsewhere diversion. A cynic has remarked that the man who marries a girl because she appeals to his higher nature will spend the rest of his life among those who appeal to his lower nature. And, like all epigrams, that remark presents a facet of the truth. It is now generally accepted that there is no more dangerous heresy than the idea that one does not 'feel like that about a decent girl.' Much has been written on the subject. But the causes of the heresy have not been sufficiently investigated. It is said, 'Boys are badly brought up.' Children, we are told, should be brought to regard their bodies as temples, and there the matter is left. But this heresy is, I am certain, very largely the natural result of the public school system. It is confined to the upper and upper-middle classes, to those, that is, who have been to Public Schools. The collier and the peasant have no such fanciful illusions. Divorce must naturally be more common in circles where men and women have leisure to indulge their emotions, where temptations are frequent, where the imagination is most vivid, the longing for the unattainable most acute. But, even so, any student of character cannot but feel that the married lives of public school men are less happy than those of the lower classes. All through the discussion of this delicate subject I have used marriage as the norm. It includes all other considerations. There are those who are shocked to learn of the existence of immorality in Public Schools, and the socialist press is only too ready for an opportunity of slinging mud at the object of its envy. But, however a boy is brought up, it is unlikely that he would pass unscathed through adolescence. Curiosity is as irresistible as fear. It is the power of the unknown. The moral offences of a public school boy are disgusting enough, but because they are so entirely physical they have little lasting effect on him. They play indeed a very casual part in his life. Nothing is at stake. The romantic friendship, on the other hand, is the dawn of love; it is a delicate and deep emotion; it is the most exciting thing that up to then has happened to a boy; it touches his senses and his soul. And, because he experiences this emotion for the first time in an unnatural environment, his natural reaction is misdirected and misinformed. It is important that we should find some remedy. FOOTNOTE: [5] It may here be mentioned that in girls' schools such friendships would seem to be common, and no great objection taken to them. Unnatural vice between women is not, of course, a criminal offence. Its existence is not widely recognised. And it has never been treated very seriously by men. But it was surprising to read a few months ago in a leading London newspaper an article on 'schoolgirls,' which accepted such friendships among girls as an amusing topic for popular journalism. The editor would probably have had a fit if a similar article on romantic friendships in Public Schools had been submitted to him. The attitude of the man who has not been to a Public School to this side of school life is a mixture of ignorance and astonished horror. CHAPTER VIII THE MIDDLE YEARS Desmond Coke has described in _The Bending of a Twig_, the middle years of a public school career as being slow to pass, but swift in retrospect. He devoted two chapters to them--'See-saw down' and 'See-saw up.' And those chapter headings convey more clearly than a long analysis the nature of that period. To begin with it is 'See-saw down.' The boy is confused with his new-found liberty; the future stretches endlessly before him. There is plenty of time. There is no need for hurry. And so he rags and wastes his time and makes, on the whole, a pretty general nuisance of himself. His house reports are worse at the end of every term. His parents grow worried; they remember the bright promise of that first term: the prize, the promotion, the glowing panegyric. The arrival of the blue envelope during the second week of the holidays is the occasion of considerable domestic stress. On such a morning one remembers that one has promised to spend the day with a friend at Richmond. And then suddenly, when the revel is at its height, some chance incident or conversation forces a boy to realise that he has not so much time as he had thought, that the weeks are passing, that, already, the end has drawn close to him. Clifford Bax, in one of his many beautiful poems, has described a man's first appreciation of the approach of age. 'There is a certain mid-way hour in life Which startles every man, when the tide turns And, wave on wave, we hear death coming on.' In the same way the boy discovers that the half of his schooldays are at an end, that he has put them to little use. And, as the temporal quality of life drives the epicurean to gather with what eager haste he may, flowers that for him will soon have blossomed, the sense of passing days defines and directs for the schoolboy the course of ambition. It is perhaps the first moment of conscious thought, of objective reasoning. The days of unreflecting action are at an end. He is no longer a child playing in a nursery. He is a man, subject to the laws of time and space, a mortal man aware of his mortality. Now this sudden change, which partakes of the nature of a conversion, owes its existence, as often as not, to some perfectly trivial occurrence. The stage is not set appropriately. There is no long heart to heart talk with a schoolmaster, a parent, or a friend at the end of which the boy leaps to his feet, claps his hand to his forehead, and exclaims: 'I see the evil of my ways.' Such dramatic moments, I suppose, take place occasionally, but they are the exception. The boy has reached that stage of his development when the idea of time can become an actuality to him, and some quite casual incident will bring this actuality before him. It is possible, of course, that this reformation may be effected by a conversation. But it will be an unrehearsed effect. One is walking down to hall, and, through the open door of the changing room overhears some uncomplimentary statement of one's worth. The statement need not be made by a particular friend. Indeed, it will probably be more effective if it is not. We accept with composure the criticisms of our friends, our relatives, our enemies. Wherever there is an intimate relationship there is friction. We know that, at times, we must be intensely annoying to our friends, because they are at times so intensely annoying to ourselves. Little tricks, traits of character, intonations of the voice that we should hardly notice in those to whom we are indifferent, exasperate us in those for whom we care. We expect our friends at times to say nasty things about us. We are too conscious of our own delinquencies. But impersonal criticism is unpleasant; it is like an unfavourable review that is unsigned. If we cannot reassure ourselves with the knowledge that our assailant is either jealous of us or dislikes us, or thinks we pay too many attentions to his wife; if, that is to say, we can detect in this criticism no ulterior motive, but simply a dispassionate impersonal disapproval of ourselves and of our work, then we do indeed feel that the need for drastic self-criticism is immediate. When, therefore, Jones on his way down to hall overhears Ferguson, who is in another form, who has never been brought into contact with him, who has no possible reason for feeling envious or jealous, remark that Jones is the sort of fellow whom the house could get on very well without, he goes quickly to his study and communes with himself. At the beginning of my third year at school, when I was very happy, very light-hearted, very boisterous, and, I suppose, rather obnoxious generally, I was standing at the counter of the tuck shop waiting to be served with a poached egg and a sausage. I experienced considerable difficulty in catching the eye of the waitress, and for the better announcing of my presence I took a knife out of the basket and beat it upon the zinc covering of the counter. The waitress, who was harassed by the number of orders, turned round impatiently: 'Oh, do be quiet, Mr. Waugh,' she said, 'I don't know what's come over you lately. You used to be such a nice quiet boy when you first came.' Several people laughed, but her remark was a shock to me. I had not the slightest romantic interest in her. I did not care greatly what opinion she held of my moral worth, but I had not before realised that it was possible for a change of which I was myself ignorant to take place within me, that a process of degeneration could take its slow effect, altering me in the eyes of others, leaving me unaltered in my own, that, like rust on iron, environment could corrode temperament. That chance remark had a most profound effect on me. It gave me a sudden insight into the secret forces that lie under the surface of life. I do not know whether from the outside I appeared afterwards a different person. One cannot focus the impression one has of oneself and the impression one makes on others. But to myself I know that I was different. And some such revelation invariably comes to a boy during his period of school life. In novels and stories we attribute it to some emotional crisis. The reason of the change is less important than that there should be change, and that the reader should be able to realise that for such a change there was a reason. But, actually, the reason is usually trivial enough. It may be that a boy's pride has been rebuffed; some one has got a house cap before him. He begins to reassure himself with the old dope: 'There is plenty of time. It doesn't matter. I'll catch him later on.' But for once the old dope does not work. He realises with a shock that there is less time than he had thought. He has allowed his rival to get too far ahead. A house cap is only two stages distant from a first. He may not have time to catch him up. In the light of the discovery he revises his whole career. He asks himself whither he is drifting. He sees that he has passed beyond the stage of a vague promise into one of definite rivalry and achievement. The prospects of the beginner are always golden. His wares are not yet for sale in the open market. He has not entered into competition with his contemporaries. A young professional makes a century during his first month of first-class cricket and is immediately the object of generous enthusiasm. The reporter can write of him as ecstatically as he will. The professional has not yet reached representative cricket. At school a slow left-hand bowler takes eight wickets for twenty-seven in a house match. He is spoken of at once as the coming man. For another season he will continue to take wickets in house matches to the delight of every one. Then he will enter the lists of representative cricket. He will play on uppers, and it will have to be decided, not whether he is a good slow left-hand bowler, but whether he is better than Evans in Buller's, and Morrison in Wilkes's. It is so easy to say of a boy of fifteen: 'Some day he will be captain of the house.' We can all of us exclaim at the beginning of a Marathon: 'What a beautiful runner that fellow is.' It is after ten miles have been run and the runners have sorted themselves out that the real race begins. It is the appreciation of this moment that ends the 'see-saw down' period and sees the start of the 'see-saw up.' It must not be imagined, however, that this process of see-saw up involves a complete moral, spiritual, and intellectual reformation; it sometimes does; more usually it means that the schoolboy looks at the same life from a different angle. His standards, his scale of values remain unaltered. He feels that he has not adjusted himself properly to their demands. He has been making an ass of himself: he has been ragging about, he has allowed opportunities to slip past him. 'It won't do,' he tells himself. 'I must stop all this. I must settle down.' Such a resolution involves, to a certain extent, an appreciation of imminent responsibilities; a boy realises that a series of desperate escapades will prejudice his prospects of prefectship; it often results in the exchange of a positive for a negative manner of life. The Sixth Former, the potential scholar of Balliol, is spurred by such an experience to really hard work. For him a turning-point has been reached. It is different, however, for the second eleven colour who has reached the Lower Fifth after three years of spasmodic cribbing. He has been in the past a free-lance, an irresponsible ragster. He decides that the time has come for him to settle down. If the Lower Fifth is, as it often is, a comfortable backwater, he is content to rest there. He sits on a back bench, and plays an occasional part in the life of the form. While he was a ragster he had to work. A well-prepared lesson was his armour. Now that he no longer rags he need no longer work; he is content to be inoffensive, agreeable, somnolent. He considers that between himself and his form master there is an unwritten pact by which each agrees to leave the other alone. It is as though he said: 'Your time, Mr. Featherbrain, is fully occupied between the ragsters and the industrious. You have to keep a constant watch upon the ragster. You have to teach the industrious. That is a whole-time job. Why worry about me? You need not keep a watch upon me. It is agreed that I shall do no ragging. And why try to teach me anything. Your energies are wasted upon me. I don't want to learn anything. You may lead a horse to the water, you know. Why worry yourself and me! There are all those other fellows who want to learn.' And the master, usually, signs the contract. He is a busy man. The temptation is very great. He excuses himself in the common room by speaking of 'fellows like dear old Thomas; good-natured chaps, but with absolutely no brains. Latin and Greek are flung away on them. But they'll make fine empire builders.' And so the boy who has settled down spends the greater part of his day wool-gathering in vacuous laziness. To nothing that happens between chapel and lunch can he bring the least enthusiasm. His thoughts are fixed on the more thrilling encounters of the football field. His whole life, indeed, is centred on sport, and on the most entertaining methods he can discover for the better employing of his spare time. All his energy, all his enthusiasm, is concentrated into one, or perhaps two, focuses. It is not surprising that he should become tolerably proficient at games and a source of moral anxiety to prefects and house masters. Is the pursuit of athletic success a sufficiently engrossing occupation for such a boy? That is the question that a house master unconsciously puts to himself. He must put it to himself, but his attitude to this particular type of boy is based on a non-committal answer to this question: the answer--'Perhaps; but it's up to you.' The house master, therefore, does all in his power to persuade the boy that the acquiring of a First Fifteen cap is his immediate object in life. He will not state his case in words; but he will omit the uncomfortable topic of form work in conversations, and discuss at length the prospects of the house in the senior matches. If he does not succeed in directing the entire energy of the boy on games, the results of such a failure may be disastrous. A fellow of seventeen who has nothing particular to do is bound to find himself in mischief. This fact is realised by both parents and house masters, and those boys who are good neither at games nor work usually leave at about this period. It is the falling out of the unsuccessful runner in a long race. It is no good going on. The leaders are too far ahead. The gap between the senior and the junior is thus considerably increased. The stepping-stones have been removed. A boy of eighteen at the start of his last year sees very few of his contemporaries sitting at the Sixth Form table. Of the eight or nine boys who came there with him, only three are left, and the Fifth Form table is filled by fellows two or three years junior to himself, with whom he has but a slight acquaintance. It is always the 'blood' who is asked to stop on that extra year. The insignificant are encouraged by silence to retire. 'Thou shalt not kill, yet needst not strive Officiously to keep alive.' By the time the boy comes to be a prefect he is able to feel himself supreme, not only because of the system that is at his back. CHAPTER IX PREFECTSHIP Prefectship is the coping-stone of a public school education. The boy who leaves without becoming a prefect has missed, we are continually assured, the most important part of his school career. And yet what percentage of an old boys' list, I wonder, reaches the dignity of house prefectship. One gets the impression sometimes that every one, provided he stays on long enough, becomes a prefect. All school stories follow a convention. They open with the new boy closing behind him the green-baize door of the head master's study, gazing wistfully down a long corridor at the end of which is the oak door of the day room. From behind that door comes to him the sound of laughter and eager conversation. There is the unknown, mysterious world he has to enter. That is how every school story opens. And every school story closes on the departure of a hero crowned with athletic and academic honours. The space in between is occupied with the 'see-saw up' process. How else a school story is to be constructed I do not know. It has to be narrative rather than dramatic. But it gives the impression that public school life for the average boy is a slow voyage from fag to prefect. Indeed, if _Peg's Paper_ printed school stories, 'From Fag to Prefect' would probably be the title. Such a tale would, however, be little more generally applicable than a tale of army life entitled 'From Bugler to Brigadier.' The majority of schoolboys do not become prefects. But the people in whose hands the framing of the convention lies think they do, because they did themselves. The dwellers in Mayfair think London consists of a few drawing-rooms and a few restaurants. The schoolmaster naturally follows the conventional course, otherwise he would not be a schoolmaster. If he had not reached the Upper Sixth he would not be in a position to teach. If he had not reached the Eleven he would not be a games master. The story-writer may not be an athlete, but it is hardly possible that a man who can write an interesting book should have failed to make some mark at school if he had stayed out his full time. And so there has grown up a tendency to ignore entirely the careers of the insignificant, which form the background for more striking exploits. And yet, as always, the insignificant are in the majority. A couple of years ago I spent an afternoon in the company of some friends at the school where their son was completing his second term. It was a warm afternoon and we naturally walked down to the cricket field. On the Upper a senior house match, which we should have liked to have watched, was in progress. Our small guide assured us, however, that this would be impossible. 'It isn't our house, you see, and the fellows would think it awful niff of me to watch another house playing. But there's a house game of our own going on down there.' Realising that it was impossible to overcome the novice's fear of doing the wrong thing, we reluctantly, slowly, and with backward glances, followed our young friend to the far end of a big field, where a ridiculous junior house game was being played on a sloping and bumping pitch. The small boy was, however, more interested in his friends than in the cricket. Beyond this game there was the pick up. Now I do not believe that I had ever before watched a pick up at all closely. I had imagined that the cricket would be pretty bad, that firm-footed batsmen would mow full pitches towards long on, that wides would be only more frequent than the fall of wickets, that every third scoring stroke would be in the nature of a chance. I had never, however, anticipated anything approaching the complete impotence of that game. The batsmen could not hit the ball hard, indeed it was only on rare occasions that they managed to connect the bat with the ball. There was no need for any fieldsmen, with the possible exception of long-stop, to stand more than twenty-five yards from the wicket. The bowler's main object appeared to be the keeping down of wides. Every game has its own technique; this game was certainly not cricket as it is played generally, and, no doubt, the victorious side was the one that bowled fewest wides. For no other reason would any captain have kept on either of those two bowlers for a second over. And I could not help wondering what a public school career stood for in the lives of those pitiably ineffectual cricketers. It is possible that one or two of them might be brilliant scholars, or that a few played football successfully, though this I am prepared to doubt; for the true sportsman is self-declared the moment that he walks on to a field. It seemed to me incredible that any one who had played any game successfully could tolerate the miserable travesty of sport that was being enacted on that sloping, bumping pitch. But even if there were a few exceptions, even if one or two were destined for privilege and authority and a name upon the honour boards, the fate of the majority was certain. They would remain inconspicuous, belonging to that large tribe of those whose names on the old boys' list are vaguely familiar to us, but with whom we can connect not one incident, anecdote, or conversation. They pass and they leave no mark behind them. They never rise to a position of responsibility. They never learn to wield authority. They never acquire, that is to say, those qualities of administration that have made English rule so tolerant and so universally respected. What can public school life mean to such as these? I put the question, but I cannot answer it. I do not know. Public school life is designed as a slow voyage from fag to prefectship, and, even if only a minority complete that voyage, it is the process and the stages of that voyage we have here to represent and interpret. It should, however, be here set on record that, be the advantages or disadvantages of the public school system what they may, a great many public school boys never partake of them. From the distance of early years the obligations of prefectship seems slight in comparison with their enormous privileges. A prefect does not have to answer his name at roll; he can wander round the studies without leave during hall. He has fags to clean his study, to wash his plates, to light his fire, to carry his books down to chapel in the morning. He can inflict punishment without being liable to it. The new boy who has recently been caned, in his opinion most unjustly, for whispering in prayers, looks forward to his day of revenge. The life of a prefect must be free from all the cares that so perplex him. Prefects can never be troubled with impositions and imperfectly prepared exercises. He glances up to the Sixth Form table and contemplates the majesty of Meredith with his neatly-tied tie, and hair brushed back immaculately from his forehead. What master would have the cheek to 'bottle' Meredith? The very idea is unthinkable. Meredith has the invulnerable infallibility of a god. The small boy reconsiders this view as he rises in the school. The horizon narrows. But even when he reaches the Sixth Form table he sees prefectship in terms of freedom rather than of service. And it would, of course, be absurd to maintain that the obligations outweigh the privileges. They do not: but they are none the less considerable. If a prefect is found playing the ass, ragging in the studies, or cutting lock up, he would be neither lined nor beaten; but the twenty minutes interview with the Chief would be far worse than any caning. He would feel humbled, he would feel thoroughly ashamed of himself, he would have done a rotten thing. Punishments have ceased to be a pawn in a game between boy and master. And, when a prefect realises this, he realises also that this particular game is finished. The degree to which a prefect appreciates his obligation, depends a good deal on the way his house master treats him. The boy who is trusted usually proves himself worthy of that trust. I do not mean in everything. If a master says to a boy: 'Now, Jones, I am going to let you prepare your lessons in your study in future. I trust you to work,' Jones feels himself under no obligation to work. By going to his study he is sparing the master the irksome duty of supervision. That is a fair bargain. He has saved the master work and the master has saved him work. In matters of form work a boy will never cease to regard his relationship with his master as that of the hunter and hunted. He will find when he reaches the Sixth Form that instead of being told to prepare fifty lines of Virgil, he is expected to prepare as much work as is possible in the time at his disposal. If, when put on to construe in form he states as an excuse for an unsuccessful effort, that the fifty line limit has been passed, he will be handled roughly: 'My dear Evans,' the head master will say, 'you have ceased to be in the Lower Fourth. You don't work to scale. If you haven't had time to prepare the passage, say so, and I won't put you on, but whatever you do don't bring forward that middle school excuse about fifty lines.' The new arrival will look abashed, but he will not feel that he has been put upon his honour to do an hour's work every night. He may possibly prepare next time, with the aid of a crib, an extra dozen lines, but he will do it as quickly as he can. He feels differently, however, about what happens outside the class-room. When an excuse is accepted because he is a prefect that would not be accepted without a long cross-examination were he not a prefect, a boy considers himself to have been put on his honour. I will give an example. The O.T.C. was, with us, practically compulsory; ninety-seven per cent. of the school was in it, and that three per cent. was garrisoned with doctors' certificates. Like all compulsory things it was extremely unpopular. We used to employ elaborate devices to get leave off. In break we used to visit the matron and suggest that our health required some castor oil. If possible we would retain the dose in our mouths till we got safely into the passage and then deposit it in our handkerchiefs. When this was impossible we swallowed it. A dose alone was not a sufficient excuse. We had to assume faintness, sickness, or some other indisposition during afternoon school. It was an intricate business that rarely proved successful. The authorities were prepared for it. Corps Parade was on Friday, and one Friday after I had become a prefect, I decided that never before had I felt less like doing squad drill. I had a headache, I had not finished my Latin Prose, we were playing Dulwich the next day and I was anxious to be as fresh as possible. I had also very, very slightly twisted my ankle. Remembering my courage in the days of castor oil I thought it worth making an attempt to get leave off. On this occasion I went to the head master. I informed him of my injury, and was about to embark on a lengthy explanation of the accident when the head master cut me short. 'Oh, yes, Waugh, of course, that'll be quite all right. I hope you'll be fit for to-morrow.' I felt thoroughly ashamed of myself. Because I was a prefect, my word had been accepted without examination and without proof. I was trusted to tell the truth. And yet I actually had produced as feeble an excuse as a fellow in the Lower Fourth. I went on parade that afternoon, and from then onwards I never tried to get off anything unless I was absolutely certain that I could have got off it without the influence of prefectship. And whatever may be urged against the inflated opinion of himself that the power to exert authority may give a boy, I can only believe that this sense of duty, this obligation to be true to himself is an invaluable experience. It comes out in all sorts of ways. I remember an old colour once telling me at the end of the season that he had not enjoyed his cricket half as much as he had the previous year. I was surprised. 'I should have thought you'd have enjoyed it much more,' I said; 'you haven't had to worry about your colours; you've been certain of your place; you've been able to play whatever sort of game you liked.' 'That's just what I have not been able to do,' he replied. 'Last year I was a free-lance. I took risks. I had a dip when I wanted to, and when we played unimportant matches against the town and the regiment, I thought more about hitting a couple of sixes than making a big score. But I can't do that now. I'm captain of my house. I spend half my evenings trying to persuade those young asses in the junior side that seven singles between cover and mid off are of more use to the side than the most tremendous six. If they see me going in and chucking away my wicket in a school match, they'd think me a pretty sort of captain, wouldn't they? I've got to set an example of sorts.' And, though the captious may maintain that it would have been more to the point if that particular sportsman had worried a little less about the example he was setting on the cricket field and a little more about the example he was setting in the form room and the studies, virtue is virtue wheresoever it is found and in whatsoever garb it is adorned. It is a good thing to feel that an example has to be set and to decide to set it. It is the high privilege of service. There are occasions when the setting of example grows not only irksome, but pointless. Throughout one winter my whole dormitory and myself subjected ourselves to the miseries of a freezing cold bath because neither party had the face to own itself defeated. In the first warm day of October the whole house ran cheerily to the shower bath down a long passage that faced east and was filled with sunlight. But when the November frosts came on, the long run down the passage in bare feet with a small towel gathered round our loins became increasingly unattractive. By the time we reached the bath we were thoroughly cold and the zinc tubs under the cascade of water were not enticing. Each morning fewer feet pattered down the passage. But my dormitory maintained its courage. As long as I went on having a bath I knew that they would go on having one, and as long as they went on having one I knew that I should have to also. There were mornings when I longed to say: 'Look here, you fellows, you don't want to have a bath. Nor do I. Let's chuck it.' The words were sometimes on the tip of my tongue. But just as I was about to utter them some one would rise from his bed, reluctantly divest himself of his pyjamas, wrap a towel round himself, and run out into the passage. After that retreat was hopeless. The thing had to be seen through. Not one of us missed his bath throughout the term. It may have been good for us: I don't know. Most things that are supposed to be are unpleasant. As so often happens with preconceived ideas, the only duties of prefectship which present any terrors to the imagination of the new boy turn out singularly simple. Most boys are self-conscious; they dread a silence, they hate being conspicuous. They regard, therefore, the taking of hall and the reading of the house list at roll as terrible ordeals. They are not so really. One is a little nervous lest the pitch of one's voice may sound curious as one shouts out the name of the top boy on the list: but it doesn't: not unless one is very odd. And the taking of hall is simple, unless one goes down there with an established reputation for inefficiency. In such a case the prefect does stand a poor look-out, as poor a look-out as the master who has proved himself weak. But such reputations are not easily acquired, and the possessors of them are well advised to bribe some hardier colleague to take their places. No attempt is made to rag the average prefect. He goes down on his first night fully prepared to inflict a violent punishment on any harbinger of insubordination. He may even carry down with him his swagger stick as a cautionary signal. But it is unlikely that he will be called upon to use it. The chief embarrassment, indeed, of taking hall is the importunities of small boys who come and ask one to help them with their translation. One hums and hahs, looks at the notes and the vocabulary and discovers how extremely hard it is to translate Livy without a crib. To a great extent the proficiency of the prefectorial system depends on the house master. If prefects admire and respect their house master, the tone of the house will almost certainly be a good one. If they dislike him the tone may very likely be a good one. It is a toss up. Dislike and fear often go together. And a prefect who dislikes, and thinks he is disliked, by his house master may very well decide out of affronted dignity to perform his duties thoroughly. 'The old beast hates me,' he says; 'he thinks I'm no good. I'll jolly well show him!' Dislike is, at any rate, a positive emotion. It will produce something. Nothing, on the other hand, is more fatal than the sort of genial, indifferent good-natured friendship that so often exists between a house master and his prefects. In Chowdler, G. F. Bradly has drawn just such a house master. Chowdler pretends to be the elder brother: he talks of 'good old Jones' and 'dear old Joe.' He has the prefects up in his study for heart to heart manly talks. And the prefects listen, agree with what he says, echo, when they speak, his own sentiments, and generally hoodwink him. They treat him as he treats them. They call him 'good old Chowdler,' and leave it at that. When there is a conscientious and an officious head of the house things go fairly quietly; when the head of the house is a lazy, sociable creature, the house runs itself, and with results that would cause little pleasure were they published to the mandarins of the common room. No new house master, Arnold Lunn says, has to face a more difficult task than he whose predecessor has earned the reputation of being a sport. The house master who always announces to the head boy his intention of visiting the studies is popular enough, but he has a rotten house. Yet, however badly the prefectorial system may on occasions work, it is impossible to dispense with it. It is not so much the need for a heavy hand as the need for a scapegoat. Some one must be responsible to the supreme authority for any disturbance that may take place. If a house master enters the day room during 'prep.' and finds that an impromptu concert is in progress, he knows that it would be impossible for him to disentangle the muddled evidence of interested witnesses. He could never find out what it was all about, how it started, who started it, what happened next. He makes, therefore, one person responsible for the maintenance of order in the day room during 'prep.' He puts a house prefect there on duty. When, therefore, he interrupts an unseemly brawl, he does not concern himself with the incidents of the affair; Brown's face may be plastered with red ink, the head of Evans may be slowly extricating itself from the wastepaper basket, Ferguson may be withdrawing a battered compass from the unprotected quarters of an enemy. He does not notice that. He does not punish Brown and Ferguson and Evans. He asks the prefect in charge for an explanation. If the explanation is not satisfactory that prefect is relieved of office. It is the knowledge of this fate that inspires the industry of prefects. This system is the basis for all administration, for the delegation of all responsibility. It rarely fails. When I shared a study with another prefect we divided eight fags between us. The best of these eight we appointed fag-master. 'You will do no fagging yourself, Marston,' we told him. 'To each of the other seven fags will be allotted one day of the week. You will see that they do their job. If the fire goes out, you will be beaten.' During the whole of that winter our fire never went out once. It is a regrettable fact, but a true one, that human beings will only work under the influence of a bribe, or of a threat. In the wide world it is usually a bribe. One may not threaten the foreman of an oil works. He has his union behind him. But there are no trade unions for fags: a judicious threat works wonders. And, when all other forces weaken, the wish to retain office helps the prefect to his task. Were there no prefects, no scapegoats, there would be no order. They are the exchange of hostages. Suppose an attempt was made to run a house without them? How long do you imagine that it would last? Five days, six days, a week? Yes, perhaps as long as that: not longer: certainly I would not give it longer than a week. Such an experiment might be tried at the end of a long and unsatisfactory term during which several of the prefects had, at some time or another, come into collision with official ruling. And the climax might have been reached, shall we say, on the last Tuesday of the term, when the head of the house was discovered during 'prep.' playing the organ in the big school. Next day, after lunch, the house would be astonished by the following announcement: 'I don't know,' the house master would say, 'whether I approve of the prefectorial system or not--that's neither here nor there. At any rate it has not worked well with my present set of prefects, and, for the rest of the term I propose to dispense with them. I shall occupy during preparation the small study at the end of the passage, and the house tutor will supervise preparation in the day room. I shall occupy the small single dormitory by the fire escape. That is all.' It is possible, is it not, as the sudden resolution of an overworked, exasperated man who had not paused to consider the results of his decision. Well, what would happen then? We can guess to a certain extent. It is, at least, a subject of interesting speculation. What would happen to a house that had no prefects? For a couple of days all would go smoothly, I imagine. The house would behave like a whipped dog. Its tail would be tucked between its legs. The prefects would make an ineffectual stand upon their dignity. Then the possibilities of the situation would become apparent. Authority spreads a veneer over the boisterous spirits of a boy of eighteen. But at heart he remains a ragster. In a couple of years' time, as an undergraduate or a medical student, he will be destroying furniture and organising preposterous bonfires. And, when authority is taken from him, he feels once again the old itch to enter the lists, to try one last throw with the marshalled forces of officialdom. It may, for instance, occur to Morcombe, the head of the house, that, though he has ceased to be a house prefect, he remains a school prefect, and that, outside the precincts of his house, he is still a force. When, therefore, he sees Jones mi. flinging stones against the cloisters, he orders Jones to appear before him that evening after roll. It is after roll, during the silence of first hall, that punishments are inflicted. And, that night, the house master, sitting in his narrow study at the end of the passage, will be astonished to hear the silence broken by a series of resounding bangs. He hurries down the passage and discovers Jones mi. straightening himself beside the water pipes, one hand ruefully stroking his trousers, while the head of the house proudly surveying his handiwork, delivers a last word of admonishment and taps his cane against his boots. 'But what on earth, Morcombe, is the meaning of this?' says the house master. 'I had occasion, sir, to beat a boy.' 'But you've no right to beat a boy. You're not a prefect any longer.' 'I was punishing him, sir, for a school and not a house offence. He was throwing stones against the cloisters. As a school prefect I felt myself bound to take official notice of his action.' 'But you know quite well, Morcombe,' the house master would answer hotly, 'that you've no right to do anything of the sort. You are only quibbling.' 'Then am I to understand, sir, that I have ceased to be a school prefect.' 'You are to understand you have no authority over any one in this house.' 'But that will make it difficult for me, sir; if I were to discover a boy in this house and a boy in another house smoking on a Sunday afternoon, I should be able to order the boy from another house to put out his cigarette and return to school at once, but the boy in my own house I should have to leave where he was. It would be suggested that I was favouring my own house.' It is unlikely that the house master will have a reply; he will order Morcombe to return to his study and to cease being impertinent. It depends on the courage of Morcombe and the respect he has for his house master whether five minutes later there will be a tap on the door of the narrow study at the end of the passage and a quiet voice will ask: 'Please, sir, I hope you'll excuse my worrying you, but I am not quite certain whether you said I was, or was not, a school prefect. You see, sir, it's my turn to read the lessons in chapel to-morrow. I wondered whether I ought to run round and tell the head master that I am no longer privileged to read them.' There will be several such imbroglios. Whether or not the term will end without an actual conflagration is problematic. On the whole I should say that the chances were even. It is the end of the term. Spirits run high, constant supervision is impossible. On the last morning but one, for instance, there is no early chapel. There is a long lie in bed. The house master will return to his own part of the house to shave, bathe himself, and dress. There is no one left in the dormitories with any authority. Every one is good-tempered and excited with a surplus store of animal spirits. There is a lively exchange of compliments which terminate in a pillow being flung across the room. There is a moment's nervous hush. The power of the prefectorial system dies hard: a week ago such an act would have been dealt with instantly and severely. And, even now, a single word would be sufficient to restore order. But the prefect takes no notice. He sees no reason why he should exert himself in the interests of one who considers his services to be of no further use to him. He feels justifiably aggrieved. The house master considers he can run the house himself--well then, let him run it. He has asked for no assistance from his prefects. He can therefore expect none. The pillow is returned. It is inaccurately flung, however, and the contents of a water jug streams across the floor. Again there is a brief embarrassment. But the prefect reassures his dormitory. 'My dear fellows, don't worry about me,' he says, 'I have no authority over you. There is no need for you to take the slightest notice of anything I say or do. Indeed I'm not at all certain that I shan't take a hand in it. Ferrers, you brute, take that.' And with the sudden flick of the forearm that in the cricket field had proved so disastrous to the batsman who had risked a short run to cover, the unerring discharge of a pillow has prostrated the startled Ferrers. From that moment mischief is afoot. It takes what course it will. And that course will probably involve the overturning of a good many jugs, the stripping of innumerable beds, the splitting of several pillows. In a brief while the air will be filled with feathers, the floor with mattresses and soaking sheets. And when, an hour later, the house master is summoned by an indignant matron to view the battlefield, who will be held responsible? To whose account is he to debit the broken jugs and the torn pillows? Whom can he deprive of office? He will, no doubt, collect the house in his study; every one will spend the last day inscribing a georgic or an eclogue. But the house will feel that it has triumphed. What, after all, can the house master say? If he begins to criticise Morcombe the reply is obvious. 'But I tried to stop it, sir, I did my best. But they wouldn't take any notice of me, sir. I had no authority over them.' If the house master is wise he will say as little as possible. He will announce the punishment, and the next term place more trust in his prefects. However bad an individual set of prefects may be, without them things would be a good deal worse. S. P. B. Mais in his first, and perhaps best, book dealing with Public Schools, devoted a chapter to the various types of prefects, the effect that office had on each type, and the use each type made of its privileges. He maintained that certain types were unfitted for authority, and that no boy who had not a view of life that passed beyond the limits of school should be given such authority. That is no doubt the ideal, but it is impracticable. A house master has to make the most of the material at his disposal: if he is dissatisfied he must blame himself. He has had his five years in which to fashion the malleable substance to his fancy. If a boy is high in form and a school colour and has been several years in the house, it is impossible to pass him over in favour of a junior boy who is lower in form and a less successful athlete. Prefectship has to go by seniority. The moment it was felt that office went to the boys in whom the house master happened to have most faith, the word 'favouritism' would be run like a corroding poison through the system of the house. The favourite would be universally distrusted and disliked. A certain class of boy would develop the 'conspiracy complex' that every hand was against him, and, in time, he would become what he imagined others took him for. Such a system would encourage endless sycophancy. If the house master were married, his wife would play too large a part in the politics of his house. There would be those who would not hesitate to ingratiate themselves with her in the hope that at the critical moment her influence might turn the scales in their favour. When a boy whom his house master dislikes reaches the point where, in course of seniority he would have to be made a prefect, the house master has only two courses open: either he must make the boy a prefect, or he must write to the father saying, though he has nothing definite against his son, he does not feel that he is the sort of boy who ought to be made a prefect, and he must ask the father, therefore, to remove his son from the school at the end of the summer. He can do nothing else. He cannot keep on a boy whose claims he has passed over deliberately and without cause. What house master, on the other hand, is going to write such a letter to a parent. The parent is bound to object. He will appeal to the head master. 'You have nothing against my son,' he will say. 'During the four years he has been at school he has never been in any serious trouble. He has worked hard and he has played hard. I have always regarded prefectship as the crown of a public school education. I sent my son to you rather than to some other educational establishment because I wished him to have the invaluable experience of being a prefect in a Public School. And now, at the end, when he has reached this position, you say, without giving any reason, that he is not a fit person to occupy it. It is scandalous.' And even were the head master to endorse his subaltern's verdict, were he to say: 'That is all very true, Mr Evans, but a house master is the best judge of the type of boy that he wants to have as a prefect. I am very sorry, but we must abide by his decision,' the reputation of the school would suffer. Old boys would discuss the verdict in their clubs. 'That's no school for my son,' they would say. 'Prefectship depends on the caprice of a house master. And, if by the time one gets high in the house, one's told one's got to go--why, if that had happened in my case I know I'd never have become captain of the Eleven. My house master would have got rid of me long before I had got my colours.' Gray heads would shake seriously over the port; the numbers of the school would sink. Seniority may, now and again, bring most unsuitable persons to authority, but it is a far more satisfactory system than any that would be based on the choice and dislike of one person. Certainly many unlikely people reach the high-backed chair of the Sixth Form table. And a house master must often wonder how will taste the strange stew that is simmering--a compound of so many unknown ingredients. In spite of experience, he is always guessing. But the changes are less considerable than might be expected, or it would be truer to say, perhaps, that the changes follow a more or less ordinary course. A boy's attitude on reaching office is ordered by what he has read and by example. The ragster usually becomes a martinet. He has read of the reformation of Prince Hal; the epigram about Kildare ruling all Ireland is the one piece of Elizabethan history that his memory has retained. How nice he feels it will be to surprise every one. What a shock it will be to his old companions. Every one must have said of him: 'Oh, Park'll be all right. He's such a ragster himself, he's sure to go pretty easy!' In his first week, therefore, he canes a quite senior boy for playing the piano too loudly in the changing room. He becomes in a short while extremely unpopular and a general terror. If on the start of the school year one were asked to tell which of the new prefects one would be best advised to avoid, one would almost certainly place one's finger on the boy who had been most frequently in trouble during the previous term. There is no sign, however, by which we can detect the officious type of prefect who speaks solemnly of his responsibilities and makes life extremely unpleasant for his house and for his old companions. It is impossible to tell on whom this germ is going to settle. It need not be the reformed rake: perhaps because rakes reform so seldom. It is not necessarily the religious boy, or the intellectual boy. But on some one that germ is sure to settle, and it is of all the germs the most annoying. There is nothing more exasperating than the officious prefect. On the third evening of the term he walks into the study of a former associate, looks confoundedly uncomfortable, seats himself on the table, and then, after a moment's embarrassed silence, permits his features to assume an expression of austere dignity, and says:-- 'Jones, you confided in me two terms ago a little secret, you'll remember what it was. Well, I feel that it is my unpleasant duty, now that I am a prefect, to report this matter to the head of the house. He will take what action he thinks fit.' Jones sits back in his chair, a look of horrified disgust upon his face. 'But, my dear fellow,' he says, 'you couldn't possibly--I mean I told you that in confidence. You couldn't be such a sneak!' The prefect would shake his head. 'You do not understand. It is not sneaking. You would not call it sneaking on the part of a policeman if he arrested an old friend whom he found breaking into a house. This is an official duty that has nothing to do with our personal relationship.' Jones is tempted to say that in another minute personal relationships will have a good deal to do with the matter, but he appreciates the necessity for tact. He talks, he argues, he cajoles; his patience is tried to the last degree. It is difficult to discuss a matter on grounds of personal and practical expediency when the other party refuses to desert the platform of high morality. In the end probably Jones is promised silence in return for reformation, and, as the door closes behind his old friend, he murmurs: 'Put not your trust in princes.' The officious prefect is not content with the exposure of confidences received during his period of probation, he endeavours to unearth present scandals, and this is a point on which popular opinion is very strong. The moral tone of the house is not considered to be the concern of the house prefect. That is the province of the house master and the head boy. The position of the head boy is a little difficult to define. He is the intermediary between mortality and Olympus. He is supposed to be above suspicion. He is the only person who is allowed to do anything out of 'a sense of duty.' If a house prefect interferes in the private affairs of another, an ulterior motive is always suggested, and the suggestion is probably justified. Whether or not a head boy is justified in unearthing scandal is an open point. There are those who will maintain that he should only take notice of what actually hits him in the face. The reason being that what hits the head of the house in the face will, sooner or later, inflict a similar shock to the physiognomy of the house master. And this should be avoided. In the first place, the house master will lose his high opinion of his head boy; in the second, a scandal that might have been prevented will reach official notice. Indeed, there are not a few who will go so far as to assert that the function of a head boy is that of the taster, the impersonal critic who says: 'No, that is going too far.' He is the aeroplane photograph of a strategic position, that shows what gun emplacements are obvious and which are not. And, according to this line of argument, head boys should only concern themselves with the obvious; what was not apparent to them would certainly not be apparent to a house master; there is no need for them to play at Sherlock Holmes. But this is a point on which the vote has not been taken. There are several schools of thought: all schools of thought are, however, joined in the denial of the right of the head boy to report to the house master anything save a case of insubordination or disloyalty on the part of a brother prefect. A head boy, it is felt, should be able to deal with the discipline and conduct of the house himself. To report is to confess a failure. To the house prefect no such fine shades of motive are ascribed. He is not considered to be above suspicion, and he is allowed to indulge certain corresponding weaknesses. His business is to see that order is kept; the new prefect forms numberless resolutions. He is acutely conscious of his dignity, his bearing partakes of the solemnity of Malvolio. He wonders whether he ought to remain on terms of such easy familiarity with certain rowdy elements in the house. A prefect should not have too many friends. He should be the calm, implacable judge, impersonal, impartial, with bandaged eyes. He is very haughty for a day or two. But within a fortnight he has recovered. He becomes sociable once more. He walks down to the field with his old friends. He does not wonder whether it is wise or unwise to exchange confidences with those whose conduct one day he may be forced to view with official disapproval. He takes notice of, and deals with, only those problems that crop up from time to time. He acquires a wholesome tolerance of other people's business, a tolerance that slips over the border of indifference, but remains an admirable social lubricant. It is this indifference, this refusal to be upset about trivial matters that can be left to adjust themselves, that is the secret of the success of British administration. Other nations and classes do not seem to possess it. The artisan when put in a position of authority bothers about the unimportant, he gives himself no peace, and he gives those under him no peace. There is constant friction. Troops almost invariably prefer to be under the command of public school men rather than of 'rankers.' CHAPTER X THE LAST TERM The last year, and especially the last term, is popularly supposed to be the happiest of a public school career. And it is possible that this may be so in the case of an industrious, worthy, but not particularly brilliant fellow who reaches in his last year the privileges of house prefectship, the immunities of the Lower Sixth and the social hall-mark of a second fifteen cap. At last, after a struggle of five years, he has extricated himself from the rut. For the 'blood,' however, for the double first who has stayed on an extra year to be captain of the Eleven, these last terms are a disappointment. He has reached the limits of ambition. For a while he is attracted by the charm of his new offices, but he can discern beyond them no fresh fields to conquer. He is embarrassed by the finality of his position. He cannot value what he possesses. He wonders what is coming next. He scores tries in school matches, he makes centuries on the upper, but he had already done that before. 'The doing savours of disrelish.' He is expected to score tries and make centuries. The cheer that greets him as he grounds the ball between the posts has not the surprised enthusiasm that rippled down the touchline two years ago when he amazed every one by giving two consecutive dummies and beating the whole defence. He is expected to do well, and when he is a little below his form, there is a feeling that he has lost the school the match. Interest is focussed on the performance of the new men. A century by Shepherd causes more excitement than a century by Hobbs. Hobbs is established. The world has formed its estimate of his qualities. There is little new to be said about him. He belongs to the present and the past. Shepherd belongs to the future. He is a subject of speculation. And so the double first at the end of the match hears far less talk of his own performances than he did a year earlier. He is taken for granted. It is all: 'What a beautiful drop that was of Smith's, he'll be a fine player in two years' time.' He would not analyse his discontent. But it is there the whole time. There is no longer a life of marked stages in front of him. He can peer now over the wall of school. He is worried, too, by the increasingly acute demands of his physical nature, by the restraints that are imposed on it. Very often a quite popular boy makes himself generally disliked during his last year on account of this irritation that expresses itself in bad temper, jealousy, and outbursts of unreasoning vindictiveness. The last term is especially difficult. A boy finds himself freed from the conditions that had for the five previous years directed his conduct. He had always thought of 'next term.' Now he realises suddenly that there is going to be no next term. He is no longer leading the normal life of his companions. On all sides of him preparations are being made for the future. Jones has decided to share the games study with Evans instead of Smith. Plans are being made for the arrangement of the dormitories. Ambitions are carefully tended, careers are nursed. So and so is worried because some one else has got his firsts before him. Dunston is distressed because he has been caught cribbing: 'There goes my chance of house prefectship.' And the boy who is about to leave slowly realises that these considerations have no longer any meaning for him. If he is caught cribbing he is concerned only with his immediate punishment. If some one gets his colours before him it does not matter. He has done with the troubles of seniority. The old life is falling from him. He is perplexed, not seeing clearly what lies in front of him. Six years seemed such a long time. He had not paused to wonder what lay beyond them. He had come to regard that last Sunday in the school chapel as a final stage. School stories always ended there: in the same way that romances always closed on marriage, or on death. And, though now he would be no doubt ready to admit that a man's life did not end at the altar, and might even be prepared to consider the possibility of an existence beyond the grave, he had not considered such speculation profitable or entertaining. And, in the same way that at a later point of his career he will awake with a start six months after marriage and ask himself whether it is all over: 'Heavens!' he will say, 'I can't be finished with; what's going to happen now?' So, during his last term, he discovers that this stage has not the finality he had supposed. Something has got to happen next. School life was, after all, no more than a prelude. He had valued too highly the enticing emoluments it had to offer. And he does not see what new prizes life will hold for him. If he is going to Oxford he may toy with the prospect of athletic honours. But unless he is particularly gifted, or particularly conceited, he will appreciate the vast degree of specialised rivalry to which he will be subjected. If he is going into business he will envisage, perhaps, the days of affluence and power, of private secretaries and private telephones; but all that is a very long way off. There is no immediate focus for his ambition. There is no particular reason why he should not, if he wishes, make as big a nuisance of himself as his fancy pleases. He is passing from one phase of discipline to another; and because the nature of neither is definite, he considers himself free. A last term is often indeterminate and ineffectual. Now if the discovery that school life is only a prelude is made by an unimaginative athlete during these last weeks, we can confidently assume that it will be made a good deal sooner by a boy of originality and independence, especially by one who has not entered with any great zest into the conflict of athletic distinction, and has, therefore, been in a sense above the battle. He realises a good year and a half before he has to leave that life in its fullest is to be encountered beyond the limits of a cloistered world. The discovery does not contribute to his content. He knows that if he wishes to win a scholarship he will have to stay on his full time, and he feels that he is marking time, that he is sitting in the stalls of a theatre waiting for the curtain to go up. Now that is a most unsatisfactory position to be in. In the theatre we kick our heels, read our programmes, turn round to see if we can recognise a friend, speculate on the possibility of innocence in the lady who is sitting in the front row of the dress circle. One does anything to make the quarter of an hour pass quickly. The imaginative schoolboy behaves in a similar fashion. He frets and grows impatient. He assumes an intellectual snobbery. He despises the majority of his companions and labels them as Philistines. He disparages the values of athletics and exalts in essays and in the debating society the literary standards of the nineties. It is possible that on Saturday evening he will leave a carnation standing in green ink in the hope of emulating his divinities. He is encouraged in his rebellion by the indignant astonishment of the master, who refuses to regard his outburst as a very natural and, on the whole, harmless pose. He is lectured severely on the dignity of his position. He replies in a cryptic epigram. He even criticises the public school system--an unforgivable offence. Being unacquainted with the ways of systems, and feeling that his personal liberty is curtailed, he considers that for this curtailment the public school system is solely and peculiarly responsible. He will not allow that all systems oppress the individual, that systems are made for the service of the many, and that it is for the individualist to decide whether the privileges he will receive by consenting to remain with the mass compensate for the unpleasant restrictions that are placed on the free play of his personality. It is, after all, the first system with which he has contracted an intimate relationship, and in the same way that a monogamist considers his wife worse than anybody else's, the schoolboy delights, in spite of a deep affection for his own school, in hurling at the public school system all manner of accusations, in which the word sausage machine is not infrequently repeated. There are such boys in every school. Age is an arbitrary definition of development. Many boys reach the age of seventeen, and stay there for the rest of their lives; others are twenty-five years old before they have done with their teens. When a boy is tired of school he has outgrown school. And there is only one sure remedy--to take him away. But there are the claims of a university career; there is the parent's natural wish that his son should gain a scholarship; it is often impracticable for the boy to leave: in such circumstances we can only recommend on the part of the masters a general leniency. Such outbursts should not be taken seriously. The school, as a whole, is not concerned with the unusual behaviour of those who, by the possession of brains, are already considered slightly abnormal. And the jester who is disregarded may well become a monk. If, however, a boy feels that notice is being taken of him, he allows his flattered vanity to dictate to him. He cultivates his pose; he wonders how best he may shock the mid-Victorianism of the common room, and there is the danger that the pose may, in the course of time, become part of his intellectual equipment. Sermons and addresses inform us that in the last term is to be found the significance of school life. But, as I have previously tried to show, the last term is no more significant than the first. The new boy is outside school, pausing on the fringe, his eyes full of a sheltered curiosity. The boy who is about to leave is equally outside school; he looks backwards and he looks forwards; the continuity of his life is about to be broken; its rhythm is temporarily suspended. He is no longer leading the same life as his companions. And it is vain to compare the new boy with the boy that is about to leave, and by analysing and examining the change that there is between them to arrive at the meaning of school life. They are two entirely different people. One is a child; the other is a man. The change that must necessarily have taken place during this passage is so considerable that it is impossible to say how much of it is due to environment and how much to physical growth. You might send a man of thirty to Timbuctoo, recall him at the end of four years, and, examining the change in him apprehend the significance of Timbuctoo society. He went a man and he returned a man. What change there was in him could be attributed directly to the wholesome, or unwholesome, atmosphere of Timbuctoo. You cannot follow this line of reasoning with a public school boy. A parent cannot say: 'Six years ago I sent you a young, innocent boy, industrious, honest, truthful. You have returned to me a young man who knows more than I consider it proper that he should know, whose sole object appears to be to extract from life as much pleasure as is commensurate with a minimum of work, a young man, moreover, who considers that a lie told to an official is not a lie. Look what you have done!' But that is not a fair attitude. Anyhow, during those six years, a boy must to a certain extent have lost his innocence; most young men of nineteen place the claims of personal indulgence before those of work. Most young men look on life as a game that is played between themselves and a perfectly ridiculous antiquated body which is called 'government,' and whom it is permissible to hoodwink, misinform, or otherwise deceive whenever the opportunity is presented. The corroding forces of knowledge must make themselves felt during those six years. It is unreasonable and absurd to attribute their effects solely to the public school system. One can, however, by examining the mental state of a boy a week after he has left school, form some estimate of what he has learnt at such considerable expense to his parents. In the first place, he has acquired an extremely valuable social technique. A public school education is a passport. Its assailants would describe it as the membership of a select trades union. An old public school boy can enter a new mess without feeling any great embarrassment. He knows how to comport himself in the more superficial of the situations in which he will from time to time discover himself. All of which is distinctly valuable. He has also learnt to understand the type of man with whom he will have most dealing. He is admitted, that is to say, to terms of good fellowship with a very large number of persons. He will be treated by them as a decent chap till he proves himself otherwise. He will have enough in common with them to be able to bridge superficially the uncertain moments that precede friendship. If he were introduced to a man at his club, he would have no difficulty in finding a congenial topic of conversation, during which conversation he would be able to decide whether or not the man to whom he had been introduced was likely to prove a sympathetic companion. He would have learnt, through the exercise of these qualities in a communal life, patience and tolerance of a certain kind. A tolerance, that is to say, that might condemn a man on the cut of his coat, the colour of his ties, or the use of an incorrect idiom, but would allow each man to lead his own private life provided he wore the conventional uniform. Such a tolerance may be described as snobbish and narrow, but is an admirable social lubricant. An old public school boy would be unlikely, for instance, to cause trouble to a mess or company or cricket club by injudicious interference. He will have learnt that it is not easy for an assorted collection of men to live together without occasionally getting on each other's nerves, and he will have learnt, in consequence, the value of tact and compromise. He will also have learnt a version of his duty towards his neighbours. He would not tell a lie to a friend unless it was absolutely necessary, and he would never let a friend down. He has the sense of loyalty developed to a high degree. All of which goes down on the credit side of the ledger. On the debit side, however, there are enough entries to make the cashier wonder whether, or no, the account is overdrawn. It is amazing how little knowledge the average public school boy has managed to acquire. He has rushed from one class room to another, learning French for one hour, and history for another, and science for a third. He has worked at each of these subjects spasmodically according to the particular form and set in which he has happened at the time to find himself. For a whole year on end he may have neglected French because he was under a lazy master. Then, at the end of the year, on finding himself in a higher and more strenuous form, he may have made feverish efforts for a couple of terms, to the detriment of his mathematics and history, with the result that there is an enormous gap in his knowledge. Whole periods of history are a blank to him. He has acquired a certain quantity of uncorrelated information. Within a few years what little connection there was between the appreciation of these isolated facts will have slipped away. There will remain a few phrases, a few catchwords, a few dates--an admirable framework indeed for social, moral, and political prejudice. The average public school boy knows, I imagine, a great deal less than the continental school product. Not only has he learnt little, but he has not been encouraged to use his brains. He does not, indeed, regard his brain as a possession to be valued highly and carefully trained. He will get out of bed five minutes earlier than he need do in the morning to wave his legs about his head and do exercises with his arms that will improve his physical condition, but he would never think of learning a dozen lines of English verse to improve his memory. No one ever appears to have impressed on him the fact that at thirty-five he will have to abandon football; that, by the time he is fifty, he will be bowling very slow stuff indeed, and will be grateful to the opposing captain who offers him a runner. Yet, at sixty, his brain will, if properly cared for, be as powerful as it has ever been. Now I do not want to suggest that boys should devote their whole spare time to the reading of poetry; literature is only a part of life; but I do maintain that every public school boy should take some part in the intellectual life of the world, that he should be able to discover as much interest in his mind as in his body. At present he does not. He has very little inner life. He depends far too much on outside interests, on games during the term, and theatres during the holidays. If he has to rely on his own devices, he is woefully deficient. This fact was brought home to me vividly by my experience as a prisoner of war in Germany. The average officer had no resources of his own; he could draw no sustenance from the contemplative side of life. He mooned round the square, wondering how soon he could decently set about his next meal, longing sadly for the lights of Piccadilly. In the evenings, when he had to return to his room, he spent the three or four hours before lights were extinguished engraving rather aimless pictures on the lids of cigar boxes. It was a pathetic sight to see a man of twenty-eight, in the prime of life, sitting down night after night to fiddle about with a knife, a piece of wood, and a box of paints. He derived no pleasure from it. It was a narcotic. As long as his hands were employed his brain could go to sleep, and he needed to contemplate no longer the tedious procession of days that lay before him. Every man should have sufficient part in the intellectual interests of life to be able to keep his intelligence active for eight months in surroundings that provide no physical outlets. The public school boy has derived little satisfaction from his work. He has laboured spasmodically with expediency as the goal. Promotion has promised certain attendant privileges, and the historical Sixth lies, calm and pleasant, like a lake in the desert. There is to be found a rest 'for all who come.' It is a sure port after the shipwrecks of the fourths and fifths. The traveller need work no more; he has laboured faithfully, let him enter into the joy of his lord. He returns one holidays having gained his second eleven colours. Paternal pride is flattered, and the spirit of welcome is only partially relaxed by the accompanying report. About a week later the following conversation takes place over a glass of port. _Son_: I say, father, don't you think all these classics are rather a waste of time? _Father_: Well, I don't know, my boy. I did them myself, you know. _Son_: Of course, father, of course; but things were a bit different then, and besides you were so much better at them than I am. _Father_: Oh, well, if you put it like that, my boy, well, perhaps---- _Son_: You see, father, I thought it would be rather a good idea for me to read history. _Father_: History, my boy, whatever for? _Son_: Well, I was thinking of taking up politics, father, and anyway, history scholarships are awfully easy to get. That ass, Kenneth, got one--you know, the fellow in the School House with the yellow hair. If you'd just drop a line to Chief, father, I'm sure he would be only too glad.... One more pilgrim has arrived at Mecca. The higher up the school one goes, the less work one does. After a few terms the habit of work is lost, and the only real diligence is displayed by that melancholy type of scholar who is trained like a pet Pomeranian. This is not an ideal apprenticeship for life. It starts a boy with an entirely false idea of the position that his work should occupy in his life. I do not wish to seem parsonic, but, if the experience of practically every big man that has ever lived means anything to us, we do know that a man's happiness, or unhappiness, depends in the main on whether his employment is congenial to him. Work is the finest antidote to boredom. And a public school boy has not realised this by the time he is on the threshold of his career. He does not consider that the choice of his career should be the expression of his temperament. He drifts into the most accessibly remunerative job. He brings to it no enthusiasm. The trouble is that school life lasts too long and is far too jolly. Six years is a long time. A boy of thirteen can hardly be expected to realise that it is only a prelude. The years pass so happily, the pursuit of ambition is so engrossing that he has no time to consider whether the prizes he is winning have any lasting value. As the new boy he longs to be captain of the school: and, having set himself a task, he does not shrink from the contest. School life is so vast, so varied, so many-coloured that it would be difficult for a boy to relinquish his hold upon the ambition that lies close to him in favour of the shadowy ambitions of the life that lies beyond it. School life is too big a pedestal for the statue that is to be placed on it. It dwarfs what it should present. The boy finds on leaving school that an entirely different technique is required. It is not that the standards are changed, but the whole manner of life is altered. His school career was divided neatly into stages. He could at any moment consult a house list and see how he was progressing on the road to authority. At such a period he should have reached the Fifth table. If he were one day to get into the Fifteen, he should by his sixteenth birthday have got his house cap. Everything was mapped out. The rungs of the ladder were labelled. Colt's Cap, House Cap, Seconds, Firsts, Fourth Form, Fifth Form, Sixth. In business he finds no such ladder. His abilities are placed upon the open market. He is fighting an intangible foe. He has to come to terms with himself. He feels that he is driving into the void. He also finds that he has to rearrange his scale of values. Athletic distinction is not greatly prized in Wall Street, and the young man who, when asked to present his qualifications, remarks that his batting average was over thirty, without a single not-out score to help it, is likely to receive a rude shock. I spent a few months before I went to Sandhurst in the Inns of Court O.T.C. (a corps that had, by that time, ceased to be composed of ex-public school men), and it was a blow to discover that the fact that I had been in my school eleven and fifteen made not the slightest impression on any of the N.C.O.'s. It may be that a readjustment of one's standards is a healthy experience. But that is hardly the attitude that officials could safely adopt. The public school system is supposed to produce trained citizens, who are in harmony with their environment. And that is exactly what the public school boy is not. He tries to tackle life with the scale of values that he learnt to apprehend at school. And it is not an easy task. Some, indeed, never accomplish it. They never readjust themselves. They surround themselves with old friends, revisit their old schools, endeavour to recapture the old atmosphere. They regret vaguely that something has passed. Like Jurgen, they return in quest of their youth, but the distorted shadow of Sereda prevents them from entering completely their former selves. In _The Harrovians_ Arnold Lunn makes two of his characters discuss this question. 'There's West, for example,' Peter said, 'he'll never be such a blood again. He hasn't any brains. He couldn't even struggle into the Upper School, but he's a mighty man here. Rather a pity, I think, that life should reach its highest point at nineteen. This ought only to be a beginning.' That states the case. CHAPTER XI THE OLD BOY AS SCHOOLMASTER AND PARENT Fears for the future and regrets for the past are alike forgotten during the last week. There are sad moments, but, as Arnold Lunn remarked, 'there is a world of difference between the pleasant sorrow of sentiment and the more real depression that coincides with an overdraft at the bank.' The last week is passed in a mood that I once heard described as 'happy-sad.' On the last Sunday in chapel the boy who is leaving endeavours to summon the appropriate emotion. He knows how he ought to feel. He has been instructed by so many stories. He is, in a way, an actor in a drama. He knows that the fag on the other side of the aisle is looking at him, is saying to himself: 'This is Jones's last chapel. What is he feeling?' And, like an actor, Jones does not want to disappoint his audience. He feels as he should feel. There is a lump at the back of his throat. But, on the whole, leaving is an exciting experience. There is the auction of study furniture, when pictures that cost five shillings when they were new, fetch seven and six in their fourth year of service. There are the calls to be paid to masters, the 'good-byes' and 'good lucks.' It is the abdication of office when one is at the height of one's authority. It is a fine gesture that 'immeasurable power, unsated to resign,' to be able to step straight out from the lighted room, before the corroding forces of change have begun to work, and before habit has dulled applause. The exit is made at exactly the right moment. The curtain falls on a dramatic climax. And how rarely that happens. In a temper of wistful sentimentality and self-satisfaction, arrayed in the colours of the old boys' society, the ex-public school boy leans out of the carriage window, waves good-bye to the friends who are catching a later train, makes and extracts promises to write, and watches as the train moves out of the station the familiar landmarks slip one by one behind him. A sentimental, that is to say, a superficial emotion passes quickly. And it depends on the kind of life which awaits a boy, whether or not this sentimental regret will be followed by an acute sense of loss. If he is going up to the university or to some remunerative and interesting employment, it is probable that he will forget school altogether in the fascination of a new life. If, however, he is destined for some dull unromantic post in the city, the thought of school will for a long time wake in him a deep, hopeless nostalgia. He will bring no enthusiasm to his work, and, as he sits at his high desk, balancing ledgers, computing insurance policies, adjusting income-tax returns, he will compare the monotony of his routine with the coloured movement and variety of school. As he walks to his office he will remind himself that at this moment the morning chapel is just ending. The school will be pouring across the courts. If he were there he would be walking arm in arm with some friend of his to the class-room, stopping on the way some intelligent friend to demand the elucidation of certain tiresome theorems. As he returns to the office after lunch he will say to himself: 'If I were there now I should be changing for football. I should have before me the prospect of a hard game and a bath afterwards, and a long, lazy evening in front of the games study fire.' And, at the end of the day, on his return to his home or diggings, he is lonely with the recollection of how often at such a time he has sat in the class-room waiting impatiently for the clock to strike, waiting for the moment of freedom when he can gather his books under his arm and rush back to the house to tea, to the four delightful hours of friendship and discussion that lie in that enchanted period between lock-up and lights out. School life never means so much to a boy as it does during his few months after he has left it. For he sees it transfigured in his imagination; he remembers nothing of the tiresome demands of routine, nothing of the friction between boys and masters, nothing of the long boring hours in form when he watched the patch of sunlight drift across the wall, nothing of the anxieties, the annoyances, the restrictions of a cloistered life. He sees it purged of the accidental, a city of his own fashioning. It does not last, of course, this intense nostalgia. No young man can live for very long in the past. New interests come to him, he finds new fields for his ambition. He makes friends in his office. He joins a tennis club, he takes dancing lessons. He sets out in search of life. He ceases, at every vacant moment of the day, to compute what he would be doing were he at school instead of at an office. He thinks of the innings he intends to play next Saturday: his eyes pick out on the carpet an imaginary spot ten feet away from him, and he considers what shot he would play to a ball that pitched on it; he also perhaps wonders what exactly that charming lady with whom he had danced the night before, had meant when she had said, with a peculiar inflection in her voice: 'You're growing up.' His correspondence with his old friends becomes spasmodic. He no longer writes to his house master once a month. The arrival of a letter with the school crest on it ceases to excite him as it did. The school magazine becomes full of names that are meaningless to him. He notes with disgust that Baxter, in his day a miserable little squirt, has got into the Eleven; and that that goggle-eyed ass, Barton, is head of the school. He asks himself at Christmas whether it is worth his while to renew his subscription, and decides that it is not. From time to time he reads in _The Sportsman_ of the feats of his school Fifteen, and remarks without enthusiasm that 'Fernhurst must be pretty strong this year.' His school life has dropped from him as a coat that he has outgrown. It belongs to the past, and he is living in the future. School will not mean much to him for another twenty years, till the time comes, that is to say, when he will have to send his son to school. Then will he recover his youth, and live again his school days in his son, only more intensely, because he will be living them in his imagination. In the achievements of his son he will recognise the ghost of his old ambitions. His son's career will be more personal to him than his own. He will take more pleasure in his son's successes than the boy will himself. Indeed a great deal of a boy's pleasure in his success lies in his appreciation of the happiness that it will bring to his father. At no time in their lives do father and son come so close to one another as during these years. And it is at first sight surprising that this intimacy should not produce that common ground on which difficulties may be openly discussed and quarrels healed. For in spite of this intimacy, the relations between father and son are very often superficial. This statement may appear self-contradictory, but a little examination will show that this is not so. We do not necessarily confide in the people we love best. Let any man think of his friends and acquaintances, and he may be surprised to discover that he knows a great deal more about his acquaintances than his friends. I do not lay it down as a fact that he will make this discovery. I merely say that he may make it; certainly a great many will. At school, where one has a vast number of acquaintances and a few friends, I used to wonder sometimes how best one could draw the dividing line between a friend and an acquaintance. And I decided that the difference lay in silence, that with a friend one could be silent, whereas with an acquaintance one could not. If a friend walked into one's study when one was busy, one smiled and went on with one's work; the friend picked up a book and read. But if an acquaintance came in, one immediately stopped what one was doing; one felt that silence would become embarrassing. In the same way one does not, in the company of a real friend, feel the need of personal confidences. One likes being with him. That is enough. One sits over a fire and talks spasmodically, with long silences drifting into the conversation. But with a person of whom one is not particularly fond, such desultory conversation is not adequate. An acquaintance is not, in himself, sufficiently interesting--he is interesting in what he has done, or is doing. The need for confidences is essential. And so it is that most of us have acquaintances to whom we recount all our discreditable exploits, our romances, our financial enterprises, with whom we seem, in fact, remarkably intimate, but whose absence, were they to pass out of our lives, we should not greatly regret. The man who knows most about us very often matters least to us. This is not a generalisation. One cannot generalise about an abstraction like friendship, that has a different meaning and a different message for every individual man. But such relationships are a common experience; they are the more common in the degree that their subjects are the more reserved. And there is no more reserved class than that of past and present public school boys. This is, at any rate, the only explanation that I can find for the superficial relations between son and father that are spread over so deep a trust and intimacy. They accept without appreciating this superficiality. The father comes down at half term, and he goes for a walk arm in arm with his son, along the slopes. They discuss home affairs and the external activities of school: football shop, cricket shop, house politics. They rarely touch on the boy's inner life; the father can only guess at what his boy is doing and thinking. Underneath their love for each other they are strangers. On the important issues of school life they are both driven to accept the verdict of the house master or head master. And he, although he is working in the dark on both sides of him, is their only intermediary. But the relationships between parents and children are too intricate for so short a book as this. Indeed, I doubt whether it is possible ever to tackle satisfactorily a subject, the nature of which alters with every individual case. One would be lost at once in a labyrinth of generalisations and exceptions; Lytton Strachey made no attempt to write a history of the Victorian era. He selected and analysed a few specimens; that is, I believe, the only way in which to deal with the complex subject of parenthood. And it can only be thus dealt with by the story-teller, by the man who says: 'I care nothing for general principles. But this is how things went for one family.' In a general study such as this, it is quite impossible to dogmatise from individual cases. But I would submit this facet of the relationship between father and son as an important one in the study of school society. It throws the need for co-operation almost entirely on the schoolmaster. It makes his responsibility greater than he knows. Now there are three types of men to whom the scholastic profession makes its chief appeal. There is the brilliant scholar, the man with the double first, who will turn out to be either completely incompetent, or will become a head master. There is the athlete who takes a third, or at best a second in mods, and on the strength of a blue, returns as games master to his old school. Lastly, there is the idealist, the man who regards teaching as a calling and not a trade, the man who may be either an impossible crank or, in his own line, a genius. The first class of master plays, on the whole, a small part in the politics of school life. If he is incompetent he is ragged in form and his opinion carries no weight in the common room. If he is successful, he is a bird of passage, on his way to some rich head-mastership. He may become a house master for a while, but he is always looking beyond his immediate surroundings. He is ambitious. He does not regard one school as his compass. Always he is just outside the drama. The second class, however, forms the backbone of tradition. The old boy comes back to his old school with an intense loyalty and with the intention of staying there for the rest of his life. His ambition is to have the best house in the best school in the best county. He is usually a very fine fellow indeed, but he represents eternally the spirit of reaction. He lives in the standards of his youth. He has had no opportunity of testing those standards in another environment. His whole life has moved within the circle of one school. He imbibed as a boy the public school spirit, and he did not outgrow that spirit at the university--hardly a proof of mental elasticity. He has no sense of progress or of change in the world for which he is training the young. As things have been, so shall they be. The old boy turned house master is the most powerful force in the common room. He is the chief obstacle that the enthusiast has to face. With regard to the enthusiast, one is tempted to put an asterisk against the heading and a footnote, '_Vide_ the novels of S. P. B. Mais _passim_,' and leave it at that. For Mr. Mais knows more about the reception of this type of master than any other man in the kingdom. He has himself a genius for teaching. I cannot imagine a better English master. He inspires enthusiasm in the confirmed slacker. He is an invaluable asset to any staff, and yet nearly everywhere he has been met by opposition. His own story, as set forth in _A Schoolmaster's Diary_, is typical of the young movement. Only there is this difference, that, whereas Mr. Mais has never yielded to the reactionary influences, the majority of young masters conform to the custom of the country. Their position is extremely difficult. They leave Oxford with high ambitions. They have dissected and analysed the system, they have discovered the vital spot; they are eager to put their reforms into action. They have wonderful schemes for inspiring boys with a love of the beautiful, with an interest in politics and life. They are prepared to be ruthless in their battle; they will neither ask nor give quarter. They will not be fettered to the reactionary indolence of the intolerant and the effete. They have a mission and a purpose. They bring a sword. They arrive at school with a quenchless ardour. Like the small boy home for the holidays, they want to do everything on the first day. Before they have had time to look round they are suggesting schemes for founding literary and dramatic circles: they want to open a political debating society where there shall be files of _The Nation_ and _The Daily News_. They start a mile race at the speed of a hundred yards and find themselves alone in the void. Every one else is going at a very leisurely pace. There is no need for hurry. Their whole life is before them. The school has been in existence a very long while. It is moving in its own time to its duly appointed ends. The young enthusiast grows impatient: like most intense people he is tactless and makes mistakes. He ignores his colleagues, or interferes with their arrangements. He creates an atmosphere of opposition. This is, of course, what he has anticipated. The fight, he feels, is going to begin. But the nature of the fight is very different from what he had expected. It is not waged with the intolerant and the effete, but with men whom he cannot help admiring. He cannot make himself hate his enemies. The old boy house master, it cannot be too often repeated, is a very fine fellow. And his point of view is reasonable. He has given his youth, his energy, his ambition to his school. He has cared for nothing else. He has allowed many of the good things of life to pass him because of this unwavering devotion, and it is natural that he should resent the intrusion of a young fellow who has not had time to learn to love the school, but who wants to overturn the most cherished privileges. And his methods are so impeccably direct and honest. He does not go behind the young man's back to the head master. He has the young man into his study for a chat; he looks him straight in the face. He says: 'Come now, we've got to have this out.' And the young man finds it so desperately hard not to admire him. He endeavours to open a discussion: he states his case. For a moment he seems to forget the personal issue in the case. Confidence comes back to him. He develops his argument, and then, just when he feels that his grip is closing on the contest, he is beaten by that disarming sentimentality which is the most powerful of all the old boy's weapons. 'My dear fellow,' he will say, 'you have your point of view and I have mine. We are both in our own ways working for the good of the school; why must we quarrel? We are fighting the same fight. But we can do nothing unless we stand together. I've given my whole life to the cause; you are just beginning.' The acceptance of this offer of friendship and co-operation means defeat. The young man knows it. But it is so hard to refuse. The rebel in any sphere of life has no harder task than the cutting adrift from his own caste and the subsequent alliance with men of different upbringing and different standards. He sees, on the one hand, a vast number of noble, if bigoted men, men whom he can trust and admire. And, on the other side, as a setting for the few idealists in whose principles he believes, the arrayed forces of envy, greed, and malice. The temptation to cling to what he knows and what secretly he admires is too great. Most of the young enthusiasts give way soon. They join the forces of reaction. And those that stand out are inevitably broken. What chance have they after all? The modern intellectual is something of a negativist. His tolerance is composed of indifference and uncertainty. He sees life in the words of Jurgen as a 'wasteful and inequitable process,' and does not discern clearly how to alter it. His philosophy is a series of disappointments. He is bound to go down before a bigotry that is certain of itself. The forces of reaction are so powerfully entrenched. The old boy house master knows exactly what he wants and how he proposes to get it. He advances down a straight road. His enemies pause and wonder and question themselves. The bigot usually makes the best administrator. He is not worried by abstractions. He is certain of his ends and can devote all his attention to the means. The tolerant head master, the man who sees both points of view, is overcome in the end by preponderating faith and sincerity of reaction. The new man is invariably subjugated, or else is made to go. No head master would be anxious to take his side. The games master type is intensely popular with parents and old boys. He represents for them the public school spirit. He is a fixed, immutable principle in which they can place their trust. They would be intensely worried were they to learn that the head master had taken the side of a new man against their old friend. The subject would be discussed in the clubs: 'There's trouble brewing at Fernhurst,' they would say. 'This new head master is a liberal. He's quarrelling with old Aiken. I don't like the look of it.' And the position of the school would be shaken. Parents would send their sons elsewhere. The numbers would drop. Unpleasant questions would be put to the head master at the next meeting of the governors. It is the old trouble of the merchant and his goods. Parents have to be placated. They have been assured that 'all is for the best in the best of all possible schools'; and, when they hear rumours of dissension they naturally imagine that something must be wrong with that particular school. It is not so everywhere. They remind the head master of his own official utterances. And it is not easy after prophesying smooth things to satisfy the complaints of those who find them hard. A head master has to reach his ends through infinite tact and patience and through a long series of compromises. He has to be something of an opportunist. He has to give reasons other than the true ones for what he does. He has to promote progress secretly, while he advocates conservatism. And it is hard to remain true to oneself while playing the Jekyll and Hyde game. Motives become involved; there is too much diplomacy, and the forces of reaction, whatever else they be, are distinctly honest. Certainly he cannot allow the clumsy enthusiasm of a young man to complicate his vexed existence. And the young man has either to break or bend. Usually he bends. He has, after all, to consider his own career. He compromises with himself. He manages to persuade himself that he is not really yielding, but that he is adopting different tactics, attacking the enemy from another side. He decides to do his work of reform quietly, without ostentation. Other people can do their own way if they like. That compromise is the start of a long process of self-deception. When he becomes a house master it will be so simple to put off parents with excuses. He will be able to justify himself, to say: 'These are stupid folk. They will worry me if I encourage them. I have my work to do. I must pacify them and get on with it.' And so the circle completes itself. The young man who sets out to reform school life, who brought to the task a fine, untried energy, ends in evasion, compromise and self-deception. Boys, parents, and masters are working at cross purposes. There are certainly a large number of entries on the debit side of the ledger. It remains to be decided what hand has written these entries and whether it is possible to erase them. To a large extent they are due to four things: the moral issue; the cult of athleticism, which is regarded as an antidote to immorality; the conspiracy of silence that exists between parents and boys and masters, and the long period a boy spends at school--the six years that separate so unduly the junior from the senior, that accentuate the blood system, that erect a wall shutting out the world at large. School life is too much of a walled garden, too much of a world in itself. It has remained monastic, it has not established contact with the movements of the hour. CHAPTER XII SOME SUGGESTIONS: THE LEAVING AGE WITH REGARD TO MORALS The ardent idealists with their thousand pretty schemes for the regeneration of mankind, find no difficulty in allotting a few panaceas to the Public School. We hear of the 'new world' and of the 'new spirit,' and there is glib talk about the phoenix and the ashes. A few laws have to be passed, a few peasants educated and there will be an end of competition. 'The strong will support the weak, the clever work unselfishly for the general good. Wealth and intellect will be placed at the service of the state. The relations of the sexes will be ordered by eugenics.' It is all very jolly, and unless to-day one subscribes unfalteringly to this belief in a new world, one is called a reactionary and a materialist. The millennium, we are told, is round the corner. The finest intellects of thirty centuries may have failed to find it, but the farm labourer has only to spend a few half-hours with an English grammar to discover it at his feet. It must be very nice to believe all that, to be able to comfort oneself in dark moments with the assurance that for one's children's children life will be a happy hunting ground. It must be a drug more potent than laudanum, more sweet than hashish. But it is of small avail in the dust and traffic of humanity. In the case of the Public Schools we shall do well to examine what is at hand and prescribe what cures we may, without the indulgence of distant speculation. The four main objects of criticism, then, are the moral question, the evil of athleticism, the false scale of values that is inculcated at a Public School, and the subsequent conspiracy of silence. On the moral question the advanced idealists have talked more and to less purpose than on any other phase of school life. They have written of the discovery of the soul, of the unfolding of the flower. They have maintained that through art and literature the boy's emotional nature will be directed to a higher, a nobler conception of life. The psycho-analyst speaks of 'sublimation,' and they have fastened on to this cliché. Was not this what they had been saying so long, in other words--the sublimation of the sexual impulse? Now, in the case of a celibate priest or a maiden lady it is, no doubt, highly desirable and perhaps possible to sublimate an impulse which has been and in all probability will be, denied natural satisfaction. But it is a pretty hopeless job to sublimate an impulse that has every hope and prospect of complete, direct, and natural realisation; and that is the task that the advocates of flowers and poetry and the dawn have set themselves. If we are to change the moral tone of a Public School we shall have to find either an alternative system, or we shall have to modify in some way the existing system. Two alternatives are offered: co-education and the day school. In neither case should immorality be general or serious, and the number of romantic friendships correspondingly slight. It seems hardly possible that a normal healthy boy would be attracted by a smaller boy when, at a school like Bedales, he would be constantly in the company of young and charming scholars. And though the day boarder lives for the greater part of his day in a monastic society, he spends the majority of his spare time outside it. And during the week-ends he has full opportunity to continue any romance on which he may have embarked during the previous holidays. Although it is only possible for me to speak here from second-hand information, it can be assumed, I think, that at the co-educational and day school the moral question must sink to comparative unimportance. It has to be considered, however, whether this relegation compensates for the consequent disadvantages. Co-education is, of course, a new game, and it is difficult to write of it with confidence. At a lecture that I gave about three years ago, a young woman rose from the back of the hall and asked 'what Mr. Waugh thought about co-education?' I had, as a matter of fact, thought about it very little, but I felt that I could hardly confess as much. I said, therefore, something about 'co-education being excellent for delicate and sensitive boys who would find Public Schools too rough for them.' The young woman then indignantly demanded what the girls had done to deserve the companionship of only delicate and sensitive boys. It was an unanswerable protest, but having since then thought the matter over more carefully, I believe that, if the same question were put to me to-day I should make the same reply. It may be that such a reply would be based only on prejudice and a preconceived idea. But, after all, the evil that one knows is better than the evil that one does not know. And who would wish away his school days. If you were to ask a small boy of thirteen whether he would prefer to go to Uppingham or Bedales, he would promptly reply 'Uppingham.' If, two years later, you were to say to him: 'Would you rather have gone to Bedales than Uppingham?' he would reply: 'Lord, no.' If at the end of his last term, when it was all over, you were to ask him whether he regretted his choice, he would say: 'Good God, no!' And, twenty years afterwards, when the time had come for him to decide where he should send his son, were you to ask him yet again: 'Bedales or Uppingham?' he would reply without hesitation, 'Uppingham.' Why, after all, should he depart from an old allegiance. He knows nothing of Bedales, nothing of the troubles and adversities that his son will have to face there. He will be unable to help him, he will be denied that greatest privilege of fatherhood, the unquestioning trust of the son who knows that his father has trod every inch of the way before him. Father and son rarely come so close to one another as they do during those five years at a Public School. They are living practically the same life; the father finds his lost youth in the son. Is it likely that he will abandon such a certainty for a supposed and uncertain good. The public school system was formed round certain distinct traits in the British character. It is the expression of the national temperament. Nearly every one is happy at a Public School. It is the manner of life that we enjoy, that is in sympathy with our tastes and customs. The reformers may say what they will. You cannot turn a dog from the food it loves. This attitude to co-education may be illogical, it may be prejudiced, it may be reactionary--I do not know. One can only restate the fact that we are content to be old-fashioned people. The case of the day school cannot be so summarily dismissed. At a first sight indeed it appears to possess all the advantages and none of the disadvantages of a Public School. A boy acquires _esprit de corps_, but is saved from wild partisanship. He strengthens the qualities of courage and independence as fully as he would at a Public School, and the home influence is maintained. His moral lapses, if any, are likely to be occasioned by the attractions of the other sex. My friend, Mr. Oscar Browning, has indeed often assured me that the day school is the only possible solution of the difficulty, and in a symposium on the English Public Schools he wrote that 'House rivalries and the overwhelming importance of house matches cannot exist in day schools where boys live with their families, nor is school life likely to be so communal.' Many other educational authorities, whose testimony one must respect, have expressed their faith in day schools. Certainly the claim of the day school must be carefully examined. And it is with diffidence that I approach the task. At most boarding schools the day boy is looked down upon. For some obscure reason the day boy always seems to be inferior to the boarder. He is rarely prominent in games or work. One ceases, indeed, to regard him as a member of the school. He comes into form, he writes his prose, he attends corp parade, he plays his games. But, at six o'clock, when the bell rings for tea and the intimate life of the day begins, he collects his books and hurries across the courts and passes into another life. The period between lock-up and lights out is in retrospect the most charming part of the day. The troubles of the day are over. Lessons have to be prepared in prep., but they will not be heard till the next morning. Time enough to worry about that after breakfast. It is after tea that one packs twelve people into a study measuring eight feet by four and discusses the prospects of the house in the Two Cock, the 'latest case,' and Evans's chance of getting into the Fifteen. Prep. is but a pause in the discussions of these momentous trivialities. After prayers there is an hour in which to brew coffee and renew the endlessly attractive conversation. These are the times of friendship and good feeling, and they are lost to the day boarder. Like the new boy, he is outside the life of the school. He moves in a different environment; he has different interests, he cannot enter into the eager loyalties and aversions of house politics. In a school such as Clifton, where there are a large number of day boys, the position is, of course, different. The day boy there occupies a definite social status. Instead of being attached to a house for games, he is grouped into that sector of the town in which he happens to live. His friends are leading much the same life as he is. But it can scarcely be denied that the day boarder loses a great deal of the charm of a communal life. What does he gain to compensate for that loss? He is protected to a large extent from the moral lapses peculiar to a Public School. He will develop through normal channels. Though, as he will in chapel and in his school listen to addresses that are based on the accepted official attitude, it is a little doubtful whether he will find himself in this respect much more satisfactorily educated than the boarder. At any rate he should be saved the disquieting experiences of a romantic friendship, and he will be less of a slave to the partisanship and house feeling. But does he gain anything else? We hear a great deal about the value of home influence, but what does home mean for the day boy? He rushes home at the end of the day, has his tea, and then settles down to prepare his lessons. By the time he has finished them it is time for him to go to bed. He has had little opportunity for talking either to his father or his mother. In the morning he has only time to rush his breakfast and hurry off to school. It must be remembered also that the parents who send their sons to day schools are usually not particularly well off. It is one thing to come home at the end of a hard day to the quiet seclusion of a warm and cosy study where everything will be quiet and undisturbed. It is another thing to come back to a house that is making strenuous efforts to get things straight before the master of the house returns. Middle-aged business men expect to find things made snug for them; they do not want schoolboys kicking about the place at the end of the day. Nothing is more uncomfortable than breakfast in the average suburban family. There is the flutter over the post, the opening and shutting of the paper, the constant glances at the clock. There is a banging of doors, and running up of stairs, and the shouting over banisters. A sigh of relief is heard when the front door closes behind the wage-earner. In a large, well-run house the domestic machinery moves so smoothly that it is unnoticed. In a small suburban villa these moments of arrival and departure provide constant friction, and it is from the small suburban villa that the majority of day boarders are recruited. In consequence the day boy starts his day's work at a disadvantage. It is like playing a cricket match on an opponent's ground. One arrives a little jaded. The boarder is on the spot. He has twenty-five minutes' leisure between chapel and breakfast. It is possible, of course, that he will pass these twenty-five minutes in a feverish attempt to prepare the 'con' for which he had been allotted an hour on the time-table of the previous night. But that is his own fault. He has every chance of starting the day fresh. I cannot think that the rush of getting off in the morning and the journey to school can be good for a boy of fifteen. It is a strain for a full-grown man. That twenty minutes' jolt in tubes and lifts is exhausting. No one arrives at the office perfectly fresh. By the time one gets back at night one is really tired. The tube journey at the end of a hard day completes one's weariness. And on top of that weariness the day boarder has to do an hour and a half's preparation. It is not the ideal setting for successful work. The day boy is also leading two lives at the same time. He cannot shut them away in watertight compartments. They overlap. It is, no doubt, for the business man a great privilege and a great relief to be able to return at the end of the day to a quiet evening in his wife's company. But then he has not got to work at home, and work implies friction. The worker wants an absence of outside influences. He wants the company of quiet folk who make no particular demands on his energy and patience, with whom his relations are superficial and for whom he does not particularly care. Many writers make a failure of marriage because they put their study too near their nursery. The imaginative worker wants to be alone, not only while he is working, but for an hour before he starts working and for an hour after he has finished working. In many ways the army is the ideal career for a writer. He can do his two hours' writing after tea, have his bath and change, and go down to the ante-room, where he can read his paper quietly and chat superficially with people who make no demands on him. Wherever there is an intimate relationship there is friction. The proper adjustment of his work to his personal life is the most delicate task a man has to tackle. It is beyond the compass of a small boy. For the very reason that a boy loves his parents there will be friction; a strain will be placed, that is to say, upon his energy and patience. The boarder has fewer worries and, in consequence, is happier than the day boy. The advocates of 'home influence' must also remember that the day boy takes his home for granted. We cannot appreciate the value of anything till we have either lost it, or become separated from it. Home means a great deal to the boarder. Holidays mark for him a complete change of life, to the day boy holidays mean little save the pleasurable cessation of certain irksome duties. He can stay in bed longer in the morning, he has not got to hurry his breakfast, a free day lies in front of him. He will not have to waste his time over Latin Prose and Thucydides. During the term-time he has, except during week-ends, very few opportunities of intimate conversation with his parents, and because he has come to regard their presence as a natural environment he does not, during the holidays, make, as the boarder does, special efforts to see as much of them as possible. The influence of a place need be no more effective because one happens to live in it than the influence of a person because one happens to be in his, or her, company. It depends on the value set on the place or person. The boarder values his home more highly than the day boy. The influence of home is more likely to be felt by him than by the day boy. Letters from home are an event in the boarder's life. They mean more than a walk on Sunday morning, and the hours are counted to the half-term visit. The day boy also comes far less into contact with masters than the boarder does. Indeed the head master of a school can only have a superficial knowledge of the boys that are entrusted to him. He sees them in the form room and on the cricket field. But he does not watch the development of the boy's character through his reactions towards and away from the intrigues, romances, and jealousies of house politics. There is no constant theme, only a few uncertain _motifs_. The head master has not sufficient material upon which to work. The discovery of so many clues is denied to him. Every boy at some time or other must pause and wonder how much his head master really knows about him. It is a subject, for most of us, of disquieting conjecture. But the day boy can dismiss it with an easy conscience. School for him is a place in which he works and plays, but does not live. Indeed he is a child of no man's land, passing between two countries, a true citizen of neither. There are those who say that parents are the only people who understand their children, and will maintain that it is criminal to take young boys away from their parents at an impressionable age and place them in charge of schoolmasters who can know nothing about them. But parents are, as a matter of fact, as likely to make mistakes as any one else. We find in anything what we bring to it. And parents expecting their sons to be brave, truthful, obedient, clever, find them so. An outside opinion is of extreme value, and a house master or a head master is the ideal person to give it. When a house master and a father meet on equal grounds and discuss the son's welfare honestly, the auspices could hardly be more fortunate. They so rarely meet, because parents and schoolmasters do not trust each other, because they have adopted the false position of buyer and seller; the combination remains, however, none the less ideal. I do not myself see what advantages the day school possesses over the boarding school, save those that are concerned with a particular facet of morality, and beyond the weakening of a partisanship that is inclined to put a boy in blinkers. There are some very fine day schools in the country, but the day school, especially of recent years, has tended to become an alternative for parents with large families who cannot afford to send their sons to expensive boarding schools. And, after all, the suggestion that day schools should be generally substituted for boarding schools is obviously impracticable. Many of the finest Public Schools are situated in remote parts of the country, others in small towns that were once honoured with a monastery. How are these venerable institutions to be converted into day schools. A few retired colonels might possibly form a colony in Shoreham and send their sons to Lancing. A convenient train would take them to Brighton, where they might walk on the promenade and recall the reckless adventures of their youth. But civilisation draws us to big towns for our livelihood. However much the stockbroker might wish to send his son as a day boarder to Shrewsbury, he would find it quite impossible to do so. The town of Shrewsbury would provide no scope for his activities. He could not possibly settle there. A scheme that would involve the complete alteration of the public school system can only be called a revolution. A reformer has to work on his existing material. He cannot say--wash it out and start again. He cannot put back the clock. Mr. Oscar Browning has said that when he went to Eton in 1851 only five schools could lay claim to the dignity of being called a Public School. There must be at least fifty first-class Public Schools to-day; they are nearly all boarding schools, and every few years a comparatively unknown school proves itself a worthy competitor to older foundations. It is not the slightest use to say, even if we believed it, that day schools are better than boarding schools and leave the matter there. A politician might with equal ability draw up an elaborate defence of the feudal system. It may very well be that we should be all more happy if we could reconstruct society on a feudal basis: we might just as well express a belief that our efficiency would be increased were a kindly providence to dower us with wings. It may be, though I doubt it, that the advocates of the day school are in the right, that under such a system of education immorality and the blood system would pass. But it is for us to discover some method by which the existing system may be so modified as to produce of itself the required change. Now it is very tempting for a controversialist, when he has completed the arraignment of his enemies, to slip hastily over the policy he himself proposes to adopt. I wonder how many letters have been addressed to the press during the last seven years in which the writer, having stated in strong terms the calamities to which a certain line of thought or policy has reduced the country, has demanded in a final paragraph that 'something should be done before it is too late.' He suggests perhaps a 'change of spirit.' It is a good weapon that 'change of spirit.' We can all of us, when occasion demands, indulge in spirited invective; we can all detect numberless flaws and inequalities in the existing social system. Why, for instance, does our income run to three instead of to four figures. Why are we paying away a third of that small sum in income-tax? The flow of indignation is swift, and by the time we have written our 950 words, it is not hard to devote the remaining '50' to a general appeal for 'some one to do something before it is too late.' Every contributor to the press has saved his argument like that some time or another. And, in the case of Public Schools, the trouble is that we can do little save repeat the parrot cry of 'a change of spirit.' For it is 'a change of spirit' more than anything else that is needed. We are kept wondering, however, how that change is to be effected. S. P. B. Mais used to say that 'Literature would save us.' But literature is only a part of life, one channel of self-expression, and in the case of Mr. Mais one is troubled by the knowledge that he, himself, is in many ways the ideal schoolmaster. He has a genius for teaching. He happens to have taught literature and mathematics, and because he taught them so successfully he has imagined that they are the panacea. He is too modest to realise any subject that he taught would have assumed the qualities of a panacea, that it was he and not his subject that was important. He could rouse his form, if he wished, to a high pitch of enthusiasm by a lecture on the properties of Cherry Boot Polish. But 'he is alone, the Arabian Bird.' Martin Browne suggests religion. And, no doubt, for the truly religious boy many of the difficulties of school life would be smoothed out. Unfortunately, however, religion plays, and will play, a small part in a boy's life at school. A boy has been told to believe certain things by his parents, and he has accepted these beliefs unquestioningly and without enthusiasm. They have not been tested by experience. They are not real to him. Religion, in its truest form, rises out of the conflict of a man's life. Faith is subconscious thought. I do not think you can expect the average small boy to be deeply influenced by religion. His religion, if he has one, is an unswerving devotion to his house and school. He would be ready to sacrifice himself for what he considered to be the school's service. Forty years ago a captain of my old house died after a kick on the head received in the Three Cock, the big house match of the year. The brass on the chapel wall which is dedicated to his memory,-- 'Te duce, care Puer, pueri cum lusimus olim Optimus in cursu quem sequeremur eras Caelestem exacto tetigisti limite metam; Fratribus ab, fratrem detur ad astra sequi.' appealed far more to our imagination than the story of early martyrs. Action rather than contemplation is the essence of school life. I am aware that many will disagree with this assertion. Both Martin Browne and Jack Hood made in their books a great point of religious teaching and early confirmation, but I cannot help feeling that in this respect they are exceptional; certainly if they had not been exceptional they would not have written books; religion has meant a lot to them, and they feel that it should do the same for others. It is a mistake we all make in our different spheres. The poet thinks he will reform the world by placing the poems of Shelley in the hands of trade union officials; and the small craftsman sees life redeemed by hand weaving and hand pottery. We all think that the prop that has supported us will support others. It is part of our egotism. For the many, to whom faith is not intuitive, religion needs a solid foundation of experience. A change of spirit requires a change of setting, and I am inclined to think that this would be provided were boys to leave school at seventeen instead of nineteen. It would not, perhaps, from the point of view of the moral question, cause a very great diminution in the actual immorality between boys of the same age and the same social position. But it certainly would improve matters. As things are at present, the boy of fifteen and a half occupies a pleasantly irresponsible position. He has left behind him the anxieties of the day room, and the responsibilities of seniority are still far distant. His peccadilloes are not taken seriously. He can rag in form and smash windows in the studies without prejudice to his future. He has imbibed the example of Prince Hal. For a while he may rollick with Falstaff at the Boar's Head. Time enough to settle down when the privileges of power draw nearer him. For a good year and a half he may make merry. The lowering of the age limit would telescope events; it would reduce the period of revelry to a couple of months. No sooner would a boy have ceased to be a fag than he would be under the eye of authority as a candidate for responsibility. A display of rhodomontade would prejudice his future. He would play for safety; and such considerations would certainly place a check on his moral lapses. He would think twice. If he was discovered he would have no time to recover his position by subsequent good behaviour. He would be passed over in the struggle for promotion. To a certain extent the lowering of the age limit would prevent that type of immorality that takes place between boys of the same age and same position, but only to a certain extent. There always will be such misconduct in schools; it will never be possible to stamp it out entirely, but it is possible to overrate its seriousness. Certainly the romantic friendship is more important, and it is because of the romantic friendship that I advocate so strongly the lowering of the age limit. I have said that the romantic friendship is the natural growth of an unnatural system; but even a natural growth develops soon or late, according to the soil in which it is planted and the climate by which it is nourished. The presence of boys of 18 to 19, by their example, force this growth like a hot-house atmosphere. In a boy of eighteen the sexual impulse has become defined. He understands the implications of its symptoms. He is old enough to be married. But the boy of sixteen is not so sure of himself. In him the impulse is wavering and undetermined. He does not understand the nature of the emotions that are moving him. And he only comes to understand it through the example of elder boys. If a boy were told nothing of the existence of romantic friendships, of their technique, of the complicated moral code that allows this and denies that, if his curiosity were not continually quickened by stray references in sermons and addresses, I believe that he would not, at the age of seventeen, have realised that the friendship he felt for a smaller boy was essentially different from that which he was feeling for his contemporaries. It would be a deeper, an intenser friendship, but he would not see that it possessed a different nature. Why should he? The schoolboy has read _The Hill_. He expects every Verney to find a Desmond. So much has been written about the lasting friendships of school life. Every boy must have his 'special friend.' Why should he be any different from his fellows? There would be moments when he might wish to caress his friend, but he would immediately smother such a wish, feeling it to be foolish, girlish, unworthy of him. He would be too young, he would not have the intellectual independence to be able to say to himself: 'This is what I want. And what I want is natural to me. Damn anything else!' Shadowy imaginings would haunt his reveries, but they would never become defined in action. For a boy of eighteen it is different. His impulses are strong; he knows now exactly what he wants. And he is prepared to get what he wants. He knows that the emotions he feels for a small boy are of a different nature altogether from the friendship that he feels for his contemporaries, and the fact that there are boys in the school old enough to have defined these emotions, provides a hot-house atmosphere for the development of younger boys. To most people life comes at second hand. They learn from books, cinemas, and plays what are the appropriate emotions and the correct procedure for any given situation. The public school boy is no less conventional than his elders. He allows his inclinations to be directed into the accepted course. He is surprised, in the first place, by a delightful and unexpected emotion; but the surprise soon passes. He has formed just such another attachment as has been formed by practically every senior boy in his house. He exchanges confidences, he seeks the advice of some older boy, and follows the convention. If there were no senior boys, no example, and no convention, the first surprise of charmed bewilderment would endure. In the course of time it might very well be that out of that first romantic story would grow a deep, mutual, and lasting friendship. But such a development is hardly possible in an unnatural society where children and fully grown men are herded indiscriminately together. The example of elder boys, moreover, not only defines the nature of half-perceived emotions; it also forces emotions that would otherwise remain a long while in bud. There are many who consider it is the blood thing to have a _jeune ami_; that such a relationship is the privilege of a house colour. They want to be talked about. They have themselves spoken when juniors with bated breath of supposed 'cases.' They would like to be spoken of like that themselves, to feel themselves moving in an atmosphere of conjecture and intrigue, to gather an added sense of their own importance. Besides this itch, a natural one, to occupy the limelight by copying the customs of the great, there is the subtle influence of indirect example. In the same way that a boy who goes often to the theatre and the cinema and observes there the charming processes of love, begins to long for tenderness, and caresses, and endearments, so does the schoolboy who hears on all sides romantic confidences, find himself drawn into the glittering circle. This lure would at least be removed by the lowering of the age limit. That it would solve all the difficulties I would not for a moment maintain. We cannot imagine a world in which men and women will not desert or betray each other; in which husbands will remain faithful and the unmarried chaste. Why should we expect school life, which is the world in little, to be so startlingly different. Parents refuse to believe that their own children are mortal: 'These things,' they say, 'may happen to our neighbour's children. They do not happen to our own.' And schoolmasters are only too anxious to reassure them. Parents have such faith in their sons that they will believe in the most superficial testimonials. They are so anxious to be deceived. For this reason I believe that a mere statement of facts has value. There is much clamour to-day for reconstruction, and the controversialist who has not a cut and dried scheme for regenerating the world is looked on with disfavour. But on sex questions, which are after all intensely personal questions, which concern the individual in the first place and society in the second, only the superficial will dogmatise. I cannot do better than quote from Havelock Ellis's General Preface to _The Psychology of Sex_:-- 'A resolve slowly grew up within me,' he writes, 'one main part of my life-work should be to make clear the problem of sex. That was more than twenty years ago. Since then I can honestly say that in all that I have done that resolve has never been far from my thoughts.... Now that I have, at length, reached the time for beginning to publish my results, these results scarcely seem to me large. As a youth I had hoped to settle problems for those that came after; now I am quietly content if I do little more than state them. For even that, I now think, is much. It is, at least, the half of knowledge. In this particular field the evil of ignorance is magnified by our efforts to suppress that which can never be suppressed, though in the effort of suppression it may become perverted.' If this is the conclusion at the end of his work and of his life, of perhaps the greatest living authority on sex, by what right does the amateur produce cheerful remedies. In the case of the Public School it is indeed something to state the problems. There is so much ignorance to dispel; the ignorance of mothers, the ignorance of fathers who have themselves not been to a Public School, the conspiracy of silence of boys, old boys and masters. Too much and, at the same time, too little, is made of immorality. Schoolmasters assure us that its appearance is occasional, but their attitude to it is that of a doctor who suspects that his patient is suffering from a malignant disease and watches all the time for signs of it to appear. The schoolmaster is always afraid lest he may be sitting on a volcano. He encourages the athletic cult as a preventative, in the belief that the boy who is keen on games will not wish to endanger his health, and that the boy who has played football all the afternoon and has boxed between tea and lock-up will be too tired to embark on any further adventures. It does not occur to him that the boy will be equally too tired to do his prep. Such encouragement of the athletic cult is a confession of failure. It is as though the master were to say: 'I know I cannot interest you in your work. I know that unless I look after you, you will land yourself in all manner of mischief. A man must have a god of sorts, therefore make unto yourself whatsoever manner of god you choose, and I will see that it receives a fitting reverence.' The public school code of honour, the majority of the standards, indeed, of school life are dependent on the athletic worship, and the athletic worship is in its turn largely dependent, not so much on the moral question, as on the official attitude to the moral question. Too much energy has been devoted to the damming of trickles, while on another side of the hill the main stream has passed into the valley, laying waste the plains. Greater honesty between boys, parents, and masters would undoubtedly achieve much. But more than a change of spirit is required. If no boy was allowed to stay on at school after the term in which he became seventeen years old, I believe that the moral question would, to a large extent, simplify itself. CHAPTER XIII THE LEAVING AGE WITH REGARD TO ATHLETICS But it is not only on account of the moral question that I would advocate the lowering of the age limit. Such a reform would, I believe, make its influence felt on every side of school life. It would not alter, but it would modify certain conditions. The blood system would still exist, but less acutely. The gap between the junior and senior would be small. At present a man of nineteen who has been tried for his county eleven appears to the junior as a gorgeous giant. He and his friends live in a world apart, and they know it. A good three years separates him from the anxieties and indignities of the day room. No one, save his actual contemporaries, remember him as being anything but a blood. He is, and has been, a prince among mankind. He idles through his last two years, a very splendid, a very attractive figure; but, as we have already seen, his is hardly the ideal apprenticeship for life. If the leaving age were fixed at seventeen instead of nineteen, so proud a position would be unattainable. There would still be bloods, still elegant creatures to saunter across the courts, languidly arm in arm. But a certain refinement would be missing. The languor would be less certain of itself, it would seem to fear a sudden assault and a fierce shout of 'Jones, you young swine, what right have you to shove on side?' There is a difference between the blood of eighteen and the blood of sixteen. It is only four terms since the blood of sixteen was suffering the last exaction of the law. He remembers vividly being beaten for ragging in the dormitories; it is not so long since he was a fag. If we were suddenly transplanted on a magic carpet into the luxury of an Eastern court we should stand for some time in dazed bewilderment, marvelling at what had happened to us, wondering who were these comely Ethiopians that prostrated themselves before us. For quite five minutes we should lack the courage to give an order. The blood of sixteen feels like this; can he have achieved so swiftly his ambition? It is only yesterday that he was trembling in the presence of the great. By the time he has recovered from his bewilderment and is preparing to exert his authority his year of office is at an end. Not only, moreover, is the sixteen year old blood unable to hold so exalted an opinion of his own importance, but his immediate juniors refuse to recognise him as the gilded figure of romance. The men on the Fifth Form table remember when the head of the house helped them to wreck Bennett's study. They cannot feel him to be so vastly superior to themselves. It is different for the blood of eighteen. He has passed slowly through many circles to the dignity of an Olympian. He has served his period of probation. He was not a colt's cap one season and the next a colour. He took a year to pass from house cap to seconds, and another year from seconds to firsts. He discovered himself gradually. He rose slowly to his greatness. By the time he has reached his last year the days of conflict are infinitely remote. He can hardly believe it possible that he was ever caned. He is, in fact, a great deal too old for a Public School. And as things are now it is impossible for any, save the exceptional boy, to reach a position of authority till he is eighteen, or at least seventeen. A great many boys do undoubtedly leave between the ages of sixteen and eighteen, but by doing so they lose the most valuable lessons they should learn at school. A boy who leaves before he has been a house prefect fails to put the coping stone to his education. The responsibilities of prefectship are an invaluable experience. And when the house master begs the parent to let 'Arthur stop on another year,' the parent naturally gives way. And it is, of course, always the wrong type of person who stays on that extra year. It is the clever, the brilliant, the athletic boy, the boy who already stands out above his contemporaries and in the course of the next year will be even more prominent, that is encouraged to remain. It would not matter if the dull boy stayed on another year. His natural talents would not be sufficient to lift him to the rarefied atmosphere of Olympus. It is the second eleven colour who is urged to stay on to get his firsts. The fast bowler who is asked to captain the side next year, the exhibitioner who hopes that another year's work will win him a scholarship at Balliol. The great become more great, and, as their undistinguished contemporaries fall out of the race, the gap between the prefect and the fag grows more pronounced. The intermediate steps are few and dimly seen. It is not surprising that the blood system should gloriously flourish. It would not so flourish were the leaving age to be fixed at seventeen. We have the proof of this in the knowledge of what happened during the war, when the big men left suddenly in August, 1914, when boys of sixteen sat at the Sixth Form table, and when no one stayed on at school after his eighteenth birthday. War conditions were, of course, abnormal. It was inevitable that at such a time the rewards of school life should lose their value. It was impossible to feel the old excitement about the result of a house match when the morning paper had brought with it the story of Neuve Chapelle. The winning of cups and the gaining of colours ceased to be an end in themselves. For the boy who was prevented by lack of years from joining the army in 1914 school life became a period of probation, of marking time. Life in its fullest sense was waiting for him on the other side; no prefect ever looked forward to Oxford more eagerly than those of us who were still at school in 1915 looked forward to the day when we should join the army. Our imagination was quickened by the stories told us by old boys returning from depôts and from the front. Was it possible that Smith, who had played with us only eight months earlier in the Two Cock, should be in charge of a company in the front line trenches? We fretted at our tether; our eyes were fixed on the future. We scorned the prizes that lay to our hand. We began to reconstruct our scale of values: it was not only the giants of the football field who were winning honours for themselves and for the school in France. Queer, insignificant fellows who had never risen above the Upper Fourth, and had never been in the running for a house cap, came home on leave with the blue and white riband of the military cross. We began to realise that it was not only the blood that was entitled to our respect. The blood system received a rude shock in August, 1914. It will never, unless we become involved in social revolution, receive such another. I believe, however, that it would be considerably modified were the leaving age to be altered. There would be also less hooliganism and less bullying. The third yearer would no longer be in a position of reckless freedom. Studies would still be stripped, scholars would still be ragged, but the process would be compressed. The swash-buckling element would find itself sooner in authority. The scholar would reach sooner the immunity of the Sixth. And the prefect would be no less capable of keeping order. For, after all, the prefect owes his power as much to the system that is behind him as to himself. But perhaps the greatest difference that the change would effect would be in the boy's attitude to his own life. Six years is a very long time to be in one place. I remember at the end of my first year overhearing a conversation between the barber and a boy who was leaving the next day. 'Well, Mr. Meredith,' the barber was saying, 'I suppose this is the last time I shall cut your hair. I have cut it a good many times.' 'I have been in this town,' said Meredith, 'for ten years: five years at the prep, and five years at the school. I'm jolly well sick of it.' It is certainly a mistake to send a boy to the prep. of the school to which he will one day go. Ten years is too long. But six is too long, too--at that age. It is not easy for any one under thirty to picture himself in six years' time. We look back and remember ourselves six years ago in the discomfort and disquiet of khaki. What a lot has happened since then. Who can tell what the next six years may hold? Very few men under thirty can look far ahead, and the new boy at a Public School who can see his life mapped out for six years naturally does not look beyond them. He hardly realises that there is a world outside. He will have to travel so far before he reaches it. He comes to consider his Public School not as a prelude, but as the whole sphere in which his personality has to move. Certain prizes and certain honours await him. He does not pause to think whether those prizes and those honours will be of much or little service to him after he has put the cloistered world behind him. Not only is he incapable of viewing his life under the hard light of eternity, he is incapable of viewing it under the light of the fifty odd years of traffic that wait for him among phenomena. He accepts unquestioningly the standards and values of his school. He does not feel that he is preparing for a contest. That phase of endeavour belonged to his 'prep.' He has started the race. There is a big difference between four years and six. It is a wall over which even the fag can peer on tiptoe. The passage of ambitions and loyalties and jealousies is much more swift. It is possible to consider four years as a prelude; and as soon as public school life is regarded as a prelude the scale of values becomes changed. The boy begins to wonder whether he is doing his best to fit himself for after life. He will cease to be contented with the honours that come to him on the way. Because his school is a fixed institution, because the scope of his masters is fixed within its walls, there is a tendency to regard him as an inhabitant and not a sojourner there. That is what the schoolboy should never be allowed to forget--that he is passing through one phase of his life into another; it is because he has forgotten that that he so often pauses bewildered and irresolute on the threshold of life. CHAPTER XIV CONCLUSION Were the moral question to be tackled sensibly, and were the reduction of the age limit to modify the 'blood' system, and insist upon the fact that school life is only a prelude, I believe that athletics would occupy their proper place in the life of the school. The social force of religion depends, to a large extent, on the appreciation of the importance of what will follow the 'here and now.' During the war, when the future was insecure, and no one could see anything certainly beyond the limits of a fortnight's leave, the country plunged recklessly in search of pleasure. No one looked ahead. No one paused to consider what would be the harvest of their sowing. The eyes of the preparatory school boy are fixed upon the future. He knows that the successes and failures of the moment are unimportant. He knows that a strenuous contest lies in wait for him. In consequence there is at a Preparatory School little of the fanatical devotion that colours the fabric of public school life. I remember a house master once saying that it was impossible for a member of a house side to do much work while the house matches were in progress. And, as the house matches covered a period of six weeks, this was a pretty generous allowance. At the same time the house master only spoke the truth: it was practically impossible to do much work during the house matches term; we could think of little else. Every evening we would discuss at considerable length the afternoon's punt-about and the morrow's match. We would devise schemes for the better outwitting of our opponents. We would discuss the weakness and strength of individual players. And the majority of masters, certainly of house masters, shared this fervour. It is true that a certain house master, when presented with the excuse for an indifferent prose that house matches were too exciting, remarked: 'I don't know whom they excite, they don't excite me.' But this assertion was belied by his subsequent behaviour on the touchline. During house matches there is an educational moratorium. In peace time the energies and interests of a nation are directed into a thousand different channels, but in war time every interest is secondary to that of war. And, while house matches are in progress, the atmosphere of a house is not unlike that of a nation that is at war. Individual members may have their private troubles, but they realise that these troubles are of small account at such a time. And, though it is no doubt admirable for the individual to feel himself of less importance than the community, it will hardly be conceded that self-negation in such a cause is likely to prove of any very permanent value to him. Now there are those who will urge that boy nature cannot be altered, that it is natural for a boy to worship games, and that you cannot expect him to be otherwise. But that I shall never believe is so. For myself, I know that I play cricket and football as keenly as I did seven years ago, that I spend a great many evenings with a Wisden in my hands; but that I manage to get through a fair amount of work between each January and December. That is not in itself a fair argument. One cannot arraign the enthusiasms of sixteen before the enthusiasms of twenty-three any more than one can arraign the enthusiasms of twenty-three before those of forty. There is no more fallacious argument than the 'when you have reached my age, young man.' At different stages of our life we are vexed by different problems. At twenty-three our sexual life is of vast importance; it stretches before us, a wide field for courage, enterprise, adventure. In the man of forty, curiosity has been satisfied. He has settled many of the problems that perplexed him when he was a young man. And he says: 'My dear fellow, all this that is worrying you does not really matter.' But he is wrong. It does matter to a young man of twenty. And nothing is trivial that has ever exercised deeply the human spirit. In a world that is in flux the permanence or impermanence of any emotion is of less matter than its intensity while it lasts. Sooner or later everything must desert us. Is the brain a useless possession because it will one day soften. Are teeth less efficacious now because one day they will decay. Is a young man of twenty going to listen to the impotent man of sixty who mutters: 'Young man, the charms of woman are a snare and an illusion. When you have reached my age you will be no longer moved by them.' For that is where the 'when you are my age, young man,' argument finally lands us. And it is not fair to say to a boy of seventeen: 'This mad excitement about games is absurd. In six years even you will have outgrown it.' It is for us to decide whether this mad excitement is the natural expression of a boy's temperament, or whether it is the peculiar growth of a peculiar environment. I will take as an example Sandhurst as it was in the autumn of 1916. It was composed almost entirely of boys straight from the Public Schools, and I should imagine that the average age of a company was about eighteen, the age, that is to say, at which most of them would have been about to start on their last year. They brought with them the standards of public school life. One would have expected them to establish their standards at Sandhurst. They did nothing of the sort. There was nothing that bore the least approach to a blood system. There were seniors and juniors, that was all. There was no fierce cult of athleticism. The G.C. who scored tries in company matches was not granted a general permission to drive his bayonet through college furniture. In the daily life games played a prominent part. Indeed, the under officer whose company did not make use of the ground allotted to it would have had to face an unpleasant half-hour with the commandant. But games never became the business of life. They were played for their own sake. They were untouched by professionalism. If a three-quarter missed a pass five yards from the line he did not bury himself in a far corner of the anteroom, apart from the gaiety of his companions. The average company side played just as keenly as a house fifteen at school. While we were on the field we were as desperately anxious to win. But we did not spend the morning in a state of nervous irritation, nor did the issue of the contests drive us to deep despondency, or to hysterical elation. A certain intensity had passed. Yet I do not think that ever before had I derived such pleasure from the actual playing of the game as I did at Sandhurst. One would not, of course, hold up a military institution as the model for an educational system. But, from the point of view of athletics, the Sandhurst that I knew in the winter of 1916 and the spring of 1917 possessed all the merits and none of the faults that one associates with the average Public School. And yet that Sandhurst was composed of the same boys that a few months earlier had, at their Public Schools, rigidly observed the exacting ritual of the great god of sport. Reasons for this change are not difficult to find, and it may be noticed that they are in line with the improvements suggested in an earlier chapter. There is no blood system, because there is little disparity of age between the G.C.'s. Juniors belong to a lower caste than the seniors, but they inhabit that lower world without worrying much about what is happening in the superior world. Contact between the two is not established. There is a hard dividing line. A junior may not sit on a certain side of the anteroom. There is no social fluidity. One is one thing or the other. Athletic worship in school was due largely, I suggested, to the absence of any other focus for a boy's enthusiasm. At Sandhurst several such focuses were provided. To begin with, the work was interesting. The morning was not a mere succession of tiresome hours relieved by a quarter of an hour's break. The G.C. did not listen to lectures and tactics with the listless condescension that he had paid formerly to the Greek syntax; he realised that the knowledge of the subjects he was studying would be of practical value to him at a later date. He was anxious to be a good officer. He was, therefore, interested in his work. He was also at Sandhurst for a very little while. He regarded Sandhurst quite definitely as the anteroom to a career; he never imagined it to be anything else. In a few months he would have joined his regiment. The honours he won at Sandhurst would be of little value in themselves, and were only worth the gaining in as far as they would enhance the reputation which he would take with him to his regiment. A Sandhurst cadet was always looking beyond the present. Nor did the officers in charge of companies feel any compunction to prescribe athleticism as an antidote to immorality. In the first place, they were not responsible for the G.C.'s moral welfare, nor was there, indeed, any occasion for alarm. The amount of immoral conduct between G.C.'s, if there was any, must have been extremely small. Such conduct is essentially _faute de mieux_: women were abundantly available for those who wanted them. And in a town such as Camberley there were endless opportunities for innocent romance. The three main causes for athleticism were removed, and in consequence there was no athleticism. Now it is obviously impossible for all these conditions to be introduced into a Public School. There must be a disparity of age, schoolmasters must feel some anxiety about the morals of the boys that are to be entrusted to them. But, if we can show that the complete removal of certain conditions of public school life can entirely remove certain evils, we can only assume that the modification of these conditions would cause considerable improvement. The smaller the disparity of age between the eldest and the youngest boy, the less intense will be the blood system. The shorter the period that a boy spends at school, the less will be the tendency to regard school life as the complete compass of his life. The supply of another focus for a boy's enthusiasm will diminish the strength of his athletic ardour. The greater the honesty in tackling the moral question, the less will masters feel themselves forced to recommend athleticism as an antidote to immorality. And these changes are, I believe, possible without altering appreciably the principle of public school education. The supply of other focuses may, at first glance, seem a highly difficult job. It may, indeed, be advanced that were there another focus, athleticism could not exist in its present state, and that there would be no need for a reduction of the age limit. But I am inclined to think that it would be hardly possible to run any school which contained boys of thirteen and boys of nineteen and not have a blood system and an athletic worship. The forces of a natural inclination are too strongly entrenched behind the barricade of six years. The masters do not stand a fair chance. But the weakening of one force means the strengthening of another. A lowering of the barricade by a couple of years would give the other side a chance of contending equally. The moment a boy realised that the prizes of school life had only a temporary value, he would question his blind devotion to the religion of athleticism. He would wonder whether other things were not worth while. His allegiance would be divided. But the passing of regulations cannot in themselves effect a reformation. They can be of great assistance; they can support and they can protect. They cannot build. And, in the study of public school life, we have to return in the end to the point from which we started. Boys and parents and schoolmasters must meet on a common ground and discuss their mutual welfare. They can do nothing till they are honest with each other, till they face the facts together. When they had once done that they would not find the road hopelessly barricaded. The solutions that I have, from time to time, suggested in these chapters, would, I believe, prove beneficial. But it is as a statement of facts, an analysis of certain conditions, tendencies, and lines of thought, that I would chiefly submit this book to the consideration of parents and schoolmasters and those others who are interested in these questions. 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36553	----	Internet Archive (http://www.archive.org) Note: Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See http://www.archive.org/details/educationinengla00parriala EDUCATION IN ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES Thesis Approved for the Degree of Doctor of Science in the University of London by A. W. PARRY, M.A., D.Sc. Principal of the Training College, Carmarthen London: W. B. Clive University Tutorial Press Ld. High St., New Oxford St., W.C. 1920 PREFACE. The purpose of this book is to give an account of the provision which was made in this country for Education during the period from the Introduction of Christianity to the Eve of the Reformation. Preparatory to writing it, I tried to examine all the relevant, available evidence with the object of discovering the factors which contributed to the educational development of the nation during the period under consideration. Whilst this work was in progress, the late A. F. Leach published his _Schools of Mediaeval England_. His book, however, differs essentially from mine, his aim is different, the conclusions he arrives at are different; further, as he does not quote the authorities for the statements he makes, I did not find his work of direct assistance. This criticism does not apply to his _Educational Charters_, a collection of documents of inestimable value to all students of English Educational History. I have tried to acknowledge in every case my obligations to other writers. In addition, I give in an appendix a list of the authorities I have consulted, and of the other books I have studied for the purpose of this investigation. Still, as a great part of this book was written whilst I was on military service (1914-9) and I was consequently dependent on notes which I had compiled at various times and places, it is probable there may be some omissions and inaccuracies. My defence must be the special circumstances of recent years. May I take this opportunity of expressing my indebtedness to Professor Foster Watson, D.Litt. As one of his former students I owe to the stimulus and encouragement I received from him, my interest in matters relating to the History of Education. I wish also to refer in appreciative terms to Mr. J. E. G. de Montmorency's _State Intervention in English Education_. Mr. de Montmorency was the first writer to give a connected account of the development of English Education, and it is only fitting that those who essay a similar task should realise their obligations to the one who first "blazed the trail." I must also thank Mr. G. St. Quintin and Mr. S. E. Goggin for relieving me of the distasteful task of correcting the proofs, and the Rev. Dr. Hughes for kindly preparing the Index. A. W. P. CARMARTHEN, _January 1920._ CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 BOOK I.--THE ANGLO-SAXON PERIOD. I. THE WORK OF THE MONASTERIES 3 II. EDUCATION UNDER THE SECULAR CLERGY 17 III. THE EDUCATIONAL REVIVAL 31 BOOK II.--THE CHURCH IN CONTROL OF EDUCATION. INTRODUCTORY 44 I. EDUCATIONAL LABOURS OF THE MONASTERIES 55 II. SOME TERMS IN DISPUTE 63 III. ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION BY THE SECULAR CLERGY 76 IV. THE MONOPOLY OF SCHOOL KEEPING 92 V. THE APPOINTMENT AND TENURE OF MASTERS 104 VI. THE EDUCATION OF THE SONS OF THE NOBILITY 117 BOOK III.--EDUCATION PASSING OUT OF CHURCH CONTROL. I. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGES 124 II. THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES 132 III. GILDS AND VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS 144 IV. CHANTRIES 157 V. MONASTICISM AND EDUCATION IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES 170 VI. THE ORIGIN OF THE GREAT PUBLIC SCHOOLS 188 VII. UNIVERSITY COLLEGES, COLLEGES AND COLLEGIATE CHURCHES IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES 202 VIII. CURRICULUM AND METHOD 216 IX. THE PROGRESS OF EDUCATION 232 APPENDIX 245 INDEX 256 INTRODUCTION. The history of education during the Middle Ages is closely interwoven with the history of the Church. Professor Foster Watson quotes with approval Cardinal Newman's dictum, "Not a man in Europe who talks bravely against the Church but owes it to the Church that he can talk at all."[1] It is possible to trace three stages in the development of the English educational system during the period with which we are concerned. The first stage covers a period from the Introduction of Christianity to the Norman Conquest. The Introduction of Christianity was the means by which education became possible for this country, and so it naturally came about that the provision of facilities for education was generally conceived of as a part of the function of the Church. In this connection it is important to realise the relationship of the State to the Church in Anglo-Saxon times. As Professor Medley points out,[2] the Church and the State during this period were largely identical. The bishops were _ex-officio_ the advisers of the kings, and they sat in the local courts not only exercising jurisdiction in those cases in which the clergy were affected, but also concerning themselves with questions involving the morals of the laity. In a more real sense than at any subsequent time, the Church of England, during the Anglo-Saxon period, was the Church of the English nation. During this time the activities of the Church were essentially the activities of the State, and the work which was done for education might be conceived of, indifferently, as either the work of the Church or of the State. The second stage dates from the Norman Conquest, which brought to a close this identity of Church and State. William I., impelled by a desire to effect certain reforms in the Church on the model of those he had witnessed abroad, separated the ecclesiastical from the civil courts, and, by the ordinance he issued, authorised the ecclesiastical authorities to utilise the secular power for the enforcement of their sentences. From this time and right up to the Reformation, Church and State were distinct in this country. This separation of Church and State resulted in a number of duties, other than those which were strictly spiritual, being tacitly regarded as a part of the function of the Church. The provision of Educational facilities is included among these duties, and it was left to the Church to make such arrangements for the organisation, maintenance, and control of education as she deemed fit. A third stage evolved when the social consciousness of the community (or rather of a part of the community) first realised that education was not a matter for the ecclesiastical authorities alone. The first manifestation of this in England occurred when teachers began to recognise that they exercised a function distinct from the special functions of the priesthood and consequently proceeded to associate themselves in an organisation for the protection of their common interests and thus initiated a movement which ultimately resulted in the establishment of universities. At a later date, various economic developments produced certain social changes which not only made education an object of greater desire but also brought it about that wealthy merchants, gilds, and civic communities, as well as churchmen, took part in the work of providing additional facilities for the education of the people. For the sake of convenience we may distinguish these three stages as:-- I. The Anglo-Saxon Period. II. Education under Church Control. III. Education passing out of Church Control. BOOK I. THE ANGLO-SAXON PERIOD. CHAPTER I. THE WORK OF THE MONASTERIES. The introduction of Christianity to this country subsequent to the Saxon invasion was effected by means of two independent agencies--the Roman mission under the leadership of Augustine which arrived in Thanet in 597, and the Scottish missionaries who, in response to the invitation of Oswald, king of Northumbria, took up their residence in the island of Lindisfarne in 635. The primary task of these missionaries was obviously that of converting a people who professed a heathen religion to an adherence to the Christian faith. The accomplishment of this main task, however, involved two additional tasks, the one moral, the other social. A dismal picture of the moral condition of the settlers in this country in the fifth century has been painted by Montalembert. Basing his account on Ozanam's "Germains avant la Christianisme" he asks, "What could be expected in point of morality from persons accustomed to invoke and to worship Woden, the god of massacres, Freya, the Venus of the North, the goddess of sensuality, and all those bloody and obscene gods of whom the one had for his emblem a naked sword and another the hammer with which he broke the heads of his enemies?" He continues, "The immortality which was promised to them in their Valhalla but reserved for them new days of slaughter and nights of debauch spent in drinking deep from the skulls of their victims. And in this world, their life was but too often a prolonged orgy of carnage, rapine and lechery."[3] Herein lay the moral task which awaited the Christian missionaries. They had to replace the existing national ideals with the ideals of Christianity--ideals of the highest standard of personal morality. The social task undertaken by the missionaries was that of elevating this country from a condition of barbarism into a state of civilisation. Referring to the results of the introduction of Christianity, Green writes, "The new England was admitted into the older commonwealth of nations. The civilisation, art, letters, which had fled before the sword of the English conquest returned with the Christian faith."[4] What means could be adopted by the missionaries to accomplish the ends they had in view? It is obvious that continual teaching and instruction would be imperative to meet the needs of the converts to the new faith, and it is equally clear that it would be necessary to provide for the creation of a native ministry in order that the labours of the early missionaries might be continued. Teaching, consequently, occupies a position of the greatest importance, and it is to the educational aspect of the labours of these missionaries rather than to the religious or the ecclesiastical aspect that our attention is now directed. It may be advisable for us to remind ourselves that these missionaries came to this country speaking the Latin tongue, that the services of the Church were carried on in that language, and that such books as existed were also written in Latin. It is necessary to make this point clear in order to show that schools for instruction in this language would be imperative from the very first. It is also important to remember, as Montalembert points out, that the conversion of England was effected by means of monks, first of the Benedictine monks sent from Rome, and afterwards of Celtic monks.[5] We may here lay down a general hypothesis, which the course of this thesis will tend to demonstrate: the educational institutions established in this country were due to an imitation of those which had been in operation elsewhere. The Christian missionaries to England, for example, did not originate a system of education. They adopted what they had seen in operation in the parent monasteries from which they came, and, in so doing, they would naturally adapt the system to the special needs of the country. Some exceptions to this general principle may be found; they will be noted in their proper place. Accepting this hypothesis, before we can proceed to consider the special work for education of the monasteries in this country, it is necessary briefly to review the meaning of monachism and to consider the extent to which monasteries had previously associated themselves with educational work. The origin of Christian monasticism is due partly to the moral conditions prevalent in the early centuries of the Christian era and partly to the mystical and ascetic tendencies which manifest themselves in some individuals. Though the generally accepted view of the moral condition of Roman society in the days of the Early Church[6] may be exaggerated and the description given by Dill[7] represent more fairly the condition of things that actually prevailed, yet even this modified account portrays a social condition in which moral ideals--except in rare cases--barely existed. To yield to the lusts of the body seemed to be almost inseparable from life in the world. Repeatedly did the Apostles and the Church Fathers find it necessary to warn the members of the Church against the grosser sins. The multiplicity of temptations, the low moral standard, the absence of any social condemnation of infractions of the moral code tended to the growth of a belief that bodily mortification and a vigorous asceticism should be practised by those who desired to be real and not merely nominal Christians. Effectively to achieve such an ideal tended to a withdrawal from a participation in social life, from a life of fellowship with others, to a life of isolation, in order that by a severe discipline of the body and a life given up completely to prayer, contemplation, and meditation, the soul might enter into a closer communion with God. This ideal of isolation was not altogether new. In the deserts of Egypt, during the early centuries, devout Jews had given themselves up to a solitary and austere life of chastity and prayer, combining a system of religious contemplation with a stern régime of physical discipline. Here then was an example ready to be imitated by the enthusiastic Christian. Abandoning life in the world, which in so many cases meant profligacy and vice, the convert, to whom the Christian religion had become a reality, endeavoured to find in the isolated life of a hermit the opportunity for contemplation which he considered imperative for the salvation of his soul. The reputation for sanctity and austerity gained by certain hermits caused others desirous of a similar life to build their cells in close proximity. Gradually the custom arose of building an enclosure round a small group of cells and of recognising one man as the spiritual head of the group. Certain rules were agreed to, and a common oratory was shared. The first rules for a community of this type were drawn up by Pachomius who founded a coenobitic community at Tabenna in 320 A.D. For our purpose, it is important to note that Pachomius considered that attention should be paid to the education of the inmates of the community. Classes were to be held for those whose early instruction had been neglected, whilst no one was to be allowed to remain who did not learn to read and was not familiar, at the very least, with the Book of Psalms and the New Testament.[8] A third stage in the evolution of monasticism is associated with the name of St. Basil of Caesarea. Instead of founding his monastery in some remote district, he built it near a town and received into it not only solitaries who had become convinced of the dangers of living alone, but also the poor, the oppressed, the homeless, and those who, for various reasons, had become weary of life in the outer world and sought an asylum for their remaining days. Not only men but also women and children were received by Basil: so great was his success that he ultimately established in different centres several industrial coenobitic communities. The reception of children by Basil naturally brought forward the question of their education. These children fell into one or other of two classes; in the one class were those who, like the infant Samuel, were offered by their parents for the cloistral life from a tender age; in the other class were those who were subsequently to return to the world. St. Basil organised schools for the former of these classes; children were to be admitted to them when they were five or six years of age; details with regard to the mode of their instruction were prescribed; general rules of discipline were laid down.[9] Under certain circumstances, children who were not destined for the monastic life could also be received in these schools.[10] In addition to teaching the elements of grammar and rhetoric and the facts of scripture history, Basil provided for a number of trades to be learned and practised as soon as the children were able to profit by the course. Among the trades recommended were weaving, tailoring, architecture, woodwork, brass work, and agriculture.[11] Cassian was the first to transplant the rules of the Eastern monks into Europe. He founded two monasteries in the neighbourhood of Marseilles for men and women respectively. In 420 he wrote _De Institutis Renuntiatium_, in which he records the rules to be observed in the institutions he had founded. The code of rules here enunciated constituted the law of monasticism in Gaul till it gave place to the regulations of Benedict. Cassian in his youth had studied the works of Greek learning, but in his later years he showed a great distrust of pagan literature and strongly opposed its study. He considered that the fascination of such literature distracted the soul, and desired that even the memory of the classical writings should be eradicated from his mind. The underlying conception of the rule of Cassian was that the monastery was a school in which a future stage of existence was the dominating and controlling thought. Reference must next be made to Cassiodorus (479?-575)--the great Italian statesman turned monk--who did much to develop study among ecclesiastics and to make the cloister the centre of literary activity. He founded a monastery at Vivarium in Bruttium, which he endowed with his Roman library containing a magnificent collection of manuscripts, and to which he himself retired at the age of sixty. During the remaining years of his life he devoted himself to literary work; of his numerous writings the most important is his _Institutiones Divinarum et Saecularium Lectionum_. A more important work accomplished by Cassiodorus than the writings he produced was his organisation of the monastery scriptorium. This served as a model for the series of Benedictine monasteries which subsequently came into existence. Hence to Cassiodorus must be assigned the honour of realising that the multiplication of manuscripts was a recognised employment of monastic life. Consequently, he conferred a boon of the greatest value upon the human race. As Hodgkin expresses it, there was in existence an accumulated store of two thousand years of literature, sacred and profane, the writings of Hebrew prophets, of Greek philosophers, of Latin rhetoricians, perishing for want of men with leisure and ability to transcribe them. Were it not for the labours of the monks it is highly conceivable that these treasures would have been irretrievably lost to the world.[12] The number of the monastic institutions rapidly increased. Gradually the evils arising from a lack of definite control and from the want of a code of rules to check individualising tendencies, began to manifest themselves. To St. Benedict of Nursia is due the more adequate organisation of monastic life. In addition to the laws of chastity, poverty, and obedience required from the professed monk, he recognised the importance of labour not only for self-support but also as a duty towards God. The code of rules, drawn up by him for the use of the monasteries under his care, was found to meet a great need of the religious communities of the time, with the result that the Benedictine rules became almost universally accepted by all monastic establishments. Of these rules, the one that exercised a profound influence upon educational development is headed _Concerning Daily Manual Labour_.[13] It runs:-- "Idleness is the enemy of the soul: hence brethren ought at certain seasons to occupy themselves with manual labour and again at certain hours with holy reading. Between Easter and the calends of October let them apply themselves to reading from the fourth hour until the sixth hour.... From the calends of October to the beginning of Lent let them apply themselves to reading until the second hour. During Lent let them apply themselves to reading from morning until the end of the third hour, and in these days of Lent let them receive a book apiece from the library and read it straight through. These books are to be given out at the beginning of Lent." The great importance of this rule arises from the fact that whilst monks were becoming very numerous, books were very few. Hence in order that the requisite number of copies might be available, writing had to be taught; in order that the monks might be able to read the books, it is conceivable that in some cases reading also would have to be taught. Moreover, the copying of manuscripts was considered to comply with the regulation as to manual labour prescribed by the Benedictine rules. Consequently wherever a Benedictine monastery came into existence, there books were multiplied, and a library gradually developed. As the years went on, the Benedictine labours in the intellectual world increased. Mabillon remarks, "Almost alone, the order of St. Benedict for several years, maintained and preserved letters in Europe. There were frequently no other masters in our monasteries, and frequently the cathedral schools drew theirs from the same source."[14] The purpose of this digression has been to show that by the time that the monks entered upon their mission in this country, the idea of monasticism was firmly established on the continent. The monastic houses consisted of communities of men or of women who, leaving the outer world behind them, dedicated their lives to the worship and the praise of God. They concentrated their attention upon the world to come, and, as far as possible, they endeavoured to anticipate it in the present stage of existence. Labour, either physical or mental, was one of their special obligations. Limiting ourselves to intellectual labour, we note that to some was entrusted the instruction of the children who were brought to them and of those members of the community who still needed education; to others was assigned work in the scriptorium; to others was allotted the task of giving instruction in singing and of making due preparation for the musical part of the monastic services; others, according to their capacity, continued their studies, and, by the chronicles which they wrote, enable posterity to reconstruct the history of their days. Our problem is now a narrower one: does any evidence exist to show that the educational organisation of the monasteries in this country corresponded with the educational work of the continental monasteries? Fortunately, for our purpose, a complete answer in the affirmative can be obtained from the works of the Venerable Bede. That it was customary for schools to be established in monasteries is a fact that can be readily demonstrated. Bede writes that he "was given at seven years of age to be educated by the most reverend Abbot Benedict and afterwards by Ceolfrid; and spending all the remaining time of my life in that monastery, I applied myself wholly to the study of scripture, and amidst the observance of regular discipline and the daily care of singing in the Church, I always took delight in learning, teaching, and writing."[15] This passage, alone, practically establishes the fact that the educational activities described as existing in continental monasteries were also to be found as a normal part of the monasteries which were established in this country. Lest it might be maintained that the monastery at Wearmouth was exceptional the decree of the Council of Cloveshoo may be quoted. At that council it was decreed that "abbots and abbesses should take care that scripture reading was everywhere studied." Again it must be borne in mind that copies of the scriptures existed only in the Latin language and that for the reading of scripture it was an essential condition that ability to read Latin had been previously acquired. Further, at the same council, it was enacted that boys "everywhere in the schools were to be compelled to address themselves to the love of sacred learning."[16] The work of the monasteries in connection with higher education is also attested by Bede. The Irish monasteries, in particular, acquired a reputation in this respect. Many English youths of every social grade crossed over to Ireland, attracted thither by the greater fame of the monasteries, for the purpose of extending their studies.[17] Bede records that scholars went about from cell to cell, gathering learning from monastic teachers.[18] It is noteworthy that at these monasteries food, books, and teaching were supplied freely and willingly. Aidan instructed, among others, twelve boys of the English nation at his monastery at Lindisfarne: some of these acquired fame in later years, _e.g._ Basil, who became Bishop of Lindisfarne, and Eata, who became Prior of Melrose. Briefly, we may say that nearly all the learned men of this period were either monks or were closely connected with monasteries. Among them we may mention Aidan, Bede, Wilfrid, Theodore, Hadrian, Benedict Biscop, Aldhelm, and Augustine. The formation of libraries and the work of the scriptorium occupied as high a place in the newly-established English monasteries as they did in those monasteries which served as models for them. Benedict Biscop--the father of English culture[19]--who was the founder of the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, is particularly famous for his labours in connection with the establishment of libraries. He visited Rome six times in all, and each time he returned he brought back books with him to this country. Of his fourth journey Bede remarks that he "brought back with him a very large number of books of all kinds."[20] Biscop's sixth journey to Rome was almost entirely devoted to the purpose of acquiring additions to his collection of books, a collection which included classical as well as ecclesiastical literature.[21] In some cases monasteries arranged for the mutual exchange of books.[22] As an instance of the activity of the scriptorium may be quoted the famous library of York, which was composed of transcripts of the parchments collected by Biscop. Ceolfrid, who became Abbot of Jarrow, and who subsequently was also placed in charge of the monastery of Wearmouth, took considerable interest in the scriptorium. Montalembert quotes the statement that Ceolfrid had had made two complete copies of the Bible according to the version of St. Jerome, as a refutation of the "stupid calumny" which represents the Church as having interdicted the reading and study of the scriptures.[23] The preservation of such Anglo-Saxon literature as remains, is undoubtedly due to the action of some of the monastic scribes. The poems of Caedmon were written first of all in the monastery of Whitby; so, too, the Northumbrian poet, Cynewulf, owes the preservation of his works to the scriptorium of the monastery he ultimately entered. The teaching of singing naturally occupied an important place among the educational activities of the monasteries. Bede describes himself as being in charge of "the daily care of singing in the Church."[24] John, Abbot of the monastery of St. Martin's and precentor of St. Peter's, Rome, one of the most famous of the teachers of music of the day, came to this country for a time on the invitation of Biscop and at the request of Pope Agatha. Abbot John taught the monks not only how to sing but also how to read aloud. His efforts were not limited to Wearmouth alone; those who were experts in music, from "almost all" the religious houses, came to him for further instruction, and in this way the influence of his teaching was widely spread.[25] When we pass to the question of what was taught in the monasteries, we find that the scholars were trained to read the scriptures in Latin and to be familiar with the services of the monastery, and that writing and singing were also subjects of instruction. Two of Bede's works are probably school-books: his "Librum de orthographia, alfabeti ordine distinctum" and his "Librum de metrica arte, et huic adjectum alium de schematibus sine tropis libellum, hoc est de figuris modisque locutionum, quibus scriptura sancta contexta est." Though it may not be just to regard Bede as the typical product of the English monasteries of the time, yet it may fairly be pointed out that the whole of Bede's education was received in these monasteries. Even if we regard him as the best-educated of the English monks, his example will still serve to show the extent of learning which could be acquired in the monasteries of this period. Sandys writes, "His skill in Latin verse is shown in his elegiacs on Queen Ethelfrida and in his hexameters on the shrine of St. Cuthbert.... His Greek learning is indicated in his treatises and in the references to a Greek MS. of the Acts which are to be found in his _Liber Retractionum_. The Latin authors most frequently quoted by him are Cicero, Virgil and Horace and (doubtless at second hand) Lucilius and Varro."[26] Apart from the education, in the technical sense of the word, given by the monks, they were also responsible for reforms which, in the wider sense of the term, were also educational. Thus, the higher ideals of life prevalent in the monastery were introduced into the country as a whole. The age was a turbulent and disordered one, in which neither moral nor ethical obligations prevailed and in which might alone was right.[27] The monks established, in the country of their adoption, a number of communities, in which the ruling principles were those of Charity, Chastity, and Obedience. The ideals prevailing in these monasteries reacted upon the social customs of their neighbourhood. The strong individualism of the Teutons was modified by the attitude of obedience to recognised authority characteristic of the monk; the qualities of savagery tended to yield to the examples of self-denial, self-control, and care for others. The monasteries also played an important part in the economic development of the country. At times, and in certain localities, the economic condition of the people seems to have sunk to a low ebb. Bede tells us that "very often forty or fifty men being spent with want, would go together to some precipice or to the seashore and there, hand in hand, perish by the fall or be swallowed up by the waves."[28] From the earliest times industrial activity had been a feature of monastic life. Speaking of St. Basil, his biographer tells us that "by the labour of his monks over wide desert places, hopeless sterility gave place to golden harvests and abundant vintages."[29] Manual labour was a common employment in the English monasteries.[30] The builders of the monasteries also necessarily introduced new arts into the country. Thus Benedict Biscop brought over masons and glaziers from France.[31] Lamps and vessels for the use of the Church were made, and the craft taught to the Northumbrians.[32] All the furniture and vestments "which Benedict could not procure at home he took care to purchase abroad."[33] The knowledge of the art of fishing by means of nets, which apparently was not known in some parts, was introduced by the monks.[34] Though slavery was not condemned by the Church at this time,[35] yet the Church fostered the feeling that slavery was not consonant with the dignity of the human soul, and the monasteries used their influence in opposing this custom. Aidan employed some of the gifts of money he received for the monasteries, for the redemption of slaves.[36] Wilfrid granted liberty to the slaves on the land that had been bestowed to the monastery founded by him.[37] It must be borne in mind that in this country the monasteries originally were not merely communities of men or women who were dedicated to a life of contemplation, but were essentially centres of missionary enterprise. Bede tells us of monks who went into the surrounding country and villages to preach, baptize, and visit the sick.[38] Of Aidan and his company of "shorn monks" and laymen, we learn that they traversed the country trying to convert those who were not yet converts to Christianity, and stirring up those who had previously accepted the faith to alms and good works.[39] Similarly Chad, one of the disciples of Aidan, proceeded to preach the gospel "in towns, in the open country, cottages, villages, and castles."[40] In brief, at the period with which we are now concerned, these monasteries served the purpose of spiritual outposts, from whence messengers went out to extend the message of the Christian faith. It is interesting to note that the monasteries were thoroughly democratic in their selection of members. The monks preached that "Christian men are brothers, whether high or low, noble or ignoble, lord or slave. The wealthy is not better on that account than the needy. As boldly may the slave call God his Father as the king. We are all alike before God, unless anyone exceeds another in good works."[41] So, whilst on the one hand kings like Ceolwulf and Ini became monks, on the other hand redeemed slaves were admitted as inmates of the monasteries, and, if they proved themselves capable of profiting by instruction, were advanced to the priesthood.[42] Certain undesigned effects followed. With the progress of civilisation, the warlike qualities which originally had gained territory for the Teutonic invaders needed to be supplemented by the intellectual gifts necessary for legislation and administration. These abilities could only be found in the ranks of the clergy. As a result, priests became in practice the ministers of the Crown; the names of Dunstan and Lanfranc readily occur as illustrative instances. A general study of Bede, apart from specific instances, tends to support the suggestion that Cuthbert, Theodore, Wilfrid, and Aidan, among others, also exercised a considerable influence over kings. As a second undesigned effect may be mentioned the fact that, as the monasteries admitted boys who showed vocation and promise, regardless of their social position, and gave them the best education of which the monasteries were capable, so it happened that the monastery was practically the only avenue through which promotion became possible to the able and competent who were handicapped by circumstances of their birth. Passing outside our period, we may refer to the case of Nicholas Breakspear, who from being a servant lad at St. Albans rose to the position of Pope. CHAPTER II. EDUCATION UNDER THE SECULAR CLERGY. In the preceding chapter we stated that the evangelisation of England was mainly the work of monks. Though this statement is true, yet we must not lose sight of the fact that the work of the secular clergy was slowly developing side by side with that of the regular clergy, and ultimately superseded it. It is consequently necessary that we should next investigate into the work for education which was effected by them. By way of introduction, we may point out that the method of work of the secular clergy and their mode of organisation closely resembled that of the regular clergy, and at times was scarcely distinguishable. Just as Augustine and his band of monks settled in the capital of the kingdom of Kent and built there a monastery, in which the bishop shared a community life with his monks, and which served as the centre from which their labours were directed, so a secular bishop with his companions settled in the chief town of another kingdom, where a church was ultimately built and a community life established. Thus in 604, Mellitus was consecrated bishop and sent to preach to the East Saxons. The new faith was accepted both by the king of the East Saxons and his people. A church dedicated to St. Paul was subsequently built at London--the capital of the kingdom. This church, instead of being a monastic church, as was Christ Church, Canterbury, belongs to that category of churches known as collegiate churches. For the sake of convenience, we may here point out the main differences between monasteries and collegiate churches. A monastery consisted of a community of men or women under the rule of an abbot or abbess. The members of a monastery had taken certain vows and were bound to live in accordance with the rules of that Order to which the monastery belonged. A collegiate church consisted of a number of clergy forming a corporate body and living under the supervision of a Dean or Provost and responsible to the bishop. The origin of such churches has been traced to St. Augustine of Hippo, who arranged for his clergy to live together under his direction in a kind of community, though without the imposition of monastic vows. A further development took place about 750 when Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, drew up certain rules for the use of the clergy who were living with him. The clergy who lived according to these rules were called "canons." The rule of Chrodegang was introduced into England, but it was not generally accepted;[43] and consequently the term "canon," in this country, originally meant little more than a man who was a member of a college of clergy, who served a church in common and had a common claim on its revenue. We may also note here that when a bishop's official seat or throne (cathedra) was placed in a church, it thereby became a cathedral church. Sometimes the cathedral church was a monastic church, sometimes a collegiate church; in each case the church was known as a cathedral. From the standpoint of the development of education, as will be subsequently shown, the distinction between a collegiate cathedral church and a monastic cathedral church is an important one, but this distinction cannot always be clearly made, because during the early centuries of Christianity in England, a cathedral church was at times in the possession of the regular clergy, and at other times in the hands of the secular clergy. Thus Christ Church, Canterbury, was originally monastic but is said to have fallen into the hands of the seculars during the archiepiscopate of Ceolnoth (837-870), after which it again returned to the monks and remained monastic till the Reformation. So too, Gloucester Cathedral was originally monastic, then Offa transferred it to the secular clergy, later it again became monastic. Whether or not the cathedral church of a diocese was monastic, the bishop of a diocese was the head of the secular clergy and obedience was due to him from them; on the other hand, the monks owed their obedience directly to their abbot, from him to the head of their order, and ultimately to the pope.[44] In this chapter we propose to limit ourselves to the labours for education of the bishop and the secular clergy, though, as we have previously indicated, the line of demarcation between the work that was definitely monastic and that which may definitely be assigned to the secular clergy cannot always be clearly drawn. The educational problems which had to be faced by a bishop and his band of secular priests were similar to those which had to be dealt with by the missionary monks. Latin, the language of the Church, had to be taught to those who were ignorant of it and who wished to be attached to the Church in an official capacity. A knowledge of music was necessary for those who desired to take a personal part in the worship offered by the Church. In addition, the principles of Christianity had to be taught more fully to converts; the children of the faith required instruction; arrangements had to be made for more advanced instruction for those who were desirous of receiving it. Schools had to be founded for these purposes, and these schools were the original schools of England. We have already adopted as our hypothesis that the schools of this country were not a new discovery but were modelled on those which existed elsewhere. Our first problem consequently, is to discover where these models were found. Mr. Leach, in his _Schools of Medieval England_, maintains that "the true models and source of the schools of England are not the schools of the Church but the schools of heathendom, the schools of Athens and Alexandria, of Rome, of Lyons, of Vienne. They were in fact the very same "heathen" or "pagan" or, in other words, Graeco-Roman institutions, in which Horace and Juvenal, Jerome and St. Augustine had learned the scansion of hexameters and the accredited methods of speech-making and arguments."[45] This statement calls for examination. The schools to which Mr. Leach refers came into existence about 50 B.C. and owed their distinctive characteristics to the influence of Greek thought upon Roman activities. Three grades of these schools are usually recognised:-- (1) The Schools of the Litteratores. In these schools only reading, writing, and calculation were taught; they were never very highly esteemed, and their teachers, who were generally slaves, were frequently ill-remunerated. (2) The Schools of the Grammatici. Originally these schools dealt simply with grammar, _i.e._ with words and their relations; but the conception of grammar developed so that it came to include both a study of Latin and Greek Literature and also a range of subjects embracing mathematics, music, and elementary dialectic. Ultimately these schools were to be found in almost every city of the empire and, generally speaking, were supported either by public funds or by endowments. (3) The Schools of the Rhetores. These were the most important schools; admission to them was not possible until the "toga virilis" had been assumed. Here the pupils studied carefully and minutely all matters relating to success in the art of oratory--an art which at that time had to be mastered by all who purposed to devote themselves to public life. But oratory, as the term was then understood, denoted much more than the art of declamation. It included a mastery of the existing literature, an acquaintance with the knowledge of things so far as that knowledge was then available, and a good vocabulary. To this must be added the power of playing upon human emotions, combined with grace of manner and effective delivery. The following reasons may be advanced in support of our contention that Mr. Leach is in error in considering these Graeco-Roman Schools as the models of our English Schools, which, as Mr. Leach himself admits, owed their existence in the first place to the labours of Christian missionaries. (1) In the pagan schools, there was no thought of the moral aspect of instruction. The literature on which the schoolboy was nourished was created in the atmosphere of paganism and teemed with mythological allusions.[46] The scholar was taught that the ideal age lay in the past rather than, as Christianity taught, in the future. The great deeds held up for his admiration were those associated with the Roman heroes who had read the fate of their campaigns in the flight of birds or the entrails of the victims at the altar. (2) As Professor Woodward points out, "it is an invariable law that the accepted ideals of the adult generation shape its educational aims."[47] At the period in which the schools referred to by Mr. Leach were flourishing, scepticism in religious matters was prevalent. Terentius Varro had urged that the anthropomorphic gods were mere emblems of the forces of nature. Lucretius had argued against the immortality of the soul. Cicero, the greatest thinker of the time, barely veiled his scepticism. Moreover, it was generally recognised that religion had lost its control over the moral life of man. It is thus evident that the ideals of Christianity and the ideals of the Graeco-Roman schools were fundamentally opposed. In no essential respect could the schools of paganism furnish a model for the schools of Christianity. (3) The attitude of the Christians of the early centuries towards classical literature serves to illustrate still further the attitude of the Christians towards the pagan schools. Classical literature was obnoxious to the early Christians because the general interpretation of life revealed by these books was hostile to the Christian view. The beauty and charm of the mode of expression made little or no appeal to men who were confronted by the hideous reality of current licentiousness, even though the prevailing manner of life might be cloaked by the elegance and grace of its presentation. As an alternative hypothesis we suggest that the schools founded by the bishops in England were modelled on the schools of Christendom rather than on the schools of paganism. To substantiate this hypothesis, it is necessary that we should briefly consider the origin and character of these early Christian schools. The germ of the essentially Christian Schools may be traced from the custom of the great apostles of gathering round them their disciples and the aspirants for the priesthood, for purposes of instruction and discipline.[48] Gradually three types of schools were evolved:-- (1) Schools for Catechumens. It is assumed that some form of instruction would be given to Christian catechumens prior to their admission to the Church. These classes were held either in the porch of the church or in some other part of the building, and were controlled by a master appointed for that purpose. The first of these schools of whose existence we have any evidence was established by St. Mark in Alexandria.[49] (2) Catechetical Schools. This type of school also originated at Alexandria, and arose out of the intellectual activities which made that city so important a centre during the first and second centuries of the Christian era. Pantaenus, a converted Stoic philosopher who took charge of the school at Alexandria in 170 A.D., introduced a wide range of studies into the curriculum and made use of his old learning to illustrate and defend his new faith.[50] Pantaenus was succeeded by two of the most noted of the Fathers of the Early Church, Clement, who was formerly his assistant, and Origen, who assumed the direction of the Catechetical School at the age of eighteen years.[51] (3) Bishop's Schools. The origin of these schools may be traced to the fact that circumstances compelled Origen to leave Alexandria in 231. Subsequently, at the invitation of two bishops, he opened a school at Caesarea. It proved so successful that similar schools were opened at a number of centres. Teaching was carried out either by the bishops in person, or by a deputy appointed by them. To these schools came candidates for ordination, the younger clergy whose instruction needed to be continued, as well as those who, for some reason or other, wished to avail themselves of the educational facilities thus provided. One other type of educational institution must also be referred to. We have already indicated the service rendered to the Church by St. Augustine of Hippo in connection with the establishment of collegiate churches, and it is equally important to note his contribution to the educational organisation of the Church. Prior to his conversion to Christianity, St. Augustine had been a teacher of rhetoric, and was the author of certain treatises dealing with the seven liberal arts. Subsequent to his consecration to the episcopate, he established a seminary for those who were in course of preparation for ordination. This seminary, though planned on community lines, was essentially an educational establishment with the avowed object of making its members as efficient as possible in the ministry which awaited them.[52] The institution proved a great success. Many priests, who were trained there, subsequently became well-known; the seminary itself furnished a model to be imitated by various bishops.[53] Ultimately, this idea of St. Augustine's was adopted by Pope Leo I.;[54] and the example thus set by Rome was followed by several bishops in Gaul, notably by Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, St. Hilary, Bishop of Arles, and Gregory, Bishop of Tours. The schools established by the bishops in Gaul are of special interest to us, because the first available reference to education in this country is the statement by Bede that Sigebert "wishing to imitate what he had seen well ordered among the Gauls" "instituit scolam in qua pueri litteris erudirentur."[55] It is consequently necessary that we should next turn to the educational system of Gaul at this time. There had existed in Gaul from Roman times (as in other parts of the Empire) schools of the Graeco-Roman type to which we have previously referred. The barbarian invasions, however, brought these schools to an end. When social conditions reasserted themselves, the old condition of things had passed away and Christianity had become a power in the land. In the educational reconstruction which followed, the bishops played an important part and two types of schools were ultimately to be found in Gaul, the monastic schools and the episcopal schools. The monastic schools taught theology mainly, but instruction was also given in speaking, reading and writing Latin, in copying manuscripts, in painting and architecture, and in elementary notions of astronomy and mathematics.[56] The most famous of these schools were those of Luxeuil, Soissons, Lérins and Saint-Vandrille. At the last-named school there were about three hundred scholars. The Episcopal Schools were closely modelled on the type originated by St. Augustine. They were mainly intended for those who proposed to offer themselves for ordination. The curriculum of these schools was narrower and more definitely theological than that of the monastic schools. The best known were those of Paris, Poitiers, Le Mans, Clermont, Vienne, Chalons-sur-Saône and Gaps. These schools, however, differed from the seminary of St. Augustine on which they were modelled because the special circumstances of the time rendered it necessary that classes were also held in connection with them for the boys, who were attached in some capacity or other to the cathedral church. Thus the choir boys and others who were desirous of preparing themselves for subsequent employment in any capacity in which the education available would afterwards be of service to them, found in these classes the opportunities they sought. Our analysis of the educational institutions existing in Gaul in the sixth century has brought out that there existed, as models for imitation, the monastic schools and the episcopal schools. In addition, schools had also developed in connection with the parish churches, but we propose to deal with that development later. We have already considered the monastic schools of this country; our present problem is then to consider whether there is any evidence that schools, conducted by the bishop himself or by his deputy, similar to those we have shown to have existed in France, were to be found in this country. Our reply is emphatically in the affirmative. Thus there was a school at Hexham. Bede tells us of Herebald, who was a member of the school kept by St. John of Beverley, whilst Bishop of Hexham. "When in the prime of my youth," Herebald is reported to have said, "I lived among his clergy[57] applying myself to reading and singing."[58] Another school existed at Canterbury, and during the time it was conducted by Archbishop Theodore and the Abbot Hadrian it ranked as the most famous of the episcopal schools of this country. With regard to these two famous teachers, Bede writes: "They gathered a crowd of disciples, and there daily flowed from them rivers of knowledge to water the hearts of their hearers; and, together with the books of Holy Writ, they also taught them the arts of ecclesiastical poetry, astronomy, and arithmetic. A testimony of which is, that there are living at this day some of their scholars who are as well versed in the Greek and Latin tongues as in their own in which they were born."[59] It is owing to the labours of these two men that England, for a time, occupied the leading place in the schools of the west.[60] One of the most celebrated scholars of the school of Canterbury was Aldhelm, who can claim the distinction of being the first Englishman who cultivated classical learning with any success, and the first of whom any literary remains are preserved.[61] Bede describes Aldhelm as "a wonder of erudition in the liberal as well as ecclesiastical learning."[62] It is from a letter written by Aldhelm that we gain an insight into the curriculum followed at Canterbury, and learn that the course of study pursued there included grammar, geometry, arithmetic, metre, astronomy, and Roman Law.[63] A third famous episcopal school was that of York, of which we possess a full account in Alcuin's poem "De Pontificibus Sanctae Ecclesiae Eboracensis." Alcuin writes in most eulogistic terms of the work of this school, and, more particularly, of the educational labours of Archbishop Albert, to whom Alcuin was personally indebted for the instruction he received. "He gave drink to thirsty minds at the fountain of the sciences. To some he communicated the art and the rules of grammar; for others he caused floods of rhetoric to flow; he knew how to exercise these in the battles of jurisprudence, and those in the songs of Adonis; some learned from him to pipe Castalian airs and with lyric foot to strike the summit of Parnassus; to others he made known the harmony of the heavens, the courses of the sun and the moon, the five zones of the pole, the seven planets, the laws of the courses of the stars, the motions of the sea, earthquakes, the nature of men, and of beasts and of birds, and of all that inhabit the forest. He unfolded the different qualities and combinations of numbers; he taught how to calculate with certainty the solemn return of Eastertide and, above all, he explained the mysteries of the Holy Scriptures."[64] The library of the school at York was particularly famous, and included the works of Jerome, Hilarius, Ambrose, Augustine, Athanasius, Orosius, Gregory, Leo, Basil, Fulgentius, Cassiodorus, Chrysostom, Aldhelm, Bede, Victorinus, Boethius, Pliny, Aristotle, Cicero, Virgil, etc. Mullinger remarks of this library: "The imposing enumeration at once calls our attention to the fact that the library at York at this period far surpassed any possessed by either England or France in the twelfth century, whether at Christ Church, Canterbury, St. Victor at Paris, or at Bec."[65] The school at York is also important because it is the first known instance in English educational history of the bishop's school being conducted by a member of the staff of clergy associated with the bishop, instead of by the bishop himself. On the death of Archbishop Albert, his successor, instead of taking personal charge of the school, entrusted that duty to Alcuin. This was a special case of the principle of the division of labour, and the example thus set at York was of considerable importance in the subsequent development of education in this country. As Alcuin is commonly regarded as the most important educator of the first half of the Middle Ages, and as it was through Alcuin that England influenced continental education, a slight digression from the main purpose of this chapter, for the sake of indicating the importance of Alcuin, may be allowed. The only education which Alcuin received was obtained at the bishop's school at York, and a consideration of this fact should assist us in realising that these schools were in practice the universities of the period. The reputation which Alcuin gained must have spread beyond the borders of this country, because Charles the Great, who had determined upon a scheme of educational reform in the dominions ruled by him, invited Alcuin to come to his court to occupy a position analogous to that of a Minister of Education of modern days. This position Alcuin occupied for fourteen years, and during that period the famous capitularies of 787, 789, and 802 were issued.[66] The effect of the reforms carried out by Alcuin was, that scholars were attracted from all parts of Europe to the court of Charles the Great, the Palace Schools were developed and invigorated, learning was promoted among the clergy, and the activities of the monastic and episcopal schools were stimulated. It has been suggested that the reforms attributed to Alcuin owed little to his individual genius, but were based entirely upon the practice he found in operation in York.[67] If this is so, then the educational facilities provided in this country in the eighth century must have been of much greater importance than is commonly conceived. The available evidence is, however, too scanty for any definite statements to be made on the subject. Alcuin was a voluminous writer, and his works bear further witness to the intellectual activity of his day. They include epistles, poems, exegetical works, dogmatic writings, liturgical writings, biographical writings, studies, and dialogues.[68] His educational writings include works _On Grammar_, _On Orthography_, _On Rhetoric_, _On Dialectic_, etc. They are written in the characteristic Anglo-Saxon dialogue form. In his _On Grammar_, Alcuin shows that true happiness is to be found in the things peculiar to the soul itself rather than in those things which are alien to it; of these things, "wisdom is the chief adornment." Progress in wisdom was to be obtained, so far as secular knowledge was concerned, by the "seven ascents of theoretical discipline," _i.e._ the trivium and the quadrivium. We have thus brought forward evidence to show that episcopal schools existed at Canterbury, York, and Hexham, and that advanced instruction was available at these centres. The general hypothesis we submit is that the cathedral city of each diocese became gradually recognised as a place of higher education, and that it was commonly regarded as the duty of the bishop to provide, either personally or by deputy, such higher education as the circumstances of the time rendered possible. Facilities would also be required at these centres for elementary instruction, and also for instruction in the "specialist" art of writing. As the demand for such instruction arose, so the Church endeavoured to meet it, and classes were established for this purpose. Thus, in a letter written c. 796 by Alcuin to Eanbald II. Archbishop of York, he recommends that separate masters should be appointed to teach those "qui libros legant, qui cantilenae inserviant, qui scribendi studio deputentur."[69] With the spread of Christianity in this country, the parochial system originated. For this purpose, the Saxon "tun" was taken as the unit of ecclesiastical organisation and it became known as the "parish," the specific area placed under the spiritual over-sight of the parish priest. We must again remind ourselves that Latin was the language of the Church, and that to participate in the worship offered by the Church, to join in its psalms, to understand its doctrines properly, or in fact to become in any sense of the word a "churchman," a knowledge of Latin was imperative. A custom naturally arose that the parish priest should keep a "school of grammar," or, as we should term it to-day, should hold a Latin class for those who were desirous of learning that language. In course of time this custom became obligatory and a part of the law of the Church. Thus, at the Council of Vaison held in 529, it was decreed that each priest, who was in charge of a parish, should also have at his house a class of young men for the purpose of preparing them for the sacred ministry. These young men were also to be engaged in teaching the small children. The bishop in his visitation of the parish made enquiries as to whether this law was carried into effect.[70] The enactment of Vaison was repeated by subsequent decrees of the Church, notably by that of Tours, and the establishment of schools of grammar to be taught by the parish priest was a definite part of the system of the Church.[71] This requirement was reiterated from time to time. Thus Theodulf of Orleans, the coadjutor of Alcuin in carrying out the educational reforms of the kingdom of Charles the Great, issued a letter to his clergy in 797 in which he reminded them that "Presbyteri per villas et vicos scolas habeant, et si quilibet fidelium suos parvulos ad discendas litteras eis commendare vult, eos suscipere et docere non renuant."[72] Were these parochial grammar schools to be found in England? The direct evidence is very slight. In a letter which Alcuin wrote to Offa, King of Mercia, about 792, he recommends to him a schoolmaster;[73] this schoolmaster, however, does not appear to possess a strong moral character, as Alcuin warns Offa not "to let him wander about with nothing to do nor to become a slave to drink, but to provide him with scholars and require him to teach these diligently." Then in another letter written by Alcuin and attributed to 797, the Bishop of Hexham is advised to pay attention to the education of boys and youths. It is stated in this letter that "it is a great work of charity to feed the poor with food for the body but a greater to fill the soul with spiritual learning." Apart from this evidence, there are a few references in Domesday Book which tend to support the idea of parochial schools and which we will subsequently consider. All that we can do here is to assume that, just as the Church in this country followed the general practice of the Church in the establishment of schools in connection with monasteries and cathedral churches, so she also followed the custom and precept of the Church in establishing schools in connection with the parish churches. CHAPTER III. THE EDUCATIONAL REVIVAL. The Danish invasions checked temporarily the remarkable educational progress this country was making. Beginning early in the ninth century, the era of Danish reconnoitring excursions closes with the year 855; the era of methodical plundering with the year 876. As a consequence of their various immigrations, the greater part of the English coasts were ruined and devastated. Towns and ecclesiastical buildings were plundered and burnt. "The Church with its civilising and cosmopolitan influences was for a time swept out of great districts which fell momentarily into heathen hands."[74] After a long and fierce struggle with the invaders, Alfred, the West Saxon king, held them in check, and compelled them to make peace with him. Subsequently, in the tenth century, through the successive efforts of Alfred's son, daughter, and grandson, the territory formerly yielded was regained. From the ruin and desolation that the Danes had occasioned, it was the aim of King Alfred to raise his country. No sovereign could recognise more fully the value of Education than Alfred did. His general attitude is evidenced by the preface he wrote to his translation of Gregory the Great's _Pastoral Care_. In it he refers to the reputation that this country at one time enjoyed on account of the wisdom and learning of its clergy. Then he proceeds to show that the decay that had set in had been so great that learning had practically disappeared from the country. He aimed at making his people familiar with the contents of some of the chief religious books, and, as the knowledge of Latin had by this time practically died out in the country, he sought to get them translated "into their own land-speech." Not content with simply expressing a wish that this might be done, he endeavoured to stimulate the efforts of others by the example he set. In order that education might make greater progress in the future, he suggested that every English child born of free condition and who had the means or faculty, should during his youth "be given over to teachers ... till such time as they may know well to read English writing." Those who evinced an interest in letters should then proceed to a study of Latin. It is an interesting question to consider how and where these educational advantages were to be secured. Alfred himself had written: "So clean was learning fallen off from among English folk that few there were on this side Humber that could understand the service in English or even turn an errand writing from Latin into English. And not many were there, I ween, beyond Humber. So few they were that I cannot bethink me of so much as one south of the Thames when first I took the kingdom." The suggestion of Alfred is that "now we must get these from without if we would have them." Unfortunately no reliable evidence is available to assist us in suggesting an answer to the problem. The educational activities of Alfred are described at length in Asser's _Life of Alfred_.[75] The authenticity of this life, however, has been called in question, and though Stevenson argues strongly in its favour yet the evidence against is so strong that it is difficult to admit its claim to be considered what it professes to be. Still, even if the work is not a ninth century production, there is indisputable evidence of its existence in the tenth century. We can, therefore, regard the work as setting out the educational ideas which tradition, at any rate, considered to be in harmony with the character of King Alfred. From this pseudo-Asser, we learn that Alfred first acquired the power of reading Anglo-Saxon by the aid of a master, who was most probably one of the priests associated with the court. Alfred's ambition to learn Latin was difficult of accomplishment because of the scarcity of teachers of that subject. For the education of his children, Alfred arranged that they, together with the young nobles and some promising youths of lower origin, should be instructed by masters who should teach their pupils to read both Latin and Saxon. Thus the king established at his court a Palace School similar to that founded by Charles the Great. Though all the details given in Asser cannot be accepted as true, yet the general statement that Alfred played an important part in stimulating the educational activity of his country is unquestioned. His efforts must be regarded as the beginning of a national concern for education, as Alfred, though a pious and religious king, was actuated not by a desire to recruit the ranks of the priesthood but by a wish to make his subjects capable of discharging more effectively the duty they owed to the state. This, he considered, could be secured through education. If this contention is sound, then Alfred was the first Englishman to recognise the sociological significance of education. There is, unfortunately, no evidence that the efforts of Alfred, in the direction of improving the education of his country, met with any success. There would be practical difficulties in securing a sufficient number of keen and capable priests from abroad; the secular clergy of this country had scarcely proved equal to the trust reposed in them. To the thoughtful observer of the day the end in view could be obtained only through the restoration of monasticism. We learn that Edgar, as a youth, had made a vow to restore as many monasteries as possible,[76] but "until Dunstan and Athelwold revived learning in the monastic life, no English priest could either write a letter in Latin or understand one."[77] We must therefore turn to those "three torches" of the Church--Dunstan, Oswald, and Athelwold--in order to learn how a revival of interest in education was effected. We are fortunate in possessing two biographies of Dunstan which were practically contemporary writings, as one was written within sixteen, and the other within twenty-three years of his death. "Both of these are dedicated to his successors, who knew him well, as being his fellow scholars and his own disciples." Dunstan was born at Glastonbury in 925, and the old monastic buildings in a semi-ruinous condition still existed there at that time. They were then tenanted by some Irish scholars who had come to Glastonbury to visit the tomb of Patrick the Younger.[78] To these clerks Dunstan was sent at an early age for instruction. He made rapid progress and not only acquired a mastery of grammar, but also showed excellence in other branches of study.[79] Consequently, he exposed himself to the charge of "studying the vain poems and trifling histories of ancient paganism, to be a worker of magic."[80] Dunstan, whilst still a young man, was introduced to the court of King Athelstan by Aldhelm, Archbishop of Canterbury, stated by Adelard, one of the biographers of Dunstan, to have been his uncle. A serious illness and the jealousy of some of the nobles led to Dunstan's retirement from court. On the advice of Alfeah the Bald, bishop of Winchester, he took the monastic vows,[81] and in 946 was made Abbot of Glastonbury. He did all in his power to develop the growth and importance of the monastery, and it is interesting to find that under his rule, the establishment of Glastonbury was more of a school than a monastery; "the words 'scholasticus' and 'discipulus' come more naturally than 'monachus.'"[82] After holding various bishoprics, Dunstan became Archbishop of Canterbury in 959, and was then in a position to undertake the task of restoring the monastic conditions of the country and consequently of stimulating its educational activities. Turning to the coadjutors of Dunstan in his work of reform, we note that Athelwold (who became Abbot of Abingdon in 953, and Bishop of Winchester in 965) was one of his pupils. He attained "a most generous skill in the art of grammar and the honeyed sweetness of verse; he was not only familiar with the Bible, but also with the catholic and most famous authors."[83] Oswald, the other colleague of Dunstan, had been for some time an inmate of the monastery at Fleury. The point which we wish here to emphasise is that the men of the time who were in a position to judge were of the opinion that the only effective method of producing a reform in the educational condition of the country was primarily through the erection of monasteries, destined to be centres of intellectual activity. With this object in view, they used every possible means to build or restore monasteries in different parts and to place over them men who were not only spiritually minded but who were also men of learning and ability. We learn that in pursuance of this policy, forty monasteries for men and eight for women were erected during the reigns of Edgar and his sons.[84] The men at the head of these institutions taught personally in the schools. Thus we learn of Dunstan being in charge of the school at Glastonbury,[85] and of Aethelwold who "did not scorn ever to explain the difficulties of Donatus and Priscian to little boys."[86] Efforts were also made to keep in touch with foreign monasteries, especially those of Ghent, Corbeil, and Fleury. These monasteries were appealed to, to send men of learning to the English monasteries, and also for advice in the conduct of the monasteries.[87] In 968 the Abbot of Ramsey sent to Fleury for a master to rule the schools, because "the study of letters and the use of schools had almost died out in England."[88] The master sent in response to this appeal was Abbo, who is described as being well versed in the trivium and the quadrivium.[89] Abbo spent two years at Ramsey and wrote a book _Quaestiones Grammaticales_ for the purpose of testing the knowledge acquired by the monks of his monastery.[90] Among the pupils of Abbo was the anonymous author of the _Vita S. Oswaldi_ (a work which shows that the writer was a man of culture and learning), and Byrhtferth, who wrote commentaries on Bede's mathematical treatises and shows a knowledge of Latin authors.[91] In 817, by the council of Aachen, it had been decreed that no one was to be admitted to the monastery schools unless he was destined for the monastic life. It does not appear that this distinction was observed in England during the Saxon period, and it seems probable that the English monasteries continued to receive pupils irrespective of whether or not they intended ultimately to enter the monastery. Thus we learn that the scholars of Dunstan at Glastonbury were of all ages, from the little boy[92] to the man who had already taken priest's orders.[93] Then, of the pupils of Wulfstan, we learn that they included both young and old, and that many of them subsequently became secular priests.[94] Again, in the picture drawn by Aelfric of a monastery school of the period,[95] it will be noted that the pupils included not only a professed monk but also others who were engaged in secular pursuits. We also read that the boys who attended the school at Ramsey Abbey were allowed to go outside the cloisters for play and recreation.[96] We may summarise the educational work of Dunstan and his comrades by pointing out that a new race of scholars sprang up in the restored cloisters, some of whom were not unworthy to be ranked with the disciples of Alcuin and Bede. One of these pupils was Aelfric,[97] at one time Abbot of Eynsham, who is of special interest as the writer of certain educational and other works: an Anglo-Latin Grammar, a Glossary, and a translation of various extracts from Latin writers into Anglo-Saxon under the title of _Homilies_. Aelfric's _Grammar_ is of special interest from the point of view of the study of the principles of teaching, as it indicates the writer was desirous of presenting his subject to his pupils in such a manner as to facilitate their progress. "I am well aware," he writes, "that many will blame me for being willing to devote my time to such a pursuit as to turn the _Art of Grammar_ into English. But I destine this lesson book for little boys who know nothing, not for their elders. I know that words can be construed in many different ways, but to avoid raising difficulties I follow the simplest meaning."[98] From Aelfric's _Colloquy_ we are able to learn something of a monastic school at work. The _Colloquy_ consists of a dialogue between the master and various boys, and was intended as a First Latin Exercise book. Aelfric accompanies the Latin prose with an Anglo-Saxon interlinear translation. The dialogue opens with the request from the boys that the master would teach them to speak correctly. This, of course, relates to the ability to converse freely in the Latin tongue. Incidentally, the next question throws some light on the mode by which it was then customary to stimulate the boys to apply themselves to their school tasks. _Master_: "Will you be flogged while learning?" _Boy_: "We would rather be flogged while learning than remain ignorant; but we know that you will be kind to us and not flog us unless you are obliged." Then, towards the end of the _Colloquy_, there is a conversation between the Master and a professed monk. _M._--"Were you flogged to-day?" _B._--"I was not because I was very careful." _M._--"And how about the others?" _B._--"Why do you ask me that? I daren't tell you our secrets. Each one knows whether he was flogged or not." Of the boys in the supposed school, one was a professed monk, others were ploughmen, shepherds, hunters, fishermen, hawkers, merchants, shoemakers, salters, and bakers. The daily routine of each of them is gone through, and in this way an extensive vocabulary is introduced. One of the passages implies that the school was not restricted to the "free" classes. Thus, after the ploughman has given an account of his day's work, the dialogue continues:-- _M._--"O magnus labor est." _A._--"Etiam, magnus labor est, quia non sum liber." Then the boys in turn argue which occupation is the most useful, and a counsellor is called in to decide the question. The _Colloquy_ closes with some good advice: "All you good children and clever scholars, your teacher exhorts you to keep the commandments of God and behave properly everywhere. Walk quietly when you hear the Church bells and go into Church and bow to the Holy Altar, and stand quietly and sing in unison, and ask pardon for your sins, and go out again without playing to the cloister or to school."[99] So far we have described the monastic revival that took place under Dunstan. Dunstan, however, quite clearly realised that the monasteries alone would not provide sufficient opportunities for the revival of education in England. Though nearly fifty monasteries had been erected, yet that number would meet the need of only a comparatively small section of the community. Further, no monastic institution north of the Humber (with the doubtful exception of Ripon) had escaped the destruction wrought by the Danes. Under these circumstances, Dunstan determined to stimulate the parish priests to a sense of their duty in the matter of education. In the preceding chapter[100] we noted that about 797, Theodulf of Orleans had promulgated certain canons at a diocesan synod; these canons Dunstan adopted, and secured their enactment for this country. They run:--[101] 10. And we enjoin that no priest receive another's scholar without the leave of him whom he formerly employed. 11. And we enjoin that every priest in addition to lore do diligently learn a handicraft. 12. And we enjoin that no learned priest put to shame the half-learned, but amend him if he know better. 13. And that every Christian man zealously accustom his children to Christianity and teach them the Pater Noster and Creed. 22. And we enjoin that every man learn so that he know the Pater Noster and Creed, if he wish to lie in a hallowed grave, or to be worthy of housel; because he is not truly a Christian who will not learn them, nor may he who knows them not receive another man at baptism, not at the bishop's hands ere he learn them. 21. And we enjoin that priests diligently teach youth, and educate them in crafts that they may have ecclesiastical support. It is impossible to estimate the extent to which these canons were complied with. It is, however, noteworthy that evidence exists that in the first half of the tenth century it was customary for boys of good family to receive education from a priest. Thus Odo, who was Archbishop of Canterbury from 942-959, was taught "by a certain religious man while a boy in the household of the thane Athelhelm."[102] Again, Odo's nephew, Oswald, was taught by a priest named Frithegode, who is said "to have been skilled in all the learning of that age in England, both secular and divine."[103] In dealing with education in Anglo-Saxon times, it is necessary to use even the slightest evidence of the existence of educational activity. Domesday Book is, of course, the great authority for the social condition of England at this period, and it is essential we should turn to that work for the purpose of investigating whether or not it contains any references which in any way relate to education. As Professor Vinogradoff tells us, we get a good deal of information in the "Survey" about the tenure of churches.[104] "They are a necessary element of every township organisation. The parish church is the "tun kirke" of Old English times, and a tenement of a hide or two virgates is of right reserved to it." The parish priest was remunerated in various ways, partly by tithes, partly by glebe, partly by "church scot." It is in connection with this latter payment that we can trace a connection between the churches and education. In 376 A.D., Gratian issued an edict, which was applied in Britain, that teachers were to be paid in "annones," that is, a measure of corn. Now "church scot" was a species of tax imposed on houses or buildings for the payment of the priest.[105] There are two passages quoted by Vinogradoff which seem to connect this payment of "church scot" with the "annones," which were perhaps originally intended as payments for the work of the priests as teachers of schools. On page 441 he writes:-- "Every socman possessed of a hide has to pay one carriage load of corn, called annona, to his parish church, and there is a provision for the case of non-performance of this duty as in Worcestershire." And on page 418 we read that "the shire gave evidence that the church of Pershore ought to have church rent from 300 hides, that is, one load of corn from every hide in which a franklin is settled." It is not suggested that any stress should be laid on these extracts. They are interesting as indicating the possibility that a part of the remuneration of the parish priest was a payment for his services as a teacher. In Domesday Book itself, three references to education have been traced:-- 1. Wilton Church in Wiltshire was endowed for teaching.[106] 2. Lands in Oxfordshire were given by King Edward the Confessor to the Abbey of Westminster for the education and support of a novice.[107] 3. Aluuid, a young woman, held half a hide of the demesne lands at Oakley (Bucks) for teaching the daughter of Earl Godric.[108] Taken alone, these instances do not amount to much, but when they are considered in relation to the decrees and custom of the Church and the canons promulgated in the reign of King Edgar, they tend to support the contention that provision for education was actually made in the various parishes of this country. Turning next to the Collegiate Churches, whether of a cathedral dignity or not, we note that no evidence of their scholastic activities is available until after the Danish conquest. Then we learn that when Canute visited a famous monastery or borough, he sent there "at his own expense boys to be taught for the clerical or monastic order."[109] This statement is made by a contemporary of the king and is consequently worthy of credence. It was repeated by Abbot Samson who wrote about a century later. Samson, however, exaggerates matters and states that Canute was "so great a lover of religion" that he established public schools[110] in the cities and boroughs "charging the expense on the public purse."[111] It is difficult to say what these statements mean. They may mean that Canute gave further endowments to particular churches on the understanding that an additional priest, who would be responsible for the teaching of the boys, would be maintained, or that endowments were given to monasteries with the implied understanding that they were given to meet the expenses incurred in the support of the boys intended for a monastic profession. Again, it is probable that by now the custom had grown up of requiring payments from the boys who attended the classes of the priests; in that case the statements would simply mean that Canute made certain grants to the particular church to free those whom he nominated from any further charges. The account available of the foundation of Holy Cross Collegiate Church, Waltham, and its re-foundation by Earl Harold,[112] enables us to understand the organisation of the Collegiate Churches of the period and the nature of the provision made for education. Originally, there were only two clerks on this foundation; Earl Harold by additional endowments made it possible for eleven further clerks to be added. Just as the monasteries sent to Fleury and other monasteries of note for guidance in the conduct of their monasteries, so it appears that some of the Collegiate Churches sent abroad for guidance in the direction of their institutions. Thus we learn that, at Waltham a certain "Master Athelard" came from Utrecht that he might "establish at Waltham Church the laws, statutes, and customs both in ecclesiastical and in secular matters of the churches in which he had been educated."[113] The church seems to have been organised on the model of a monastic community; a number of clerks lived together under specified rules; discipline was strictly enforced. A dean, described as "a religious man, illustrious for his character, well known for his literary learning," was placed over the clerks. The schoolmaster was apparently a most important official; his authority seems to have equalled that of the dean; he taught reading, the composition of prose and verse, and singing.[114] A stringent discipline prevailed. We learn that the boys of the choir "walked, stood, read and chanted, like brethren in religion, and whatever had to be sung at the steps of the choir or in the choir itself they sang and chanted by heart, one or two or more together, without the help of a book. One boy never looked at another when they were in their places in choir, except sideways and that very seldom, and they never spoke a word to one another; they never walked about the choir.... And in walking in procession from school they go to choir, and on leaving the choir go to school."[115] Between thirty and forty churches of secular canons are registered in Domesday Book, the majority of which were founded during the reign of Edward the Confessor. Among these pre-Conquest Collegiate Churches were All Saints' Church, Warwick, Beverley Minster, and St. Martins-le-Grand, London. At each of these churches one of the priests acted as schoolmaster, and so we assume that wherever a Collegiate Church was founded, there it was customary to delegate the task of giving instruction in Latin and Music respectively to definite persons. We know that at Warwick and Beverley there was a separate master for Song, and hence we may infer that, wherever possible, separate instructors were provided for these subjects. It must, however, be admitted that the direct evidence of general education during the Anglo-Saxon period is slight and that we are consequently largely driven to conjecture. We are justified in definitely asserting that some of the monasteries were centres of intellectual activity, and that systematic education was given in connection with some of the collegiate churches. It is also extremely probable that it was a general custom for the parish priest to give instruction in Latin to those who wished for such instruction, but it is impossible, so far as our knowledge goes now, to assert anything more than probability in this connection. BOOK II. THE CHURCH IN CONTROL OF EDUCATION. INTRODUCTORY. The second stage which we propose to trace in connection with the evolution of education, is that in which the responsibility for the provision of educational facilities, the organisation of education, the control and the recognition of teachers, were tacitly regarded by the State as among the functions which ought to be undertaken by the Church. A consideration of this question will involve, as a necessary preliminary, some reference to the political ideas of the Church in the Middle Ages. It would be difficult to discover any ideas which could be considered as political in their character in connection with the labours of those mission priests who were responsible for the introduction of Christianity into England. Separation from the body politic, rather than a desire to participate in its activities, was a distinguishing characteristic of those monks who formed the nucleus of the Catholic Church of this country. With the progress of time, however, a change in this respect became evident. The Church tended to develop into a great social and quasi-political institution, and the question of the relation of the ecclesiastical to the secular power became of increasing importance. Various factors contributed to produce this result. Not the least significant of them was the development of the Feudal System, to which is due, to a great extent, the development of the temporal power and rank of the Church, because the great ecclesiastics were not only the leading men of the Church but also great feudal lords. By the Feudal System is meant the system of government prevailing in Western Europe in medieval times. Though the problems connected with its origin and development cannot yet be regarded as definitely settled, yet opinion is practically united upon the main points; such differences as continue to exist relating mainly to minor points of detail. We may summarise the essential features of Feudalism in its more complete forms by saying that "the State no longer depends upon its citizens, as citizens, for the fulfilment of public duties, but it depends upon a certain few to perform specified duties, which they owe as vassals of the king, and these in turn depend upon their vassals for services which will enable them to meet their own obligations towards the king."[116] In other words, the individual citizen had little or no consciousness of any duty he might owe to the State; his horizon was limited by his responsibilities to his over-lord. It is possible to trace the origin of the Feudal System to two practices known to Roman Law. One of these was the "precarium." Under this form the small landowner, induced by a fear of the effects of the disordered condition of the times, gave up his land to some powerful landowner whose position was strong enough to command respect. This land he received back again no longer as owner but as tenant. The other practice--the "patrocinium"--was of a similar character. The poor freeman, desirous of the protection he could not otherwise secure, attached himself to the household of a great lord, and in return for the protection thus gained he gave to the rich man such services as a freeman might perform. At the time of the Frankish invasion of Gaul, these practices were found in operation, and as they corresponded in their main features to customs current among the Franks, the German customs and the Roman customs merged the one in the other and in their new form were adopted by the invaders. The coupling of the special obligation of military service as a condition of land tenure was strengthened by the efforts of Charles the Great. The growth in size of the Frankish empire, resulting in campaigns being necessary at great distances, produced a modification of the existing practice. Of special significance was his ordinance that the vassals should come into the field under the command of their lords; as a result, each lord endeavoured to secure as fine a body of vassals as possible. Gradually it thus came about that the inherent duty of the citizen to defend his country "was transferred from a public obligation into a private contract." The Feudal System developed further when other functions of the State passed into the hands of individuals. Of great importance in this connection was the acquisition of the power of "jurisdiction," by which the administration of justice passed out of the power of the State so far as persons residing within the limits of the fief were concerned. Thus it gradually came to pass that all real power passed from the State and centred in individual lords with the result that patriotism and a common national feeling were almost entirely wanting. Yet, from the very time of its origin, the Feudal System contained within itself factors which influenced its decline and fall. The only force that held together a fief was the personal ability of the successive generations of lords, coupled with the nature of their success in maintaining order and security and in compelling outlying landlords to recognise their supremacy. But vassals were ever ready to throw off their allegiance and to assert sovereign rights, if the opportunity occurred, and neighbouring great barons would not scruple to entice the vassals of a rival to change their over-lord. When the Feudal System became fixed, such things might become less frequent, but, generally speaking, the law of the survival of the strongest prevailed. Sooner or later, the Feudal System was certain to result in a period of anarchy. In this country, that period occurred on the death of Henry I., when the feudal party refused to abide by the oaths which the late king had made them swear to his daughter Mathilda. The Peterborough continuation of the English Chronicle describes this period of anarchy "in words with which in their pregnant simplicity no modern description can possibly vie."[117] "They filled the land full of castles, and filled the castles with devils. They took all those that they deemed had any goods, men and women, and tortured them with tortures unspeakable: many thousand they slew with hunger ... and they robbed and burned all the villages so that thou mightest for a day's journey nor ever find a man dwelling in a village nor land tilled. Corn, flesh, and cheese, there was none in the land. The bishops were for ever cursing them but they cared nought therefor.... Men said openly that Christ and His saints slept. Such and more than we can safely say we suffered nineteen years for our sins." Apart from the practical and tangible effects of the Feudal System, medieval theorising on politics brought forward arguments to support the contention that the Church was not only distinct from, but was in certain essential respects superior to, the State. The starting point in such theorising was the dogma of the two powers, the Spiritual and the Temporal, the power of the priesthood derived from the King of Kings, the power of the State derived from the ability to exercise force. Ecclesiastics maintained that of these two powers the greater dignity pertained to the spiritual. This arose directly from the views of the early Church as to the relative importance of the earthly life and of the life to come. To save souls was more important than to regulate physical life; hence, those whose function it was to save souls were not only more worthy of honour than those who simply sought to control temporal activities, but they possessed an authority of a higher and more responsible character. The claim of the Church to a power of inspection and correction in reference to the behaviour and motives of secular rulers enhanced its authority still further. To the sacerdotal mind not only were princes laymen, but of all laymen they were the class most prone to sin and consequently were most in need of clerical censure. Among the duties of the kings which were imperatively insisted upon were "respect for and protection of the Church and her ministers." Hincmar, Gregory VII., and Innocent III. are prominent among those who may be quoted as the protagonists of the claim to ecclesiastical pre-eminence. A weapon of great value in the enforcement of ecclesiastical demands was that of excommunication and anathema. This was considered to correspond to the death penalty of the Mosaic law, the employment of the sword of the Spirit. If, however, the fear of excommunication was insufficient to gain from a reluctant monarch respect for the wishes of the Church, then the power of deposition was resorted to. The authority to do this was based on the power claimed by the Church of absolving their members from the oaths of allegiance they had taken. This power was of special significance in a feudal state of society, at a time when the tendency to renounce allegiance was continually present and opportunity and pretext alone lacking. The Norman Conquest not only intensified the development of the Feudal System in this country, but it also contributed largely to the recognition of the separate power of the Church. The Conquest had resulted in the administration of the country passing under the control of men who were "better managers, keener, more unscrupulous, less drunken and quarrelsome, better trained, hardier, thriftier, more in sympathy with the general European movements, more adventurous, more temperate.... The result was inevitably better organisation, quicker progress, great exactions and oppressions in Church and State."[118] Moreover, the invasion had claimed to possess a religious character and to have for its object the regaining of an heritage which had been "filched by a perjured usurper." The existing archbishops, bishops, and abbots fled or were deprived of their positions, and their places were filled, generally but not always, by men of foreign race. These men were not merely ecclesiastics, but were feudal lords in addition, and the temporal possessions they held in virtue of their dignities were not only considerable in themselves but, owing to various causes, were continually increasing. The clergy were thus in possession of increasing powers and additional interests, separate from and independent of the rest of their countrymen. The tendency was more and more marked for the Church to become conscious of her temporal powers, to feel jealous of her privileges, and insistent upon her rights. This analysis of the relationship of Church and State, as it developed subsequent to the Norman Conquest, is necessary to enable us to realise the part taken by the Church in regard to education. The Church was not conceived of as a spiritual organisation existing simply for the purpose of promoting a closer fellowship between God and man, but rather as the partner of the State, and as having under her control all those national activities which might be described as "spiritual" in the special sense in which the term was employed at that time. Hence the central authority of the State was merely the organisation which controlled the activities which were definitely temporal. Regarded from the point of view which was common from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, education was essentially "spiritual," and consequently was classed under the activities for which the Church alone was responsible. We pass next to consider the social and economic condition of the country during that period in which the Feudal System was the prevailing system of government. This is necessary because experience has shown that a close connection exists between the social and economic condition of a country and its system of education, in fact, it is impossible properly to understand the educational organisation of a country apart from its social development. The Manorial System may be regarded as the social counterpart of the feudal mode of government. When the Manorial System first emerges upon the stage of history it is recognised that two elements enter into its constitution, the seignorial and the communal; a lord and a group of dependents having rights in common. The origin of the manor is a problem which is still obscure. The question at issue is whether a servile population, working for a superior who was absolute owner of the land, existed "from time immemorial," or whether, at a particular stage of the development of a free community, an overlord succeeded in gaining the ascendancy and in imposing his will upon it. Two theories have been advanced. The Mark theory[119] maintains that a certain district, marked off from districts of a similar character, was held in common ownership, and that the Manorial System arose when through some particular cause the authority of a lord became recognised. The other theory is that set out by Seebohm in his _English Village Community_, where a connection is traced between the early English village and the Roman vill, and the conclusion arrived at that the English villages were servile and manorial from the earliest days of the Anglo-Saxon period. Without attempting to express an opinion as to these two hypotheses, we may take "Domesday Book" as our starting point. From that book, we learn that over the greater part of England, villeins, cottars or bordars, and slaves made up the whole of the population of the country apart from the governing classes. Subsequent to the Norman Conquest, we can trace a rapid increase in the number of free tenants, due to a variety of circumstances, of which the chief were (1) the commutation by villeins of their services for money payments, (2) the enclosure and letting out of portions of the waste land, (3) the renting of portions of the lord's own demesne. The term "free tenants," as Professor Ashley has shown, is elastic enough to cover men in very different positions, "from the military tenant who had obtained a considerable holding in return for service in the field, down to the tenant who had received at a money rent one or two acres of the demesne, or of new cleared ground."[120] The larger number of those who were known as free tenants were clearly virgate-holding villeins or their descendants, who had commuted their more onerous labour services of two or three days a week for a fixed sum of money, and who had been freed from what were regarded as the more servile "incidents" of their position. In practice the manorial system implied that freedom of movement and choice of occupation scarcely existed. Even before serfs could send their children to school, it was necessary that the consent of the lord should be obtained, and in many cases fines were exacted before this permission was granted. Thus, in the single manor of Woolrichston, in Warwickshire, we learn that in 1361, Walter Martin paid 5s. for the privilege of putting his son "ad scholas"; in 1371, William Potter paid 13s. 4d. that his eldest son might go "ad scholas," and Stephen Prout paid 3s. 4d.; in 1335, William at Water paid for a licence for his younger son William "ad sacrum ordinem promovendum."[121] The point which we wish to emphasise here, is that the only real social distinction on a manor was that between a lord and his tenants. Between these two grades there was a great gulf fixed. Socially, they were as far asunder as the poles. Between the tenants themselves the social separation was slight. "The yardling and the cotter worked in the same way; their manner of life was the same."[122] Even the priest in charge of the majority of the village churches belonged to the same social grade as his parishioners, and, in many cases, he was as poor as any of them, and glad enough to get a few acres and to add to his income by joining in the common agriculture.[123] Passing from the villages to the towns, we may note that at the time of the Norman Conquest there were only about eighty towns in England, and that most of these towns were distinguishable from the villages only by the earthen mounds which surrounded them. Even a town of the first rank cannot have had more than 7,000 or 8,000 inhabitants. Until the second half of the twelfth century, the majority of the burgesses still occupied themselves principally in the cultivation of the common fields, and only a minority specialised in trade or handicraft.[124] Meredith distinguishes four stages in the evolution of a town, but he also makes the important proviso that though the majority of the towns passed through these various stages, yet it cannot be said that any one type of organisation prevailed in any given half-century. Certain factors might combine to make a particular town of great importance and to facilitate its rapid progress; hence the stage of development reached by one town early in the twelfth century might not be attained by another town until a century or more later. The stages are:-- (1) The embryo municipality is but slightly differentiated from a manorial village. (2) The inhabitants increase in number and in wealth and are able to purchase self-government. At this stage a gild merchant is formed. (3) The gild merchant loses its importance; its legislative and judicial work is undertaken by the municipality, whilst the separate craft gilds look after the interests of the various trades. (4) The clear demarcation between town and country breaks down. The capitalist and wage-earning classes emerge and the central government makes inroads into the legislative powers of the municipality and gradually dispenses with the executive work of the crafts. Is it possible to trace a connection between a social and economic condition such as we have described as existing in the manors and towns, and education? It is obvious that there could be little or no demand for education, because, before education is demanded, its value must be perceived. During this period there could not exist any idea of the culture value of education, the value of education for its own sake. Those who held official positions as bailiffs or stewards in connection with manorial estates might find a certain amount of education of value, but neither the demands of commerce nor the amenities of social life were sufficiently insistent to create a wish for education. The main demand for education at this time came from those who desired some position or other in connection with the Church. As will be shown in a subsequent chapter, the Church provided facilities for education for three reasons: as a partner of the State she was responsible for providing it; as holding the view that intellectual training was necessary for moral perfection it was, of necessity, her mission to supply it; and in order that a sufficient number of adequately equipped clerks should be forthcoming, it would be imperative that she should take the necessary action. An important question now arises. To whom did the Church offer facilities for education? To the gentry and nobility? To the middle classes? Or to the labouring classes? This question must be considered, partly because it arises out of our analysis of the social structure, and partly because of the views expressed by various writers on English education.[125] The nature of the education received by the children of the "nobility and gentry" will be considered in Chapter VI.; here it will be sufficient to state that the intellectual part of their education was given by a priest, but it was provided at the expense of the relatives of those who received it; hence, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, the Church did not "provide" facilities for the education of the children who were of "gentle" lineage. Two social classes remain: the middle classes and the "gutter poor," as Mr. Leach elegantly terms them.[126] Which of these two classes did the Church endeavour to educate? The answer is obvious when we consider the social structure of the period. For practical purposes,[127] the middle class in England did not exist until about the close of the fourteenth century. The social distinctions between the various classes of tenants on a manor were so slight as to be negligible; one class tended to merge into the other, so that it was impossible to draw a clear line of demarcation between them. Consequently when the question is asked as to the social grade for whom the Church provided educational facilities, the answer is that such facilities were offered regardless of social standing, and were available for the poorest, even the "gutter poor" if the term is desired. Indisputable evidence of the social grade of those who attended the schools of the Church in the tenth century is available. Not only were the various classes of persons who were employed on agricultural labour, such as shepherds, cowherds, swineherds, represented, but even members of the "unfree" class are described as being present in the school of which Abbot Aelfric gives us a picture.[128] As we shall be obliged to return to this subject again, on account of the common misconception, we may now defer further consideration. CHAPTER I. EDUCATIONAL LABOURS OF THE MONASTERIES. The place of the monasteries in connection with the educational life of the country will become evident from a consideration of the special circumstances of the time. Monasticism, as we have shown, originated mainly from a sense of inability to lead a Christian life in an atmosphere largely tinged with paganism, and in which the prevailing ideal of life had sunk to a very low standard. The remarkable success of monasticism led to a great increase in the number of those who desired to enrol themselves as members of an organised religious community. In course of time, not only had Christianity become the generally accepted religion of the western world, but the monks had come to be regarded as the élite among the clergy. As a class, the secular clergy of this country of the ninth and tenth centuries had not shown themselves inspired with the same zeal, self-sacrifice, and fervour, which had marked the early missionaries; apparently they had been attracted to the clerical profession by a variety of motives, and not invariably from a sense of vocation. Learning does not appear to have been highly esteemed among them, and it would be a difficult matter to name, in this country at this period, many secular priests of outstanding ability. Generally speaking, the term "secular clergy" had come to denote men of lower ideals, of less learning, of less spirituality, and of less efficiency, than the regular clergy. The monastic mission of the eleventh and twelfth centuries consequently differed appreciably from that undertaken by the Benedictine and Celtic monks in the seventh century. Originally the aim of the monks was the introduction of Christianity; now the task of the monks is to make the Church more efficient and powerful. Efficiency and power can be acquired by the Church in various ways--by its temporal wealth, by its political power, by its spiritual zeal, by its intellectual activities. It is only with the last named aspect of the work of the Church that we are here concerned. Education and religion were generally regarded as identical at the period with which we are dealing; the progress of religion was held to involve the spread of education. "Zeal for letters and religion," remarks William of Malmesbury, "had grown cold many years before the coming of the Normans."[129] Here, then, is indicated the task which awaited the leaders of the Church, the revival of zeal for religion and letters. How were they to approach and solve the problem? We may legitimately assume that those who lived at the time, and who were in a position to know the special circumstances of the period, would also be in a position to consider the best policy to adopt. The method actually adopted by them for promoting the cause of "religion and letters" was, in the first place, by the establishment of monasteries. We learn that between 1066 and 1135, three monastic cathedrals, thirteen important monasteries for women, eleven important monasteries for men, seventeen Cluniac priories and sixty cells for foreign houses were founded in this country.[130] One of the main effects of the Norman Conquest upon England, from an ecclesiastical point of view, was the substitution of Norman for the existing English bishops and abbots. Of the twenty-one abbots who attended the Council of London in 1075, thirteen were English; of these, only three held office at the accession of William Rufus.[131] From among the Normans of learning who came to occupy positions of importance in England may be mentioned Lanfranc and Anselm, successively Archbishops of Canterbury, Gundulf, Bishop of Rochester, Paul, Abbot of St. Albans, Water, Abbot of Evesham, Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster, Ernulf, Prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, and Thurstan, Abbot of Glastonbury, all of whom had been connected with the school attached to the monastery of Bec. Instances might also be given of ecclesiastics who came to this country from the schools of Rouen, of Cluny, of Mont St. Michel, of Bayeux, and of Laôn.[132] These appointments are all the more significant because the Church in Normandy at this time was in a very flourishing condition, and was conspicuous for its learning;[133] hence the Norman Conquest, among other things, meant that men of learning and ability were appointed to the chief ecclesiastical positions in England. Reference should be made here to the reforms effected at Cluny--a Benedictine monastery--in the second half of the eleventh century. Confining ourselves to the reforms that were connected with the intellectual activities of the monastery, we note that manual labour, in its literal sense, became practically non-existent. In its stead additional time was given to study and to the copying of manuscripts.[134] The importance of Cluny for the educational progress of England arises from the fact that Lanfranc, who was appointed by the Conqueror to the position of Archbishop of Canterbury, had apparently studied the customs prevailing in that monastery,[135] and had based upon them the reforms which he sought to effect in his own Cathedral monastery at Canterbury,[136] and also endeavoured to introduce into other monasteries in this country.[137] The two men who successively occupied the position of Archbishop of Canterbury after the Conquest are of special importance both from an ecclesiastical and from an educational point of view. Lanfranc had acquired a reputation as a schoolmaster before he took up residence in this country. His first school was conducted at Avranches, where he attracted many scholars; subsequently he entered the monastery of Bec, where he opened a school in connection with the monastery, the fame of which spread widely. Scholars educated at this school subsequently occupied most important ecclesiastical positions both here and on the continent. Among them were Pope Alexander II., and Ivo who afterwards became famous in connection with the school at Chartres. After Lanfranc became Archbishop of Canterbury he issued his "Constitutiones," a series of regulations for the control of the monastery of Christ Church, Canterbury. For the most part, these regulations relate to the stringent discipline which Lanfranc wished to enforce; educationally, they show that he followed the course of study in the monastery which had been customary since the council of Aix-la-Chapelle in 817. The curriculum of the school included the psalms, writing, and reading and speaking Latin. After the death of Lanfranc, the see of Canterbury was vacant till a dangerous illness frightened William Rufus into the necessity for taking action in the matter. He compelled Anselm, who had succeeded Lanfranc as Prior of Bec, to accept the position. Under Anselm the reputation of the school at Bec had been enhanced, so that it had become generally regarded as the principal centre of learning in Western Europe. Little direct evidence of the connection of Anselm with education in England is available, but it may fairly be assumed that a man, whose learning was so generally recognised and whose influence on European thought was so great, would of necessity react upon the condition of learning in this country and tend to bring education into greater repute. The work of the monasteries for education during the eleventh and twelfth centuries may be considered under three heads: (1) the part they played in connection with a revival of learning, (2) their connection with schools, and (3) their contribution to the production of books. I.--THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. To bring about an increased interest in learning was generally regarded as the first of monastic reforms.[138] This opinion was so common that it almost became proverbial: Claustrum sine armario castrum sine armamentario.[139] How was this interest in letters to be secured? Obviously by requiring the monks to spend a greater amount of time in study, and by causing them to copy a greater number of books, which would afterwards be available for the use of the monastery. The first of these was, as we have seen, an essential reform at Cluny, the model for the English monastic reformers. A considerable amount of evidence is available to show that the new abbots of the monasteries regarded it as important that their libraries should be well stocked with books. At St. Albans the Abbot Paul built a scriptorium in which hired writers copied the MSS. lent him by Lanfranc, and he provided an endowment to secure the continuance of the work.[140] A subsequent abbot, Simon de Gorham, initiated the custom that the abbot should always maintain one writer in the scriptorium at his own expense.[141] At Malmesbury the Abbot Godfrey paid special attention to the formation of a library and to the education of the monks. Under his rule the monks, who had previously been considered as ignorant, equalled, even if they did not surpass, those of any other monastery in the country.[142] Other instances which may be quoted are those of Bath,[143] Thorney,[144] and Abingdon.[145] II.--THE PROVISION OF SCHOOLS. The question of the provision of schools by monasteries is a matter of considerable controversy. Turning first to the continental custom, we note, on the one hand, that the decree of the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle of 817 provided that "schola in monasterio non habeatur nisi eorum qui oblati sunt"[146]; and, on the other hand, that there is the incontrovertible case of the school in connection with the monastery of Bec, conducted first by Lanfranc and later by Anselm.[147] In addition, reference might also be made to the hostel maintained at Cluny, at the expense of the monastery, for clerks of noble birth who attended the schools in the town.[148] It is not suggested that any general conclusion as to the existence of external monastic schools can be drawn from these instances, but it does establish the point that the decree of the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle alone cannot be considered as sufficient evidence that, after the ninth century, the monasteries ceased to interest themselves in the provision and maintenance of schools. Turning next to this country, we find that schools for the inmates of the monasteries and for their prospective members were instituted as a matter of course. This point is so generally admitted as not to call for specific evidence in its support.[149] The question at issue is: did the monasteries in England make any provision for the education of external pupils? We are not concerned here with the further question why they should interest themselves in the subject; our only task is to enquire whether or not they actually did so. To summarise the main evidence to support the statement that some of the monasteries took an interest in the provision of schools, we may note that there existed a secular school in connection with the Abbey at St. Albans, and that among the famous headmasters of this school were Geoffrey of Maine[150] and Neckham[151]; a cell in connection with the monastery of St. Albans was in charge of a monk who kept school[152]; the Abbot Samson of Bury St. Edmunds gave an endowment towards the payment of a master of a secular school at Bury,[153] and provided a hostel in connection with the school[154]; schools existed on two of the manors belonging to St. Edmund's Abbey to which the Abbots appointed the masters.[155] Schools were also supported by monasteries at Evesham, Bruton, and other places.[156] In those cases in which monastic orders took the place of secular canons, they continued the work of their predecessors, _e.g._ at Waltham,[157] at Huntingdon,[158] at Canterbury,[159] and at Christ Church, Twinham.[160] The conclusion seems to be that monasteries directly provided schools for their own members only within the walls of the monasteries, and that, when opportunity occurred and necessity demanded, they also undertook the responsibility of providing schools in their neighbourhood for all who might care to attend. As is shown by the appointments at Bury St. Edmunds, in those cases in which the monasteries were in charge of schools, the masters appointed to these schools were men of high intellectual attainments. This is what would naturally be expected when the mental calibre of some of these Norman abbots is considered; thus, Warin[161] was a master of the University of Salerno,[162] John de Cella, his successor,[163] was a master of Paris, and is described as "in Greek, esteemed a Priscian, in verse an Ovid, in Physic, a Galen"[164]; and the Abbot Samson, the hero of Carlyle's _Past and Present_, was at one time the "magister scolarum" at Bury St. Edmunds.[165] III.--THE WRITING OF BOOKS. Though a full consideration of this topic would serve to illustrate the intellectual activities of the monasteries, yet such a discussion lies outside the scope of our investigation. For our purpose a brief reference only is necessary, merely to illustrate the point that interest in educational matters was continued in the monasteries, and to mention that we owe to the monkish scribes most of the material that is available at the present time for the reconstruction of the historical development of this country. As representative writers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries may be mentioned William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, Henry of Huntingdon, Geoffrey of Monmouth, Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Durham, Roger Wendover, Matthew of Westminster, and Eadmer of Canterbury. CHAPTER II. SOME TERMS IN DISPUTE. It is inevitable that confusion of thought occurs in dealing with any department of knowledge, unless there is a general agreement as to the meaning to be assigned to the terms which are employed. With the possible exception of Economics, Education suffers more than any other science from the ambiguous use of terms. Consequently it is advisable, at this juncture, to indicate the sense in which some of the terms frequently used in this thesis are understood. This is particularly necessary because the terms we propose to consider are often used in a sense different from that in which, in our opinion, they were employed in medieval times. We have selected the following for consideration--School, Free, Grammar, Song, Writing, and Reading. SCHOOL. When the term "school" is employed to-day, it is usually taken to mean the "school-house," _i.e._ the building in which the work of the school is carried on. It must, however, be emphasised that in medieval times a school-house was an "accident." Specific buildings for teaching purposes were a comparatively late development in the history of schools. The term "school" considered etymologically means "leisure," and probably the modern idea of school developed from the fact that the leisure time to which [Greek: scholê] specially related was that which was given up to discussion. A second stage of development is reached when the term is restricted to organised school. The essential idea of a school at this stage is that of a master and his scholars. The master might be a man of over seventy years of age and his pupils men of middle age (as was probably the case in the school conducted by Archbishop Theodore), or the master might simply be a youth, and his pupils a few village children learning their letters, as would be the case in the schools taught by the youths preparing for the priesthood in the house of the parish priest; in each case the term "school" was equally applied and considered equally appropriate. The place where the school was held was a matter of indifference. It might be held in the open air, in the cloisters of a monastery, in some part of a collegiate church, or possibly in some more suitable place. Then, too, the school might be held at regular intervals or it might simply meet occasionally. Briefly we may say that the conception of "school" was in a state of flux, and merely implied that a master and pupils met together for purposes of instruction. We may point out here that it would assist in clear thought if the use of the term "school" could be restricted to those cases in which the erection of a school-house constituted a definite and objective sign of the existence of a school, and to employ the term "class" for such gatherings of teacher and pupils as were held otherwise. If this suggestion could be adopted investigations into the origin of schools would become much more definite and valuable. To illustrate this statement, we may consider the statement in Bede, that Sigebert in 631 "instituit scolam, in qua pueri litteris erudirentur."[166] What does this phrase precisely mean? If the statement had been that Sigebert founded a monastery or a church, then we should not be in any doubt on the matter. We have not been able to trace in any edition of the writings of Bede any interpretation of "scola," as the various editors take it for granted that its meaning is not in dispute. Thus Bright in dealing with the passage in Bede we have quoted, assumes that a school existed at Canterbury in connection with the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul, and that the school which Bishop Felix established at the wish of King Sigebert was probably attached to the primitive East Anglian Cathedral which had been erected at Dunwich, then a town on the Suffolk coast, but now annihilated by the sea.[167] But neither at Canterbury nor at Dunwich would a specific building for the school be provided. Consequently the phrase from Bede, which is an important passage in the history of English educational history, simply means that certain priests, who had obtained some experience in the art of teaching, were specifically assigned the duty of teaching the Latin language in classes held in the church buildings, to those who might care to attend. We have not found it possible in this thesis to distinguish carefully between a "class" and a "school." We are obliged to content ourselves with indicating the danger that exists of reading into the medieval use of the term school the meaning commonly applied to the term at the present time. GRAMMAR. The term "grammar" gradually superseded that of "letters" as the specified purpose for which schools were founded. So far as England is concerned, the first occasion on which the actual words "scola grammatice" occur, is in a document of the latter half of the eleventh century.[168] The term became more common in the thirteenth century owing to the necessity of distinguishing grammar schools from the "schools" of the higher faculties in the universities. "The first actual use of the term 'grammar school' in English appears to be in 1387 A.D. when John of Trevisa, translating from the Latin of Ralph Higden's 'Polychronicon,' mentions a 'gramer scole' held at Alexandria."[169] By the fourteenth century therefore the phrase "grammar school" had entered into ordinary colloquial speech. But what does this term "grammar" exactly denote? On the plinths of the right bay of the great west doors of Chartres Cathedral are to be found statues of the Seven Liberal Arts. With reference to these statues, Dr. Clerval in his work on "Chartres, sa Cathédrale et ses Monuments," writes:-- "Les autres cordons représentent les sept Arts libéraux qui ornaient l'esprit de la Vierge symbolisés chacun par une femme portant les attributs de chaque science, et par un homme, le corypliée de cette science, assis devant un pupître, avec plume, canif, encre, éponges, règles. Ainsi au bas du premier cordon de droite, c'est la Musique frappant trois cloches avec un marteau, et dessous Pythagore. Au second cordon à gauche en bas, c'est la Dialectique, portant un lizard subtil et un sceptre, et dessous Aristotle; puis la Rhétorique, discourant, et dessous Ciceron; la Géométrie avec un compas, et dessous Euclide; l'Arithmetique (en redescendant) avec un livre, et dessous Boèce ou Pythagore; l'Astronomie regardant le Ciel et portant un boisseau, et dessous Plotonée, portant une lunette; enfin la Grammaire, assise, menaçant de verges deux jeunes écoliers lisant à ses pieds, et au-dessous Priscien ou Donat. Ces représentations des Arts très curieuses sont les plus anciennes avec celles de Laôn. Elles s'expliquent à Chartres par les écolâtres de cette Eglise, spécialement Thiery, auteur de l'Heptabuclion, vers 1140."[170] This passage may assist us in determining the meaning assigned to Grammar as one of the Seven Liberal Arts. It suggests that everything which was not music, eloquence, logic, mathematics, astronomy, geometry, was grammar, _i.e._ nearly the whole of the humanities; or, in other words, the study of grammar was synonymous with the study of "letters" so far as the term was then understood. In actual practice, however, grammar did not possess this connotation. This was due to the fact that a study of letters was not possible until a mastery of Latin had been acquired, and consequently it resulted that the term "grammar school" was applied to denote a place in which instruction was given in "Donat" or "Priscian." Donat was a Roman rhetorician who wrote _Ars Grammatica_ about the middle of the fourth century. His grammar was the most generally used elementary text-book on the subject. In its abbreviated form, which was the one in common use, it only consisted of eight or nine pages. Priscian was a grammarian who flourished in the early part of the sixth century, and who published, about 526, his _Institutiones Grammaticae_, a most elaborate and systematic treatise on Latin grammar. For over a thousand years Priscian's work was regarded as the leading and authoritative text-book on the subject. We may also note here that classical Latin literature was rarely used for school purposes. This was the result of the attitude of the early Christian Fathers towards these writings. We have previously pointed out that this classical literature was closely associated with pagan beliefs and practices, and consequently was not regarded as suitable for introduction into classes taught by Christian priests. Even as late as 1518, the statutes of Dean Colet prescribed that the books to be studied in his school were to be the works of such "auctours Christian as lactantius prudentius and proba and sedulius and Juvencus and Baptisa Mantuanus." This analysis will help us to realise that when the term "grammar school" is used with reference to the schools of Medieval England, what is generally meant is a class in which elementary instruction was given in "Donat," and in the power of speaking Latin. If advanced work was attempted, then Priscian would be studied and the works of "Christian authors" read. FREE. We next pass to consider the term "free"--an epithet which usually accompanies the expression "grammar school" and which has given rise to a certain amount of controversy. A special meaning was given to this term in 1862 by Dr. Kennedy, headmaster of Shrewsbury School, in a paper which he submitted to the Public Schools' Commission and which was published by them. This special meaning was that the term "free" denoted a "school free from the control of a superior body, _e.g._ a chapter, a college, a monastery." He advances the following arguments in support of his contention. (1) "Most of the schools being then gratuitous, such a fact would hardly have been chosen to give the distinctive title of these schools." (2) "That free school is in Latin 'schola libera' and that 'liber' appears never at any period to be used by itself to mean gratuitous."[171] (3) "That whatever franchise or immunity was denoted by the word, it would, according to ordinary usage, be an immunity for the school or its governors, not for the scholars." (4) "That the nearest analogies are 'free town,' 'free chapel,' and that these mean free from the jurisdiction of the sheriff and of the bishop respectively." (5) "That the imposition of some charge (_e.g._ admission and quarterages) was not at all compatible with the title of free school."[172] On the other hand, Mr. Leach maintains that the average school of the period did charge fees and that the schools which were described as "free" grammar schools were those in which no tuition charges were made.[173] He quotes the case of the Newland Grammar School which was founded under licence in mortmain of 1445-6 for "an honeste and discrete preste beinge sufficiently lerned in the arte of gramer to kepe and teche a grammer scole ther half-free for ever; that is to saie to take of scolers lernynge grammer 8d. the quarter and of other lernynge lettres and to rede, 4d. the quarter, within a house there called the chauntrie house or scoole house." In replying to the suggestions of Dr. Kennedy we would point out that the nature of the control exercised by bishops, monasteries or colleges over schools is so slight as to be practically non-existent. Consequently, to make the fact of such freedom the distinctive epithet of such schools seems scarcely to be warranted. Moreover, these "free" schools were founded as a general rule either by bishops personally or by ecclesiastical persons or by persons in the closest sympathy with the existing ecclesiastical system. It is highly improbable that they would deliberately found an institution which was to be "free" from association with the Church. A similar criticism applies to the contention advanced by Mr. Leach. As Dr. Kennedy points out, the official schools of the Church were gratuitous from the time of their origin. Then, as we shall show in a subsequent chapter, the schools in which fees were charged were as a general rule those which may be classed as "private adventure" schools. Payment of fees in Church schools is probably due to the custom which would naturally arise that boys would make offerings to their teachers at certain times,[174] and that in course of time this custom would become an unwritten law. The point we wish to emphasise here is that the official schools of the Church were always "free schools" in the sense of being free from payment. This was such a generally well-known and recognised fact that no need existed to apply the term "free" as the distinctive epithet for the purpose of distinguishing between one grammar school and another. In other words, our contention is that all the Church schools were "gratuitous" whether or not they were described as free schools. It is therefore necessary for us to advance another hypothesis to account for the use of the term, and we suggest that the term "free" means "open to all comers," _i.e._ that admission to the school was not restricted to any particular social grade or to those who were preparing for any particular profession or to those who were living in any particular locality. A free school, in fact, denotes a public school. The following reasons in support of this suggestion may be advanced. (1) Certain schools of the period were necessarily restricted. Thus, only those who were destined for the monastic life were allowed to attend the monastery schools; the almonry schools were confined to those who gained admission to them, and were not open to all who wished to attend; some of the cathedral schools also were open only to specified classes of persons.[175] (2) As the general idea of the period was that each parish was self-sufficing and concerned with its own parishioners only a _free_ school would mean one available for the public generally. Each town regarded every non-burgess of that town as a "foreigner," and freedom of trade was only allowed to townsmen. Each parish had a responsibility for its own poor; the claim to burial in the churchyard was limited to actual parishioners. This same idea passed on to educational matters. Thus, an entry in the York Episcopal Registers of June 1289 states that the schools of Kinoulton were to be open to parishioners only, "all other clerks and strangers whatsoever being kept out and by no means admitted to the school."[176] (3) The term "public" school gradually becomes a substitute for "free" school. Thus, in the "Acte for the due Execution of the Statutes against Jesuits, Seminaries, Preists, Recusants, etc.," there is a specific reference to "publike or free Grammer Schools."[177] (4) The warrant granted in 1446 to Eton College not only provided that it should have a monopoly of teaching grammar within a radius of ten miles, but specifically stated that the school should be open "to all others whatsoever, whencesoever and from whatever parts coming to the said college to learn the same science, in the rudiments of grammar, freely."[178] This extract clearly shows a different attitude from that specified in (2) above. We may consequently regard the institution of "free" grammar schools as marking a stage in the policy of breaking down the barriers which separated parish from parish and township from township. We now proceed to consider a special case to test these various suggestions. A school founded by the citizens at Exeter in the sixteenth century was expressly described in the statutes of the school as a "Free Grammar School." But the same statutes proceed to decree that "one month after Michaelmas yerely ... everyone that is admitted ... shall pay unto the schoolemaister of the said schoole for the tyme beinge as followeth, viz every childe of any ffreeman of the said city sixe pence, every childe of any inhabitant of the said city that is not ffree of the said City Twelve pence, and every Childe of any strangers Two shillinges respectively."[179] We consequently plainly see that a school might be a "free" school and yet charge fees. On the other hand, our contention that "free" denotes "public," _i.e._ open to all comers is supported by this extract which also shows incidentally that the idea that the school was one for citizens only was but slowly disappearing. SONG. A discussion of the term "song" has become necessary, because of a tendency to regard a song school as the elementary school of the Middle Ages. This position has been strongly taken up by Mr. Leach and has been adopted by all writers who rely upon him. Apparently the only evidence for this opinion is an incident arising out of a misunderstanding between the master of grammar and the master of song with which Mr. Leach has dealt fully in his _History of Warwick School_.[180] As a result of this dispute, the dean and chapter of the Collegiate Church decided upon a specific enumeration of the duties of the two masters. The master of grammar was to have the "Donatists" and "scholars in grammar or the art of dialectic, if he shall be expert in that art," whilst the master of song was to be allowed to "keep and teach those learning their first letters and the psalter."[181] The "Donatists," as we have shown, were those who were receiving the most elementary lessons in Latin. To "learn a Donat" had passed into colloquial speech as the equivalent of acquiring the elements of knowledge of any subject. If the decision at Warwick had been that the master of grammar was to have taught the scholars "Priscian," and the master of song to have taught them "Donat," then the inference might legitimately have been drawn that the master of song was the elementary schoolmaster. Since, however, Latin was the only subject of instruction at a Grammar School, and as the elements of Latin Grammar were to be taught by the master of grammar, it would seem as if Mr. Leach was in error in regarding the song school as the elementary school of the period. The two subjects, which were taught in the various schools held at this time, were Latin and Music, and, wherever possible, separate masters for these subjects were appointed. To attempt to estimate the relative importance of these subjects from a social point of view, is to expose one's self to the charge of snobbishness. Latin and Music alike were taught because of the fact that they were of outstanding importance in connection with the worship of the Church. Thus one of the events recorded by Bede, as obviously an event of great importance, was the visit paid by the Abbot of St. Martin's, Rome, for the purpose of teaching song to the monks at the Northumbrian monasteries[182] and to all others who cared to resort there for instruction. Bede also tells us that when Bishop Putta was temporarily without an episcopal charge he devoted his time to the teaching of music.[183] We wish, therefore, to emphasise that the song schoolmaster was not the elementary schoolmaster of the middle ages. The duty of the master of song, as set out in the Statutes of Rotherham College, was to teach the art of music and "presertim in plano et fractu cantu secundum omnes modos et formas ejusdem artis."[184] Song occupied a prominent place in the curriculum of the schools of the middle ages and it probably exercised a greater refining influence upon the nation than is commonly realised. The abolition of the schools of song was not the least disastrous of the effects of the Reformation in this country, and it is of considerable significance that the recent Royal Commission into University Education in Wales recommends that steps should be taken for the greater encouragement of the study of music, not only within the university itself but also in the schools of the Principality. One other point may also be mentioned here. It was a very frequent occurrence for the same master to be responsible for the instruction both in grammar and in song. Thus, in 1385, the same master was appointed "ad informandos pueros tam in cantu quam in gramatica,"[185] in 1440, a master was appointed "ad informandos pueros in lectura, cantu et gramatica,"[186] and in 1426, there is a record of an appointment of a master for "scola lectuali et cantuli."[187] READING. It is not easy to arrive at a decision as to the meaning of the term "reading school." The books which were read were probably the service books of the Church, and these, of course, were written in Latin. Is it possible that a reading school would be a class in which boys were taught to read Latin only, whilst in a grammar school they would not only be taught to read Latin but also to speak it? Sometimes the references to be found to schools seem to lead to the conclusion that "reading schools" and "grammar schools" were but different terms for one and the same school. Thus, the entries in various Chapter Act Books contain references to appointments to schools of grammar, side by side with references to schools of reading as if the meaning in each case was the same, _e.g._ at Howden in 1394, a master was appointed "ad informandum pueros in lectu et cantu," and again in 1401, "in lectura et cantu."[188] Sometimes the nature of the reference leads to the conclusion that the term "reading" denoted a lower grade of instruction in Latin than did the term "grammar," _e.g._ at Northallerton a master was appointed, in 1456, for the purpose "ad informandos pueros in lectura et gramatica."[189] The record of a previous appointment in 1440 was, that the master was responsible "ad informandos pueros in lectura, cantu et gramatica." As the evidence is so scanty, it scarcely seems possible to arrive at a definite conclusion, though the probability appears to be that the use of the term "reading" implies that the work of the school was not carried on to so advanced an extent as it was when "grammar" was used as the descriptive term. Since the topic of elementary education has been mentioned and as it is obvious that elementary instruction must of necessity have been arranged for, we may here consider briefly how this would be effected. We suggest that, as a general rule, there would be found some clerk or other in minor orders attached to every church who would be prepared to give this instruction. In course of time express provision for elementary instruction seems to have been made. Thus at Brecon, the A B C was taught to young children by the chaplain of the college[190]; at the collegiate church of Glasney the founder, Bishop Goode of Exeter, provided that the bellringer was to receive "40s. yerely as well for teachynge of pore mens children there A B C as for ryngynge the belles"[191]; at Launceston, a benefaction existed for the purpose of paying "an aged man chosen by the mayor to teche chylderne the A B C."[192] WRITING. Three distinct stages in the meaning to be attached to this term can be traced. Originally it was a specialist craft, as only the skilled man would be able to write out the charters which were required and to copy the manuscripts which were so highly esteemed. In Saxon days there were two distinct styles of writing in this country, the Canterbury style and the Lindisfarne style. The Roman mission introduced the Canterbury style of writing. The characteristics of this style were that the Roman uncials were adopted but with the addition of some local peculiarities. The Canterbury psalter,[193] which is now in the British Museum, is an example of the work of this mode. The Lindisfarne style had a greater influence upon our national handwriting, as, with certain modifications of its half-uncial characteristics, it was the recognised English style until a new fashion of writing was introduced from Gaul about the end of the tenth century.[194] The next stage in the evolution of writing is connected with its practical value as a means of communication and for business purposes. Now it is known as the "scrivener's art." We can trace the appointment of masters to teach writing for this purpose in this country from the fifteenth century. Thus, of the three masters appointed to the college of Acaster in 1483, one was to teach grammar, the second, song, "and the third to teche to Write and all suche thing as belonged to Scrivener craft."[195] The third stage in the evolution of writing is reached when ability to write is considered to be one of the earliest of the school tasks to be undertaken, and when writing is considered indispensable for all intellectual progress. This stage was reached about the time of the Renaissance. We stop at this point because a further consideration would carry us outside the limit of our task.[196] Our only purpose has been to show that the establishment of a writing school in any place in the Middle Ages did not mean the establishment of an elementary school as the term is understood to-day. As a matter of fact, the first elementary schools, in the modern sense, cannot be traced further back in England than to the establishment of the charity schools of the seventeenth century. Preparatory schools, of course, are much older, but not elementary schools. CHAPTER III. ORGANISATION OF EDUCATION BY THE SECULAR CLERGY. In a previous chapter we have pointed out the nature of the work of the monasteries in connection with the educational development of this country. Important as this work was, yet it did not influence the country as a whole to any appreciable extent, as each monastery concerned itself only with those matters which affected its own interests or the interests of the order to which it belonged. The secular clergy were more in touch with the ordinary life of the people, and it is through their work that we trace the beginnings of an organised system of education. Though the Norman Conquest effected a distinction between Church and State, yet it did not involve any change in the existing ecclesiastical system, and as education at this period was inseparable from religion, neither was any radical change effected in educational development. The Norman contribution to religion was threefold: it brought the Church in this country into closer connection with the Church in the continental countries; it stimulated the activities of the Church; and it appointed to the chief administrative posts men who were foreigners but who were also, in many cases, men of ability and energy. The effect of this upon the educational development was, that there gradually emerged a definite and systematic educational organisation, and it is in this fact that we find the distinctive Norman contribution to educational progress. This organisation consisted of:-- (_a_) The establishment of Schools of Theology in connection with Cathedral Churches. (_b_) The recognition of the Chancellor of the Cathedral as the head of the "Education Department" of the diocese. (_c_) The establishment of Grammar Schools and Song Schools in connection with Collegiate and Parochial Churches. Except for the recognition of the Chancellor as the responsible head of the educational aspect of the work of the Church, the post-Conquest educational arrangements did not essentially differ from the pre-Conquest arrangements. There was a real continuity of educational effort from the days of the introduction of Christianity. The main difference is that, after the Conquest, the educational arrangements seem to be more definite and more effectively organised. We now proceed to consider, in turn, the various parts of the educational organisation which we have enumerated. (_a_) SCHOOLS OF THEOLOGY. As we have already shown, it had been the custom of the Church from the earliest date to establish schools of theology in connection with the more important centres in which the work of the Church was carried on. With the progress of time this custom crystallised into law. We must emphasise that these schools of theology existed before canon law definitely refers to them. Canon law enactments on education simply mark the transition from a voluntary to a compulsory condition. The first definite ecclesiastical enactment relating to schools of theology dates from 1179.[197] This was repeated in 1216 when Innocent III., in general council, decreed that in every metropolitical church a theologian should be appointed "to teach the priests and others in the sacred page and to inform them especially which are recognised as pertaining to the cure of souls."[198] The custom of establishing schools of theology in connection with cathedral churches was common to all those countries in which the Church had made progress. The Church of France had gained special fame in this respect, and the reputation of its schools had extended throughout the civilised world. Among the celebrated continental schools of this period may be mentioned Tourney, under Odo, Chartres, under Fulbert and Bernard Sylvester, Paris, under William of Champeaux, and Bec, which became famous under the mastership of Lanfranc and enhanced its reputation under Anselm. The fame of these schools became so great that they attracted scholars to them both from this country and from other parts of the continent of Europe. John of Salisbury, who was one of the scholars who went from England to France for the purpose of obtaining the best education available at the time, has left us in his writings a valuable account of the mode by which such an education was gained. He tells us that he went over to France whilst he was still a youth,[199] and studied first at Paris, under Adelard and Alberic, then at Chartres, under Richard the Bishop and William of Conches. Subsequently he returned to Paris to continue his studies under Robert Pullus and Simon of Poissy successively. Among other Englishmen, of whom records remain that they went to France for their education, may be mentioned Adam du Petit Pont, who afterwards became Bishop of St. Asaph, Alexander Neckham, the famous Latinist, and Samson, the celebrated Abbot of St. Albans. It may also be interesting to note here, as indicative of the social grade from which the majority of the students of the time came, that they found it necessary whilst they were in France to find some means of self-support. Thus, both John of Salisbury and Adam du Petit Pont maintained themselves by teaching private pupils, whilst Samson was supported by the sale of holy water, a method which seems to have been at the time a favourite one for providing an exhibition fund for poor scholars.[200] So far we have shown that the immemorial custom of the Church as well as the express decree of Canon Law required that the various metropolitical churches at least should provide schools of theology. We have also seen that this custom was widely prevalent in France. We still have to consider whether the practice prevailed in this country. It is necessary for us to point out here, that the evidence must necessarily be indirect and that the fact that evidence is lacking must not be regarded as establishing that schools of theology did not exist in cathedral cities. It is only when some dispute arises or some special incident occurs that we find references, _e.g._ that a well-known churchman was educated at a particular school, or that a particular official was in charge of the school at a specified time, which assist us in drawing the conclusion that theological schools existed. If these incidents had not occurred then we should not possess any knowledge of the existence of the school. Again, we know that large numbers of clergy were ordained at the appointed seasons, by the bishops of the Church. Thus in the first year of the episcopate of Bishop Stapledon of Exeter,[201] 539 were ordained to the first tonsure, 438 acolytes, 104 sub-deacons, 177 deacons, 169 priests; in the diocese of York in 1344/5, there were ordained 1,222 persons, of whom 421 were acolytes, 204 sub-deacons, 326 deacons, and 271 priests.[202] Now these clergy must have received systematic education, and it is a legitimate inference that most of them received their education in this country. We may next proceed to consider the evidence which is available of the existence of the schools of theology. We know there was a school of theology at York because Thomas, who became Archbishop of York in 1108, and who had previously held the position of Provost of the Collegiate Church, in Beverley, was educated there.[203] We also know, incidentally, that there existed a school of theology in connection with St. Paul's Cathedral because it is referred to in a deed which is dated about 1125.[204] Similarly, we know that a school of theology existed in Lincoln because the vicar of a Lincolnshire parish was directed to attend the school there to learn theology for a period of two years.[205] This evidence, which is all incidental and merely the outcome of special circumstances considered in conjunction with the general custom of the Church and the requirement of Canon Law leads us to maintain that schools of theology existed at most, even if not all, of the Cathedral Churches of the period. (_b_) THE EDUCATIONAL FUNCTION OF THE CHANCELLOR. We have previously shown that the bishop of a diocese was originally personally responsible for the preparation of those candidates whom he subsequently ordained. With the progress of time and the increase in the duties of the episcopate, it was impossible for the bishop to undertake the personal responsibility for this work, and consequently a tendency arose for it to be entrusted to a member of the collegiate body associated with him. In the case of a secular bishop, a member of the Cathedral body was appointed. This officer was definitely known as the "Scholasticus," and it was his recognised duty to read theology with approved students. We are able to trace the existence of a "scholasticus" in connection with the English cathedrals from an early date. Thus we learn that when Thurstan, Archbishop of York, visited the Pope at Blois in 1120, he was accompanied by "duo archidiaconi ecclesiae nostrae et scholasticus."[206] We also know that a "scholasticus" existed in connection with St. Paul's, London, because the expression "magister scolarum" occurs in a deed whose date is assigned to c. 1110.[207] In course of time the term "chancellor" was substituted for that of "scholasticus," probably because the schoolmaster was the most highly educated member of the cathedral staff and was therefore the most suitable person to entrust with the care of the cathedral seal and with the dispatch of the official letters of the cathedral body. This statement is definitely established by the statutes of the Church of York, which date from 1307 but which are regarded by their editor as existing from 1090 at least. On page 6 of these statutes it is stated that "Cancellarius, qui antiquitus magister scolarum dicebatur, magister in theologia esse debet, et juxta ecclesiam actualiter legere." The same change of term can be traced at St. Paul's, London. One of the witnesses to a deed dated about 1205 who describes himself as Chancellor is the same person who, when acting in a similar capacity at an earlier date, described himself as "magister scolarum."[208] We must remember that this change of designation did not involve any essential change in his duties or in the functions he discharged. The qualification required of the Chancellor as previously of the Schoolmaster was, that he was to be a "master in theology."[209] His duty was that he was to teach theology either by himself or by a suitable substitute[210] to all students who cared to present themselves. If the Chancellor became lazy (as there is a general tendency to become when men lose their ideals and no pecuniary inducement to energy exists) then, apparently, in some places, a custom arose for other persons to keep schools of theology for prospective priests in return for payment, whereas the Chancellor was expected to admit students to his classes without the imposition of any fee. The Church resolutely set itself against this custom of charging fees for instruction, and by a synod held at Westminster in 1138 decreed that "si magistri scholarum aliis scholas pro pretio regendas locaverint, ecclesiasticae vindictae subjaceant."[211] In order to benefit by the school of theology conducted by the Chancellor, it would be necessary that the pupil should have received a sufficient knowledge of Latin. It is highly probable that many of the clerks who were attracted to a school of theology for the purpose of continuing their studies would not have studied Latin to the extent necessary to profit by the course given. In consequence, a demand would arise for teachers of Latin. Now it is an accepted rule of Economics that whenever a demand for a particular commodity exists, then an attempt to meet the demand is forthcoming. Since scholars were to be found in a cathedral city who wished for instruction in Latin, and since other clerks were to be found there who considered themselves capable of giving such instruction and who were desirous of taking private pupils, it is only natural to conclude that the holding of Latin schools in order to meet the demand became common. But the danger of such a practice soon became evident. It is highly probable that many who would attempt to earn an income by professing to teach pupils Latin, were incapable of doing so. To meet this contingency, the custom arose that the Chancellor should grant a licence to those whom he considered capable of acting as teachers. This is an event of the very first importance in the history of Education, because it is the first separate recognition of the teaching profession in England. In addition, the custom led indirectly to the rise of the university system. The custom continues, even to the present day, because the degrees in Arts and Theology in our oldest universities are in reality merely licences issued by the Chancellor of the University to teach those subjects. We may also note that the necessity for the recognition of qualified teachers was imperative not only in the interests of the scholars, but also in the interests of the Church itself, as it had become customary to require that priests who were in charge of parishes, and who were discovered at episcopal or archidiaconal visitations not to be sufficiently learned, should return to their cathedral city in order to pursue a further course of study.[212] Such priests would certainly require more individual attention than they would secure at the ordinary school of theology. In course of time, apparently, some chancellors saw in this granting of licences to teach to approved teachers an opportunity of exacting fees. The Church opposed this practice. In 1160 Canon Law prescribed that "For licence to teach nothing shall be exacted or promised; and anything exacted shall be restored and the promise released."[213] Pope Alexander III.[214] wrote to the Bishop of Winchester requiring him "strictly to prohibit for the future any exaction or promise of anything from anyone in your diocese."[215] This was again repeated in 1170 by the Canon Law of that year. The duty of the Chancellor in the granting of licences was defined more rigidly by the Fourth Lateran Council of 1179. At that Council it was enacted that the Chancellor should grant, without fee of any kind, a licence to teach to every and any person who was qualified to act as a teacher. The decree laid down that "the seller of a licence to teach or preventer of a fit person from teaching is to be deprived of his benefice."[216] The Chancellor is consequently the head of the educational work of the diocese. He is required to prepare all clerks who desire to offer themselves for ordination, to supervise the studies of all incumbents whose education has been found to be defective, and he has also the responsibility of passing judgment upon the abilities of these who are desirous of acting as teachers and of granting certificates to teach to those of whom he approves. (_c_) THE GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. We have seen in a previous chapter that it had been the custom of the Church from the earliest times to establish schools in connection with the various churches. Just as in course of time schools of theology which had previously been customary, were made the subject of express ecclesiastical enactment, so, too, the holding of Grammar Schools was also definitely prescribed. Thus in 1215, Innocent III. decreed that in connection with "every cathedral or other church of sufficient means" masters were to be appointed who were to be able to teach theology and Latin respectively.[217] These masters were to be remunerated out of the common fund of the cathedral church. If, however, the revenues of the Church did not permit of this, then provision was to be made for the remuneration of the grammarian out of the funds of some other church of the city or diocese.[218] At the risk of exposing ourselves to the charge of repetition, we must reiterate that this enactment did not indicate a new departure on the part of the Church or constitute a decree for the establishment of schools. The provision of facilities for education in any locality practically dates from the foundation of a church in that locality. The value of this enactment is twofold: it indicates the considered mind of the Church towards education, illustrating still further, that the Church realised the importance of education and recognised it as her duty to make provision for it; and in the second place it would act as a stimulant to those dioceses or centres in which the ecclesiastical authorities had not been sufficiently alert to their responsibilities and duties. The Lateran Council of 1179 had not only decreed that "in every cathedral church a competent benefice shall be bestowed upon a master who shall teach the clerks of the same church and poor scholars freely," but it had also enacted that it was the duty of the Church to provide free education "in order that the poor, who cannot be assisted by their parents' means, may not be deprived of the opportunity of reading and proficiency."[219] Since then the immemorial custom of the Church and Canon Law alike required that schools should be established in connection with the various churches, we have next to consider a narrower problem, to what extent was this requisite complied with in this country. In this connection we must first of all note the difficulty of finding the necessary evidence. The schools were not a separate foundation but an integral part of the work of the Church. All that can possibly be done is to collect references which will justify us in the inference that schools were carried on in connection with the different churches. Complete evidence for the whole of the educational work of the Church will never be forthcoming. We can only hope to obtain representative evidence and then to submit that this was typical of the general work of the Church, and consequently to maintain that wherever a church, or at any rate a collegiate church, was found, there a master of grammar would also be found. There is abundant evidence that schools existed in the cathedral cities of England practically from the date of the foundation of these cathedrals.[220] Turning next to collegiate and parochial churches we note that prior to the close of the thirteenth century, schools have also been traced in connection with the church at Bury St. Edmunds,[221] Waltham,[222] Warwick,[223] Pontefract,[224] Hastings,[225] Christ Church, Hants,[226] Beverley,[227] St. Albans,[228] Thetford,[229] Huntingdon,[230] Dunstable,[231] Reading,[232] Bristol,[233] Derby,[234] Bedford,[235] Northampton,[236] Marlborough,[237] Newark,[238] Southwell,[239] Kinoulton.[240] In addition to these instances, we learn quite by accident, as it were, of six schools in the diocese of Lincoln, viz. Barton, Partney, Grimsby, Horncastle, Boston, and Grantham.[241] The cumulative effect of all this evidence, we venture to think, is that it establishes the suggestion that the Church of England was not negligent of the custom of the Catholic Church and made the requisite provision for the establishment of schools in connection with her churches. It is also important to remember that a school of song was also established in connection with the various churches, as well as a school of grammar. There does not appear to be any express decree to this effect, but there is abundant evidence of the common existence of such schools, _e.g._ at London,[242] York,[243] Lincoln,[244] Beverley,[245] and Warwick.[246] The master of song was not licensed by the Chancellor, but by the Precentor, the official of the Cathedral body who was in charge of the musical part of the services.[247] Up to this point we have considered mainly the provision for education made by the collegiate churches where it would be possible for a definite person to take charge of the teaching of grammar. But schools were not limited to these churches. On the contrary, the priest in charge of practically every parish church would be expected to keep school. This was a part of the traditional custom of the Church, a custom that was enforced, as we have seen by the Council of Vaison,[248] the canons of Theodulf,[249] and the so-called canons of King Edgar.[250] Passing to the period with which we are more immediately concerned in this chapter, we find the requirement that parish priests should keep school reiterated by Canon Law "ut quisque Presbyter, qui plebem regit, clericum habeat, qui secum cantet, et epistolam et lectionem legat, et qui possit scholas tenere, et admonere suos parachianos, ut filios suos ad fidem discendam mittant ad Ecclesiam: quos ipse cum omni castitate erudiat."[251] The Council of Westminster, held in 1200, also decreed that:-- "Priests shall keep schools in their towns and teach little boys freely." "Priests ought always to have a school of schoolmasters in their houses and if any devout person wishes to entrust little ones to him for instruction, they ought to receive them willingly and teach them kindly."[252] The teaching of the Church on the matter was consequently clear and explicit. The question next arises, to what extent did the parish priests in this country comply with the regulations of the Church. Rashdall is of the opinion that "it may be stated with some confidence that at least in the later Middle Ages the smallest towns, and even the larger villages possessed schools where a boy might learn to read and acquire the first rudiments of ecclesiastical Latin."[253] The available evidence to support the contention that it was customary for the parish priests of the Middle Ages to keep school is admittedly slight, but it establishes clearly that it was regarded as a common practice for schools to be held in the various parishes. Thus, we learn in _Philobiblon_ of "rectores scholarum ruralium puerorumque rudium paedagogos."[254] Roger Bacon[255] tells us that schools existed everywhere "in every city, castle and burg."[256] Abbot Samson in speaking of the days of his boyhood at Diss in Norfolk says that he attended a school which was held there,[257] and John of Salisbury narrates that when he was a boy he went in company with other boys to a priest "ut psalmos addiscerem."[258] Then, again, an interesting passage, which supports our contention, occurs in the correspondence (usually assigned to a date between 1119 and 1135) which took place between Theobald of Etampes and an anonymous critic. The writer of this passage is supposed to be attacking a statement that there was a scarcity of secular clerks. He urges: "Are there not everywhere on earth masters of the liberal arts, who also are called clerks? You yourself, a nobody, are you not said to have taught as a master sixty or one hundred clerks, more or less? Have you not been a greedy seller of words to them, and perhaps have wickedly deceived them in their ignorance as you have deceived yourself? Where then, I pray, is this want of clerks of yours? For not to mention other parts of the empire, are there not nearly as many skilled schoolmasters in ... England, not only in boroughs and cities, but even in country towns, as there are tax collectors and magistrates?"[259] One other important question still remains to be considered: when were definite school houses first erected? We have used the term "school" to describe the classes which were held in connection with the churches, but, as we have pointed out, these were for the most part merely classes in which a priest or a youthful clerk taught boys their "Donat." These schools were usually held in some part of the church building. Shakespeare refers to this:-- "Like a pedant that Keeps a school i' the Church." _Twelfth Night._ Similarly, in the _Memorials of Southwell Minster_ it is recorded on the occasion of one of the visitations, that one of the clerks complained that the boys who were being taught made so much noise as to disturb the services which were in progress.[260] It is not until a school possesses a definite building of its own that it can be said to possess a real independent existence. This question is also of interest in connection with the conflicting claims to the title of being the "oldest public school in England" which have been set up. If we content ourselves with the definition of a school as "a class held in a church for the purpose of teaching Latin," then the question of the relative antiquity of schools is that of the relative antiquity of churches, a question of comparatively little interest from the point of view of the history of education. We contend that we are on much firmer ground when we ask, when was the first building for specific school purposes erected in England. This is a question which still awaits investigation and can only be solved by one school establishing evidence to maintain the date of its first building and then waiting until its claim is overthrown by a school which can show a still more ancient origin. So far as we have been able to trace, the earliest record of a separate school building dates from about 1150 when Abbot Samson bought a stone house at Bury St. Edmunds and gave it for a schoolhouse.[261] We note also that about the same date, Wakelin of Derby and his wife Goda gave certain buildings in Derby "on this trust that the hall shall be for a school of clerks and the chambers shall be to house the master and clerks."[262] It is highly improbable that these are really the first instances. CHORISTERS' SCHOOLS. It is necessary that we should add here some reference to schools for choristers. It is obvious that for the adequate rendering of divine service, the use of boys' voices would be imperative, and consequently the need of providing instruction for them and of maintaining them would arise. The general rule was that the choir boys would be taught Latin by the master of grammar attached to the cathedral, and similarly music would be taught by the master of song. The duty of the cathedral master of grammar in relation to the choristers is evidenced by various disputes which occurred. Thus at Beverley in 1312, the master of grammar refused to teach, without the payment of fees, more than seven choristers. The dean and chapter enquired into the "ancient customs" and reported that the grammar master was obliged to teach all the choristers freely.[263] Again, at St. Paul's, a similar dispute took place in the fourteenth century. Here, also, the dean and chapter investigated the matter, but their decision--though supporting the contention that the choristers were taught by the cathedral master of grammar--was that a certain payment was to be made to him for these services from the cathedral funds. The entry in the almoner's register runs:-- "If the almoner does not keep a clerk to teach the choristers grammar, the schoolmaster of St. Paul's claims 5/- a year for teaching them, though he ought to demand nothing for them, because he keeps the school for them, as the treasurer of St. Paul's once alleged before the dean and chapter is to be found in ancient documents."[264] In addition to providing instruction, it was also necessary that the choristers should be lodged, clothed, and fed. Various devices to effect this seem to have been tried at various times. In some cathedrals, an arrangement was made with an individual to provide the necessary accommodation at an arranged charge;[265] in others, the duty of attending to the welfare of the choristers was assigned to the almoner.[266] Gradually it came about in some cathedrals, _e.g._ Wells, that the choristers were housed together. In 1459-60, Bishop Beckington of Wells drew up an elaborate code of statutes for the control and government of the Choristers' School.[267] These statutes provided, _inter alia_, that the master of the choristers, who was to be learned in grammar and song, was to be appointed by the Chancellor. Latin was to be spoken in the house. Full details with regard to meals, discipline, and finance were also given. At the present day, the headmaster of a school is not only responsible for teaching certain specified subjects but is also in general charge of the organisation, discipline and administration of the school. It is interesting to note that during the Middle Ages, the masters of grammar or of song taught the subjects entrusted to them and had no further duties. The idea of the organisation and disciplinary functions of the master seems to have been evolved from the necessity for exercising control over the choristers, but this duty was at first assigned to an officer distinct from the one who was exercising the teaching function. It was the custom at York, according to the Statutes of the Cathedral, which are dated 1307 but merely codified the customs which had prevailed since the eleventh century, to entrust the government of the choristers to the precentor.[268] The office of taking charge of the choristers developed more completely at other cathedrals. Thus at Lincoln in 1352, Ralph of Ergham was appointed "custos choristatum." The preface to the record of the appointment shows that the function was that of a "canonicum supervisorem et custodem communitatis choristarum."[269] This custom of appointing a supervisor, as distinct from the schoolmaster, prevailed at the schools, other than schools for choristers, which were founded from time to time. Thus at Winchester, Eton, Acaster, and Rotherham--to name a few instances only--the responsible head of the institution was the provost, while the master of grammar was merely required to give instruction in the subjects assigned to him. The evolution of the schoolmaster as the superintending organiser and controller of an establishment belongs to a later date in English educational history. We must defer, for the present, a further consideration of this topic. CHAPTER IV. THE MONOPOLY OF SCHOOL KEEPING. In studying the original sources from which we derive our knowledge of the educational development of this country, we find numerous references to alleged infringements of the monopoly of schoolkeeping claimed by the official schoolmaster. It is, therefore, necessary for us to consider the origin and nature of this monopoly. The idea of monopoly in connection with trade and industry can be traced back to a very early date in the history of our country. To trace the origin and development of this idea generally, would not only be a valuable, but also an interesting contribution to our knowledge of our economic development. Here, we must content ourselves by limiting our investigation to the educational aspect. The earliest known instance of the claim to this monopoly dates from the eleventh century, and will subsequently be described. It is highly probable that the idea of the monopoly of keeping school in a prescribed area is of much more ancient date, as records, of necessity, only exist when some actual or threatened infringement of the monopoly necessitated recourse to some authority, who possessed the power of enforcing its observance. A preliminary question naturally arises: if instruction was given gratuitously, why was there any need for the desire to possess this monopoly, why should not all comers teach school, if they so wished? A solution of this problem may be obtained from a consideration of that tendency for social exclusiveness which everywhere manifests itself. Even to-day, in this time of free education, parents, who can barely afford to do so, prefer to send their children to a fee-paying school for social reasons, even though the instruction given in the public free school may be given by better qualified and more efficient teachers than are to be found in the fee-paying schools. By analogy, we can reconstruct the situation in the eleventh and succeeding centuries. A knowledge of Latin was perceived, by this time, to possess value, and the boy who had received an education was recognised as being in a position to make his way in the world. We may, therefore, assume that some parents were prepared to make payments, in order that this education might be obtained. Where was this education to be gained? There were two possibilities. One was that the church schoolmaster might give supplementary attention to fee-paying pupils, or he might teach them separately, and outside the official time which the conditions of his appointment required. The other possibility was, that some other priest might come to the neighbourhood to set up school, and recompense himself by taking fee-paying pupils, leaving to the official schoolmaster only those pupils who were unable or unwilling to make payment for the instruction they received. An elementary knowledge of human nature readily leads to the conclusion that the second alternative was not one to which the official schoolmaster would quietly consent. He would look upon the new-comer as an intruder, and would take such steps as were possible to prevent interference with what he claimed to be his monopoly of keeping school in his own district. It is around this question of the monopoly of school keeping that the educational disputes of the Middle Ages mainly centre. The question is a difficult one because (1) this monopoly was not a matter of definite enactment either by Church or State; it simply evolved. (2) The authority by whose aid the monopoly could be enforced was not specified, and the absence of any definite regulating authority, and of any official pronouncements, led to many prospective schoolmasters setting up schools in promising localities. Sometimes this was accomplished without any interference, _e.g._ we find that at Rotherham a boy, who subsequently became Bishop of Lincoln, owed his early education to a schoolmaster who came to that neighbourhood to establish what would to-day be termed a "private school."[270] This "private" schoolmaster was at times even welcomed. Thus at Beverley, which was afterwards notorious as the scene of some exciting disputes relative to the infringement of the monopoly of school keeping, we learn that "a certain scholar came there, wishing, as the place was full of clerks, to keep school there; and was received by the authorities of the church with unanimous approval."[271] We must therefore conclude that the monopoly was not always rigorously enforced. It was only when a schoolmaster felt himself aggrieved and possessed energy, that action was taken in the matter. The question of the authority by whom the question of an alleged infringement could be ultimately settled, was not definitely prescribed. Was the ultimate appeal to be to the chancellor of the diocese, to the patron of the school, to the bishop, to the archbishop, or to the pope? Were such cases to be dealt with, first of all, in an inferior court and then an appeal to be made to a higher court in the event of an unsatisfactory verdict being obtained? We shall be assisted in answering these questions if we consider the origin of the right of keeping school. Originally, as we have seen, it was an unwritten custom of the Church that the parish priest should keep school. When there was the possibility that pecuniary advantage could arise through the keeping of a school, then it appears that this duty became a privilege and was formally expressed, in some cases, in a deed. In other words, in founding a church, a patron bestowed upon it not only certain lands and tithes, but also the right to keep school. Thus, at a date between 1076 and 1083, Robert Malet, who founded the conventual church of Eye, gave to the church "scholas ejusdem villae."[272] Similarly, when Ilbert of Lacey founded the Church of St. Clement in his castle, C. 1080, he "dedicavit ipsam ecclesiam, cum scolis de Kirky et Pontefracti."[273] It is in this connection that we encounter one of the first disputes relating to the question of monopoly. The question was this, if a new church was established in a particular area, did the erection of this new church diminish the educational rights of the parent church as well as its spiritual rights? We may put the matter in another way by asking whether the patron of a church possessed the power of alienating the monopoly of school-keeping possessed by that church. Roger, who became Earl of Warwick in 1123, apparently thought that the patron did possess this right. He bestowed the right of holding schools in Warwick upon the Collegiate Church of St. Mary's, thus alienating the right from the Church of All Saints', Warwick, which had previously possessed it. The authorities of All Saints' desired to protest against this alienation and to preserve their rights. To what authority was this appeal to go? No information is available of the whole course of the struggle, but apparently the matter was ultimately referred to the king; for we find that a deed was issued by Henry I. to the bishops of Worcester and Gloucester, to Roger, Earl of Warwick, and to all the barons of Warwickshire, stating the king's command that the Church of All Saints', Warwick, was to retain the schools of Warwick as it had possessed them in the reign of Edward the Confessor.[274] This decision is a most important one. It is a recognition by the state of the monopoly possessed by a particular church, and, in addition, it establishes the principle that the enforcement of this monopoly was a matter of temporal and not of spiritual jurisdiction. Whether as the result of this decision or not we have now no means of determining, but the fact remains that many churches seemed to have been in doubt as to whether they possessed, or did not possess, this right of monopoly of school keeping. To resolve this doubt, appeal seems to have been made to the king, and a number of documents still exist which show the decision that was arrived at. Thus Henry I. confirmed to St. Oswald's, Gloucester, the monopoly of school-keeping in that city,[275] to the priory of Huntingdon the monopoly of Huntingdonshire,[276] to the priory of Dunstable the monopoly of schools in that town.[277] Even as late as 1446, there was a grant of the monopoly of school-keeping to Eton College.[278] The principle which seems to be established in these cases is that, when a dispute arose as to the monopoly right of keeping school in a particular area (apart from merely keeping an unlicensed school) the Crown alone possessed the power of deciding the dispute, and that when it was desired to establish an official school in any area, in addition to the existing schools, it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Crown. This practice continued for several centuries. Thus in 1446, on the petition of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, Henry VI. ordained that there should be five schools in London, viz. in connection with the Churches of St. Paul, St. Martin, St. Mary-le-Bow, St. Dunstan, and St. Anthony, respectively.[279] In the following year, another petition was sent to the king asking for four additional grammar schools in London, which were to be established in connection with the churches of St. Andrew's, Holborn, St. Peter's, Cornhill, All Hallows, and with the Hospital of St. Thomas. The reasons why the establishment of these schools is asked for are interesting, "forasmuche as to the Citee of London is the commune concours of this lond, wherein is gret multitude of younge peple, not only borne and brought forthe in the same Citee, but also of many other parties of this lond, som for lake of Scole maistres in their oune Contree for to be enfourmed of gramer there, and som for the grete almesse of Lordes, Merchaunts and other, the which is in London more plenteously doon, than in many other places of this Reaume, to such pouere Creatures as never shuld have be brought to so greet vertu and connyng as thei have, ne hadde hit ben bi the means of the almes aforesaid."[280] They therefore ask that, in connection with the churches we have enumerated, they should be allowed "to create, establishe and sette a persone sufficiently lerned in gramer to hold and exercise a scole in the same science of gramer, and it there to teche to all that will lerne."[281] The king assented to this petition "so that it be doone by thadvyse of the Ordinarie, otherelles of the Archebishope of Canterbury for the tyme beyng." The same procedure was even adopted in the seventeenth century. Owing to a dispute having arisen between the Master of the Grammar School at Exeter and the City Authorities, the latter appealed to the bishop, that he might license an additional master of grammar in the city, as had previously been done. The bishop did not consider that the special circumstances warranted him in taking the step desired by the civic authorities. As they failed to obtain their request, they appealed to the Crown in Council for permission to establish and maintain an additional school in the city, a request which was finally granted in 1631.[282] A consideration of these cases enables us to understand why it was not possible, until comparatively recent times, to establish schools except by the consent of the Crown. Thus, in the reigns of the Tudor and Stuart sovereigns, a number of schools were established, but only by royal authority. When we come to consider the case of the Chantry Schools, we shall find that a number of schools were founded, but even in these cases the consent of the civil and of the ecclesiastical authorities was obtained. A licence to establish the school would be necessary, as well as a licence in mortmain. The confirmation of the monopoly right of keeping school to a particular church practically meant that the patronage of the mastership of the school was vested in the authorities of that church. This patronage could be transferred, but the proceedings in such a case were of a civil, and not of an ecclesiastical character. This is similar to the procedure involved in the transfer of the right of patronage of an ecclesiastical benefice to-day. The procedure is purely civil and entirely outside the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical authorities. If there is any dispute as to the rightful power of patronage, the dispute must be settled in the civil courts. One of the earliest recorded cases of the transfer of the patronage of a school is that of Gloucester School. We have seen that Henry I. confirmed to St. Oswald's Church, Gloucester, the right of keeping school in that city[283]; in 1137 Henry II. confirmed the transference of the patronage of the mastership of the school from St. Oswald's Church to the Canons of Llanthony Abbey; and this transference was again confirmed by King John in 1199.[284] The fact that the settlement of disputed right of patronage of schools was a matter for the secular courts, is clearly brought out by a prohibition issued by the Courts in 1343.[285] This document runs: "The King to the Registrar and commissaries of the Court of Canterbury greeting--whereas the pleas relating to the patronage of grammar schools on our kingdom of England belong especially to our Crown and dignity and (whereas) the Abbot and Convent of Beaulieu are bringing before you in the Court Christian, as we have been informed by many, William Pipard, Clerk, relative to the patronage of the grammar schools of Ferendon--we forbid you to entertain that plea in the ecclesiastical court, such pleas belonging especially to us and to no other in this kingdom."[286] We have quoted this document in full, because Mr. de Montmorency instances it to support his contention that there existed a collision between Church and State in matters relating to education. He also maintains that this same document shows that the state "controlled the administration of educational foundations." Mr. de Montmorency is in error here. When a vacancy arises in the incumbency of any parish to-day, of which the patronage is not in the hands of the bishop himself, it is possible that a dispute might arise as to the right of presentation. In such a case, the bishop would naturally refer the matter to his legal advisers. It would always be open for any interested party to stay such proceedings and to let the matter in dispute be determined by the High Court. It could hardly be seriously maintained that such action illustrates a collision between church and state in this country. After a patron had appointed a master to a particular school, that master possessed the monopoly of keeping school in the prescribed area as long as he held the mastership of the school. No other school was allowed to be kept except with the consent of the master of the school. If any individual attempted to establish a school without such consent, then it was open to the schoolmaster to take the necessary steps to end this infringement of his monopoly. One of the earliest cases of this character, of which records still exist, dates from 1138. Apparently some unlicensed schools had been set up in some parts of London. The schoolmaster of St. Paul's reported the matter to the Bishop of Winchester (who was acting as Bishop of London during a vacancy in the see). The Bishop consequently issued a writ, in which sentence of excommunication was passed against all those who should continue to keep school in the city of London without the permission of Henry, the schoolmaster.[287] Other cases are recorded in the Beverley Chapter Act Book,[288] one of which may be taken for illustrative purposes. It seems that in 1304 Thomas of Brompton was the recognised master of the school of grammar in connection with the collegiate church at Beverley. An attempt was made by an unauthorised person to set up a school.[289] The schoolmaster reported the offender to the chapter; the chapter determined that if the offence was continued, then the intruding schoolmaster would be, _ipso facto_, excommunicate and that the chapter clerk was to announce, every Sunday, the fact of such excommunication. There is no real evidence that there was any ground of appeal against such a sentence of excommunication. Only one instance of an appeal having been made is on record. It seems that a dispute as to the right of keeping school arose at Winchester, and that the party dissatisfied with the verdict carried the case to Rome. It has not been found possible, so far, to trace the result of the appeal.[290] One of the most important of the cases in which an alleged infringement of monopoly took place, is the "Gloucester School Case," which has come to be regarded as the leading case on the subject. Briefly, the facts are: the prior of Llanthony, as patron of the schools at Gloucester, had appointed John Hamlyn to the mastership of the school. A priest named Thomas More, who had previously been "scolemaster atte Herford," set up an unlicensed school at Gloucester. Hamlyn therefore took action against More but, instead of bringing the defendant before a spiritual court, as had previously been customary, he brought the action in the Court of Common Pleas, and the case was tried before the Lord Chief Justice and two other judges. The considered decision of the court was, that it was not an offence against the Common Law of England to keep a school. If an offence had been committed, it was an offence against ecclesiastical law, and that consequently the remedy was to be found in the ecclesiastical courts.[291] The significance of this case was that the monopoly of school keeping was partly broken down. Henceforth, anyone who did not fear ecclesiastical censure and excommunication might keep school, if he so desired. The practical effect of the decision was slight since, as we have seen,[292] the monopoly right of keeping school was granted to Eton College thirty years later. A problem in connection with this question of monopoly arose in Lincoln in 1407-9. There were two recognised schools in Lincoln; the general grammar school attended by the children of the citizens, and to which the choristers formerly went for their instruction in Latin, and the school of the choristers. In course of time, the choristers' school ceased to confine itself to the study of music and added Latin to its curriculum. For some reason or other, this school also attracted outside scholars. The Mayor and Corporation, as representatives of the citizens of Lincoln, objected;[293] ultimately the matter was settled by a compromise; the teachers of the choristers were to be allowed "to teach grammar to the choristers and to the commoners with them, also to the relations of the canons and vicars of the church or those living at their expense and charity or dwelling in their family," provided that a nominal acknowledgement of the rights of the master of the City Grammar School was made each term.[294] Another problem arose out of the competing claims of the master of song and of the master of grammar. The master of song apparently maintained that he was as much an official master as the master of grammar, and probably considered himself quite as competent as his colleague to give lessons in Latin. This problem seems to have been particularly acute at Warwick, and so the authorities of the collegiate church made careful enquiries as to the ancient customs on the matter, and ultimately found that the Latin master alone possessed the right of taking classes in Latin. As a concession, they allowed the master of song to take paying pupils in the "first letters" and the psalter.[295] The grammar master was not alone in his desire to enforce the monopoly of school keeping in his subject; the master of music was equally tenacious of his prerogative. Thus in 1305, the song master of Lincoln Cathedral complained to the Cathedral Chapter that the Parish Clerks of the city were teaching music to the boys in their churches without his permission, and he charged them with holding "adulterine schools to the prejudice of the liberty of the mother church." The chapter compelled the offenders to swear, "holding the most Holy Gospels, that they will not henceforward keep any adulterine schools in the churches, nor teach boys song or music without license from the schoolmaster."[296] In bringing this chapter to a close, we might quote from the statutes of St. Albans Grammar School, which were confirmed by the Abbot of St. Albans, in 1310, the section which deals with this question of monopoly. It is there stated that "the master for the time being shall annul, suppress, destroy, and eradicate all adulterine schools within our territory or jurisdiction, by inhibiting ... under pain of excommunication, any persons from resorting to or presuming to keep any schools without the will and assent of the master of our Grammar School within our aforesaid jurisdiction."[297] Though the privilege of school keeping was highly prized and stoutly defended, yet it has now passed into oblivion. This was effected, not by express decree either of law court or of state, but simply because the instruction in Latin, which was offered by these schools, ceased to be in demand. Two forces contributed to produce this result, the Reformation, and the increasing use of the vernacular. The Reformation brought to an end the number of appointments in connection with the Church for which a knowledge of Latin was a necessary qualification; and consequently the demand for grammar schools diminished. The increasing employment of the vernacular caused Latin to drop out of use as the language of commerce and the medium of written communication. CHAPTER V. THE APPOINTMENT AND TENURE OF MASTERS. We now proceed to consider questions connected with (_a_) the appointment, (_b_) the tenure, (_c_) the remuneration, and (_d_) the judicial functions of schoolmasters. (_a_) THE APPOINTMENT OF MASTERS. We may distinguish between schools in connection with (1) monasteries, (2) collegiate churches, (3) parishes, (4) chantries and gilds. I. SCHOOLS IN CONNECTION WITH MONASTERIES. It is significant that in the monasteries, the position of schoolmaster does not seem to have been definitely recognised. Thus, in the list of the officers and obedientaries of Evesham in the thirteenth century, for example, there is included the prior, sub-prior, third prior, and other "custodes ordinis"; the precentor, sacrist, chamberlain, kitchener, cellarers, infirmarer, almoner, warden of the vineyard and garden, master of the fabric, guest master and pittancer; but there is no mention of a "magister scolarum." We have not been able to discover any instance of a monk, who was pensioned at the time of the dissolution, and who was described as acting in the capacity of a teacher at that time. Occasionally we come across references to the "master of the novices."[298] An account of the Novices' School at Durham has been preserved.[299] The school was held in the "weast ally" of the cloisters both in the morning and in the afternoon. The scholars attended for a period of seven years, during which time they received food and clothing. If they were "apte to lernynge ... and had a pregnant wyt withall" they were then sent to the University to study theology; otherwise they were kept at their books in the monastery until they were considered ready for ordination. The Novices' School at Durham was taught by the eldest learned monk in the monastery. At Canterbury the school was under the charge of the "Magister ordinis," and at Abingdon under the "Instructor juvenum."[300] The need for the instruction of the novices was reiterated by the General Benedictine Statutes of 1334, which provided that a secular priest was to be appointed to teach grammar when a monk was not available for the purpose. The appointment to the scholastic posts within the monastery would naturally be in the hands of the abbot or prior.[301] There exists evidence that schools for the education of the laity existed in the neighbourhood of most, even if not all, of the greater monasteries. Thus, prior to the thirteenth century, such schools may be traced at Reading, Dunstable, Huntingdon, Bedford, Christchurch (Hants.), Thetford, Derby, Gloucester, Waltham, Bury St. Edmunds, Colchester, Leicester, Cirencester, Lewes, Battle, Arundel, Lancaster, Chesterfield, Bruton, Winchcombe, Malmesbury, and other places in which a monastery is known to have existed. In many of these cases we are able to trace that the appointment of the "magister scolarum" was in the hands of the abbot. Thus the statutes of the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds state that:-- "The collation of the schools of St. Edmunds belongs to the abbot in the same way as the collation of Churches.... The schools indeed in the manor of Mildenhall and of Beccles are by law to be conferred by those in whose custody the manors are. And it is to be noted that when the 'rector scolarum' is to be removed he ought to be given notice, by the person who appointed him, before Whitsuntide. If, on the other hand, the master wishes to retire, he is bound to give like notice to the person who appointed him."[302] A third class of school (which will be described in a subsequent chapter) in connection with the monasteries was the Almonry School. The appointment of the "grammar master" at these schools was usually in the hands of the almoner of the monastery, but the appointment had to be approved of by the Chancellor or Archdeacon who was acting as the head of the educational administration of the diocese.[303] II. SCHOOLS IN CONNECTION WITH COLLEGIATE CHURCHES. More definite information is available when we pass to consider the appointments of masters of the schools in connection with collegiate churches. Here, as we have seen, the chancellor (who was previously the schoolmaster) was the responsible head of the education in the diocese. It was his duty to appoint a master of grammar in connection with the cathedral church, and not to allow any other teacher to keep school within the city without his consent.[304] Sometimes the chancellor seems to have taken no steps to make the appointment, possibly because the remuneration of the master came partly out of the benefice of the chancellor. A letter is still extant which was written to the chancellor of York Cathedral in 1344 informing him that unless he took immediate action in making the appointment of a master, he would be liable to punishment.[305] The general procedure in making an appointment to the master-ship in grammar of a school, in connection with a collegiate church, was that the chancellor should select the man whom he considered suitable and submit his name to the dean and chapter. The appointment was completed by the dean and chapter admitting the nominee of the chancellor to the position.[306] We have not been able to trace any appointments of a song schoolmaster.[307] The procedure would probably be similar except for the fact that the nomination would be in the hands of the precentor instead of the chancellor.[308] In the case of those cathedral churches which were served by monks, there would not, of course, be a "chancellor." In such cases, the appointment of the "magister scolarum" was made by the bishop. Thus we read of Archbishop Peckham, during a vacancy of the see of Norwich, appointing a master to Norwich School.[309] The first available record of an appointment to the mastership by a bishop of Norwich dates from 1388; after this date the Norwich Chapter Act Book records a continuous stream of such appointments. In Canterbury, which was also a monastic cathedral, the appointment of the schoolmaster was similarly in the hands of the archbishop.[310] III. SCHOOLS IN CONNECTION WITH PARISHES. We have used the term "parish" here to denote those districts which were served by a vicar or rector, and not by a college of clergy. The appointments to the parochial church schools, unless arrangements were made to the contrary, were made by the patrons of the church itself. In some cases the patrons would be the bishops,[311] in others the dean and chapter of a collegiate church[312]; in others again, the patronage would be in private hands, whilst in other cases a monastery might have the power of nominating.[313] We must remember that when a parish was subdivided the power of keeping a school did not pass to the new parish, but continued to be the prerogative of the parent church, and that consequently the patrons of the new church did not possess the right of nominating a master of grammar to keep a school in connection with the newly-founded church.[314] Disputes occasionally arose in connection with the exercise of this right of patronage. It would seem as if the chancellor of the diocese,[315] in the case of a secular cathedral, and the "magister scolarum" in the case of a monastic cathedral, claimed the right of making _all_ the schools appointments in their respective dioceses. Records are still available of the action which was taken in various cases to attempt to enforce this claim. We will briefly describe two of these cases, one of which was due to the action taken by the chancellor of a secular collegiate church, the other to the action taken by a "magister scolarum" in a city served by a monastic cathedral. Taking first the case of the chancellor of a secular collegiate church, we note that the prior and convent of St. Catherine's by Lincoln were the patrons of Newark Church. In 1238 there occurred a vacancy in the school. The patrons of the church took the necessary steps to fill the vacancy. The chancellor of Southwell Minster maintained that the power of nomination was "ex officio" vested in him. Both parties appealed to the pope. The result of the action was, that the power of making the nomination to the school was declared to be the right of the patrons, but that the admission of the nominated master to the position was to be effected by the chancellor.[316] Turning next to the claim of the "magister scolarum" in connection with a monastic cathedral we note that the Norwich Chapter Act Book records a similar dispute. The prior and convent of Coxford were the patrons of the church of Rudham by Coxford. On a vacancy in the mastership of the schools occurring in 1240, the patrons proceeded to make the necessary appointment. The "magister scolarum" brought an action in the bishop's court to prevent this, as he claimed that he possessed an "ex officio" right to make the nomination. The decision of the court was that the power of appointing the master of the school belonged to the patrons of the church. We may note here that the authority who possessed the power of determining disputes relating to patronage of schools does not appear to have been definitely prescribed. In the first of the two cases we have referred to here, the authority of the pope was invoked, in the second, the authority of the bishop, whilst records are available of other cases, in which a writ of prohibition was obtained with the view to the case being heard in the king's court.[317] IV. SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED IN CONNECTION WITH CHANTRIES, GILDS, ETC. In the latter part of the Middle Ages a number of schools were established in this country by means of endowments. These endowments were usually associated with the foundation of gilds or chantries. The special point we are interested in here is that in such cases arrangements were made for the requisite appointments to be effected when the need arose. Thus the ordinances and statutes in connection with the foundation of the grammar school at Wotton-under-Edge[318] prescribe that "the master of the school was to be presented by Lady Berkeley during her life, and afterwards by Sir Thomas Berkeley and his heirs male, whom failing by Sir John Berkeley her second son, and his heirs male, whom failing by the lord of the manor of Wotton."[319] As a result of this more definite determination of the right of appointment, disputes relating to the exercise of patronage no longer arose.[320] (_b_) THE TENURE OF MASTERSHIP. We find a difficulty in dealing with the question of the tenure of the masterships of the various schools because of the scarcity of evidence and of its conflicting character. Thus, in the Lincoln Chapter Act Book, there is a record that the dean and chapter in 1327 appointed six masters to as many schools in the diocese.[321] In the following year the same men were reappointed and this reappointment continues year after year until 1335, when notices of the appointments of schoolmasters cease. It would therefore appear as if the custom in the diocese of Lincoln was that the masters were appointed for one year only but that if their character and conduct were considered satisfactory they would be reappointed. In the diocese of York the masters seem to have been appointed for three years. Thus there is a record that at Beverley Collegiate Church, in 1306, the master was appointed to the school for that period[322]; in 1320 there is a record of a similar appointment.[323] It is expressly stated in the note of an appointment made in 1368, that the customary tenure of schools in the diocese of York was three years and that under special circumstances this period might be extended to five years.[324] In course of time the nature of the tenure changes. The first change which we have traced occurred in 1368 when the master appointed was stated to be allowed to retain his appointment until he obtained another benefice. The reason for this change is stated to be the scarcity of priests due to the mortality occasioned by the plague. The triennial tenure was again in vogue in 1426,[325] but in 1486 a departure occurs, as the schoolmaster appointed in that year was to hold his office "durante vitae," if he so wished.[326] A further change of tenure took place in 1575 when the master was appointed to hold office "durante beneplacito Decani et Capituli."[327] In the schools which were founded in the sixteenth century and later it began to be common to draw up statutes and ordinances for the administration of the schools. It was usual in these school statutes to refer to the tenure of the mastership. Thus the statutes of Newark School[328] provide that the master at the time of his admission to his post, should be thus instructed:-- "Sjr, ye be chosen to be maister and preceptour of this scoole and to teche chyldern repayring to the same not onely good literature, gramer and other vertuous doctrine but also good maners accordyng to the ordynance of Master Thomas Newark. Wherefore we doe ascertayne you that this ys a perpetual roome of continuance upon your good demeanour and dutie in this scoole."[329] In making the appointment for life, the founder of Newark School adopted a practice which was different from the common one. Thus William of Wykeham, Waynflete, and Colet, all made the masters of the schools founded by them removeable at will. In fact, Colet arranged that the mastership of St. Paul's was merely to be renewed from year to year. (_c_) REMUNERATION OF MASTERS. We are faced with another difficult question when we proceed to consider the question of the remuneration of masters. This problem is one about which contradictory opinions have been held owing to the fact that it is disputed whether or not the education given in the schools of the Middle Ages was free education. It is indisputable that the original schools of the Church were entirely free and that the schoolmaster was remunerated by sharing equally with the other priests in the common fund of the Church. The transition from free education to fee paying education may be said to date from the time when the schoolmaster became the chancellor. The chancellor continued to draw his share of the revenue of the Church, but no express provision was made for the maintenance of the schoolmaster whom the chancellor appointed.[330] It was probably due to this neglect that the council of 1179[331] decreed that a benefice should be bestowed upon a master so as to enable him to teach the "clericos et scholares pauperes" gratis. This decree was repeated in 1200[332] and 1215.[333] It has not been found possible to trace the appointment to sinecure benefices, subject to the condition that the incumbent of such benefice should hold a school, as the record of the appointment would not also record the condition. We may safely assume that this was done in some cases, as the custom even prevails to-day.[334] In course of time, the master of a school derived a certain amount of his remuneration from the fees which he received from his pupils. This originated in a natural custom that pupils should make some voluntary offering to those who taught them. Thus, the enactment of 1200, which decreed that "presbyteri per villas scholas habeant, et gratis parvulos doceant" also practically enacted that voluntary contributions on the part of the relations of the pupils would be permitted. It is not difficult to conceive that this custom of voluntary offering would develop into one of compulsory payment. The terms used to describe these voluntary offerings are somewhat strange, _e.g._ "cock penny," "potation penny," "nutt money." "Cock pennies" were gratuities given to the schoolmasters in connection with the almost universal custom of cock-fighting which took place in schools on Shrove Tuesday. William Fitzstephen[335] gives an account of the practice, stating that "each boy in the school brings a fighting cock to his master, and the whole of that forenoon is given up to a holiday to watch the cock-fights in the school." Cock-fighting was prohibited in St. Paul's School by Colet's statute of 1518, but the custom seems to have continued at the Manchester Grammar School until 1815.[336] "Potation pennies" were gratuities made when a feast was provided, whilst "nutt money" was the term applied to the gifts made to the schoolmasters at Michaelmas. In some cases, these offerings were regarded as a natural part of the remuneration of the schoolmaster. Thus the ordinances of Hartlebury Grammar School prescribe that "the schoolmaster shall and may have, use and take the profits of all such cock-fights and potations, as are commonly used in schools and such other gifts as shall freely be given them."[337] In other cases, an effort was made to put an end to the custom. Thus the Coventry Grammar School statutes state that "there shall not be any other or more Potations in any one yeare ... than one yearely."[338] In addition to these optional payments, certain other payments gradually became recognised which in course of time were known as "entrance money" (because the payment was made when the pupil was admitted to the school), "quarterages" (payments made at the beginning of each term), "breaking up money" (similar payments made at the end of term). These payments did not become common until the sixteenth century--a period which is outside the time with which we are dealing; consequently, it will not be necessary for us to deal more fully with the question here. The record of the chantry founded at Newland by Richard Gryndour, however, may be referred to.[339] At the school which the chantry priest was required to teach, he was entitled to charge "scolers lerning gramer, 8d. the quarter, and of others lerning to rede, 4d. the quarter."[340] As instances of other types of payments to schoolmasters we may quote the regulations of Ipswich Grammar School where it was prescribed in 1476-7 that those attending the grammar class should pay 10d., the psalter class 8d., and the primer class 6d. each quarter.[341] A reduction in these terms appears to have been made for the sons of burgesses living in Ipswich who were to pay "8d. a quarter ... and not above."[342] Again, the statutes and ordinances of the Boteler Grammar Schools,[343] described as a _Free_ Grammar School, prescribe that "it shall be lawfull to the schoolmaster to take ... four pennys by-year that is to say in the Quarter next after Christmas A cock penny and in any of the three other Quarters in the year one Potation Penny."[344] The deed of 1414 which recorded the wishes of Bishop Langley with regard to his foundation at Durham, stated that "diligenter instruere et docere pauperes qui dem gratis pro Deo, si hoc ipsi vel parentes sui pro amore Dei humiliter petierint, ab illis autem, qui se vel amicos suos scolares voluerunt recipiendo stipendia moderata in aliis scolis grammatice vel cantus solvi consueta."[345] The custom of providing an endowment for the support of the school and its master, as distinct from the maintenance of scholars, dates from an early period. The earliest definite instance in this country, which has been so far traced, occurred C. 1190 when Abbot Samson endowed "the schoolmaster who for the time being taught in the town of St. Edmunds" with half the revenues of a rectory.[346] The next available instance is the record at Wells of a house being given to the schoolmaster there, for the time being, together with the prebend of Biddenham as an endowment.[347] Endowments gradually become increasingly numerous as will be exemplified in detail when we deal with the foundation of chantries and other charitable institutions. (_d_) JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS OF SCHOOLMASTERS. By the ordinance issued by William the Conqueror, the separation of the civil and the ecclesiastical courts was effected. As a result, it came about that those who were entitled to the "benefit of clergy" claimed that disputes in which they were concerned, should be dealt with in the ecclesiastical courts. Possibly it is by an extension of this principle that it was claimed that cases in which the scholars of a particular school were concerned, should be considered to be under the jurisdiction of the schoolmaster of that school. The evidence available is not sufficient to enable us to decide the extent to which this custom prevailed, but a study of the powers of jurisdiction possessed by the schoolmasters of Salisbury, Cambridge, St. Albans, and Canterbury will assist us to determine its general character. The respective jurisdiction of the Chancellor and the Sub-dean of Salisbury was decided in 1278 when it was provided that the chancellor "ad cuius officium pertinet scolas regere" should deal with all disputed matters (with the exception of questions of immorality) in which his scholars were implicated, whilst the sub-dean was to exercise jurisdiction in all matters in which the priests of the city were concerned.[348] A similar decision was arrived at by the Bishop of Ely in 1276, when he sought to define the respective jurisdiction of the "Magister Glomerie," the Chancellor of Cambridge University, and the Archdeacon of Ely.[349] The judicial powers of the Master of St. Albans School were set out in detail in the school statutes of 1309.[350] It is interesting to note that the master could be assisted "by the secular arm, invoked if need be for the special purpose." The Canterbury schoolmaster possessed considerable powers of jurisdiction in matters in which his scholars were concerned, and there is evidence that some of these schoolmasters did not hesitate to use their powers when necessity arose. John Everard, "Rector scolarum civitatis Cantuariensis" in 1311, in particular, was keen on asserting his authority. The claim, which he maintained that he possessed, was investigated by a special commission of clerics and laymen, who reported in his favour. To prevent him from exercising his authority, an appeal was made to the Court of King's Bench. The schoolmaster continued vigorously to press the recognition of his powers of jurisdiction and ultimately the authority he claimed was upheld.[351] We cannot generalise from these instances, but it is unquestionable that some schoolmasters possessed special powers of acting in a judicial capacity in cases in which their pupils were involved. CHAPTER VI. THE EDUCATION OF THE SONS OF THE NOBILITY. It is necessary to consider now the nature of the Education of those whose social position prevented them from sharing in the gratuitous Education, which was offered by the Church and freely accepted by the sons and daughters of "liberi tenentes," or of villeins, cottars, or serfs. These educational facilities thus offered by the Church might possibly be utilised by the children of the manorial officials, the steward, or the bailiff; but they would never be shared by children of gentle birth. In the Middle Ages, in England as on the continent, youths of noble parentage were not sent to schools for their education, but to the households of great nobles or great ecclesiastics. Thus, as we have seen, Odo, subsequently Archbishop of Canterbury, was taught as a boy in the household of the thane Athelhelm[352]; this custom was consequently already well established in the tenth century. Other instances that may be given are those of Stephen of Blois, who received his education at the court of his uncle, Henry I.; of Henry II., who lived at the house of Duke Robert of Gloucester; and of Henry VI., who was put under the care of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. To that noble were also entrusted the heirs of baronies in the Crown's wardship, so that his court practically became "an academy for the young nobility." Fitzstephen, the biographer of Thomas à Becket, tells us that "the nobles of England and of the neighbouring kingdoms used to send their sons to serve the Chancellor, whom he trained with honourable bringing-up and learning; and when they had received the knight's belt, sent them back with honour to their fathers and kindred; some he used to keep. The king himself, his master, entrusted to him his son, the heir of the realm, to be brought up; whom he had with him, with many sons of nobles of the same age, and their proper retinue and masters and proper servants in the honour due."[353] The nature of the education which was given at the houses of the great nobles was determined by an ideal which grew out of the special circumstances of the time. Prominent among the contributory factors to the formation of this ideal were (1) the Feudal System, (2) the Crusades, (3) the Church. (1) We have already dealt briefly with the origin and development of the Feudal System; hence it will be sufficient to point out here, that the Conquest had succeeded in establishing it more firmly in this country. Each fief now became in practice a separate court under its lord, whose eldest son could naturally look forward to succeeding to the position occupied by his father. It is in this connection that we find one need which the education of the young noble would be expected to meet. It was necessary that he should receive the training which would be of service to him in discharging effectively the position which in the ordinary course of things he would subsequently be called upon to fill. (2) Without enquiring fully into the causes contributory to the Crusades, we may mention that they arose out of one of those outbursts of energy which in subsequent ages found expression in such movements as the Revival of Learning and the French Revolution. More definitely, the Crusades were the response made by the nobility to the appeal of the East for help against the infidel. This response was given the more readily because it was in harmony with the restless love of adventure and with the desire for glory and fame, which manifested themselves during this period. (3) It is also important to notice that there existed at this time a widespread belief in the efficacy of penitence and ascetism, as a means of gaining religious virtue. This frequently took the form of a pilgrimage, and the Crusades furnished a "stupendous pilgrimage under specially favourable and meritorious conditions." "The first Crusade was the marriage of War and Religion, the consecration by the Church of the military spirit, which was the first step in the creation of Chivalry."[354] These three factors contributed to the growth of those customs which prevailed among the noble classes in Western Europe during the greater part of the Middle Ages, and to which the term chivalry is usually applied. A certain ideal of the qualities which were essential to a "perfect knight" gradually evolved. Hence it was the business of the household to which the sons of the nobility were sent for training to endeavour, as far as possible, to equip their "pupils" with the knowledge, skill, habits, and qualities which custom had decreed should be possessed before admission to the grade of knighthood was obtained. It is possible to trace four main elements in the chivalric ideal: (1) military prowess, (2) service and loyalty, (3) the "worship of woman," (4) religion. Taking each of these points in turn, we note first that the importance of military training at this period is a topic which scarcely calls for elaboration. The age was essentially warlike; the definite objective of the Crusades was one that could only be achieved through military skill. Hence, no slight amount of the training of the future knight was devoted to the acquisition of skill as a horseman and in the use of the weapons of war. The second element to which we have referred--"service and loyalty"--may be described as the underlying principle of chivalry. The service, however, sprang from pride in the position occupied; no task was considered menial if it arose out of the service due from the squire to his liege lord. Loyalty is inherent in the idea of chivalry; it is an inseparable part of the knightly ideal. Only a passing reference is necessary to the third element--the "worship of women"--even though it played a most important part in the development of the character of the prospective knight by refining his manners, checking coarseness of expression, and tending generally to the growth of the idea of courtesy which is now conceived of as the distinctive mark of a chivalrous man. Here we may simply say that to do the pleasure of ladies was regarded both as the chief solace of the knight and the mainspring of his actions. The remaining element in the chivalric ideal is that of religion. The Church looms large; the knight was brought up to use her sacraments, to obey her precepts, and to show reverence to her ministers. "The Crusader, the Hospitaller, and the Knights of Santiago were champions of the Church against the infidel. The knight's consecration to chivalry was after the form of a sacrament, and to defend the Church was a part of his initiation. The least religious acknowledged the authority of religion and it was the imputation of impiety rather than of immorality which destroyed the Templar; for impiety was in those days a worse imputation than immorality."[355] To summarise the course of preparation for knighthood, it may be pointed out that for the first seven years of training, the aspirants were known as pages, varlets, or damoiseaux. Under their masters and mistresses they performed most humble domestic duties and practised at doing everything they saw done by the knights. After attaining the age of fourteen years, they were promoted to the rank of squire, a promotion that was celebrated by a religious ceremony. The training now became more severe and included ability in all matters relating to the art of warfare, together with duties in connection with the stables and horses, and skill in the art of heraldry. The intellectual part of the training of the squire involved instruction in "sondry languages" and the acquisition of ability "to pipe, sing, dance" and to play the harp.[356] In the oft-quoted passage from Chaucer it is stated that the squire:-- "wel cowde ryde, He cowde songes wel make and endite, Justne and eek daunce, and wel purtray and write." The actual school curriculum followed by the squire would therefore resemble that of children of lower social grades, to the extent that "song" and "writing" were included in both. Among the "sondry languages," it is certain that Latin would be numbered; in addition he would learn French and (possibly) Italian. Chivalry began to decline about the middle of the thirteenth century. "Froissart characterises and describes with picturesque detail this tendency to decay which, as time advanced, gradually resulted in a complete transformation, so that the chivalric ideal became lost and the independence of the soldier, once the slave only of his God and of his lady, gave way to the obsequiousness of the courtier, and finally became a selfish and pitiful servility."[357] What place does chivalric education occupy in the evolution of educational thought and practice? In the first place, it contributed to the elaboration of the educational ideal. Though, as we have indicated, chivalric education was based on utility, just as was the education of the schools of the cloister or of the church, yet it resulted in a wider connotation being given to the term "education." Chivalric education aimed at fitting a man to live a life in society; whereas the education given by the monk or priest aimed only at fitting a man to lead a religious life. A change was also made in the estimation of educational values: the intellectual element of education (though not entirely ignored) was yet relegated to a subsidiary position, whilst the care of the body, notoriously absent from the ecclesiastical education, was exalted to an important position. It is interesting also to note that the custom of sending boys of good family away from home directly contributed to the practice of sending boys to a residential school, which is characteristic of the present day, especially among parents of good financial means. In addition, we must note that some of the ideals of chivalry have tended to live on in our great public schools of to-day; further, they have influenced our secondary schools and, to a lesser extent, our elementary schools. Admiration for physical prowess, as exemplified on the playing fields, still occupies the highest place in the mind of the schoolboy; the ideal of service survives in the custom of "fagging"; loyalty, honour, courtesy, and deference to external ceremonial continue to be distinctive marks of the "schools of the nobility" of to-day. There is a danger in assuming that all the ideals of chivalry were equally high, and that the contribution of chivalry to education was greater than it really was. "Chivalry," writes Cornish, "taught the world the duty of noble service willingly rendered. It upheld courage and enterprise in obedience to rule, it consecrated military prowess to the service of the church, glorified the virtues of liberality, good faith, unselfishness, and courtesy, and, above all, courtesy to women. Against these may be set the vices of ostentation, love of bloodshed, contempt of inferiors, and loose manners. Chivalry was an imperfect discipline, but it was a discipline, and one fit for the times. It may have existed in the world too long; it did not come into existence too early; and with all its shortcomings, it exercised a great and wholesome influence in lifting the medieval world from barbarism to civilisation."[358] The practice of sending the sons of the nobility and gentry to the houses of other nobles continued even after "chivalry" itself as a mode of life had died out. Thus, Sir Thomas More was brought up at the house of Cardinal Morton;[359] Cardinal Wolsey had a number of young lords residing with him;[360] in the household of the Earl of Northumberland in 1571 were a number of young gentlemen.[361] For the purpose of teaching these young nobles, it was customary that there should be a "Maistyr of Gramer" as a part of the establishment of the house, who was responsible for the instruction "which is necessary for song and the rules of grammatical construction."[362] Various household books bear testimony to the presence of this tutor.[363] It is not suggested that the education given at the houses of nobles and other great men was very effective from an academic point of view. In fact, the opinion in which letters were generally held at the time was not sufficiently high to serve as an inducement for study to be taken up seriously by young members of the higher social classes.[364] The course of study followed included Latin, French, writing, fencing, accounts, and music,[365] but this enumeration of subjects does not imply that a high standard was attained. A further consideration of this subject will be necessary when the period subsequent to the Reformation is dealt with. BOOK III. EDUCATION PASSING OUT OF CHURCH CONTROL. CHAPTER I. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGES. During the period we now proceed to consider, the idea gradually developed that education was not a matter which exclusively pertained to the Church. With the rise of the universities, the control of education tended to pass out of the power of the Church; with the social and economic progress of the country, there was a growth of the idea that civic and trade and craft organisations respectively owed a duty to the community, and that this duty included the provision of facilities for education. This idea of civic or community responsibility for education which began to manifest itself in a tentative manner, was not the outcome of any opposition to the Church, or due to a feeling that the Church had not been sufficiently alive to its responsibilities. On the contrary, the provision for education which was made was, generally speaking, entrusted to the care of the Church, and the teachers of the schools continued to be the priests of the Church. In fact, we may go so far as to assert that the consciousness of social responsibility which now developed was, to a great extent, the outgrowth of religious teaching. At the same time that we emphasise this general statement, we must admit that there existed certain signs of a tendency to assert independence of the Church, and various symptoms began to manifest themselves which were indicative of the fact that school-keeping was ceasing to be regarded as exclusively a function of the priesthood. The tendency to independence of the Church showed itself, among other places, at Coventry, where the corporation sent a deputation to the Prior of Coventry "wyllyng hym to occupye a skole of Gramer, fyye he like to teche hys Brederon and Childerom of the aumbry, and that he wolnot gruche ne meve the contrai, but that euery mon off this Cite be at hys ffre chosse to sette hys chylde to skole to what techer off Gramer that he likyth, as reson askyth"[366]; and at Bridgenorth, where an ordinance was passed in 1503, that no priest should keep a school after a schoolmaster had come to town.[367] As illustrating the tendency to place schools under the control of organisations other than the Church may be mentioned the school founded at Farthinghoe in 1443 by John Abbot, a mercer of London, who placed the school under the control of the Mercers' Company,[368] and the school founded by Sir Edmund Sha in 1487, which was put in mortmain "unto his felliship of the craft of goldsmythes."[369] Two other instances are available. In 1502, Sir John Percyvale founded a "Fre Gramer Scole" at Macclesfield[370] for "gentil mennes sonnes and other good menses children in Maxfiled and the Countre thereabouts." The government of the school was entrusted to seventeen local laymen who were to act as trustees. In 1505, Sir Bartholomew Read, who founded a school at Cromer, made the Goldsmith's Company the governing body.[371] That school-keeping was ceasing to be regarded as the exclusive function of the priesthood is indicated by the will of the founder of Sevenoaks Grammar School in 1432, which specified that the schoolmaster was not to be a priest "in sacris ordinibus minime constitutus,"[372] and by the fact that the names of schoolmasters are to be found on the rolls of the Freemen of the city of York.[373] The growing interest of the laity in education did not result in apathy on the part of the Church. On the contrary, the Church was stimulated to renewed activity. Not only did the great churchmen of the day, _e.g._ Wykeham, Chicheley, and Waynflete, found schools of enduring magnificence, but a large number of collegiate churches were established in various parts of the country, and there exists considerable evidence (which we shall consider in a subsequent chapter) to show that the majority of these collegiate churches provided special facilities for education. The change in the attitude of the nation towards education is the direct outcome of its social and economic conditions, and if we are properly to understand the educational developments, it is necessary that we should consider briefly the changes in the economic conditions of England, and the resultant social changes, which manifested themselves in the closing centuries of the Middle Ages. The date of the pestilence termed the Black Death will form a convenient starting point from which we may consider these changes. The factors contributory to the results, which we propose to describe, may be traced to an earlier date, but as we are concerned in this chapter with general tendencies rather than with minute economic investigations, the year 1349 will admirably serve our purpose. The economic effects of the Black Death were particularly evident in the rural districts. The decay of the manorial system was accelerated; the system of manorial farming was thrown into confusion and new methods of land tenure became imperative; the existing system of customary regulation was no longer possible. In the towns the influence of the pestilence was not so marked. Though individual towns might suffer, yet the relative importance of towns in the life of the nation was increased, and the way was prepared for that industrial and commercial supremacy of towns which began to manifest itself in the early years of the fifteenth century.[374] In addition to the economic effects, the Black Death had important educational effects. The mortality among the clergy was considerable, and consequently the number of men who were qualified to act as schoolmasters was appreciably diminished. The reduction in the number of priests, as a result of the Black Death, is indicated by a letter which Pope Clement V. wrote in 1349 to the Archbishop of York, and in which it is stated that "in consequence of the Plague, there are not enough priests to administer the sacraments."[375] A statute of 1362 also refers to the fact that "the priests be become so very scant after the pestilence to the great grievance and oppression of the people."[376] This diminution in the number of schoolmasters, for some reason or other, seems to have continued into the following century. William Byngham, in the petition which he submitted to the king in 1439 for the purpose of obtaining permission to found a college at Cambridge for the training of teachers for grammar schools throughout the country, stated that, "on the East of the way between Hampton and Coventry and no further north than Ripon, no less than seventy grammar schools had fallen into desuetude because of the scarcity of teachers."[377] It is also extremely probable that the Black Death contributed considerably to the almost total disappearance of the French language from the schools. One effect of the Norman Conquest had been the gradual growth of French as the spoken language; after the pestilence period, the use of the native tongue of the English nation again became common. This is directly evidenced by statements contained in John de Trevisa's translation of Higden's _Polychronicon_. After showing that French was at one time very prevalent in this country because it was the language in common use at schools and that the children of "gentil men" were taught that language from the time they were "i-rokked in here cradel," Trevisa states that after the Black Death the knowledge of French had disappeared to so great an extent that "now children of gramer scole conneth na more Frensche than can hir lift heele."[378] The fifteenth century witnessed important changes in the economic condition of England. The most important of these changes was connected with the development of manufactures. At the close of the fourteenth century, we learn that wool was "la Sovereigne Marchandise and Jewel ... d'Angleterre"[379]; a century later, it is said that "the makeyng of cloth" was "the grettest occupacion and lyving of the poor people of the land."[380] Various enactments of the period testify to the growth of the woollen industry, and to the efforts which were made by the government to foster and develop it. But though the manufacture of cloth was the most important industry, yet it was not the only form of industrial occupation. Before the close of the fifteenth century, the manufacture of silk had been established in London, coal mining was carried on to a considerable extent, the manufacture of beer had been instituted, the making of bricks had been renewed, guns were being made, and ship-building was making progress.[381] The development of manufactures naturally brought about changes in the organisation of industry. Owing to the operation of the principle of division of labour, new crafts came into existence, and these, in their turn, were also sub-divided into other new crafts. Gradually, all the various classes of the industrial world--the artisan, the manufacturer, the middleman, and the merchant--began to emerge. As a result, the "rude beginnings of a factory system" manifested themselves,[382] and there are even traces of a movement which resembles a modern strike.[383] These changes in the industrial system necessarily exerted a powerful influence upon the agricultural industry, which previously had been the principal occupation of the people. The Black Death had been responsible for a great diminution in the number of agricultural labourers, and as a result, it was scarcely possible to find sufficient labour for the cultivation of the soil. This scarcity of labour was intensified by the fact that employment in the manufacturing industries proved to many a more attractive form of occupation than service on the land. The Central Government took steps with the object of compelling people to work on the land, and an attempt was even made, as we shall see in a subsequent chapter, to prevent agricultural labourers from sending their children to school. Thus in the reign of Richard II., it was enacted that any person who was engaged on agricultural labour up to twelve years of age, was to be compelled to remain at that occupation during the remainder of his life.[384] Other Acts of Parliament, with a similar object, were passed in 1406 and 1444.[385] This repressive legislation failed to secure its purpose, as the steady flow of labour from agriculture to manufacture continued. The increasing scarcity of labour led naturally to the gradual substitution of sheep farming for the cultivation of wheat, a development to which the growth of the cloth industry necessarily contributed. The demand for wool by the English manufacturers of cloth increased to so great an extent that sheep-farming gradually became more profitable than the cultivation of the soil and, as a result, the enclosure movement, which began to set in during the closing years of the fourteenth century, made such progress that, during the fifteenth century, there occurred "the greatest of those agricultural changes which have in successive ages swept over this country--the transition from arable to pasture farming."[386] Even more important than the industrial changes were the commercial changes, which occurred during the fifteenth century. These arose out of the development of English foreign trade with its natural effect upon the growth of a shipping industry. The records of the time show that English merchants visited all the civilised maritime countries of Europe, notably Holland, Zealand, Flanders, and the shores of the Baltic. Trade was also carried on with Iceland, Spain, Portugal, the countries of Southern Europe, and, in spite of the Hundred Years' War, with France. These developments in manufactures, in agriculture, and in commerce naturally necessitated changes in financial matters. In the earlier part of the Middle Ages a system of barter had been common. Such a system could not continue under the new order of things. Not only did the use of money for facilitating international exchange become common, but money began to be employed for capitalistic purposes instead of being hoarded or used for unproductive military purposes. These various changes could not occur in the economic life without producing important effects in the social life of the community. One of the most important of these resulted from an appreciation of the power of wealth. Formerly, rank and birth had been the main mark of distinction between one man and another. Apart from high birth, the Church had previously been the only avenue by which a man of ability could attain to a position of importance. Under the new condition of things, the possession of wealth proved to be a passport to social recognition, and the old ideas of status and class began rapidly to disappear. The social standing thus gained by men of wealth naturally hastened the decline of the Feudal System; the failure of the Feudal System involved the decay of chivalry, which was closely associated with it. Outwardly chivalry continued to flourish, but the tournaments which now took place were held for political purposes on occasions of pomp and show, and not with the object of effecting a training to war. The closing century of the Middle Ages not only witnessed the rise of the capitalist class, but it also saw the rise of the middle class, which has been described as the "most noteworthy feature in the history of social life in England in the late fourteenth and the early fifteenth century."[387] The various changes in the economic conditions had made it possible to acquire wealth through successful trade, and abundant evidence exists that the merchant class was both numerous and was held in high esteem. Socially, these men seem to have ranked with squires and in consequence "Merchaundes and Franklonz, worship fulle and honourable, they may be set semely at a squyers table."[388] The educational development of a country is closely connected with its social and economic progress, and it is necessary clearly to bear in mind the economic changes of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries if we are properly to understand the educational adjustments which resulted. CHAPTER II. THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES.[389] It is possible to trace a rapid advance in the intellectual life of England after the eleventh century. Among the contributory factors may be mentioned the restoration of social and political order, resulting in the greater security essential for intellectual life, and the influence of the Crusades. The Crusades were not only a sign of the reawakened energy of Europe but were also a cause of increased intellectual activity and change. Those who took part in the Crusades were brought in contact with new people and new ideas; new interests were created, and a more human conception of the world developed. Moreover, the deeds of the Crusades supplied new material for historical literature, and stimulated the romantic element in life and thought. The intellectual effect of the Crusades was manifested in every department of literary activity; the number of books written was greatly increased; studies of law, medicine, and theology received greater attention; scholastic philosophy manifested itself, and the universities came into being. Of these effects, the development of scholasticism and the rise of the universities are closely connected, and are of special importance for our present purpose. The development of that system of thought known as scholasticism may be traced from the subjects taught in the medieval schools. These subjects were the Trivium,[390] and the more advanced Quadrivium.[391] The ordinary text-books of the age (of which the chief were founded on the works of five authors--Orosius, Martianus, Boethius, Cassiodorus, and Isidorus) enable us to estimate what was known of these subjects of instruction. Music included little more than the rules of plain song; arithmetic was discussed chiefly with reference to the mystical interpretation of numbers; geometry consisted of a few propositions from Euclid without demonstrations; astronomy, together with arithmetic, found its way into the curriculum chiefly because these subjects supplied the means of finding Easter. The Trivium was the real basis of the secular education of the period. Grammar included both the rules formulated by Donatus and Priscian and the study of a few of the classical writers of ancient Rome. "Under the head of rhetoric, the treatises of Cicero, such as the 'De Oratore' and the pseudo-Ciceronian 'Ad Herennium' were largely read. The elements of Roman Law were often added, and all schoolboys were exercised in writing prose or what passed for prose."[392] The most prominent and important of the subjects of secular instruction was Dialectic or Logic. The student of this subject had at his disposal richer material than in most other branches of secular knowledge. Rashdall instances the translations by Boethius of the "De Interpretatione" and the "Categoriae," as well as the "Isagoge" of Porphyry.[393] It was this concentration on Dialectic by minds whose chief interest was theology that paved the way to that philosophic system known as scholasticism. From its nature, it is scarcely possible to define scholasticism, but its meaning may be understood by considering the ground on which theological statements were based. For some centuries, such statements were required to be accepted merely on the authority of the Church. By the eleventh century, heretical views had crept in which could scarcely be dealt with so summarily. The stimulation of intellectual interests, due to the Crusades, made it necessary that theological beliefs should be carefully formulated and defended by intellectual weapons. The history of scholasticism falls into two fairly distinct periods. Among the great names associated with the first period are Anselm, "the last of the great monastic teachers," Roscellinus, William of Champeaux, and Abelard, "the true founder of the Scholastic Theology."[394] The second period which extended from the beginning of the thirteenth century to the Renaissance was the period of the culmination of scholastic thought and its consolidation into a system. The "great schoolmen" include Albertus Magnus, a Dominican who has been described as "the great organising intellect of the Middle Ages," Thomas Aquinas, famous as the scholar who brought scholasticism to its highest development by harmonising Aristotelianism with the doctrines of the Church, and two Englishmen, both of whom were Franciscan friars, Duns Scotus, and William of Occam. The intellectual activity of the schoolmen was connected mainly with questions of interpretation. Original investigation was scarcely attempted. The form adopted was that of commenting upon Aristotle or the Church Fathers, and the method employed was that of discussion and dispute, conducted according to recognised logical methods. At an early date, a question which was considered of primary and fundamental significance began to be discussed--the nature of universals. Stated briefly, the problem is: have the universals a substantial existence of their own, as the realists claimed, or, are they merely conceptions in the mind, as the nominalists maintained? This philosophical problem was bound up with such questions as the reality of the Church, of the State, of the Trinity, of the Sacraments. Was the Church a "reality," or was it merely the name of certain individuals who professed a certain allegiance? Was the State a "reality," or simply a name? Such questions as these serve to illustrate the passionate interest taken in the matter by the medieval world of learning. It was under the stimulus of this interest in dialectic that certain schools connected with cathedrals or monasteries became famous in the later eleventh century and the beginning of the twelfth. Prominent among these was Paris, as the reputation of its master, William of Champeaux, attracted scholars to it from many parts. Abelard was one of the students who had been drawn to Paris by the fame of its school, but before long he openly combatted the teachings of its masters and determined to open school for himself. On account of the principle of the licensing of schools and of teachers, this was a matter difficult of accomplishment, but the difficulties were temporarily overcome, and Abelard is later found as the deputy master of the Cathedral School. Fresh difficulties arising, Abelard resumed his studies, this time under Anselm at Laon. Later he returned to Paris, and lectured as a duly authorised master in the schools of Notre-Dame. His reputation spread rapidly, and Abelard became supreme in the intellectual capital of Europe. In 1118 occurred his rapid and terrible downfall occasioned by his liaison with Heloise. In every attempt which he made after this to regain his position, he was met by fierce and relentless opposition especially from Bernard of Clairvaux. Twice he was condemned for heresy, in 1121 and 1141; his persecution being due, not so much to definite heretical opinions as to the general spirit and method of his teaching. Abelard may be regarded as the best exponent of his time of that method which applies the test of reason to all established beliefs and opinions. Though he was defeated personally at the Council of Sens, yet the movement which had been associated with his name continued. Forces that tended to make Paris one of the most important cities of transalpine Europe were in operation at this time; hence the stream of pilgrim students to Paris, which set in in the days of Abelard, continued for at least one and a half centuries.[395] At this time, too, the tendency for those who had interests in common to associate in some form of "gild," was everywhere prevalent. It was, therefore, only natural that wherever a concourse of masters or students was found, the necessity soon arose for some form of organisation, which would serve to protect their common interests. Though these organisations came into existence without any express authorisations, yet from such beginnings the universities of the Middle Ages originated. The circumstances, which contributed to the formation of a medieval university were therefore twofold: (1) the existence of a cathedral school, or monastic school, which had attained eminence, and (2) the formation of a gild, either of masters, or of students, or of both. Special circumstances led to the selection of the original university centres. One of these circumstances was the specialisation of the learning of the time. A mass of learning and tradition on subjects of interest to man and essential to his welfare, had grown up in a particular locality. Students who desired to possess themselves of this knowledge were attracted to the place. Thus, the schools at Bologna developed into specialised law schools about 1100 to 1130; Salerno became famous for the study of medicine; Paris became celebrated as the main centre of scholastic philosophy. It must be noted, however, that the term "universitas" was not the common appellation for one of the higher schools; the earliest specialised name was "studium" or "studium generale"--a term that Denifle has traced back as far as 1233. At the outset, no restriction upon the establishment anywhere of a "studium generale" existed, but by the latter half of the thirteenth century this unrestricted liberty came to an end. The idea gradually grew that the erection of new "studia generalia" was a papal or imperial prerogative; hence in 1224 the Emperor Frederick II. founded a "studium generale" at Naples; in 1229 Gregory IX. established one at Toulouse, whilst in 1244 or 1245 Innocent III. founded a "studium generale" in the Pontifical Court itself.[396] In 1292 even the old universities--Bologna and Paris--received formal recognition of their existence by Bulls of Nicholas IV. "From this time, the notion gradually gained ground that the 'jus ubique docendi' was of the essence of a 'studium generale,' and that no school which did not possess this privilege could obtain it without a Bull from Emperor or Pope."[397] Turning to the question of the origin of the University of Oxford, it may be noted that though many mythical origins trace the existence of the university to a very early time in the history of the country, yet, in fact, Oxford did not become known as a centre of learning until the twelfth century. The earliest definite reference, which has been traced so far to the existence of any school at Oxford, dates to some time in the decade 1110-1120, when Theobald of Etampes is described as a "Master of Arts at Oxford."[398] Apparently, Thurstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, had referred to Theobald the question whether monks could legally impropriate churches and tithe. His reply was in the negative on the ground that the monk was one who had retired from the world, and "by choosing the monastic habit and putting the world aside had judged himself unworthy of the dignity of an ecclesiastic."[399] This provoked an anonymous reply which incidentally contains the statements that Theobald held a scholastic post of some importance. "You, yourself, a nobody, are you not said to have taught as a master sixty or one hundred clerks, more or less?"[400] This statement supports an hypothesis that the schools at Oxford must have been flourishing at the time. A new era in the development of Oxford may be traced from C. 1135 when Robert Pullen, a theologian, lectured there.[401] Then, at a date between 1145 and 1150, the jurist Vacarius, "a Lombard by birth, an upright man and a lawyer," was teaching Roman Law somewhere in England.[402] At some time or other he also taught at Oxford and is stated to have been the first to teach Roman Law in that city.[403] The university must be regarded as being fully in existence by 1189, as Giraldus Cambrensis lectured there about that date on "Ireland" to "all the doctors of the different faculties and such of their pupils as were of greater fame or note" on one day, and to the "rest of the scholars" on another.[404] After this date, the references are numerous and conclusive. Two main theories have been advanced to account for the rise of a "studium generale" at Oxford. One group of writers[405] connects its origin with some one or other of the conventual schools at Oxford. By analogy with the origin of the European universities which are considered "primary," they suggest that the Church was the foster-mother of the university, and that the earliest schools were those in connection with St. Frideswide and the abbeys of Oseney and Eynesham. The other theory (advanced by Rashdall) connects the rise of a university at Oxford with a migration from Paris, which is supposed to have occurred in or about the year 1167. In support of this hypothesis it is pointed out that about that date Henry II. (who was then engaged in a conflict with his Archbishop, Thomas Becket) required "that all scholars be compelled to return to their country or be deprived of their benefices."[406] Rashdall also points out that from this time onwards we hear of sermons being preached expressly for "clerkes from various parts of England."[407] Both of these theories are open to objections. The evidence in favour of a migration is based upon a series of assumptions; if a migration of this character really occurred it is difficult to account for the silence of all the English chroniclers on an event which must have appealed to the imagination; no record is available of any clerk who left Paris on account of the edict, or of any clerk going from Paris to Oxford. On the other hand, it must be admitted that the theory of gradual development is also open to objection. It is vague and indefinite as to details of the growth of the "studium generale"; no authoritative explanation is given for the independent position of the early Oxford masters, and for their freedom from all immediate ecclesiastical control. The question of the relationship of the university to the Church needs careful consideration. A great deal depends upon the account of the origin of the university which is accepted. If it is maintained, that from the time of its origin, it was under ecclesiastical supervision, then it is difficult to account for the spirit of independence which was manifested during the period that immediately preceded the Legatine Ordinance of 1214. However, by that ordinance ecclesiastical control was definitely asserted; the scholars were made subject to the jurisdiction of the Church, and the position of chancellor was established--probably to mark the subjection of the masters to episcopal control.[408] The chancellor of the university was, at first, merely the representative of the bishop possessing only such powers as were delegated to him. As long as Robert Grosseteste was Bishop of Lincoln, the relationship between the university and the bishop was most harmonious. Soon after his death, however, disputes began to arise between the two authorities.[409] The details of the conflict may be omitted here; the fact that needs to be noticed is, that in connection with the dispute, the chancellor (though in theory a representative of the bishop) becomes identified with the interests of the university. Four years later we find the chancellor exercising the power of excommunication on his own responsibility, a power which was subsequently confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury.[410] The Archbishop also took the part of the chancellor in a dispute with reference to the exercise of certain privileges, which arose between the university and the bishop in 1280; the bishop was practically compelled to yield on all the points in dispute. From that time onwards, the chancellor was in practice independent of the bishop.[411] The last phase of the struggle between the bishop and the university is concerned with questions arising out of the confirmation of the election of the chancellor. The dispute first arose in 1288 and recurred with successive elections. The question was finally settled in 1368 when the Pope decreed that the confirmation of the chancellorship by the Bishop of Lincoln might be dispensed with.[412] Ever since that date, the university of Oxford has enjoyed the power of electing and confirming its highest honour without reference to any ecclesiastical authority. An important event in the history of the university occurred in 1209. The murder of a woman by a scholar led to two or three of the scholars being hanged by the townsmen with the tacit consent of the king. "On this nearly 3,000 clerks, masters, and scholars alike, left Oxford, not a single one of the whole university remaining. Some of them went to study the liberal arts at Cambridge, some to Reading, but the town of Oxford was left empty."[413] Oxford remained practically destitute of scholars till 1213 when the townsmen humbled themselves, an event contributed to by King John's submission to the pope. Rashdall states that the ordinances issued by the papal legate in 1214 constituted the first official recognition of the university which has come down to us.[414] By this time Oxford had become a recognised centre of learning and had attained to such importance that its opinion on disputed matters was highly esteemed. Thus, in 1252, Henry III. submitted to the university the question in dispute between Raleigh, Bishop of Norwich, and himself; Archbishop Boniface of Canterbury went to Oxford in 1252 in order to make known to the university the conduct of the Bishop of Winchester, so that through the influence of the university the news might be spread throughout the world of learning. Passing next to the university of Cambridge, we find that its origin also is a matter of doubt. Here, again, two theories have been advanced--one which upholds the idea of gradual development, the other which bases the origin of the university on a migration from Oxford. The earliest extant reference to a university at Cambridge dates from 1231. In that year Henry III. sent a communication to the sheriff of Cambridge, authorising him to take action in the case of "divers disorderly and incorrigible clerks" ... and also "divers criminals in the guise of clerks pretending to be what they are not."[415] Evidence also exists to show, that in 1276, the Bishop of Ely defined the jurisdiction of the Chancellor of Cambridge University, the Archdeacon of Ely, and the Grammar Schoolmaster.[416] The early history of the university of Cambridge, like that of its sister university, is largely a history of disputes, of feuds between the townsmen and the burgesses, of quarrels between the opposing "nations," of disputes arising out of disorders on the part of the students, and of the struggles for independence of ecclesiastical control. The last of these is the only one which concerns us here, but as the matter is so fully dealt with elsewhere[417] it will suffice to point out here that the growth of freedom from episcopal supervision was slower at Cambridge than at Oxford. It was not until the close of the fourteenth century that the power of the Bishop of Ely to decide internal disputes between the chancellor and the masters, and between the various faculties and to hear appeals from the chancellor, was dispensed with, and it was not until 1432 that the university was entirely independent of the direct control of the Church. In this chapter we have given the various hypotheses which have been advanced, to account for the origin of the English universities. Whichever hypothesis we accept, the important fact is that a class of teachers gradually grew up in this country, and that these teachers, influenced by the gild spirit which was particularly strong in the twelfth century, ultimately formed themselves into a gild which became strong enough to gain recognition. It is impossible to point to any definite charter or document by which this was effected; it is not until the university was in actual being and admitting to its degrees those teachers whom it considered qualified for admission, that we have any real evidence of its existence. The development of the universities had three important effects, so far as the special subject of this investigation is concerned. (1) The licensing of teachers passed out of the hands of the Church and was undertaken by the universities. With the general recognition of the universities, the licence to teach which was considered valuable was the licence granted by the university and not that of bishop or cathedral chancellor. It is interesting to note that the power of conferring degrees now possessed by the Archbishop of Canterbury is a relic of the power which he formerly exercised of granting recognition to teachers in the diocese of Canterbury. (2) The theological schools of the chancellor gradually ceased to exist, as the theological teaching at the universities began to develop. Since specialised teaching centred itself at the universities, and as the demands upon the time of the chancellor became more insistent with the increasing work of the cathedral and diocese, together with the fact that the teaching function of the chancellor was gradually being lost sight of, so it came about that the theological schools of the chancellor became of less and less note until at last it is impossible to trace any real signs of their existence. (3) The universities, and not the Church, became recognised as the centre of the intellectual activity of the country. As we have shown, the Church was originally regarded as the custodian of all interests which might be conceived of as intellectual. "Religion and letters" were considered to be identical; gradually the principle of division of labour manifested itself, and the Church was left to concern itself with its spiritual functions, leaving to others the care of those matters which may be considered as exclusively relating to the development of the intellectual well-being of man. CHAPTER III. GILDS AND VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS. At an early stage in the development of the English nation there became manifest a tendency for persons who possessed certain interests in common, to organise themselves into a species of club or association. To such associations the term "gild" has been applied. Mr. Toulmin Smith maintains that the early English gilds came into existence for the purpose of joining all classes together, for assisting the needy and promoting objects of common welfare. These gilds were inspired by religious motives, and were closely associated with the Church.[418] The first three English gilds of which records are now available, are those of Abbotsbury,[419] Exeter, and Cambridge. The earliest available statement of the purposes of gilds appears to date from 858, when the Archbishop of Rheims, in giving particulars of the gilds of that date in France states that they "unite for offerings, for mutual assistance, for funeral services for the dead, for alms, and for other deeds of piety."[420] The number of these associations rapidly increased. Brentano states that at one time during the Middle Ages, there were twelve gilds in Norwich and Lynn respectively. Gallienus counts 80 gilds in Cologne, Melle about 70 at Lübeck, and Staphorst over 100 at Hamburg.[421] Gilds were so very numerous and so marked a characteristic of the social life of the period that it is not to be wondered at if exaggerated statements were made as to their number. "In Norfolk, the most densely populated county of England, Taylor is said to have counted no less than 909 gilds, and in Lyme Regis alone 75."[422] It is important to remember that the most prominent characteristic of gilds was the religious element. As a matter of fact it is impossible to conceive of any social organisation which was entirely divorced from religion, existing at this time. Hartshorn states "No matter what the specific _raison d'être_ was of any gild, it necessarily had a religious aspect. Each had its patron, in whose honour candles were burnt. Some had as their object the aid of poor scholars, the maintenance of schools or the payment of schoolmasters, the presentation of religious plays, as even to-day that of Oberammergau in South Bavaria, or the repair of roads and bridges. The Frith Gilds had rules for helping the gild-brothers in every need. The statutes of the English gilds frequently mention loans made to needy brothers with but one condition, that it be repaid when there was no more need of it."[423] Before proceeding to consider the educational significance of the gilds, we may refer here, for the sake of convenience, to two subsequent developments of the gild movement--the gild-merchant and the craft gild. In the years which immediately followed the Conquest the more important towns of England suffered greatly, partly on account of the chances of war and partly on account of the policy of castle-building associated with the English kings of the Norman period. However, as soon as the Norman rule was firmly established, an internal peace, such as had not been previously enjoyed, was secured for this country; the towns, consequently, made rapid progress, and in one commercial centre after another a gild-merchant was set up.[424] A gild-merchant came into existence for reasons similar to those which brought into being the religious and social gilds. There was a consciousness of a community of interest, and a common object which could be secured more effectively through co-operation. It is foreign to our purpose to attempt to examine critically the origin of gilds-merchant, and so it must suffice for us simply to state that their history has been traced back to corporations of merchants and artisans, which existed in Rome under Numa Pompilius, and which were termed "collegia" or "corpora opificum et artificium."[425] In France, the first gild-merchant was formed in 1070, and came into existence for the purpose of protecting the free townsmen against the oppression of the nobility. Gradually their number increased, and with the growth in their number their purposes became more clearly defined, and the custom developed that the gild should receive formal recognition from recognised authority. Thus the traders of Paris formed the "Hanse des marchandes de L'eau" and the privileges they claimed were confirmed by Louis VII. in 1170. The first purposive mention of a gild-merchant in England dates from C. 1093.[426] The general line of development seems to have been that such associations gradually came into existence at various centres; they defined their purposes, their claims, and the exclusive privileges they desired. When a favourable opportunity presented itself, they secured from the king or other lords the grant of a charter which was necessary for legal recognition. Henry I. seems to have been the first king who systematically granted these charters; during the reign of Henry II., charters were obtained by many of the principal towns of the country, notably Bristol, Durham, Lincoln, Carlisle, Oxford, Salisbury, and Southampton; in each of these charters the recognition of a gild-merchant was an important feature.[427] Ashley writes: "In spite of the paucity of evidence, the existence of a merchant gild can be definitely proved in 92 towns out of the 160 represented at one time or other in the parliaments of Edward I. No considerable name--with two exceptions, namely London and the Cinque Ports--is wanting from the list. It is impossible not to conclude that every town, down to those that were not much more than villages, had its merchant gild. This fact of itself is enough to prove the great part it must have played in the town life of the time."[428] A third type of gild--the craft gild--begins to appear early in the twelfth century. These gilds become more numerous as the century advances. In the thirteenth century they are a common feature of industrial life. The circumstances which gave rise to the origin of gilds of this character are still in dispute. The popular view is that the gilds-merchant came into existence, first of all, in order to secure protection against the feudal lords. Gradually they became exclusive and so rendered necessary the formation of craft gilds for the protection of the common interest of those who were engaged in crafts in opposition to the interests of those who were concerned in the sale of the commodities produced. Ashley points out the difficulties involved in this theory,[429] and suggests an alternative hypothesis. He states that originally membership of the town assembly was bound up with the possession of land within the town boundaries, and that membership of the gild-merchant was practically identical with citizenship. In course of time, there came into existence a class of landless inhabitants of the town, who consequently could not be regarded as burgesses, and therefore could not be admitted into the gild-merchant without the payment of fees. Some of these people would turn to handicrafts. The same spirit of community of interest which produced the religious gilds and the gilds-merchant respectively would also operate to induce the craftsmen to form a guild of their own.[430] The first craft gilds which come into notice, were those of the weavers; the weavers of London date their charter from the reign of Henry I. There were also gilds of weavers in London, Lincoln, and Oxford in existence before 1130.[431] Just as the gild-merchants obtained a legal recognition of their existence, so the craft gilds also in course of time received recognition from the king, whilst those gilds which were not authorised were amerced as "adulterine." No attempt, however, seems to have been made forcibly to dissolve the adulterine gilds. The only definite provision contained in these charters of recognition was, that no one within the specified area should follow the craft unless he were a member of the gild. This provision, however, involved the imposition of conditions of membership, and a general power of supervision over the members of the craft. We are concerned in this thesis only with the educational significance of the gilds; hence we need not discuss further their economic aspects. It is, however, interesting to note that the social value of these gilds survived their economic functions. Judged from an economic standpoint, they began to degenerate during the fourteenth century. They had come into existence in response to the impulse arising out of a vague sense of the value of association of membership in a corporate body; against this spirit, the sense of individualism, which particularly manifested itself at the time of the Reformation, asserted itself and ultimately triumphed. The gild system was of considerable importance from the point of view of education. We may note that the gild spirit manifested itself among teachers. They organised themselves into a form of association. Gradually, they laid down the conditions of membership of their body. In course of time, legal recognition was received from pope or emperor or king, and the embryo university gradually obtains general recognition. "The rise of the universities," says Rashdall, "was merely a wave of that great movement towards association which began to sweep over the cities of Europe in the course of the eleventh century." We may next note that the gilds we have described proved to be the means by which the growing social consciousness of the nation evinced an interest in education. The term "social consciousness" is vague, and is capable of being variously defined. The origin of the phenomenon may be traced to the gregarious instinct, when the resulting consciousness is merely the "consciousness of kind," to use Professor Giddings' phrase. A higher stage of development is reached when an individual member of a group recognises the relationship in which he stands to the other members of the group, together with a realisation of the duties which such relationship involves. A still higher degree of development of the social consciousness results when the group as a whole recognises that it possesses social duties and responsibilities. We may trace roughly four stages in the growth of a national social consciousness. First, there is the stage at which the individual cares only for himself, a second stage is attained when family claims are recognised, a still higher stage when a duty to a social group is perceived, a fourth stage is reached when social organisations are formed for discharging more effectively social duties. The earliest of these social organisations in point of time--and the most important from the standpoint of education--were the social gilds. These gilds, as we have shown, were essentially religious. They were a manifestation of what may be described as a "democratic religious impulse." The term is admittedly clumsy, but it denotes a desire proceeding from the people to carry out religious duties apart from the official requirements of the Church. On a large scale we can see this force at work in the movements initiated by St. Francis of Assisi and St. Dominic respectively, or, to take a more recent example, in the Methodist revival in the Church of England. To return to our period, we find that men and women, impelled by a spirit of association, formed themselves into a gild in order to carry out more effectively their religious and social responsibilities. We particularly wish to note that, in some cases, these responsibilities included the making of provision for the education of the young. It is not possible yet to indicate the full extent to which these social gilds made such provision, but it is probable that they did much more for education than is commonly conceived. Our chief means of discovering what was accomplished, is by an examination of the returns which were made when the gilds were being dissolved. From an examination of these records, we are led to the conclusion that, after an association or gild had been formed for specified purposes the general method of procedure was, that the members of the gild made certain payments to secure the services of one or more priests, who were to devote themselves to carrying out such objects as the gild had in view. These aims frequently included the keeping of a school. We can find this illustrated by a consideration of the information available[432] with regard to the Gild of Kalendars, Bristol. In 1318 the Bishop of Gloucester issued an inquisition as to the rights and privileges of this gild. The report of the commissioners states that "the beginning of the fraternity exceeds the memory of man," and it was established that it existed before the Conquest. The gild was formerly called the "Gild or Brotherhood of the Community of the clergy and people of Bristol" and received a licence from the Cardinal-legate Gualo in 1216. Among other works carried out by this association is mentioned the maintenance of "a school for Jewes and other strangers, to be brought up and instructed in christianitie under the said fraternitie."[433] Here then is established the fact that gilds, as apart from churches, conceived themselves as responsible for education at least as early as the thirteenth century. We may also consider the Palmers Gild which was founded in 1284. This gild supported a "warden, 7 priestes, 4 singyng men, twoo deacons, syx Queristers, ... 32 pore Almes people" as well as a schoolmaster to teach Latin.[434] As additional instances of schools which were established through the agency of gilds we may enumerate the school at Maldon which is supposed to have been founded by the Fraternity of the Assumption of the Virgin,[435] and the school at Raleigh, which was founded by the Trinity Gild in 1388-9.[436] The chantry certificate relating to this gild states that "lands were put in feoffement by diverse and sundry persons to ffinde a prieste ... to teach a fre schole their to instruct youth. Which seide town of Raleigh is a very greate and populous towne."[437] These instances readily demonstrate the democratic appreciation of education, and that among the purposes for which people joined themselves together in voluntary association was the provision of facilities for education. We pass to an important topic when we consider the work of the gilds-merchant and the craft gilds. If we can trace any educational activities on the part of these associations then we can trace the origin of the interest taken by the civic communities and by organised labour respectively in education. Though it is an error to conceive of the gild-merchant as identical with the municipal authority yet as Gross points out the distinction between them was barely perceptible. Now, if we can show that the gilds-merchant in some cases supported schools, then we have shown the interest of the civic community (as apart from the work of the Church) in educational matters. The only specific case of a gild-merchant taking an interest in education which we have been able to find is that of the gild-merchant of York. The chantry certificate of the city of York states that "the governour and kepers of the mysterye of merchauntes of the cytie of York," co-operated in the foundation of a hospital which had as one of its objects the maintenance of "two poore scolers."[438] Our difficulty in dealing with this topic arises from the fact that the "founder" of schools mentioned in the available documents is so very frequently not the real founder. It is for this reason that Edward VI., Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, and others have been regarded as the founders of schools which cannot in any real sense be attributed to them. In the case of gilds, we find the names of certain persons mentioned as the founders of various charitable trusts without a distinct statement of the fact that they were acting simply as representatives of an association. We are, therefore, driven to consider the full objects of the charitable trust under discussion. If the objects mentioned are mainly religious or eleemosynary, then it is probable that the trust created was ecclesiastical in its origin, but if these characteristics are not definitely present, or if the purposes specified by the trust include duties which should form a part of the duty of the municipality, then we consider that the gild should be classed under the municipal gilds. With this object in view, we may examine the chantry certificate for the town of Wisbech, one of the fullest and most complete of the chantry certificates and one which would have well served as a model to others who had the duty of drawing up these returns. In answer to the question of the founder of the gild, the certificate states the gild was founded in the reign of Richard II. by certain clerks whose names are specified "with other mo." This last phrase is significant as it supports the inference that the gild was formed by the citizens of the town, but that the clergy, as the natural leaders of the community, would append their names first to the document. The objects of the gild, which are specified in this return may be briefly summarised-- (1) The maintenance of Divine service. (2) Prayer for the souls of the faithful departed. (3) Maintenance of a Grammar School. (4) Relief of the Poor. (5) Maintenance of almshouses. (6) Repair of the church. (7) Maintenance of dykes "for the sauftie bothe of the sayd towne and 14 other towns."[439] Here we have an effective enumeration of the duties of a municipal authority, and when the date of the founding of the gild and the absence of any legislation which compelled the carrying out of such tasks are considered, then the duties specified point to a high degree of social responsibility having been attained at Wisbech at this date. We may, therefore, conclude that the gild at Wisbech was not simply a religious association for purely spiritual purposes, but was an association of the civil community for municipal purposes. That these purposes included certain religious functions is not a matter of surprise. Religion in the Middle Ages was more closely interwoven with the life of the people than it is to-day. The gild existing at Stratford-on-Avon seems also to have been a citizen gild. Its origin can be traced to a date earlier than 1295. In the return made to the sheriff's proclamation in 1389, it was stated that the gild was begun at a time beyond the memory of man. The affairs of the gild were administered by two wardens who were elected by the members. The main objects of the gild seem to have been the maintenance of priests to celebrate divine service and the keeping of a grammar school.[440] The chantry certificate of the city of Worcester further supports the contention that the municipal authority provided a school. The certificate referred to was signed by the master of the gild, two bailiffs of the city, an alderman, a citizen, and two stewards of the gild. It is notable that not a single ecclesiastic signs the return. The school, moreover, was kept in the Gild Hall of the city, and was apparently a successful one, as there were over 100 scholars who attended it. This return, coupled with the fact that Worcester was a cathedral city, raises several points of interest which it is hoped that future research will elucidate. From whom was the necessary authority to establish the school derived? Was the school the outcome of a dispute between the civic and the ecclesiastical authorities, as was the school at Exeter in the seventeenth century? _Prima facie_, facts certainly point in that direction.[441] We have quoted the case of these three gilds to support the contention that it had begun to be realised that it was the duty of the municipal authorities to make provision for education. A full investigation into this subject can only gradually be made, as the various municipal documents are examined with this object in view. We may, however, note here that the "Gilds of Holy Trinity and St. George" in Warwick were responsible for the continuance of Warwick School,[442] that the burgesses of Coventry seem to have maintained a school,[443] that a grammar school at Ipswich was founded by the municipality,[444] that the civic authorities at Bridgenorth were in charge of the schools,[445] and that the school at Plymouth was founded by the corporation.[446] The work of the craft gilds for education still remains to be considered. We find that at Shrewsbury, the Drapers' Gild, the Mercers' Gild, the Shermen Gild, the Shoemakers' Gild, the Tailors' Gild, and the Weavers' Gild, each supported a chantry priest at either the church of St. Mary, or St. Chad, or St. Julian. By analogy with other cases, we assume that these chantry priests acted as schoolmasters to the children of the members of the craft gilds.[447] A new departure was instituted when a successful member of a craft gild bequeathed money to it for the purpose of endowing a school at a specified place. Thus, in 1443, John Abbot made the Mercers' Craft the trustees of a school to be founded at Farthinghoe in Northamptonshire.[448] A school at Lancaster was founded in 1469 by John Gardyner, burgess and probably miller, of Lancaster.[449] In 1487, Sir Edmund Shaw or Sha "cytezen goldsmyth and alderman and late mayer of the citee of London" devised money to the Goldsmiths' Company for the purpose of establishing and maintaining a grammar school at Stockport.[450] Then, in 1505, another Lord Mayor, Sir Bartholomew Read, founded by will a school at Cromer and also appointed the Goldsmiths' Company as trustees.[451] The general conclusion we seem to be justified in drawing from these instances is, that the value of education was being more and more realised, and that the duty of making provision for education ceased to be regarded as exclusively the function of the Church. This does not mean that there existed an idea that education was not still regarded as something which should be closely associated with the Church, but rather, that the idea had originated and developed that organisations which represented the municipality and handicrafts respectively, also possessed a responsibility in making provision for the education of the young. In addition to making provision for schools, the gilds were important educative forces in other directions. They constituted one of the most important agencies for breaking down social exclusiveness and "in transmitting social manners and ideals from a narrower to a wider circle." As the gilds had increased in number, so they increased in wealth and importance. They built halls which were the external testimony to the position they occupied. At times they entertained kings and other magnates of the realm and admitted persons of standing to honorary membership. Music and the drama were also fostered by the gilds. Several gilds existed in England[452] with the object of developing an interest in music. The performance of dramatic representations was a common feature of the gilds. Membership of the gilds also proved to be a training for the performance of the duties of citizenship and of society, as the members of such organisations were brought into intimate relation with a wider circle than their own individual interests would furnish, and they would be required to take part in the transactions of the business of the gild. It is noteworthy that gilds were organised on a social basis, and that women were admitted to the membership of the merchant and craft gilds, as well as to that of the social and religious gilds. Thus at Kingston, the Gild of the Blessed Virgin Mary was founded in 1357 by 10 men and 13 women,[453] and the Gild of Corpus Christi founded in the same town in 1338 included 18 women among its 43 founders.[454] The sons and daughters of these founders might be admitted to membership of the gilds without initiatory payment.[455] Again, at Coventry, the names of women as well as men are mentioned in the Charter of the gild merchant.[456] One other point may be mentioned, a point which has been described as "the most important educational service of the gilds." This service was the growth of the system of apprenticeship. Originally, apprenticeship was merely a private contract between an individual and his prospective master. With the development of gilds, regulations specifying the conditions of such apprenticeship began to be issued, _e.g._ the master craftsman might teach his art to as many members of his family as he pleased, but he could only have one other apprentice. Moreover, from the outset, the apprentice was under the special protection of the gild which was practically a court of appeal in the event of any serious complaint on the part of the apprentice. Important, however, as this topic is, a further consideration of it would lead us beyond the special limits of our investigation. CHAPTER IV. CHANTRIES. One of the characteristics of the ecclesiastical life of this country during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was the institution of chantries; altogether upwards of 2,000 of them are known to have been founded during the period. As chantry priests played an important part in connection with the provision of educational facilities in England, the topic of chantries calls for careful consideration. A chantry may be defined as a foundation for the purpose of providing a priest who shall pray daily, primarily for the soul of the founder, and secondly for the souls of all Christian people. The earliest instances of chantries definitely recognised as such, date from the latter part of the thirteenth century. The "Taxatio of Pope Nicholas" only mentions two; one which was founded by Hugh of Lincoln, who died in 1225, and the other which existed at Hatherton in the county of Warwick. The custom gradually grew, but did not become common until the fifteenth century, the period in which the number of such institutions largely increased.[457] The idea of offering prayers for the souls of the faithful departed was not a new one. The practice is at least as old as the institution of the Christian faith, and is a custom which is perfectly natural to those who believe in the immortality of the soul, and a state of future personal existence. It had also been a custom, "from time immemorial," that prayers for the souls of the founders were regularly offered up in religious houses and other ecclesiastical foundations. A list of donors and benefactors was carefully preserved, and prayers for their good estate were offered up for them while they were living, and for the repose of their soul after death. Thus, the "Catalogus Benefactorum" of St. Albans Monastery, with its detailed account of every benefaction, is still preserved in the British Museum.[458] The distinctive mark of a chantry was, that it was expressly founded for the apparently selfish purpose of making financial provision to secure the prayers of others for the future well-being of the soul of the founder. But though this selfish and personal purpose may have been the dominating thought in the case of some foundations, yet it is probable that it was not the only purpose of the majority of these institutions. The primary point to be remembered is that it is a laudable desire to wish to perpetuate one's memory, especially if the memorial should take a form which will benefit the social community. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the prevailing method of doing this was by establishing a chantry. In attempting to investigate the reasons why chantries were founded, we are faced from the outset with a difficulty. The licence in mortmain, by which permission to assign lands for the support of the chantry priest was effected, scarcely ever mentions any other object for the memorial except the chantry itself, whilst the foundation statutes, which enumerate more specifically the purpose of the founder, are very rarely forthcoming. An example will make this clear. In 1414 Langley, Bishop of Durham, issues to himself an episcopal licence empowering the founding of the chantry he wished to endow. In the same year he, in his temporal capacity as Earl of a County Palatine, grants a licence in mortmain, authorising the chantry to hold lands and to make the chantry priest a corporation.[459] Both these records are available, but in neither of them is there any reference to the _real_ objects for which the chantry was to be instituted. Consequently, if further information was not forthcoming, we would assume that all that the Bishop of Durham had done was to evince, in some tangible manner, his belief in the efficacy of masses for the departed. Fortunately, however, there still survives a lengthy deed,[460] dated the day after the licences to which we have referred were granted. This deed specifies that the priests appointed to the chantry were to keep schools of grammar and of song respectively, in addition to offering prayers for the souls of the departed, and that a certain sum of money out of the proceeds of the chantry was to be used for the purpose of distribution to the poor.[461] Strangely enough, we are dependent for information as to the purposes of chantries, on the instrument which brought about their destruction. In 1545 was passed the Chantries' Act of Henry VIII. This Act began by reciting that many people had been appropriating the endowments of "Colleges, Freechapelles, Chantries, Hospitalles, Fraternities, Brotherhoods, Guilds and Stipendarie Priests," and that the expenses of the war with France and Scotland had been heavy, and then proceeded to give authority to the king to send out commissioners to investigate the nature of these endowments and afterwards to take such action as he thought fit. "Apparently, Henry had a fit of reaction after the Chantries' Act was passed. He is reported to have dissolved Parliament with a speech in which he said he was going to reform chantries, not destroy them."[462] A new Chantries' Act was passed in the first parliament of Edward VI.[463] The object of this Act was essentially different from that of its predecessor. The preamble to the Act specified that it was thought that "a great part of superstition and errors in Christian religion has been brought into the minds and estimation of men, by reason of their ignorance of the very true and perfect Salvation through Christ Jesus, and by devising and fancying vain opinions of purgatory and masses satisfactory to be done for them which be departed, the which doctrine and vain opinion by nothing more is maintained and upholden than by the abuse of trentals, chantries, and other provisions made for the continuance of the said blindness and ignorance." The Act proceeded to vest in the Crown "all Colleges, Free Chapels and Chantries"; "all Lands given for the finding of a Stipendiary Priest for ever"; "all payments made by corporations, gilds, fraternities, companies, or fellowships, of mysteries or crafts." A commission was to be issued, under the Great Seal, to investigate the origin and purpose of the various chantries, etc., to arrange for the continuance of such charitable objects as they deemed necessary, and to assign pensions to the incumbents whose office was abolished. It is to the returns that were made to these commissioners that we are mainly indebted for a knowledge of the objects and purposes for which the chantries were provided. The purposes, which are most frequently mentioned, are:-- 1. Provision of a priest to teach children freely. 2. Assistance of the parish priest. 3. Care of bridges. 4. Relief of the poor. 5. Provision of almshouses. 6. Repairing the parish church. 7. Equipping soldiers. 8. Repairing the sea walls. 9. Provision of lamps. 10. Provision of dowries. Of these purposes, the most important was probably the provision of an endowment to enable a priest to keep a school. Mr. Leach, who was the first writer to realise fully the significance of the chantries in relation to the provision of facilities for education, states that "in all 259 schools appear in these records."[464] Two or three examples will serve to make clear the nature of the provision for education made by the chantry bequests. "WYMBORNE. Cantaria Margarite Comitisse Rychemond et Derbie matris Domini Regis Henrici Septimi. Memorandum that this was foundyd to the intent that the incumbent thereof should say masse for the solles of the founders and to be a Scolemaster, to teche frely almanner of childern Gramer within the said College."[465] "THE PARISH OF NEWLAND. Gryndoures chauntrye. Foundyd to Fynde a preste and a gramer scole half free for ever and to kepe a scoller sufficientt to teche under hym contynually."[466] "TOWCESTER. The Colledg or Spones Chauntree. Founded to mayntene 2 Prestes, beyng men of good knoweledg. The one to preach the Worde of God. And the other to kepe a Grammar Scole."[467] Our task is now that of attempting to interpret the reasons why the chantries were founded. We must give due weight to the ostensible object, which must be also regarded as the primary one. A widespread belief in the efficacy of prayers for the departed existed; unfortunately, there also prevailed, apparently, a belief in the value of hired prayers. It must be clearly realised that it was for the purpose of securing prayer for the welfare of the living and the repose of the departed soul that these chantries were founded. But, side by side with this main object, there also existed in the minds of the majority of the founders a desire to benefit the community. We have already enumerated the main directions in which it was proposed to effect the benefit. The remarkable fact is, that, in as many as 259 cases, education was regarded as of such importance that specific arrangements were made to provide for it. In a large number of cases, it is specified that the proceeds of the chantry are to be devoted to the support of a priest to assist the parish priest. We venture to suggest that there is to be found here a clue to the explanation of many of the unspecified trusts and particularly of those in which it is expressly laid down that it was a purpose of the chantry to provide a priest for educational purposes. We have previously shown that it was a recognised duty of the parish priest to keep a school. The growth in the duties of a parish priest would make it difficult for him effectively to discharge this function; possibly, in some cases, he might be incapable of doing so; moreover, the progress of the universities had caused the profession of a teacher to be a definite one. Our analysis of the social structure[468] has enabled us to realise that the increasing complexity of our industrial system and the social and economic changes which occurred, had caused education to be more necessary and to be esteemed more highly. The "Paston Letters" show that the dependents and servants of great households were able to read and write.[469] Thorold Rogers states that the accounts of bailiffs afford proof that they were not illiterate, and he also evidences that artisans were able to write out an account.[470] We must not, however, assume that a knowledge of reading and writing, though probably widespread, was universal. It is interesting to note that, of the twenty witnesses who were examined in connection with the enquiry touching Sir John Fastolf's will in 1446, eleven were described as "illiterate"; they consisted of five husbandmen, one gentleman, one smith, one cook, one roper, one tailor, and one mariner. The description "literatus" was applied to seven persons, two husbandmen, two merchants, and one whose occupation was not specified.[471] The two remaining witnesses could both read and write. Our hypothesis is, that the founder of the chantry desired to be of assistance, both to the parish priest himself, and to the children of the parish. He sought to accomplish this by leaving lands to provide an endowment to support a priest who would relieve the parish priest of his duties as a teacher. This hypothesis would also help to explain the gradual disappearance of the parish priest as the responsible master of the parochial school, a disappearance which would be accelerated by the increasing recognition of the fact that teaching was a specialist function, to be entrusted to a person expressly appointed for that purpose. A most important and noteworthy feature of some chantries is, that in certain parishes they were founded by the inhabitants themselves, for the express purpose of providing educational facilities. We do not imply that the religious element was lacking, or that the doctrine of the efficacy of prayer for the departed was lightly held. In all probability, the religious motive was a strong impelling force. For our present purpose, the significant fact is, that in certain communities some of the inhabitants founded chantries with the provision of facilities for education as the expressed object. We have been able to trace the origin of the following schools to the action of the inhabitants, but it is not claimed that the list is exhaustive. Aldeborough. Wragby. Basingstoke. Bridgenorth. Deritend. East Retford. Eccleshall. Lancaster. Eye. Truro. Gargrave. Coggeshall. Northallerton. Thaxted. Odiham. Prittlewell. Staunton. Berkhampstead. Thirsk. We may now consider the establishment of typical cases. BASINGSTOKE. The school at Basingstoke was founded "by the decision of the inhabitantes at the begynnyng."[472] Apparently, the inhabitants of the town had formed themselves into a gild called the "Brotherhood of the Holy Ghost" for this special purpose. Their school can be traced back to 1244, and is the earliest school of which at present we have any knowledge, whose origin may be attributed to the enterprise of the inhabitants. NORTHALLERTON. This school existed before 1321, as is evidenced by the fact that in that year the master was appointed to the school by the prior of Durham.[473] It was founded by "certen well disposed persones--for the better bringinge up of the children of the towne."[474] DERITEND. The existence of this school can be traced back as far as 1448, and is due to the enterprise of "the inhabitans of the same hamlet cauled Deretende."[475] LANCASTER. The first available reference to a school at Lancaster occurs in a deed in the priory chartulary which dates from the reign of Henry III.[476] The school was "ordeyned and founded by the Mayor and burgesses of Lancaster."[477] ALDEBOROUGH. "Having no foundacion but presented by certain feoffees of severall landes gyven by syndry persons of the said paroch."[478] ECCLESHALL. "The enhabitants of Eccleshall did among themselfes, without incorporacion, erect two Gyylds ... and one of the same priestes have alwais kept a scole and taught pore mens children of the same parishe freely."[479] EAST RETFORD. "Founded by the predecessors of the bailiffs, burgesses, and Commywalts of the said towne."[480] GARGRAVE. "Founded by the inhabitants there."[481] ODEHAM. "Founded of the devocion of the inhabitantes ... to the intente to teche children gramer."[482] STAUNTON. "Founded by the parishenours there upon theyr Devocion." It was the purpose of this chantry that the priest appointed should assist the incumbent "in his necessitie"; apparently this assistance included the teaching of "many pore mens chylderne."[483] WRAGBY. "There is no foundacion of the same but certen landes and tenementes purchased by the parishioners to th'entente ... to teach chyldren in the saide paroche."[484] TRURO. "Of the Benyvolence of the Mayer and burges of the saide Towne to fynde a preste for ever to mynyster in the parish churche and to kepe a scole there."[485] As we have stated, these instances we have quoted cannot claim to be exhaustive. They are examples which are available, and they serve to indicate the noteworthy fact that a consciousness of the value of education existed among the inhabitants of many towns and villages in England in the Middle Ages. The question is sometimes raised, whether these schools were elementary or secondary schools, or whether some of them might be classed as elementary and others as secondary.[486] The question is quite irrelevant. The distinction between elementary and secondary education is entirely a modern one. In fact, it is difficult, even now, to determine the meaning of these terms. If we regard the elementary school as one in which the chief academic aim is to teach the children to read and write English, and to work elementary problems in arithmetic, and a secondary school as one in which the classical languages form an important part of the curriculum, then we have set out the difference between two types of schools which were prevalent during the greater part of the eighteenth and nineteenth century; but this distinction is inapplicable to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The chantry school did not attempt to teach English, but Latin, as Latin still continued to be the language of the Church of this country. Of the 259 instances of chantry schools which Mr. Leach has collected, 193 of them he regards as grammar schools; the remaining schools he classes either as song schools or as elementary schools.[487] The distinction is quite unnecessary. The chantry schools were simply the parochial church schools, which were now supported by a separate endowment, and taught by a priest who was practically able to devote his whole time to the work, instead of being under the control of the parish priest who, in many cases, would scarcely be able to set aside a definite part of each day for the work of teaching. We have pointed out that the child who attended these church schools was required previously to have obtained a knowledge of the alphabet at least. If Colet was setting out the current practice in the statutes which he drew up for St. Paul's School, even more knowledge was required antecedent to admission, as he states that "the master shall admit these children as they be offirid from tyme to tyme; but first se that they can saye the catechyzon, and also that he can rede and write competently, else let him not be admitted." In the case of some of the chantry schools, express arrangements were made for elementary teaching. Thus, the bell ringer at Glasney was required to teach the ABC as a part of his duty[488] at Brecon; at Chumleigh it was expressly stipulated that the ABC was to be taught by the chaplain;[489] at Launceston it was stipulated that an old man chosen by the mayor was to teach the alphabet.[490] Then, the chantry priest at Newland was required to provide "meate, dryncke, clothe and all other necessaries" to one of his scholars who, in return, was to assist with the teaching of the little ones.[491] The provision of exhibitions to assist in supporting poor scholars at schools and universities was also a purpose of some chantries. Thus, at Brecon, twenty poor scholars were to receive 24/- each annually:[492] at Chumleigh, a part of the proceeds of the chantry was employed to support "a lyttle childe who goythe to scole, and hathe no other profyttes towardes his fynding and sustentacion"[493]; at Eton "70 scollers, 13 poore children and 10 choristours" were to be supported:[494] at Stamford "the Revenues and proffyttes thereof hathe byn convertyd only to the use of ... an infant of the age of 13 or 14 yeres, towards his exhibicion at Schole."[495] Other instances of the provision of school exhibitions are to be found in the chantry certificates relating to Houghton, Hull, Lincoln, Lyme Regis, Newland, Rotherham, Sullington, Thornton, Winchester, and Wotton-under-Edge. Turning next to the chantries which were employed for the purpose of supporting students at the universities, we find that the return to the chantry commissioners, which relates to the chantry of North Wroxall, states that: "the sayd Incumbent is a student in Oxforde, but no prieste; and, ferthermore, a verey pore man, havynge no parentis, or any other lyvinge to kepe hym to scole."[496] In the return for the chantry at Norton are given the names of 8 men, among whom the proceeds of the chantry are shared, so as to enable them "to studye at the universite."[497] Other instances of chantry foundations for the purpose of supporting university students are those of Asserton, Calne, Crediton, Denton, Dorchester, Holbeach, etc. The analysis of the chantry foundations we have given, serves to illustrate our contention that, not only was there a growing appreciation of education but that there also existed a growing sense of the responsibility of the community, or of representative members of the community, to make provision for education, and that the responsibility for making this provision did not rest on the Church alone. At the same time, the Church was alive to the necessity of emphasising the duty of the clergy to interest themselves in education, as is evidenced by the canon promulgated at the Convocation of Canterbury in 1529 which intimated to the "rectors, vicars and chantry priests that when divine service is done, they shall be employed in study, prayer, lectures or other proper business, becoming their profession: namely, teaching boys the alphabet, reading, singing, or grammar; and on three days in the week, for three or at least two hours a day, shall, in the absence of some lawful hindrance, occupy themselves in reading Holy Scriptures or some approved doctor. And the ordinaries shall make diligent inquiry about this in their visitations, to the end that they may severely chastise and punish lazy priests, or those who spend their time badly."[498] This canon was practically reiterated by the Royal Injunctions of 1547, which prescribed that "all chauntery priests shall exercise themselves in teaching youth to read and write, and bring them up in good manners and other vertuous exercises."[499] The practical effect of the Chantries' Act of 1547 was that it put an end to the educational provision which the founders of the chantries had made. This was not contemplated by the Act. On the contrary, the Act gave to the commissioners "full power and authoritie to assigne and shall appoynte, in every place where guylde fraternitye, the Preist or Incumbent of anny Chauntrye in Esse ... oughte to have kepte a gramer scoole or a preacher" for the continuance of such school.[500] The usual practice of the commissioners was to vest the chantry lands in the Crown, and to make a Crown charge of a certain annual sum, equivalent to the stipend which the teacher of the grammar school was then receiving. But as the value of money has now decreased to so considerable an extent, and the value of land has so enormously increased, the practical effect of this legislation, as we have indicated, was the disendowment of the educational provision which had been made by the founders of gilds, colleges, and chantries. CHAPTER V. MONASTICISM AND EDUCATION IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES. The problem of the relation of monasteries to education in the later Middle Ages is an obscure one. On the one hand, there is the popular opinion (which is followed, generally, by uncritical writers) that the monasteries afforded the main means of education at this time; on the other hand, the tendency of modern research into the nature of the educational work of the monasteries is to maintain that no general work for education was accomplished by them.[501] Effectively to set out the work of the monastic orders for education, it is advisable to consider separately: (I.) schools in connection with monasteries, (II.) almonry schools, (III.) the education of girls, (IV.) the education of the novices, (V.) the monks and university education, (VI.) education and the mendicant orders. I. SCHOOLS IN CONNECTION WITH MONASTERIES. As a general principle, it may be assumed that a school existed in connection with every large monastery. The connection consisted in the fact that these schools were maintained by the monasteries, and that the master was appointed by the monastic authorities. These schools fall into one or other of two classes: they were either founded by the monasteries, or they were handed over to the monasteries, which acted as trustees for their maintenance, by their real founders. It is not easy in every case to determine whether the school was the property of the monastery or was merely held on trust by them. The commissioners, entrusted with the task of securing the dissolution of all the monasteries, did not attempt to do so. The property held by the monastery was confiscated, regardless of whether the property was held on trust for other purposes, or was indisputably the possession of the monastery. Among the earliest of the schools which we know of, as being connected with monasteries are St. Albans, c. 1100;[502] Christ Church, Hants, c. 1100;[503] Thetford, c. 1114;[504] Huntingdon, c. 1127;[505] Dunstable, c. 1131;[506] Reading, c. 1135;[507] Gloucester, c. 1137;[508] Derby, c. 1150;[509] and Bedford, c. 1160.[510] We know that Bourne School was in connection with the monastery, because the Abbot of Bourne possessed the patronage of the school.[511] For a similar reason, it can be shown that the school at Bury St. Edmunds was monastic.[512] Passing next to give instances of the schools which were held by monasteries as trustees, we may mention Lewes Grammar School, which was founded in 1512 by the will of Agnes Morley, who provided that the appointment of the schoolmaster should be vested in the prior of Lewes.[513] We note, too, that Peter of Blockesley gave possessions to the prior and convent of Coventry in trust for the school.[514] The school at Bruton may also be quoted as illustrative. By an endowment deed of 1519,[515] various possessions were given to the Abbot of Bruton, subject to the condition that he should provide a schoolhouse and house for the master, and also pay him £10 a year. The returns to the chantry commissioners from Bruton[516] state that, after the dissolution, the schoolmaster was no longer called upon to work, but as he had had a pension assigned him, he was able "to lyve licentiously at will than to travaile in good education of yewthe" "to the greate Decaye as well of vertuous bringing uppe of yewthe of the saide shire in all good lernyng, as also of the inhabitants of the Kinges said town of Brewton." II. ALMONRY SCHOOLS. An essential duty discharged by the inmates of a monastery was the offering of divine worship. Effectively to discharge this duty, the voices of boys were required in addition to those of the men. It is difficult to determine when this custom originated; probably it was adopted first of all in the collegiate churches, and then subsequently imitated by the monasteries. The earliest available reference to an almonry school in this country is in connection with St. Paul's Cathedral. A statute which dates c. 1190 refers to the boys of the almonry, and informs us that they lived on alms.[517] Lincoln, York, and Salisbury are three other secular cathedrals, at which choristers, who were boarded and lodged together, were maintained. The boys, who acted as choristers in the monasteries, were lodged at the outer gate; they were clothed, fed, and educated at the expense of the monks. The earliest reference available to almonry boys in monasteries dates from 1320, when it was provided that "no scholar shall be taken into the almonry unless he can read, and sing in the chapel, and is ten years old."[518] The earliest statutes which set forth the work of the almonry are those of St. Albans, and date from 1339. They include the following regulations. (1) "Let the boys be admitted to live there for a term of five years at the most, to whom this period suffices for becoming proficient in grammar. (2) No poor scholar shall absent himself from the Almonry without the licence of the sub-Almoner, under the penalty of expulsion until reconciliation. (3) Whosoever is convicted or notorious for being incontinent, a night walker, noisy, disorderly, shall be wholly expelled. (4) Immediately on admission, the scholars shall shave an ample tonsure, after the manner of choristers, and shall cut their hair as becomes clerks. (5) Every scholar shall say daily the matins of Our Lady for himself, and on every festival day the Seven Psalms for the convent and our founders."[519] In the schedule of the almoner's duties at St. Albans[520] it is stated that the almoner is responsible for the repair of the studies of the monks, and of the grammar schoolhouse in the town. He has also the right of appointing the master of grammar, subject to the approval of the archdeacon. He is entrusted with the general care and supervision of the boys, and for the payment of the stipend of the schoolmaster. A description of the almonry school at Durham is given in the "Rites of Durham."[521] This account states that "there were certain poor children called children of the Almery, who only were maintained with learning and relieved with the alms and benevolence of the whole house, having their meat and drink in a loft, on the north side of the abbey gate. And the said poor children went daily to school at the Farmary School, without the abbey gates; which school was founded by the prior of the said abbey, and at the charges of the said house." There is also a reference to this school in the _Valor Ecclesiasticus_[522] which mentions "De magno solario supra tenebatur scola." The same authority tells us that there were thirty poor scholars who attended this school. The duties commonly undertaken by the schoolmaster of the almonry boys may be gathered from the agreement entered into in 1515, between the abbot of the monastery of Gloucester and the schoolmaster he appointed. The agreement specified that the master was to "teach the art of grammar to all the youthful brethren of the monastery sent to him by the abbot, and thirteen boys of the clerk's chambers; and shall teach and inform five or six or seven boys apt and ready to learn in plain song, divided or broken song and discant, sufficiently and diligently." In addition, the schoolmaster was to sing and play the organ at the monastery services.[523] Besides the almonry schools in connection with the monasteries at St. Albans, Durham, and Gloucester, to which we have referred, almonry schools have also been traced at Canterbury,[524] Reading,[525] Westminster,[526] Winchester,[527] Bardney,[528] Worcester,[529] St. Mary's Abbey, York,[530] the Carthusian Monastery, Coventry,[531] Coventry Priory.[532] The examples given support the probability that every monastery supported an almonry school. Admission to these schools was in some cases regarded as a valuable scholarship. This is evidenced by a letter which Queen Philippa wrote to the prior of Canterbury in 1332, and in which she asks for a boy to be admitted into the almonry "to be maintained like other poor scholars of his estate."[533] It would be an idle task to attempt to estimate the value of these almonry schools for national education. We do not possess any definite information as to the number of boys who were educated in this way at each monastery, neither do we know for certain the number of monasteries which provided these facilities. All we can really assert is, that a large majority of the chief monasteries provided board and residence and education for a number of children, who would otherwise be unable to obtain any education. These children would learn to sing and read, and would also master grammar to the extent necessary to proceed to the universities if they desired to do so. Mr. G. C. Coulton warns us that there was a great temptation for the monastic authorities to neglect the almonry schools. He points out that, in 1520, the visitors found that Norwich Cathedral Priory had cut down its almonry scholars from thirteen to eight, and that in 1526 it was noted at Rushworth that "pueri in collegio non continue aluntur sumptibus collegii sed custodiunt pecora parentum nonnunquam."[534] III. THE EDUCATION OF GIRLS. When Robert Aske, in 1536, was endeavouring to justify his rebellion against the action of Henry VIII. in suppressing the monasteries, he stated as one of the good works of these institutions that "in nunneries their daughters (were) brought up in virtue."[535] The education of girls of the higher classes was one of the duties undertaken by some of the convents, but it is difficult to estimate the extent to which this was done. The available references to the education of girls at convents may be readily summarised: at the time of the dissolution, there were from thirty to forty girls being educated at Pollesworth Nunnery, who were described as "gentylmen's children"[536]; at St. Mary's Nunnery, Winchester, there were twenty-six girls who are similarly described.[537] A claim has also been made[538] that girls were educated at Carrow Abbey, Norfolk, but Mr. Coulton shows that "among all the 280 persons who are recorded to have boarded with the nuns of Carrow during forty-six years (an average of six a year), not one can be clearly shown to be a schoolgirl."[539] The point that needs to be emphasised is that the question of a nunnery school, as Mr. Coulton indicates, was at bottom a financial one. Convents which were not well endowed found it necessary to have recourse to some means of increasing their revenues, and teaching was one of the possible means of doing so. The early references to schoolgirls in episcopal registers show that an effort was made either to restrict or prohibit the practice. The reason of this episcopal opposition was the fear that the institution of a school would break down the discipline of the convent, and distract the attention of the nuns. Thus, at Elstow in 1359, Bishop Gynwell would only allow girls under ten and boys under six to remain there, because, "by the living together of secular women and nuns, the contemplation of religion is withdrawn and scandal is engendered."[540] Very few other references to the education of girls in monasteries have been traced so far. Dr. Abram tells us that "In the Chancery Proceedings it is recorded that 'Lawrens Knyght, gentleman,' arranged that the Prioress of Cornworthy, Devon, should have his two daughters, aged respectively seven and ten, 'to scole' and he agreed to pay her twenty pence weekly for their meat and drink."[541] In English literature, the only instance we have been able to discover is the well-known reference of Chaucer to the Miller's wife. IV. THE EDUCATION OF THE NOVICES. Abbot Gasquet has written a careful and interesting account of the life of a novice in a claustral school of the fifteenth century.[542] Dealing with St. Peter's Abbey, Westminster, he says, "The western walk was sacred to the novices, whose master took the first place, with the youngest nearest to him. Their method of sitting was peculiar: they were placed one behind the other, so that the face of one looked on the back of his neighbour. And this was always the case, except when there was general conversation in the cloister. The only fixed seats were those of the abbot, prior, and master of novices; the rest were placed according to the disposition of the prior, sub-prior, or novice-master, to whom the care and due order of the cloister were specially committed. There, in the morning after the chapter, and at other intervals during the day, the novices attended to their tasks, and one by one took their books to their master, who either heard their reading himself, or sent them to some other senior for help or instruction."[543] The "Rites of Durham"[544] also gives us a description of a novices' school. It is there stated that the school was held both in the morning and in the afternoon in the "weast ally" of the cloisters. Boys began to attend these schools when they were seven years of age, and the eldest learned monk acted as their tutor. The novices were fed, clothed, and educated gratuitously. If they were "apt to lernynge ... and had a pregnant wyt withall" they were afterwards sent to Oxford to study divinity; otherwise, they were kept at their books till they could understand their service and the scriptures, and then became candidates for ordination to the priesthood. Incidental references to the school of the novices occur in various monastic records. Thus, we learn that when Richard II. held his first parliament in 1378, at Gloucester, he and his court were lodged in the abbey, with the result that the monks were obliged to have their meals "in the schoolhouse."[545] The same chronicler also laments the destruction of turf in the cloisters, which "was so worn by the exercises of the wrestlers and ball players there that no traces of green were left on it."[546] The Benedictine Statutes of 1334 emphasised the importance of study, and in order that monks might subsequently be fitted to proceed to the universities, it was decreed and ordained that "in all monastic cathedral churches, priories or other conventual and solemn places of sufficient means belonging to such order or vows, there shall henceforth be kept a master to teach the monks such elementary sciences, viz. grammar, logic and philosophy."[547] If, however, a competent teaching monk could not be found in the monastery, a secular priest was to be appointed for the purpose who, in addition to his residence, food and clothing, was to receive £20 a year--a large salary for the time.[548] Some records are still available of agreements to teach between the prior of a monastery and a secular priest. As an example may be quoted the one made between the prior of Durham and a priest who covenanted to teach "the monks of Durham and eight secular boys." He was especially to teach "plain song, accompanied song, singing plain prick note, faburdon, discant square note and counterpoint," and to play on the organ at the monastic services.[549] Enquiry was also made from time to time to ascertain whether sufficient attention was being paid to the education of the novices. Thus, at the visitation of the priory of St. Peter's, Ipswich, in 1514, the complaint was made that there was no schoolmaster at the monastery;[550] in 1526, the monastery was required to provide a master to teach the novices grammar.[551] Similarly, among the defects noted by William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, at his visitation of the monastery in 1511, was the lack of a "skilled teacher of grammar ... to teach the novices and other youths grammar." The archbishop emphasised his point by stating that "in default of such instruction it happens that most of the monks celebrating mass and performing other divine service are wholly ignorant of what they read, to the great scandal and disgrace both of religion in general and the monastery in particular."[552] It is interesting to note that a statement is appended to this criticism, intimating that "one of the brethren is deputed to that work and has already begun to do it, and teaches the younger monks daily."[553] V. THE MONKS AND THE UNIVERSITIES. Originally, we have seen, the monasteries were the centres of the intellectual activities of this country. The progress of the universities caused a change in this respect, with the result that Oxford and Cambridge gradually became the chief places of theological, as well as other branches of academic study. It then became necessary that the monks should adapt themselves to the new order of things, and arrange that those of their number who showed ability should avail themselves of the opportunities of advanced study which the new centres of learning afforded. It is not possible to state when monks first went to either Oxford or Cambridge for the purpose of study, but it must have been at a comparatively early date in the thirteenth century, because at a general chapter of the Southern Benedictines held at Abingdon in 1275, it was decided to erect a house at Oxford in which "the brethren of our order who are to be sent from the various monasteries may live properly."[554] It was further resolved that each Benedictine house in the province of Canterbury should contribute for the first year "twopence in every mark of all their spiritual and temporal possessions according to the assessment of the former lord of Norwich ... and in the following years shall contribute a penny a mark to provide for the said places and other things in the said chapter."[555] It was also enacted, at the same time, that a theological lecturer to instruct the monks should be appointed in every monastery, as quickly as possible. The first definite mention of monastic students at Oxford occurs in a letter written by Bishop Giffard of Worcester to the Chancellor of the University, requesting that "a doctor in the divine page" might be nominated to instruct the monks who were in residence.[556] In 1287, a site for the erection of a college for the monks, which was known as Gloucester College (now Worcester), was conveyed to the abbot and convent of Gloucester.[557] This was not the only college for monks which was established at Oxford. In 1286, the prior and convent of Durham had purchased land there (which is now the site of Trinity College) for the purpose of securing further education for the monks of Durham.[558] In addition to these institutions, the monks of Christ Church, Oxford, had a hall of their own as early as 1331.[559] This they sold to the monks of Westminster, after acquiring a regularly endowed college of their own known as Canterbury Hall. Canterbury Hall, which was founded by Simon Islip, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1362, was at first intended to be used both by seculars and regulars. This policy did not prove a success; the college was then used by the regular clergy only, and continued to be used by them until the dissolution.[560] Other monastic educational establishments at Oxford were the Cistercian Abbey of Rewley, St. Bernard's College, and St. Mary's College.[561] Returning to Gloucester College--the most important of the monastic colleges--we note that the first of the Benedictine monks to obtain the D.D. degree at Oxford was William Brock, who achieved that honour in 1298. The occasion was regarded as important, and a feast, which was attended by the leading English members of the order, was held to commemorate it.[562] A difference of opinion exists as to the normal number of monastic students who were in residence at Gloucester College. The editors of "Worcester College" estimate that there were from one hundred to two hundred students as a general rule at the college.[563] Mr. Leach denies this, and considers that the usual number of monks to be found at the college would be about sixty.[564] In 1537, there were thirty-two students there.[565] The importance of university education for Benedictine monks was emphasised by the Benedictine statutes of 1334, which enacted that "the cathedral churches, monasteries, priories, and other such places, each of them ... shall be bound to send out of every twenty monks one who is fit to acquire the fruit of greater learning to a university, and to provide each one so sent with the yearly pension underwritten."[566] Whether or not this decree was systematically complied with, we have no means of determining. It is interesting to note that further action was subsequently necessary, because, in 1504, John Islip, Abbot of Westminster, complained that "for lakke of grounded lerned men in the lawes of God, vertue emonges religious men is little used, religion is greatly confounded, and fewe or noo hable persones founde in dyvers houses of religion, lakking lerned men to be the heddes of the same houses to the high displeasure of God and great subversion of religion."[567] In order to deal with this ignorance on the part of the monks, Henry VII. conveyed lands for the endowment of three chantry priests at Westminster Abbey. It was resolved that "the said Abbot, Prior, and Convent and their successours shall provide encrease have and fynd three moo monkes of the said monastery over and above the said three monkes contynually and perpetually to be and contynue scolers in the said Universitie of Oxonford there to studye in the science of Divinitie."[568] Dr. Rashdall does not consider that the monastic colleges were of great importance, either in the history of learning or of education. He maintains that the aim of these colleges was simple and practical, viz. the preparation of a few instructed theologians who were able to preach an occasional sermon, and to give an elementary theological education to the novices. In addition, a supply of men capable of transacting the legal business of the convent was also necessary.[569] The real services of the monks to literature lay in the realm of medieval history. "The Benedictine monks of this period were, above all things, men of the world: their point of honour was a devotion to the interests of the House; their intellectual interests lay in its history and traditions."[570] VI. THE MENDICANT ORDERS AND EDUCATION. Reference must also be made to the part played in education by the Mendicant Orders. St. Francis of Assisi was a devout and earnest believer in Christianity. Impelled by a force working in him, he renounced all material and worldly possessions, and accepted for himself the task of building up the Church, through the conversion of the souls of men. In 1207 he received formal recognition from Pope Innocent III.; a band of enthusiastic converts soon gathered around him, with the single aim of preaching and ministering to the poor. "To the poor by the poor. Those masses, those dreadful masses, crawling, sweltering in the foul hovels, in many a southern town with never a roof to cover them, huddling in groups under a dry arch alive with vermin; gibbering cretins with the ghastly wens; lepers too shocking for mothers to gaze at and therefore driven to curse and howl in the lazar house outside the walls, there stretching out their bony hands to clutch the frightened almsgiver's dole, or, failing that, to pick up shreds of offal from the heaps of garbage--to those, St. Francis came."[571] The Franciscan movement was originally a movement of piety only, and did not contain within itself any intellectual elements. In fact, learning was distinctly discouraged. "Must I part with my books?" said the scholar with a sinking heart. "Carry nothing with you for your journey" was the inexorable answer. "Not a Breviary? Not even the Psalms of David?" "Get them in your heart of hearts, and provide yourself with a treasure in the heavens. Whoever heard of Christ reading books save when He opened the book in the synagogue and then _closed_ it and went forth to teach the world for ever."[572] Almost simultaneously with the founding of the Franciscan movement, St. Dominic realised the necessity of bringing about a moral reformation. His method, however, differed appreciably from that adopted by St. Francis. To St. Dominic, ignorance and vice were the great evils to be contended against: hence, he formed a community whose purpose it was to instruct the unlearned and to confute the heretic, through the agency of the pulpit.[573] To this community, Innocent III. gave his formal sanction in 1215. Study was not regarded in the same way by the Friar as it was by the monk. To the monk, study or labour was enjoined as a means for bringing about a subjugation of human passions, or as an occupation for hours that would otherwise be spent in idleness; the extent to which they became teachers arose out of the exigencies of the times. "Officium monachi non docentis sed plangentis." The aim of the monk was simply the salvation of his own soul; for the outside world he disclaimed duty or responsibility. Seclusion and separation from all but the members of his own community, were regarded as the great instruments by which his object was to be achieved. To the friar christianity appeared as a means by which the regeneration of society could be effected. Hence the cause of the difference in the attitude towards education. It was not an occupation for idle hours, or a prophylactic against temptation, but a means by which a power to influence the minds of men could be acquired. Particularly was this true of the Dominicans. The immediate purpose of their Order was resistance to the Albigensian heresy. "Hence it was natural that Dominic should have looked to the universities as the most suitable recruiting ground for his Order; to secure for his preachers the highest theological training that the age afforded, was an essential element of the new monastic ideal."[574] It was not, however, long before the Franciscans also found it necessary to go to the universities for additions to their ranks. Within thirty-five years of the death of their founder, the Franciscans had become as conspicuous for intellectual activity as the Dominicans, and, for the next two hundred years, the intellectual history of Europe is bound up with the divergent views of these great Orders. In 1224 the Franciscans opened a school at Oxford, which served as a centre from which teachers went all over England; in the following year, they also opened a school at Cambridge. It is stated that, prior to the Reformation, there were sixty-seven Franciscan professors at Oxford, and seventy-three at Cambridge.[575] Mr. A. G. Little has investigated the educational organisation of the Mendicant Friars in this country.[576] He points out that the absence of authentic materials will probably make it for ever impossible accurately to give the history of the Mendicant Orders in England. The available sources consist only of "a few chronicles, a few letters, the general constitution of the Orders, the Acts of the General Chapters, the registers of the general masters, and the Acts of the provincial chapters of other provinces."[577] The general system of education in vogue among the Mendicant Orders was developed before 1305.[578] This was established in England in 1335, when the General Chapter held at London in that year decreed that provincial priors and chapters in their respective provinces should provide "de studiis theologie, philosophie, naturalium et artium."[579] At the basis of the educational organisation of these Orders would be the grammar schools. Novices were not accepted unless they had attained to a certain standard of education. The Dominican statutes of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries required candidates to be examined "in moribus et scientia," and they were rejected if they were deficient in either.[580] Consequently, the instruction to be given by the master of the novices was mainly moral.[581] For the next grades of instruction, the convents were combined into groups. Common schools for special studies were established in one or more convents of each group.[582] The first of these grades was the "studium artium." At one time the study of arts was discouraged. "Students shall not study in the books of the Gentiles and philosophers though they may look into them occasionally."[583] The statutes of 1259 and 1261 indicate a different attitude. "Quot fratres juniores et docibiles in logicalibus instruantur."[584] No student was to be sent to a "studium artium" until he had been two years in the Order.[585] The next grade was the "studium naturalium." The period of study at this stage extended over two years at least.[586] The "studia naturalium" were less numerous than the "studia artium." There seem to be few traces of the existence of these in England, but Mr. Little has established that there was one at Lynn in 1397.[587] The "studium theologie" was the third grade. In these schools a period of three years might be spent, but the usual stay was for two. Mr. Little raises the question where such "studia" were to be found in England and considers that they may possibly have existed at Thetford in 1395, at Lincoln in 1390, at Norwich in 1398, at Ipswich in 1397, at Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1397, at Guildford in 1397, and at London in 1475.[588] The convents of Oxford and Cambridge stood at the head of the educational system. The statute of 1305 enacted that "No one shall be sent to a 'studium generale,' either in his province or out of it, unless in the order mentioned he has made sufficient progress in logic and natural philosophy, and has attended lectures on the 'Sentences' for two years in some 'studium particulare' and unless the testimony of the lector, cursor, and master of the students gives good hope that he will be fit for the office of lector."[589] Mr. Little also deals with the appointment and qualifications of students and lecturers, and shows that, generally speaking, their selection was in the hands of the provincial prior and the provincial chapter, who were bound to make diligent enquiry each year for promising friars.[590] In this way, the most capable and efficient members of the order attained to the positions of the greatest importance. Learning was always most highly esteemed among the Dominicans, and the prosecution of studies regarded as a religious occupation worthy of being ranked with the divine services properly so called.[591] Important privileges were allowed to students and lectors, and care was taken that every possible facility was available for those who were desirous of continuing their education. Neither the history of the Mendicant Orders, nor the causes which contributed to their degeneracy, concern us here. It will be sufficient to mention two ways in which they influenced educational development. The first arises out of the connection of the friars with the universities. For a time they captured the intellectual centres of the country, and dominated its literary activities. The leading men of learning of the time were friars. Among them may be mentioned Alexander of Hales, John Peckham, Richard of Middleton, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham. The second arises from the relationship between the friars and the secular clergy. This relationship was not a friendly one, as the seculars were jealous of the intrusion of the mendicants into their parishes. We suggest that the friar movement served to accustom the people of the country to the thought that the National Church was not the only spiritual agency, and thus incidentally contributed to the development of those forces which were causing the control of education to pass out of the power of the Church. CHAPTER VI. THE ORIGIN OF THE GREAT PUBLIC SCHOOLS. The Chantries' Act of 1547, which we have previously described, expressly stipulated that its provisions should not apply either to the universities, or to the cathedral churches, or to "the Colledg called St. Marye Colledg of Winchester of the foundation of Bishopp Wikeham: nor to the College of Eton."[592] It is these two latter schools with which we are now concerned, and more particularly with the questions relating to their origin and purpose. A great deal of the current misconception of the origin and purpose of these schools may be removed if we reconstruct for ourselves the special ecclesiastical and educational features of the time. Our starting point in this connection must be the Black Death which, as we have shown,[593] caused so great a scarcity of priests and of candidates for the priesthood. William of Wykeham, desiring to give thanks to Almighty God because He had "enriched us, though unworthy, with ample honours and beyond our deserts raised us to divers degrees and dignities,"[594] founded "a perpetual college of seventy poor scholars, clerks, to study theology, canon and civil law and arts in the university of Oxford."[595] In erecting this college, Wykeham was only following the example which was already well established at the universities, since several colleges had previously been established both at Oxford and at Cambridge. Experience soon convinced him that to found a college was one thing; to obtain a supply of students, who were qualified to profit by the proposed course was quite another; especially as, "through default of good teaching and sufficient learning in grammar, (they) often fall into the danger of failing, where they had set before themselves the desire of success."[596] Nor was a lack of knowledge of Latin the only difficulty. A greater obstacle was the poverty of the prospective student of the period. Wykeham refers to this, "There are and will be, hereafter, many poor scholars suffering from want of money and poverty, whose means barely suffice or will suffice in the future to allow them to continue and profit in the aforesaid art of Grammar." Neither was this poverty a relative poverty, a mere "façon de parler," as some would maintain. The university itself was poor, and had scarcely any funds available for general purposes.[597] "The university students of the Middle Ages were drawn from every class of society, excluding probably as a rule the very lowest, though not excluding the very poorest."[598] We also note that poor students received from the chancellor a licence to beg.[599] The writer of _Piers Plowman_ illustrates the contemporary opinion of the social standing of many of those who proceeded to the priesthood. "Now might each sowter his son setten to schole, And each beggar's brat in the book learne, And worth to a writer and with a lorde dwell, Or falsely to a frere the fiend for to serven, So of that beggar's brat a Bishop that worthen, Among the peers of the land presse to sythen; And lordes sons lowly to the lorde's loute, Knyghtes crooked hem to, and coucheth ful lowe, And his sire a sowtor y-soiled with grees, His teeth with toyling of lether battered as a sawe." The "Norwich Corporation Records" contain an account which, even if not typical, is certainly illustrative of the way in which the sons of many poor men found their way to the priesthood. The account to which we refer is the story of his life which was given by "Sir William Green" when undergoing examination on the charge of being a spy. He stated that he was the son of a labouring man living at Boston, Lincolnshire, and that he "lerned gramer by the space of 2 yeres." For about five or six years he was engaged in manual occupation with his father; next, he is at school again "by the space of 2 yeres and in that time receyved benet and accolet in the freres Austen in Boston of one frere Gaunt, then beyng suffragan of the diocese of Lincoln." Subsequently he is found at Cambridge, where he enters upon his studies, and supports himself, partly by labour, partly by "going to the colleges, and gate his mete and drynke of almes." After an interval, he "obteyned a licence for one year of Mr. Capper, than being deputee to the Chancellor of the said univ'sitie, under his seal of office whereby ... (he) gathered toguether in Cambridgeshire releaff toward their exhibicion to scole."[600] We need not follow the fortunes or misfortunes of this pretended priest any further. The record gives the names of three men who were of the lowest social grade, and who were evidently unscrupulous, as they not only forged begging licences, but also forged letters of ordination. Though we do not claim that the case is typical of the social class from which students come, yet, on the other hand, it should not be regarded as entirely exceptional; in other words, the class of person who received the licence to beg as an accredited student of the university must have been a commonly recognised one. We must remember, at the same time, as Dr. Hastings Rashdall points out, that the example of the Friars had made mendicity comparatively respectable. "Many a man who would have been ashamed to dig was not ashamed to beg; and the begging scholar was invested with something like the sacredness of the begging Friar."[601] Realising that it was necessary that prospective priests should study grammar before they proceeded to the universities, and assuming that these embryo scholars were literally poor, and could not afford even to attend the local grammar schools, which, as we have seen, were common in medieval England, we ask what action would a man such as William of Wykeham, who was desirous of perpetuating a memorial to himself and of being of service to the Church generally, naturally take? The answer to this question depends partly on the nature of the models available for imitation. We have previously shown that imitation has played a large part in English educational development. The first obvious model for imitation was the ordinary one of providing a master who should teach grammar freely to all boys who might care to come to him. This plan naturally commended itself at first to William of Wykeham, and was adopted by him. In 1373 he made an agreement with Master Richard Herton, Grammarian, that he "should instruct and teach faithfully and diligently in Grammar the poor scholars whom the said Father keeps and shall keep at his own expense; and shall receive no others without the licence of the said Father."[602] This arrangement would scarcely meet the purpose which Wykeham had in mind. He wished to provide for suitable poor youths in all parts of the country, and not only for those whose homes were in the locality of Winchester. Again we ask, what models were available? Provision for the feeding of poor scholars had been made, two centuries previously, in connection with the Hospital of St. Cross, about a mile distant from the city of Winchester, by Bishop Henry of Blois. At this hospital thirteen poor and infirm men were lodged and boarded, and, in addition, one hundred of the poor of the city were provided with a dinner each day. Among these one hundred poor were to be included, "thirteen poor scholars of the city school," who were to be sent there "by the Master of the High Grammar School of the city of Winchester." A similar custom had prevailed "from time immemorial" at the Hospital of St. Nicholas where forty loaves were to be provided each week for the scholars who attended Pontefract School.[603] Then too, the provision of a house for the lodging of scholars was a form of charity whose origin could be traced back to the twelfth century at least. About 1150, Walchelin, the moneyer of Derby, and Goda, his wife, bequeathed certain property to the abbey of Derby "on this trust that the hall shall be for a school of clerks and the chambers shall be for the house of a master and clerks for ever."[604] A more immediate example for Wykeham in his desire to make provision for the maintenance and education of "pauperes et indigentes clericii" was Bishop Stapledon of Exeter. He wished to provide for the "maintenance of boys studying grammar and receiving instruction in morals and life" in connection with the Hospital of St. John at Exeter. The accomplishment of this purpose was prevented by his death, but Bishop Grandisson, his successor, arranged in 1332 that the master and brethren of the hospital were to provide accommodation and all other necessaries for a master of grammar and fourteen boys. Prior to admission, the boys were to know their psalter and to be familiar with plain song.[605] Several similar instances may be quoted. Thus, about the close of the twelfth century, the Archdeacon of Durham, of the time, provided an endowment for the purpose of supplying three scholars of Durham School with food and lodging at the almonry.[606] In 1262 Bishop Giles of Salisbury founded a hostel in that city "for the perpetual reception and maintenance of a warden, two chaplains and twenty poor, needy, well-behaved and teachable scholars."[607] In 1364, Walter de Merton, Chancellor of England, gave certain manors "for the perpetual maintenance of twenty scholars living in the schools at Oxford or elsewhere."[608] About 1387, Bishop Burghersh of Lincoln provided that the chantry founded by him should maintain six poor boys who were "professing the art of Grammar." In addition to these models, there existed the models furnished by the collegiate churches and the monasteries. The collegiate churches were under the control of a dean or provost and a small number of officials; generally speaking, a master of grammar was also attached to the Church. These colleges were non-resident. The priests attached to the church lived in their own homes. A monastery was presided over by an abbot or prior, the monks were resident, and a small number of choir boys were also attached. It does not require any great stretch of the imagination to conceive of William of Wykeham pondering over all these possibilities. In the end, the monastic idea seems to have triumphed with this important distinction that, for the adult monks, were substituted "scholares pauperes et indigentes." A study of an illustration of Winchester School serves to support this conception. The most prominent feature of the college buildings was the church. Divine worship was to be effectively rendered daily. Grouped round the church were the cloisters and the chambers, the dwelling places for the poor scholar clerks. The more closely the building is examined, the more clearly is its relation to the monastic ideal realised. The influence of the monastic ideal is even more evident in connection with the foundation of Eton College, the second of our great public schools in respect of date of origin. The foundation charter of this school was sealed on October 11th, 1440. In this charter, Henry VI., the founder of the college, who was then eighteen years of age, declared his intention to establish a college[609] "in the honour and for the support of our great and most holy mother in the parish church of Eton by Windsor, which is not far removed from the place of our birth."[610] This college, as originally planned, was to consist of a "provost and ten priests, four clerks, and six chorister boys whose duty it shall be to serve divine worship there daily, and twenty-five poor and needy scholars whose duty it shall be to learn grammar and moreover twenty-five poor and weakly men whose duty it shall be always to pray in the same place for our good estate while we live and for our soul when we have passed from this light ... also of a master or teacher in grammar, whose duty it shall be to teach the said needy scholars and all others whatsoever and whencesoever of our realm of England coming to the said college, the rudiments of grammar gratis without exacting money or anything else."[611] The monastic conception is brought out prominently. At the head of the institution were the provost and ten priests, corresponding to the abbot and the obedientaries of a convent, next we find the chorister boys who correspond to the boys of the almonry school who assisted in divine worship, next comes the support of poor and weakly men, a common feature of many monasteries, finally there are the "poor and needy scholars" to take the place ordinarily occupied by monks. In 1441 Henry VI. founded a college in Cambridge University by the name of King's College of St. Nicholas. At first, there was no connection between Eton and King's College, but in 1443, new statutes were made which enlarged the number of students who could be admitted there and also arranged for the admission of "commensales" who were to pay for their board. The addition of "commensales" accentuates still further the influence of the monastic model. From early times, it had been customary for the heads of monasteries to receive a kind of "parlour boarder" and it would be particularly fitting that, in an institution which was primarily educational and not merely devotional, arrangements should be made for the reception of those scholars who were able and willing to pay. Henry showed his interest in the school by his issue of a warrant in 1446, in which, after reciting that he had founded a college at Eton for "seventy scholars whose duty it is to learn the science of grammar and sixteen choristers whose duty likewise it shall be, when they have been sufficiently instructed in singing, to learn grammar, also a master teacher in grammar and an usher to teach the aforesaid boys, scholars and choristers,"[612] he proceeded to declare that "it shall not be lawful for anyone, of whatever authority he may be, at any time to presume to keep, set up, or found any such public grammar school in the town of Windsor or elsewhere within the space of ten English miles from our said Royal College."[613] This warrant is specially significant in two respects. One is, that it shows that the institution, founded by Henry VI., was not intended to differ in any essential respect from the other local grammar schools which existed in various parts of the country. On the contrary, steps were taken to prevent opposition. There was a real danger that the gratuitous character of the instruction given at Eton might tempt masters to open fee paying schools, with the inevitable result that the social prestige of the school would be lowered. The other significant fact arises from the use of the phrase "public grammar school." This is the first use of the term in this sense which we have been able to trace, and it is probable that we have here the first occasion on which the word is employed as an alternative for "free," which denotes, as we have explained, that the school was open to all comers. It is not necessary that we should consider any further the history of the public schools. This subject has already been fully treated by others, notably by Mr. Leach in his _History of Winchester College_, and by Sir H. C. Maxwell Lyte in his _History of Eton College_. We may, however, note three respects in which Winchester first, and subsequently Eton differed from the scholastic institutions, which had previously been established. 1. The scale on which Winchester College was carried out, clearly differentiates it from all earlier foundations. The number of scholars for whom Wykeham provided, and the value of the endowments attached to the school, mark a considerable advance on what had been attempted previously. 2. It was a new idea to associate a school in a district remote from a university centre with a college at Oxford. Rashdall points out that Robert Egglesfield, the founder of Queen's College, had hoped to have had at Oxford a school of boys in connection with his college. This proposal was not carried out. That which Egglesfield simply proposed for Oxford, Wykeham actually accomplished at Winchester.[614] 3. Winchester College is the first example of a boarding school, pure and simple. Collegiate churches had previously provided for the gratuitous instruction of scholars, but the real object of the establishment of a collegiate church was that divine worship should be rendered in an effective and dignified manner. Endowments had previously been provided for the feeding and lodging of scholars, but this was to be effected in connection with an existing charitable institution. At Winchester, for the first time, an institution was established for the combined purpose of teaching and of maintaining scholars, and for those purposes alone. "The really important new departure was taken, a real step in advance made, when Wykeham made his school a separate and distinct foundation.... The corporate name of 'Warden and scholars, clerks' stamped the school and the schoolboys as the aim and object of the foundation."[615] One other question must be considered. The great public schools to-day are attended by the sons of wealthy parents: were these schools founded originally for children of the social grade who now attend them? The foundation deeds state explicitly that they were established for "pauperes et indigentes scolares." Mr. Leach writes vehemently on the subject. "A great deal of discussion has taken place, and much excellent eloquence run to waste on the qualification of 'poor and needy.' It was alleged ... that there had been a robbery of the poor in the matter of endowed schools; that the persons entitled, under the founder's statutes, to the benefits of Winchester College, were the poor in the sense of the poor law, the destitute poor, the gutter poor, or, at least, the poor labouring classes. There is not, I believe, a title or a shred of justification for any such allegation in the case of any public or endowed grammar school founded before 1627."[616] The following arguments are advanced by Mr. Leach in support of the views he enunciates:-- (1) He urges that the test of poverty from the school point of view, was the oath which every scholar had to take on reaching fifteen years of age: "I have nothing whereby I know I can spend beyond five marks a year."[617] Now, as there were at this date sixty-seven livings in the diocese of Winchester below this value, and as £1 6s. 8d. was the pay of a skilled artisan of that date, Mr. Leach maintains that the possession of £3 6s. 8d. was a very considerable income for a boy. In reply it may be pointed out that the oath would provide for extreme cases only. In this connection, it may be mentioned that it was proposed, towards the close of the reign of Henry VIII., to establish a free grammar school in connection with Exeter Cathedral. Forty of the scholars of this school were to be admitted without making any payment for their instruction and, in addition, they were to receive a shilling a week for the purpose of paying for "their commons within the citie." Now, the test of poverty to qualify the candidates for this position was, that their parents were not to be in receipt of a higher income than £300 a year, possibly equal to £5,000 to-day.[618] If we assume that the money payments of the opening years of the twentieth century were forty times the value of such payments in the fourteenth century, even then the extreme limit of the income of a candidate for admission to Winchester was £133 6s. 8d. of modern money. It is, therefore, obvious that the class of boy for which Winchester College was intended must have been of a lower social scale than that for which the proposed cathedral grammar school at Exeter was to be established. (2) By a clause which forms a postscript to Rubric XVI., it was provided that "sons of noble and powerful persons ... to the number of ten _might_ be instructed and informed in grammar within the college, without charge to the college." This clause Mr. Leach describes as containing the "germ" of the public school system, and he claims that he has traced among the early commoners of the college "young noblemen, scions of county families and relations of judges and chancery officials." We contend that this does not apply to the case at all, inasmuch as "parlour boarders," as Mr. Leach himself points out,[619] had frequently been received in monastic houses. Even apart from the fact that the details which he gives are meagre, and that his conclusions are by no means demonstrated, it may be maintained that the presence of wealthy boys at school, under special circumstances, does not invalidate the contention that the boys normally found there were the "poor and needy." Thus Dr. Hastings Rashdall, in speaking of the students at the university, states that "there was the scion of the princely or noble house who lived in the style to which he was accustomed at home, in a hostel of his own with a numerous 'familia' including poorer but well born youths who dressed like him.... At the other end of the social ladder there was the poor scholar, reduced to beg for his living, or to become the servitor of a college, or of a master or well-to-do student."[620] If the poor, in the sense of those who had to beg for a living or earn it, whilst they were at college, by manual labour, were not excluded from the university, why should it be assumed that they did not rank among the "pauperes et indigentes scolares" for whom Winchester College was expressly founded? We may also point out that it was not customary, at this time, for boys of good family, or even the sons of wealthy and prosperous merchants and tradesmen, to be educated by being sent to school. The instances which may be given are few and inconclusive. The usual practice adopted for the education of these young people, as we have shown, was either by sending them to a great household or, at a later date, by having a private tutor in the house. Evidence may also be adduced to show that youths of good social standing rarely proceeded to the universities at this time. Thus Dr. Furnivall points out that, up to the close of the sixteenth century, only three names of noblemen and nine of sons of knights are mentioned in Cooper's _Athenae Cantabrigienses_ and only nineteen men of noble or knightly birth in Wood's _Athenae Oxonienses_.[621] We may next pass to consider the evidence for the contention which we advance, that, when Wykeham built his college, he intended it for those who were too poor to pay for an education, irrespective of their social position, and that the term "poor" did not exclude the children of men who were members of the labouring classes of the community. (1) As we have reiterated so frequently, the actual term used in the foundation deed is "pauperes et indigentes." Mr. Leach maintains that this simply means the "relatively poor," the poor relations of the nobility, or the children of prosperous merchants. His contention seems to be an unwarranted extension of the meaning of the phrase, and it will not be possible to quote from any charter or document of the time in which this special meaning is assigned to the term. (2) Even sixty years later, at the foundation of Eton College, when the character of Winchester School would be definitely fixed, when King Henry VI. desired to establish a foundation which should exceed that of Wykeham, he associated with the school an almshouse for "twenty-five poor and weakly men." The associating of an almshouse with the school marks the purpose of the school as a charitable endowment for the lower classes of the community. (3) The middle class of the fifteenth century was a wealthy class. In the eleventh century, there were only two social grades in England, the nobility and the various classes of tenants. The middle class, which gradually grew up, won its way through its wealth. Wealthy and prosperous merchants would seek to emulate the nobility of the land, and send their sons to the houses of nobles for their education or--at the least--to provide them with a tutor. It may also be added that the clergy of the period, who were practically the professional class, were celibates. (4) Mr. Leach himself, undesignedly, applies examples to show that the sons of serfs attended schools. He instances that in 1295, Walter, the son of Reginald the carpenter, "was licensed to attend school" subject to the payment of a fine.[622] Similarly, in 1344, a villein at Coggeshall in Essex was fined for sending his son to school without license. At Harrow in 1384, a villein was deprived of his horse for sending his son to school without license. Mr. Leach continues "the fourteenth century manor rolls all over the country are dotted with fines for sending boys, 'ad scolas clericales,' to schools to become clerks."[623] Now, it would appear to us obvious, that if some serfs sent their sons to schools after paying a license, others would attempt to do so without payment and would probably succeed in doing so. But the point which is established, without doubt, is that it was customary for children of parents of the lowest social grade to attend school. When these arguments are fairly considered, it is claimed that the institutions of Eton and Winchester were originally intended for boys whose parents were "poor and needy"--and not simply for scions of the nobility or the sons of prosperous merchants. The only condition of admission, practically, was that these boys would subsequently proceed to the universities, in order that their course of preparation for the priesthood might be completed. CHAPTER VII. UNIVERSITY COLLEGES, COLLEGES AND COLLEGIATE CHURCHES IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES. In the early chapters of this work, we have shown that the work of evangelising England was simultaneously the work of the regular and of the secular clergy. The regular clergy were those who had taken certain vows and who shared a common institutional life. The secular clergy fall into one or other of two classes. In the one class, we place those who worked in the various parishes of which they were placed in charge; in the other class, were certain bodies of clergy who were organised into communities, termed colleges, and who served a church in common. About the beginning of the twelfth century, there was in this country a general movement towards monasticism. Some of the existing secular cathedrals and collegiate churches were made monastic, and, in addition, there was a great increase in the number of monasteries. This practice continued until about the middle of the thirteenth century, when the beginning of the collegiate system at the universities manifested itself. The tendency to build new monasteries gradually ceased. Henceforth, we read of the establishment of colleges and collegiate churches. One of the earliest instances of the building of a university college is that of the "College de Dix-huit" which was established at Paris, in 1180, by Joisey of London on his way home from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. His sole object was that of making some provision for the scholar clerks who were studying at Paris.[624] In England, the earliest instance of a university college was the one established at Salisbury by Bishop Giles of Bridport. Ever since 1209, there had been a university at Salisbury, which was augmented by a migration from Oxford in 1238.[625] In connection with this university, Bishop Giles, in 1262, set up a hostel for "the perpetual reception and maintenance of a warden, for the time being, two chaplains and twenty poor, needy, well behaved and teachable scholars serving God and the Blessed Nicholas there, and there living, studying and becoming proficient in the Holy Scriptures and the liberal arts."[626] The origin and development of the university colleges in connection with the universities of Oxford and Cambridge has been so fully dealt with by various writers that little more than a passing reference is necessary here. Dr. Hastings Rashdall describes Walter de Merton as "the true founder" of the English college system. In 1264,[627] he founded at Maldon "The House of Merton's Scholars" "for the perpetual maintenance of twenty scholars living in the schools at Oxford, or elsewhere where a university might happen to flourish and for the maintenance of two or three ministers of the altar of Christ living in the same house."[628] The idea of this founder, originally, was the provision of funds for the education of his nephews or the descendants of his parents, or (failing a sufficient number of these) of other "honest and capable young men."[629] The men supported by these funds were to hire a hall and live together as a community in the university. In 1274, a new code of statutes for the control and regulation of the foundation was issued. Here, in the first of the English colleges, the monastic institutions form the model which was imitated. At the head of the institution was an official corresponding to the abbot, next come certain officials who resembled the various officers of a monastery; these include the "Vicenarii" who were placed over every twenty scholars, and the "Decani" over every ten scholars. The scholars corresponded to the monastic novices. The scheme for the control of the boys (because some of the scholars might often be only thirteen or fourteen years of age)[630] resembles in its general spirit the regulations of Lanfranc for the oblates and novices school at Canterbury.[631] The similarity between a monastery and Merton's foundations manifests itself still more clearly when we realise that he even provided for a class which would correspond to the oblates. He enacted that "if any little ones of the kindred aforesaid becoming orphans or otherwise through their parents poverty want maintenance while they are receiving primary instruction in the rudiments, then the warden shall have them educated in the house aforesaid."[632] The example set by Walter de Merton was followed by Bishop Balsham of Ely in his foundation of the first college at Cambridge in 1280. He placed some poor scholars in the Hospital of St. John "to live together and to study in the university of Cambridge according to the rule of the scholars of Oxford who are called Merton's."[633] The experiment did not prove a success because "in process of time from various causes, matter of dissension had often arisen between the brethren of the same house and the scholars aforesaid,"[634] as a result of which the scholars were moved outside the town "and translated to the inns by St. Peter's Church"[635] which was appropriated to them, and in consequence the college received the name of Peterhouse by which it is still known. We must leave here the subject of the establishment of university colleges and pass to consider the colleges of secular canons which were rapidly founded in all parts of the country. The _Monasticon_[636] gives a list of twenty-six establishments, described as collegiate churches, and of one hundred and sixty-five, which are described simply as colleges, exclusive of the cathedral churches. We are underestimating the number when we state that, outside the universities, there were two hundred colleges or collegiate churches in this country. The term "college" or "collegiate church" may be used indifferently; both imply an organisation of secular priests or of secular priests and scholars founded for the purpose "ad orandum et studiendum." One of the first of the collegiate churches to be established subsequent to the Conquest was that of Howden in Yorkshire. The church was intended at one time to form the endowment of a monastery,[637] but in 1266 Bishop Robert of Durham caused it to become a college of secular priests.[638] The remaining records of this church are meagre and relate mainly to the endowments which it gradually received. Howden Collegiate Church serves to illustrate the difficulties in connection with tracing the educational history of this country, and also the educational significance of the collegiate churches. As we have just remarked, the records of this church are extremely meagre, and if we were dependent upon them alone we would naturally conclude that no educational interest was attached to this institution. A different interpretation is put upon the matter when we examine a Durham register of the period.[639] Here we find records of scholastic appointments to this church, _e.g._ to a song school in 1393, to a grammar school in the same year, to a reading and song school in 1394, to a reading and song school in 1401, to a reading and song school in 1402, to a grammar school in 1403, to a grammar and reading school in 1409, to a song and reading school in 1412, separate appointments for reading and song in 1426, whilst the last record is that of J. Armandson, B.A., who was appointed "ad informandum pueros in lectura et grammatica" during the good pleasure of the prior. We have given these various references to the appointments because they show that the collegiate churches, as a general rule, regarded it as one of their definite functions to provide educational facilities for those who cared to avail themselves of them. For the purpose of demonstrating this statement more fully, we now proceed to give a series of examples of the establishment of collegiate churches. In 1267 the collegiate church of St. Thomas the Martyr was founded at Glasney near Penrhyn, in Cornwall, by Bishop Bromescomb of Exeter.[640] We should not know anything about the educational work carried on at this church were it not for the return made to the commissioners under the Chantries' Act of 1547. The Continuation Certificate stated that a school was to continue at Glasney because it had previously been kept by "one of the said vicars scolemaster ... for the which the people maketh great lamentacione and it is mete to have another lerned man, for there is muche youthe in the same Towne."[641] This college is particularly interesting, as it is one of the few places of which records are available where provision was made for teaching the first rudiments of learning. It is stated that:-- "John Pownde, bell rynger there, of the age of 30 yeres, hathe for his salarye ther 40/-, as well for teachynge of pore mens children there ABC as for ryngynge the Bells 40/-."[642] Passing next to the college founded in 1337-8 at Ottery St. Mary in Devonshire by Bishop Grandison, we find the first instance of a collegiate church where the charters of the institution provide that the establishment should include "a Master of Music" and a "Master of Grammar."[643] The chantry return stated that "Syr John Chubbe preste, beyng scholemaster ther" received an annual stipend of £10.[644] A college of secular priests was founded at Raveningham in Norfolk in 1350; this was moved to Mettingham Castle in 1382. This college also made the usual provision for education.[645] For a time the boys associated with this college seem to have attended the grammar school at Beccles.[646] A foundation, which was quasi-collegiate, but which may be considered as the precursor of the non-residential grammar schools which subsequently became common, dates from 1384. It was founded at Wotton-under-Edge by Katherine, Lady Berkeley, who gave certain lands for the provision of a schoolhouse and the maintenance of "a master and two poor scholars clerks living college-wise therein."[647] The priest-schoolmaster was to act as chaplain at the Manor house of the foundress, and to celebrate "for the healthy estate of us ... and for our souls when we shall have passed from this light."[648] Arrangements were made for the appointment of the master of the school as vacancies arose. It was also required that the master "shall kindly receive all scholars whatsoever, howsoever and whencesoever coming for instructions in the said art of grammar, and duly instruct them in the said art, without exacting, claiming or taking from them any advantage for their labour in the name of stipend or salary, so that the masters aforesaid could not be accused of solicitation."[649] The regulations relating to the scholars provide that they "shall not be set by the master for the time being to do any office or service, but shall be compelled continually to devote their time to learning and study."[650] Another similar small college was that of Bredgar in Kent which was founded in 1393 by eight persons, chief among whom was Robert de Bredgar. The licence to found the college,[651] merely states the usual purpose of praying for the good estate of the founders while living, and for their souls, when they have passed from this light, and also for the souls "omnium fidelium defunctorum." We obtain further knowledge of the intentions of the founders from a study of the "Statuta et Ordinationes pro meliori Gubernatione ejusdem."[652] It is not necessary for us to consider these statutes in detail here, though they emphasise considerably the educational aspect of the foundation. One of these statutes runs:-- "Volo et ordino, quod nullus capellanus ad capellanium dicti collegi admittatur nisi tunc sciat bene legere, bene construere, et bene cantare; nullus praeficiatur clericus scolaris dicti collegii, nisi tempore praesentationis hujusmodi bene legere et competenter cantare sciat." The same year in which Bredgar College was founded witnessed the establishment of a college at Pleshy, in Essex, by Thomas, Duke of Gloucester. The foundation was to consist of a master, eight secular priests, two clerks, and two choristers.[653] The licences for the foundation of the college do not, as usual, mention anything about teaching, but the return to the chantry commissioners, 1547-8, states that a priest, who kept a free grammar school, was attached to the college.[654] William Courtney, Archbishop of Canterbury, founded in 1396 a college of secular priests on a large scale at Maidstone in Kent. A hospital, which had been founded in 1260 by a previous Archbishop of Canterbury, was taken to form the nucleus of the new college. The parish church was utilised as the collegiate church. The various licences, which authorised the foundation of the college,[655] do not refer to education, but we know that provision for teaching was made because at the dissolution of the college, the town council bought from Edward VI. the right to keep school.[656] The church of Hemmingborough, in Yorkshire, was made collegiate in 1426, with a provost or warden, three prebendaries, six vicars choral and six clerks.[657] The king's licence for the foundation gives the usual reason for its establishment stating that there was to be in the church "quoddam collegium de uno praeposito sive custode et caeteris prebendaris, vicariis, clericis, et ministris, qui divina in dicta ecclesia celebrent, pro salubri statu nostro, dum vivimus, et pro anima nostra, cum ab hac luce subtracti fuerimus."[658] There is a record of the prior of Durham appointing a master to the school in 1394,[659] so that in all probability educational facilities were provided by the college. A college which calls for special mention is that of Tonge in Shropshire, which was founded in 1410 by the widow of Sir Fulk Penbridge.[660] The complete foundation consisted of a warden, four secular priests as chaplains, two clerks, and an almshouse for thirteen persons.[661] We are fortunate in possessing the "Statuta et Ordinationes pro Gubernatione ejusdem,"[662] as these make it clear that these colleges commonly conceived it their duty to provide for education. The clause runs, "Statuimus etiam et ordinamus, quod unus e capellanis praedictis, vel alius clericus dicti collegii, si capellanus in hac parte habere non poterit in lectura, cantu, et grammatica competenter instructus, qui pro dispositione custodis, et sanioris partis dicti collegii, clericos et alios ministros collegii, et ultra eosdem pauperes juvenes ejusdem villae, seu de vicinis villis, teneatur diligenter instruere."[663] It is important to note that a collegiate foundation provided for education even in such a small place as Tonge. In 1415, the College of Stoke-next-Clare was founded by Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March. There had existed here previously an alien priory, which was afterwards converted into a college of secular priests. The Earl of March augmented its revenues, so as to provide for a dean, six prebendaries, eight vicars, four clerks, six choristers, officers and servants.[664] From the statutes and ordinances for the government of this college,[665] we learn that a schoolmaster was to be appointed to teach the boys of the college reading, plain song, and descant.[666] "A noble college"[667] was founded at Fotheringhay in 1412 by Edward, Duke of York. The college consisted of a master, twelve chaplains or fellows, eight clerks, and thirteen choristers. The statutes of the college were largely based on those of Winchester and New College, and provided for the appointment of one master to teach grammar, and of another to teach song to the choristers.[668] Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, founded a college at Higham Ferrers, his birthplace, in the last year of King Henry V., for a master, six secular chaplains, four clerks, and six choristers; of these, "unus eorundem capellanorum sive clericorum ad grammaticam, et alius capellanus sive clericus de eisdem capellanis sive clericis ad cantum instruendum et docendum ibidem deputetur et assignetur."[669] The act of Chicheley in making his schoolmasters an integral part of the foundation marks an advance on Wykeham, who made them stipendiary officers only.[670] An institution, which was of the nature of a hospital rather than a college, was founded in 1432, at Ewelme, by the Earl of Suffolk. It consisted of an almshouse for two chaplains and thirteen poor men,[671] and to the almshouse a grammar school was attached. The school statutes provide that the schoolmaster was to be "a well disposed man, apte and able to techyng of grammar to whose office it shall long and perteyne diligently to teche and inform chylder in the faculte of gramer, provyded that all the chylder of our chapelle, of the tenauntes of our lordshyp of Ewelme and of the lordshypes perteyning to the said Almesse Howse, now present and at alle tymes to com, frely be tawt without exaccion of any scole-hir."[672] In 1432, John Kempe, at that time Archbishop of York and afterwards Cardinal, obtained a licence from Henry VI., to establish a college for celebrating divine service and for the education of the youth in the parish of Wye.[673] The college was to consist of "a maister and six priests, two clerks and two queristers and over that a maister of grammar that shal frely teche withoutyn anything takyng of hem al thos that wol come to his techyng."[674] At Tattershall, in Lincolnshire, a college was founded and endowed by Sir Ralph Cromwell, in 1439. It consisted of a warden, six priests, six clerks, six choristers, and an almshouse for thirteen poor persons. The existence at this college of a master of grammar and of a master of the choristers can be traced.[675] We now pass to consider the two chief colleges which were founded prior to the Act of 1547 which brought about their dissolution--Acaster College and Rotherham College. The original documents of the foundations of Acaster College do not appear to be extant. No reference to the college is made in the _Monasticon_. A private Act of Parliament passed in 1483 for the purpose of settling a dispute relating to a question of enclosure, which had arisen, recites that the college was founded[676] by Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and that this foundation included "three dyvers Maisters and Informatours in the faculteies underwritten; that is to witt; oon of theym to teche Gramer, another to teche Musyk and Song, and the third to teche to Write, and all suche thing as belonged to Scrivener Craft, to all maner of persons of whatsoever Cuntre they be within the Reame of Englond ... openly, and freely without exaction of money or other thyngs of any of their suche Scholars and Disciples."[677] The chantry certificate relating to this college stated that:-- "There ys a provost and three fellows being all preistes whereof one dothe kepe a free scole of grammar according to the foundacion."[678] Full information is available of the foundation of a college at Rotherham, by Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York, under licence of Jan. 22nd, 1483.[679] In the college statutes[680] the founder stated that he would have grown up "unlearned, unlettered, and rude," if by chance a "vir in gramatica doctus" had not come to the neighbourhood and thus made it possible for those who were desirous of doing so, to learn the elements of grammar. In order, therefore, to provide for the youth of the future, he had established a college to consist of a provost, three fellows, and six scholar-choristers. The provost was to exercise a general supervision over the establishment, to guide the studies of the fellows and all others who wished to avail themselves of his services, and to preach in the diocese of York, especially in specified churches.[681] The first fellow was to give instruction in grammar under the direction and supervision of the provost. The second fellow was to teach the art of music[682] "especially in plain and broken chant, in all the moods and forms of the art," to scholars desirous of learning coming from any part of England and especially from the diocese of York.[683] The third fellow was to be learned in the art of writing and in the keeping of accounts. Archbishop Rotherham states that he founded this third fellowship because he desired to assist those who did not wish to attain to the "high dignity" of the priesthood, to fit themselves "for the mechanical arts and other worldly concerns."[684] All these fellows of the college were diligently to teach "without exaction of money or anything else in the schools and houses assigned for the purpose in the college."[685] Before proceeding to consider the data we have collected in this chapter, we may refer briefly to the educational provision made in connection with hospitals. In addition to the educational aspect of the charitable foundation at Ewelme, to which we have already referred,[686] we note that in 1231 a Jewish synagogue existed in the parish of St. Bennet Fink. This was given to the brethren of St. Anthony of Vienne in France by Henry III. A hospital consisting of a master, two priests, a schoolmaster, twelve poor brethren, and various officers was established by them.[687] A further development occurred in 1441 when John Carpenter, who held the position of master of St. Anthony's Hospital at that time, obtained from the Bishop of London the revenues of a rectory adjoining the hospital for the maintenance of "a master or fit Informer in the faculty of grammar ... to keep a grammar school in the precinct of the hospital or some fit house close by, to teach, instruct and inform gratis all boys and others whatsoever wishing to learn and become scholars."[688] The school, thus founded, made considerable progress and for about 200 years was the chief school in London. We may also mention the foundation of Heytesbury Hospital in Wiltshire. Licence was granted[689] in 1472 to Lady Hungerford to found an almshouse to consist of a master and twelve poor brethren. The statutes for the government of the institution show that the master was to be able to teach grammar, that the chancellor of Salisbury was to present "an able keeper and a sufficient teacher of grammar at every avoidance," and that it was the duty of the master "to teach and inform all such children and all other persons that shall come to the place which is ordained and deputed to teach them in within Heytesbury and ... shall teach them from the beginning of learning until such season as they learn sufficient ... of grammar; no school hire take of no person or take (except from) such as their friends may spend £10 or above, or else that will give freely."[690] Our treatment of the problem with which we are concerned in this thesis, has differed in this chapter from that adopted in other chapters. We have here collected together a mass of evidence illustrative of the part taken by collegiate churches in education. The evidence is not exhaustive. We can readily adduce evidence of the education provided by the collegiate churches at Ledbury, at Llangadock, at Brecon, at St. David's, at Crediton, and probably further research would enable additional examples to be obtained. The question is: what general principles arise as a result of a consideration of these examples? (1) The Church considered it one of her primary works of charity to provide for education. The charitable aspect becomes particularly evident when we consider the association of almshouses and schools as at Eton, Ewelme, Heytesbury, and St. Anthony's. Though, as we have tried to show in preceding chapters, the rise of a social consciousness had led various community organisations to realise that they had a duty to discharge in the provision of educational facilities, yet the fact that other authorities were stirring themselves in the matter did not involve that the Church was to be apathetic. On the contrary, the examples we have adduced indicate considerable activity. (2) Each of the collegiate churches was normally regarded as a centre of educational work. This fact seems to have been so generally known that it is rarely expressed in the licences authorising the foundation. It is only some special circumstances, _e.g._ the existence of the statutes or the return to the chantry commissioners, which enables the teaching work of these colleges definitely to be known. Since the educational aspect of the work of these colleges was not a matter of enactment[691] it must have been due to tradition. This tradition must date back to the earliest days of the establishment of such colleges and here we go back to the time of the introduction of Christianity to this country. In fact, a definite connection between collegiate churches and education can be traced back to the days of St. Augustine of Hippo.[692] (3) A change is gradually observable in the relationship of these collegiate churches to education. At first the master of grammar and of song was merely a hireling, a clerk, probably, who was attached in some subordinate capacity to the institution. The foundation deed of Winchester College, for example, makes no mention of a master of grammar, the foundation charter of Eton College refers to a "magister sive informator in grammatica," but, whilst other appointments are definitely mentioned, the appointment of a schoolmaster was apparently of secondary consideration. Gradually the position of the master improves until we see in the last instance of the establishment of a college prior to the Reformation, and which we have given in this chapter, the foundation of Rotherham College, that the establishment consisting of a provost and three fellows, each of whom was engaged in educational work, was one in which the scholastic aspect took precedence over all other aspects. CHAPTER VIII. CURRICULUM AND METHOD. The conventional view of the curriculum of the schools of the Middle Ages regards it as consisting of the trivium[693] and the quadrivium;[694] under these two terms was substantially included all the learning of the time. To investigate here the contents of the "Seven Liberal Arts" would involve us in an unnecessary digression, especially as the extent to which these subjects actually formed part of the school curriculum is still a matter of considerable doubt.[695] Having now paid our homage to the generally accepted view, we note, however, when we turn to examine the actual sources now available for the study of medieval education, that the terms which occur most frequently in the records, as indicative of what was taught in the schools, are "grammar" and "song." They are reiterated time after time; a master is appointed "ad informandum pueros in grammatica" or "in cantu"; or, in the chantry returns, "to teche frely almanner of childern Gramer;"[696] to "teache gramer and plane songe."[697] Any student who enters upon an investigation of the subjects of the curriculum of the schools of the Middle Ages, without any preconception of what was taught in the schools, and who diligently reads through the documents of the period now available, would unhesitatingly state that the curriculum consisted of grammar and song. We have previously considered[698] what these terms denoted in a general sense. Our next task is to consider whether any details are available of the school curricula during the period with which we are concerned. As these are comparatively meagre, it will be possible for us to gather together an account of most of the sources which enable us to reconstruct the curriculum of the schools of medieval England. The most systematic account we possess of medieval education is derived from the writings of John of Salisbury. The main facts of his life are readily given. After spending about fifteen years on the continent undergoing a course of study, he returned to this country and became secretary to Archbishop Theobald, by whom he was entrusted with important diplomatic missions both at home and abroad. Subsequently he became the friend and adviser of Thomas à Beckett, at whose death he was present. For the last four years of his life John was Bishop of Chartres. We may here anticipate an objection which will probably be forthcoming. The education of John of Salisbury took place mainly in France, and as this thesis professes to deal with English education, the question arises: is not the section irrelevant? The answer is that John of Salisbury was an Englishman, and one of the greatest scholars of the Middle Ages. The education he obtained was the education possible to an Englishman of his period. Further, the account of John of Salisbury's education is the best account available for a study of the curriculum of medieval times. John tells us that whilst he was a boy he was placed under the charge of a priest, along with some other boys "ut psalmos addiscerem."[699] Incidentally, it may be mentioned that this priest seems to have been interested in magic, and to have employed his pupils to assist him. However, as John proved a disturbing influence, his services were not made use of after the first occasion. In his _Metalogicus_,[700] John gives an account of his further education. He crossed over to France to study when he was quite a young man.[701] There he studied under Abelard, from whom he received his first lessons in logic. Subsequently he was instructed by Alberic, the successor of Abelard, whom he describes as "a greatly esteemed dialectician and the bitterest assailant of the nominal sect." He also was taught by Robert of Melun, an Englishman, who later became Bishop of Hereford. John remained under these masters for about two years. Both of them, he says, possessed considerable ability as logicians and in disputations, though their methods differed. One of them was scrupulous to the least detail, and discussed fully the slightest difficulty in connection with the problem under consideration; the other was prompt in reply, and never avoided a question that was proposed, "but by multiplicity of words would show that a simple answer could not be given." By these teachers only logic was taught, and the cultivation of "a sharp and nimble wit with an acute intellect" seems to have been the only goal aimed at. At this subject John became so expert that "in the commonplace rules and other rudimentary principles which boys study, and in which the aforesaid masters were most weighty, I seemed to myself to know them as well as my nail and fingers. One thing certainly I had attained to, namely, to estimate my knowledge much higher than it deserved. I fancied myself a young scholar, because I was quick in what I had been taught." John, however, became conscious of an intellectual appetite which the formal routine of logic did not satisfy; consequently, he determined to enter upon the study of grammar, and for this purpose he left Paris for Chartres, to study under the Grammarian, William of Conches. The cathedral school at Chartres had long been famous as a centre of learning. One of the most famous masters of the school was Bernard Sylvester, described by John of Salisbury as "in modern times the most abounding spring of letters in France."[702] Poole gives an account of this school under Bernard:-- "The pupil went through all the routine of metaplasm, schematism, and figures of speech; but this was only the groundwork. As soon as possible he was introduced to the classical texts themselves and in order to create a living interest in the study, Bernard used not merely to treat these grammatically, but also to comment freely upon them.... Nor did he confine himself to the form of what was being read; he was still more anxious to impress upon his pupils its meaning. It was a principle with him that the wider and more copious the master's knowledge, the more fully will he perceive the elegancy of his authors and the more clearly will he teach them."[703] Among the teaching methods adopted by Bernard, and by his successors in the school, Richard the Bishop, and William of Conches, were those of requiring exercises daily in prose and verse composition. By way of preparation for these exercises, the pupils were shown the qualities in the classical writers which were deemed worthy of adoption. The pupils passed round their exercises to one another for comment and criticism, and in this way emulation was stimulated. In addition to composition, the pupils had a good deal to commit to memory; they were every day required to keep a record of the lessons they had received. John of Salisbury writes of Richard the Bishop that he was a man "who was master of every kind of learning and who had more heart even than speech, more learning than eloquence, more truth than vanity, more virtue than ostentation; the things I had learnt from others, I reviewed from him, besides certain things which I now learnt for the first time relating to the Quadrivium.... I also again studied Rhetoric, which previously I had scarcely understood when it was first treated of superficially by Master Theodoric."[704] John also studied rhetoric from Peter Helias, "a grammarian of high repute." Apparently John was obliged to maintain himself during this period, as he had no parents or relatives who could support him. Consequently, we find that he taught the "children of noble persons." He did not consider the time he spent in teaching the young as wasted, because it forced him to revise that which he had previously learnt himself. Whilst engaged in the task of teaching, John became acquainted with Adam du Petit Pont, an Englishman who subsequently became Bishop of St. Asaph. John describes Adam as a man "of much learning who had given special study to Aristotle." John is careful to point out that he was never a pupil of Adam, yet Adam seems to have been well disposed to John, and to have assisted him in various ways. In order to apply himself to the study of theology, John returned to Paris. His course was interrupted by his poverty; during the necessary interval he again acted as tutor. At the end of three years, he was once again in Paris, where his studies were continued, first under Robert Pullus and afterwards under Simon of Poissy--"a trusty lecturer but dull in disputations." In the conclusion of the record of his school studies, John gives an account of a visit he paid to the school of logic at Paris attended by him whilst a youth. He states that his purpose in doing so was to endeavour to estimate the relative progress made by the schools of logic, and by himself. He writes:-- "I found them as before and where they were before; nor did they appear to have reached the goal in unravelling the old questions, nor had they added one jot of a proposition. The aims that once inspired them, inspired them still; they only had progressed in one point, they had unlearned moderation, they knew not modesty. And thus experience taught me a manifest conclusion that, whereas dialectic furthers other studies, so if it remain by itself it lies bloodless and barren, nor does it quicken the soul to yield fruit of philosophy, except the same conceive from elsewhere."[705] We also obtain a certain amount of educational biography from the writings of Alexander Neckham, who was at one time the master of the school at Dunstable.[706] Neckham tells us that, when he was a boy, he attended the school at St. Albans; then he passed over to Paris, where he studied theology, medicine, canon and civil law.[707] A third account needs to be referred to before we can consider what conclusions we can draw with regard to the curriculum of the twelfth century. William Fitzstephen, (d. 1190), was employed by Thomas à Beckett. He witnessed the murder of his master and wrote his biography. This work contains an interesting account of London in the twelfth century and, incidentally, describes an important occasion in schoolboy life. He states:-- "On feast days, the masters celebrate assemblies at the churches, _en fête_. The scholars hold disputations, some declaiming, others by way of question and answer. These roll out euthymemes, these use the better form of perfect syllogisms. Some dispute merely for show as they do at collections; others for truth, which is the grace of perfection. The sophists using the Socratic irony are pronounced happy because of the mass and volume of their words; others play upon words. Those learning rhetoric, with rhetorical speeches, speak to the point with a view to persuasion, being careful to observe the precepts of their art, and to leave out nothing that belongs to it. The boys of the different schools vie with each other in verses; or dispute; or dispute on the principles of grammar, or the rules of preterites and supines." Fitzstephen concludes with a quotation from Persius:-- "multum ridere parati Ingeminant tremulos naso crispante cachinnos."[708] We may also note, from the same work, the reference which Fitzstephen gives to the education of Beckett. He tells us that the future archbishop was first brought up "in religiosa domo canonicorum Meritoniae," then he passed the years of "infantiae, pueritiae, et pubertatis" in the home of his father and "in scholis urbis." When he became a young man, Thomas proceeded to Paris to study.[709] These accounts we have given of the education of John of Salisbury, Alexander Neckham, and Thomas à Beckett are noteworthy. They show that education in the twelfth century was much more general, and much more advanced, than we usually think. The audiences, assembled at the school festivities, were able to understand, and thoroughly to appreciate dialectical disputations carried on in Latin. So too, we learn elsewhere, that when Giraldus Cambrensis was giving addresses, he was everywhere understood when he spoke in Latin. Taking these three accounts together, we are justified in distinguishing four stages of education during the twelfth century. I. The Grade of Elementary Instruction.--At this stage, the children would learn from the horn book and primer,[710] and would also commit certain psalms to memory. II. The Grammar Grade.--The object of the instruction at this stage would be to give the student a working knowledge of the Latin language. The chief grammars used were those of Donatus and Priscian; these would be supplemented by a study of various compilations of proverbs, fables, and dialogues, _e.g._ Cato's "Distichs." Song was studied concurrently with grammar. III. The Logic Grade.--This would be the study of the boys who had made satisfactory progress with grammar. It consisted of formal logic only. The writings of Boethius were the sources from which the early Middle Ages drew their knowledge of logic. IV. The University Grade.--This term we use to denote the advanced studies of the period, whether pursued at Paris or Oxford, or at any other famous centre of intellectual activity. The examples we have given, of the studies carried on by John of Salisbury and Alexander Neckham, will serve to illustrate the character of the work which was being done at this stage. In the thirteenth century the only educational reference which throws light on the school curriculum, outside the university of Oxford, which we have been able to trace, is an extract from the Chapter Act Book of Southwell Minster, which states that, in 1248, "non teneantur Scole de Grammatica vel Logica infra prebendas Canonicorum, nisi secundum consuetudinem Ebor."[711] This passage serves to illustrate the continued existence of the three grades of educational instruction we have enumerated. The statutes of Merton College, Oxford, which date from the thirteenth century, refer to the study of grammar, which is to be undertaken both by the scholars and the boys. The grammarian is to talk Latin with the boys whenever it shall be to their benefit, or he may talk to them in "idiomate vulgari" (_i.e._ French). The same chapter gives the studies of the scholars as consisting of "arts, philosophy, canon law, or theology." Further insight into the conditions of medieval education can be obtained from a study of some of the writings of Roger Bacon. Of his life scarcely anything is known: "Born, studied at Oxford, went to Paris, studied, experimented; is at Oxford again, and a Franciscan; studies, teaches, becomes suspect to his Order, is sent back to Paris, kept under surveillance, receives a letter from the Pope, writes, writes, writes--his three best-known works; is again in trouble, confined for many years, released and dead, so very dead, body and fame alike, until partly unearthed after five centuries."[712] Whilst at Oxford, Bacon studied under two teachers whose names he gives--Robert Grosseteste, who "knew the sciences better than any other man,"[713] and Adam Marsh, whom he links with Grosseteste as "perfect in divine and human wisdom." From Oxford Bacon went to Paris, where he not only continued his studies but also engaged in teaching. He writes, "I caused youth to be instructed in languages and geometric figures, in numbers and tables and instruments, and many needful matters."[714] Interest in education was apparently spreading about this time. "Never," writes Bacon, "has there been such a show of wisdom, nor such prosecution of study through so many regions as in the last forty years. Doctors are spread everywhere, especially in theology, in every city, castle, and burgh, chiefly through the two student orders."[715] In spite of this general interest Bacon complains that "never was there so much ignorance and so much error." Four causes are enumerated by him to account for this ignorance--"the example of frail and unworthy authority, long established custom, the sense of the ignorant crowd and the hiding of one's own ignorance under the show of Wisdom."[716] The fourth cause, especially, is arraigned by Bacon: "This is a lone and savage beast, which devours and destroys all reason--this desire of seeming wise, with which every man is born." In addition to this general attack upon the causes of the prevalent ignorance, Bacon specifies seven distinct charges against the teachers of his day.[717] (1) Though theology is the queen of the sciences, yet philosophy is allowed to dominate. (2) Theologians do not study sufficiently the "best sciences." By the "best sciences," Bacon meant "the grammar of the foreign tongues, from which all theology comes. Of even more value are mathematics, optics, moral sciences, experimental science, and alchemy." The "common sciences" (scientiae viles) include "grammar, logic, natural philosophy in its baser part, and a certain side of metaphysic." (3) Scholars are ignorant of Greek and Hebrew and Arabic, and consequently they are ignorant of what is contained in the books written in these languages. (4) They lecture on the "Sentences" of Peter Lombard, instead of on the text of Scripture. (5) The copy of the Vulgate Scripture at Paris is very corrupt. (6) Through the corrupt condition of the text, both the literal interpretation and the spiritual interpretation of the Scripture is full of error. The text of the _Opus Minus_ is broken off at this point, so that no information is forthcoming as to the seventh criticism that Bacon desired to offer.[718] In order to remedy the educational shortcomings, Bacon suggests additions to the usual subjects of study. Special attention, he thinks, should be paid to languages, particularly to Latin and Greek; in addition, Bacon was anxious that Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic should be studied. It is noteworthy that Bacon desired these languages to be studied for the sake of their knowledge-matter, and not for the literature they embodied. Next to languages, Bacon placed the study of mathematics. "I hold mathematics necessary in the second place, to the end that we may know what may be known. It is not planted in us by nature, yet is closest to inborn knowledge, of all the sciences which we know through discovery and learning. For its study is easier than all other sciences, and boys learn its branches easily. Besides, the laity can make diagrams, and calculate and sing, and use musical instruments. These are the 'opera' of mathematics."[719] From Bacon we learn something of the difficulties with which the medieval scholar had to contend. Among other things, he complains of the indifferent value of the translations, through whose aid alone knowledge was possible. "Though we have numerous translations of all the sciences ... there is such an utter falsity in all their writings that none can sufficiently wonder at it."[720] The scarcity of books placed a great obstacle in the way of those who wished to profit by them. "The scientific books of Aristotle, of Avicenna, of Seneca, of Cicero, and other ancients, cannot be had except at great cost; their principal works have not been translated into Latin, and copies of others are not to be found in ordinary libraries or elsewhere."[721] The scarcity of competent teachers, especially in mathematics, still further intensified the difficulties. "Without mathematics, nothing worth knowing in philosophy can be attained. And, therefore, it is indispensable that good mathematicians be had, who are very scarce. Nor can any obtain their services, especially the best of them, except it be the pope or some great prince."[722] Moreover, there was the scarcity and the expense of obtaining the necessary scientific apparatus: "without mathematical instruments no science can be mastered; and these instruments are not to be found among the Latins, and could not be made for £200 or £300. And besides, better tables are indispensable requisites, for although the certifying of the tables is done by instruments, yet this cannot be accomplished unless there be an immense number of instruments."[723] The question of expense is a matter that Bacon frequently refers to, as he found that inability to meet the expenditure necessary for the work he desired to carry out effectually checked the projects he had in his mind. "I know how to proceed," he writes, "and with what means, and what are the impediments; but I cannot go on for lack of the necessary funds. Through the twenty years in which I laboured specially in the study of wisdom, careless of the crowd's opinion, I spent more than two thousand pounds on occult books and various experiments and languages and instruments and tables and other things."[724] Details are also available of the curriculum for the bachelors who were to determine at Oxford in 1267. This included:-- _Logic._ The bachelors "shall swear on the gospels that they have gone through all the books of the old Logic in lectures at least twice, except Boethius, for which one hearing is enough, and the Fourth Book of Boethius' Topics, which they are not bound to hear at all; in the new Logic, the book of Prior Analytics, Topics and Fallacies twice; but the book of Posterior Analytics, they shall swear that they have heard at least once." _Grammar._ Priscian and Donatus. _Natural Philosophy._ "De Anima, De Generatione et Corruptione."[725] For the fourteenth century we have the writings of Chaucer, which serve to throw some light upon what was taught in the schools. He tells us of:-- "A litel scole of Cristen folk ther stood Doun at the ferther ende, in which ther were Children an heep, y comen of Christen blood That lerned in that scole yeer by yeer, Swich maner doctrine as men used there, That is to seyn, to singen and to rede, As smale children doon in hir childhede."[726] Among these children, he describes a "widwes sone, a lytel clergeon, seven yeer of age" who had been taught by a pious mother to kneel down and say an "Ave Marie" whenever he saw "th' image of Cristes moder." The little boy heard his elders singing the "Alma redemptoris," and asked one of them to "expounden this song in his langage, or telle him why this song was in usage." The older boy explains that it was sung in honour of the Mother of Christ, "Hir to salue and eek hir for to preye." However, he could tell his questioner little more. "I can no more expounde in this matere; I lerne song, I can but smal grammere," _i.e._ he was learning how to read and sing, but his knowledge of Latin was slight. These extracts from Chaucer enable us to see that schools were common at this time, and that the curriculum of the schools consisted of Latin reading, of song, and, for those who showed aptitude, a further study of Latin grammar. Chaucer also describes for us:-- "A clerk ther was of Oxenford also, That unto logik hadde longe y go," but the only information we glean of the academic studies of this clerk was, that he had, "at his beddes heed, Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed, Of Aristotle and his philosophye."[727] At the close of the fourteenth century, the statutes of New College, Oxford, which were also partly those of Winchester College, give us the curriculum of the time. The university scholars were to study Theology, Canon and Civil Law, Arts, and Philosophy; the choristers were to be taught to read and sing; this is subsequently explained to mean "reading, plain song and old Donatus." The "pauperes scholares" of Winchester were expected to be proficient in grammar.[728] From this time onwards we begin to get fuller particulars of the school curriculum. Hence it is only necessary for us to quote representative examples. I. IPSWICH. Some particulars of the curriculum of a grammar school may be gleaned from an extract from an entry in the Ipswich Court Book of 1476-7. It runs:-- "The grammar master shall henceforth have the jurisdiction and governaunce of all scholars within the liberty and precinct of this town, except only petties called "Apeseyes" and song, taking for his salary from each grammar scholar, psalter scholar, and primer scholar, according to the tariff fixed by the Bishop of Norwich, viz. for each grammarian 10d., psalterian 8d., and primerian 6d. a quarter."[729] This extract brings out four grades of instruction. 1. The petties or infants, consisting of those who learnt the A B C.[730] 2. Those who were studying a primer.[731] 3. Those learning the Psalms. 4. Those studying Donatus and Priscian. II. CHILDREY. The first full curriculum of a school which we have been able to trace, is that which was drawn up for the use of the school which was founded in 1526 at Childrey, in Berkshire, by Sir William Fettiplace. The priest to be appointed to the school was required to be well instructed in grammar. The children in the school were to be taught, first, the alphabet, and then in Latin, the Lord's Prayer, the "Hail Mary," the Apostles' Creed, all things necessary for serving at Mass, the De Profoundis, collects for the departed, and grace for dinner and supper; and in English, the Fourteen Articles of Faith, the Ten Commandments, the seven deadly sins, the seven sacraments, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, the seven works of mercy, the manner of confession, good manners and good conduct. In addition, if any of those who attended the school were capable of profiting by further instruction, the master was required to instruct them in grammar.[732] III. ETON. We also possess a full account of the curriculum adopted at the school founded by the will of Edmund Flower, a "citizein and marchaunt tailor of London."[733] Previous to his death, Flower had "for certeine years past at his cost and charge caused a fre Gramer Scole to be maintained and kept at Cukfelde." This school was further endowed by William Spicer, the incumbent of Balcombe in 1528, who required that the schoolmaster should "teach the said school grammar after the form order and usage used and taught in the grammar school at Eton near Windsor from form to form." For this purpose, a copy of the Eton time table was obtained. This original has, unfortunately, been lost, but a copy, which dates from the Stuart period, is still preserved in a book in the possession of the Vicar of Cuckfield.[734] The Eton time table of this period was also sent to Saffron Walden School, and, together with the time table of Winchester, was incorporated in the Saffron Walden School statutes.[735] The statutes show that the Latin grammar in use was that by Stanbridge, so far as the lower forms were concerned, and that by Whittington in the higher forms. John Stanbridge, who was made master of Banbury Hospital School in 1501, wrote several Latin Grammars. The teaching of grammar "after the manner of Banbury" was subsequently prescribed at a number of grammar schools, _e.g._ Manchester, Cuckfield, and Merchant Taylors.[736] Whittington was the master of the school at Lichfield, in connection with St. John's Hospital in that city; he brought out an improved version of the grammar of Stanbridge.[737] The Latin authors mentioned in these statutes include Terence, Cicero, Sallust, Caesar, Horace, Ovid, Virgil, thus showing that the influence of the Renaissance was beginning to be felt. Here, however, we touch upon a topic which must be reserved for future consideration. It is possible to read too much into this list of authors, as Colet, in his statute of 1518, when dealing with the choice of authors to be studied at St. Paul's School, mentions Lactantius, Prudentius, Proba, Sedulius, Juvencus, and Baptista Mantuanus, even though he expressly stated that he wished to select only "good auctors suych as have the veray Romayne eloquence joyned with wisdome." We may, therefore, summarise the school curriculum of the Middle Ages as consisting mainly of grammar, meaning by the term the study of the reading of ecclesiastical Latin, and the acquisition of the power to speak Latin. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Logic was also studied and, for a time, was the supreme study. Gradually the study of Logic returned to a subsidiary position, due, partly, to the fact that new studies were slowly finding their way into the curriculum owing to the humanistic influences which began to manifest themselves in Italy in the fourteenth century; and partly to the fact that the barren nature of the study of Logic was being realised by men of thought. A new subject began to win a place in the school curriculum towards the close of the fifteenth century--the study of the Scrivener's art, or the art of writing. We have already dealt with this subject in previous chapters.[738] Here it may suffice to set forth the reason which Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York, gave for introducing the subject into his Foundation of Rotherham College in 1483:--[739] "Tercio que, quia multos luce et ingenii acumine preditos juvenes profert terra illa, neque omnes volunt sacerdotii dignitatem et altitudinem attingere, ut tales ad artes mechanicas et alia mundi Concernia magis habilitentur, ordinavimus tercium socium, in arte scribendi et computandi scientem et peritum." CHAPTER IX. THE PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. In reviewing the educational progress which our country has made during the later Middle Ages, our starting point must be the consideration of the ideals which at various times dominated education, and created a supply of, and a demand for, facilities for education. The ideal behind the schools first established in this country was essentially religious. The early missionaries clearly realised that the Christian religion could not exist side by side with ignorance. It was necessary that provision should be made to enable converts effectively to participate in the divine service offered by the church; it was imperative that Latin should be taught to those who wished properly to understand the teaching of the church and to those who were desirous of being admitted to office in the church. Latin was the native language of the Christian missionaries; the services of the church were conducted in that tongue; and medieval ecclesiastical literature was written in the Latin language. More than this, Latin was the universal language of the civilised world of the time and, it must be remembered, there was no standard language in this country which could act as a substitute. It was in response to this ideal of the Church, the ideal which required that facilities for religious education should be within the reach of all, that the Church set herself to see that in every parish, in every town, in every city, a school should be found. The progress of the Christian religion entailed a progress in morality. Progress in morality necessarily involved progress in civilisation. With the growth of civilisation, there developed gradually an interest in the things of the mind as well as the things of the body. Thus it came about that education began to possess a value for its own sake, apart from its service in connection with religious progress. But the ideal of education, as necessary for moral perfection, never ceased to be the ideal behind the establishment of church schools. From the earliest date three things have been considered necessary for religious education: there must be a training in habits of worship and devotion, the mind must be stored with adequate and systematised knowledge of the doctrine of the Church to serve as a guide to conduct, and there must be held before the mind of the pupil the ideal character of Christ, human and divine. Hence we note that the curriculum of the schools evolved in response to this ideal. It consisted, as we have seen, of song and grammar: song, because of its value in the training of habits of worship and devotion; grammar, because it put the scholar in possession of the key to unlock the store of knowledge which the Church possessed. Gradually another ideal came into existence. People began to realise that these church schools were useful for "bread and butter" purposes. Just as the ideal which we have first outlined and which created the supply of schools was the highest possible, so the motive which exercised an important influence upon the demand for schools was the lowest possible. Yet, it must be confessed that the "bread and butter" motive proved to be a most powerful one in stimulating the demand for schools. Throughout the history of the human race self-interest has always been a powerful stimulant to action. Under normal circumstances and in the great majority of cases, as soon as a man freely realises that a certain course will be of service to him, he proceeds to take the necessary action. These two ideals were in operation, side by side, during the period from the eleventh century to the close of the Middle Ages. The authorities of the church, believing in the value of education as an agency for the elevation of the human character sought to provide schools; the principle of self-interest, in many cases, led children to attend these schools. Towards the latter part of the period we are now concerned with, a new ideal and a new agency gradually manifested itself. The new ideal arose out of the perception of the value of education. Education began to be conceived of as a preparation for a life in this world as well as a life in eternity; now "learning and manners" begin to be combined just as previously "religion and letters" were linked together. Thus we read that the school at Wisbech was founded that children might be instructed in "godly and vertuos lerninge,"[740] and the school at Tewkesbury "for the bringynge up of the saide youths in knowlege of vertue and good learninge."[741] With this realisation of a social ideal for education, schools began to be provided by civic societies and by merchants who had gained a fortune for themselves. The social ideal arose out of the value of religious education, hence the curriculum was not affected. There was a change in the agency through which the school was provided, there was a change in the mode of governing the schools, there was a change in the relationship of the teacher to the church, but there was no change in the curriculum. Inspired originally by a religious ideal, it was now known to serve a social purpose. Among the early merchant founders of schools may be mentioned William Sevenoaks, a grocer of London, who founded Sevenoaks Grammar School in 1432, Edmund Flower, citizen and merchant tailor of London, the founder of Cuckfield Grammar School in 1521, Richard Collyer, mercer, who founded Horsham School, Sussex, in 1532, and William Dyer, mercer, who founded a school at Houghton Regis in 1515. Bearing these general principles in mind, we find that the main events connected with the progress of education during the later Middle Ages may conveniently be considered under three headings. 1. Circumstances which influenced the demand for schools. 2. Lollardism and Education. 3. Educational Legislation. (1) The circumstances which influenced the demand for schools arose out of the existing social conditions. The Church, as a profession, offered considerable attraction to the able but penniless youth. Many of the outstanding churchmen of the Middle Ages were men who had come from a comparatively lowly origin. Thus William of Wykeham was the son of a yeoman whose ancestors for generations had "ploughed the same lands, knelt at the same altar, and paid due customs and service to the lord of the manor." Henry Chicheley, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, famous as the founder of All Soul's College, was also the son of a yeoman. William Waynflete, afterwards Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor of England, was of lowly origin and at one time occupied the comparatively humble position of grammar master at Eton College at a salary of £10 a year. But apart from the great prizes of the church available to those of outstanding ability, there were also a large number of openings possible to the man who had availed himself of the educational facilities offered by the church schools and had there mastered the elements of grammar. He might proceed from the parochial church schools to the school of a collegiate church, and possibly he might make his way to the university and ultimately obtain ordination to the priesthood. The financial advantages of the education offered by the church became obvious after the Norman Conquest, and arose out of an undesigned circumstance. Prior to the Conquest, the parishes of this country were under the spiritual care of Saxon rectors who were generally well-born and whose position was well-endowed. The Norman Conquest ultimately resulted in these men being deprived of their cures and being replaced by ill-paid vicars or parochial chaplains. The chief factors which brought about this condition of things were impropriations, papal provisors, pluralities, and the custom, which gradually grew up, of appointing to livings men who had only been admitted to minor orders in the church. The practice of impropriation was an indirect result of the revival of the monastic principle. The custom of endowing a newly founded monastery with the patronage of existing churches gradually came into being. When a vacancy occurred, the monastery as patrons of the benefice bestowed it upon themselves as a corporation, and drew the stipend attached to it, appointing a "vicar" to perform the requisite spiritual duties, and allowing the vicar only a comparatively insignificant share of the temporalities of the benefice. The position of the incumbent was consequently considerably degraded both in dignity and in emolument. The custom of papal provisors dates from the thirteenth century when the popes began to assume a power of nominating to vacant benefices. In this way foreigners were appointed to many of the most lucrative of the English benefices. Naturally they never came near their parishes, but contented themselves with the appointment of an ill-paid parochial chaplain to discharge the necessary duties. This custom was put an end to by the Statute of Praemunire (1392). We must also note that the system of pluralities was carried on in the Middle Ages to an extent which seems to us almost incredible to-day. One man might hold several valuable livings which he never went near, whilst a clerk, who was frequently paid a miserable wage, was expected to do the work. Equally vicious was the custom of appointing to benefices men who had only been admitted to minor clerical orders. "A glance at the lists of incumbents of parishes in any good county history will reveal the fact that rectors of parishes were often only deacons, sub-deacons, or acolytes. It is clear that in many of these cases--probably in the majority of them--the men had taken minor orders only to qualify themselves for holding the temporalities of a benefice and never proceeded to the priesthood at all."[742] Just as in the other cases we have mentioned, these men drew the revenues of the living and then appointed a deputy at a small salary to be responsible for the duty. Whilst the spiritual effects of this policy were disastrous, the policy itself resulted in education becoming an object of desire to men in the lower social grades, as they saw in education an opportunity of escape from their existing circumstances. It does not follow that these men made either incapable or undesirable priests. One of the most charming pictures drawn by Chaucer is that of the poor parson of the town, but his social position is indicated by the fact that "with him there was a ploughman, was his brother." The number of possible ecclesiastical appointments does not end with vicars and parochial chaplains. In addition there were the numerous chantries, which existed in connection with so very many churches in the country, and for each of which one or two priests would be required. Then again the gilds to which we have already referred usually maintained one or more chaplains. In these ways employment would probably be found for a large number of priests. "There were at the Reformation, ten gilds in Windham in Norfolk, seven at Hingham, seventeen at Yarmouth. Moreover, a gild like a chantry, had sometimes more than one gild priest. Leland tells us that the gild of St. John's in St. Botolph's Church, Boston, had ten priests 'living in a fayre house at the west end of the parish churchyard.' In St. Mary's Church, Lichfield, was a gild which had five priests."[743] Besides all these regular appointments, there were a large number of priests who earned fees by taking "temporary engagements" to say masses for the souls of the departed. Thus Archbishop Islip in his "Constitutions" speaks of this class as those who "through covetousness and love of ease, not content with reasonable salaries, demand excessive pay for their labours and receive it."[744] Chaucer introduces one of these characters into his _Canon Yeoman's Tale_:-- "In London was a priest an annueller, That therein dwelled hadde many a year Which was so pleasant and so serviceable Unto the wife there as he was at table That she would suffer him no thing to pay For board ne clothing went he never so gay And spending silver had he right ynoit." Employment for qualified men was also available in connection with the establishments of great nobles. The household books which are available usually contain a record relating to a "maister of gramer." In addition to grammar masters, these establishments often afforded opportunities for employment for a number of priests. The "Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland" gives us information which enables us to see that he maintained a dean, ten other priests, and six children, who formed a choir for his private chapel.[745] It was not only noblemen of high standing who numbered chaplains on their establishment. Knights and gentlemen and even wealthy tradesmen and yeomen also had their domestic chaplains. Sir Thomas More writes: "there was such a rabel (of priests) that every mean man must have a priest to wait upon his wife, which no man almost lacketh now."[746] We have thus demonstrated that there existed a considerable demand for men who had received a certain amount of education, and that as a result the demand for schools was stimulated. The account we have given in the preceding part of this work shows that a supply of schools was forthcoming to meet this demand. We have confined ourselves here to treating of the demand for men of education in connection with ecclesiastical positions, but it would also have been possible to show that men of education were also needed in connection with commerce and law. (2) Turning next to the second of the three headings we have indicated, we note that Lollardism is the general term applied to the political and theological doctrines associated with the name of John Wycliffe. His main ideas are embodied in his _De Civili Domino_ and _De Domino Divino_. The chief subject discussed in these works is the nature of the relationship between a ruler and his subjects and between divine and civil lordship. His conception of this relationship is based on a feudal view of society, and he continually borrows illustrations of the relationship of divine to civil lordship from the connection between feudal lord and vassal. It was his application of this doctrine to questions touching temporal property that brought him under the imputation of heresy because he taught that "ecclesiastical persons or corporations had no indefeasible right to temporalities which might be taken away in case of misuse."[747] This theory cut across the doctrine of the supremacy of the spiritual power. The State, according to Wycliffe, possessed the power of determining the function of the Church, and when the Church either extended the sphere of its legitimate operations or misused the revenues entrusted to it for spiritual purposes, then it was the duty of the State to take such action as might be necessary for the reformation of the Church. Poole points out[748] that the main principle contained in the writings of Wycliffe is the recognition of the significance of the individual whom Wycliffe regarded as directly responsible to God, and to no one else. Wycliffe divorced the Church from any necessary connection with the State and conceived of it simply as a spiritual idea and as consisting of individuals in a certain relation to God. It is to the uniqueness of Wycliffe's idea of individualism that Poole considers the claim of Wycliffe to rank as the "precursor of the Protestant reformation" to be due. The doctrines associated with Wycliffe seem to have made great progress among the teachers of the time. This is not a matter for surprise. Facilities for education were abundant and education was free. Either by means of begging, or by exhibitions, or through social interest, a student might be maintained without expense to himself until his course was completed. What happened then? Owing to the system of patronage prevailing in the Church, the clerk found that all the lucrative positions were usually given to men who on account of their social connections could command influence, regardless of their merits or demerits. This is brought out clearly when we consider the presentees to benefices by patrons whom Bishop Grosseteste refused to institute. One presentee was refused by the bishop because he was a "boy still in Ovid";[749] another on the ground that the young man was practically illiterate;[750] in answer to a request of the papal legate, to institute a son of Earl Ferrers to a living, the bishop asks to be excused; when pressed, he suggests that the son of Earl Ferrers should simply draw the revenues of the living and appoint a vicar to discharge the spiritual duties.[751] It is not a matter of wonder that the views of Wycliffe found ready supporters among those of the clergy who were of a low social origin. They considered themselves qualified for ecclesiastical positions which they had little hope of ever filling; hence they drifted to the teaching profession, and in their bitterness of feeling would use the opportunity they possessed to propagate among their scholars the new ideas they had acquired. It is on an hypothesis of the kind which we have outlined that it is possible to interpret the legislation against Lollard teachers which was enacted in the fifteenth century. In 1400, an Act was passed which provided that:-- "None of such sect and wicked doctrines and opinions shall make any conventicles, or in any wise hold or exercise schools."[752] Any offender against this Act or anyone who in any way assisted or supported an offender, "shall before the people in an high place be burnt." In 1406 a petition was presented to the king by the Prince of Wales which drew attention to the propagation of teaching against the temporal possessions of the clergy by certain teachers in "lieux secretes appellez escoles,"[753] and prayed that no man or woman of any sect or doctrine which was contrary to the catholic faith should hold school. The rigour with which this commission was enforced is illustrated by the commission which was issued to the prior of St. Mary's, Coventry, and to the mayor and bailiffs of that city ordering them to arrest and imprison all offenders found there. The spread of Lollardism among teachers is further illustrated by the "Constitutions" of Archbishop Arundel issued in 1408. He forbade "masters and all who teach boys or others the arts of grammar and that instruct men in the first sciences" to teach theology except in accordance with the customary teaching of the Church, and also prohibited them from allowing their scholars to select as subjects for disputations any topics relating to the catholic faith or the sacraments of the Church.[754] As the existing legislation was apparently not sufficient to effect the desired purpose, another Act was passed in 1414. By this Act "all of them which hold any errors or heresies as Lollards" and who sustained it in "sermons, schools, conventicles, congregations, and confederacies" were to be arrested.[755] We have not found it possible to trace the effects of this legislation. (3) We pass next to consider the Educational Legislation during the later Middle Ages. In our summary of the economic condition of this country at the opening of this period we referred to the scarcity of labour consequent upon the Black Death.[756] As a result an Act was passed in 1388, which provided that "he or she which used to labour at the Plough and Cart till they be of the age of twelve years, from henceforth they shall abide at the same labour without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond of Apprentice be from henceforth made to the contrary, the same shall be taken for void."[757] The reason for this Act is embodied in the statute itself: "there is so great scarcity of Labourers and other Servants of Husbandry that the Gentlemen and other People of the realm be greatly impoverished for the cause thereof." Either on account of the prosperity of the labouring classes due to the increase of wages resulting from the demand for labour in the later fourteenth century, or to avoid the provisions of the Act we have just described, or for the purpose of making progress in social status, the custom of sending children to schools seems to have developed. As a result, the Commons of England petitioned the king in 1391 "de ordeiner et comander, que null neif ou Vileyn mette ses Enfantz de cy en avant a Escoles pur eux avancer par Clergie et ce en maintenance et salvation de l'honour de toutz Frankes du Roialme."[758] Mr. de Montmorency suggests four reasons for this action on the part of the Commons. (1) The Commons "were anxious to check the further increase in the number of unbeneficed clergy and of those whom the bishops could claim as subject to ecclesiastical law." (2) Lollardism would be very attractive to the newly educated and "the Legislature must have realised the revolutionary possibility of the first and nobler Reformation." (3) "The jurisdiction of Rome increased with the increase of popular education," consequently, this "was a serious consideration for the patriotic baronage of England." (4) If a man became ordained, his services would be lost to the manor.[759] These reasons do not appear to be very conclusive. The first implies an opposition between the clergy and laity which was non-existent; the second and the third are contradictory. If the development of education fostered Lollardism (which is probable, though it has not yet been demonstrated) it could scarcely be regarded as equally favourable to Rome. Further, the desire of limiting the jurisdiction of the Church could have been gratified more simply by the abolition of the "privilege of clergy." His fourth reason is a more plausible one but it must be noted that the consent of the lord of the manor was required before children could be sent to schools and before ordination.[760] For this reason, legislation would scarcely be necessary to effect this purpose. The more probable reason for this petition of the commons is that the diminution of the supply of labour had caused employers to become fearful of future possibilities, and that they were afraid that the result of sending children to school would be that the number of those who would be prepared to act as "hewers of wood and drawers of water" would be seriously diminished. We have just referred to the custom that villeins were not allowed to send their children to school without the consent of their lords. This custom was abolished by a statute of 1406 which provided that "chascun homme ou femme de quele estate ou condicion qil soit, soit fraunc de mettre son fitz ou file dapprendre lettereure a quelconque escole que leur plest deinz le Roialme."[761] The same statute provided that labourers could not apprentice their children to trades and manufactures in the towns unless they owned land worth £1 a year, probably about £40 a year now. It is difficult to understand the reasons for this legislation. The Feudal System was already crumbling and its complete collapse was not far off. It cannot therefore be assumed that the Act was passed merely to remove a grievance, because the grievance itself was probably lightly felt. It is just possible that the Act might have been intended to facilitate the process by which it was sought to make good the deficiency of priests occasioned by the Black Death. The reference to "daughters," however, makes this suggestion improbable. There is also the possibility that the phrase "dapprendre lettereure" meant an education which would provide for "godly and virtuous living," which, as we have shown in the preceding chapter, was becoming recognised as a part of the educational ideal. The years 1446-7 are important in the history of education in England. In 1446 the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London petitioned the king for permission to erect two new grammar schools in London; the permission was granted and the Letters Patent duly issued.[762] In 1447, a petition was similarly sent to the Commons by four London Rectors for permission to set up four new grammar schools.[763] As we have already considered these petitions in the chapter dealing with the question of the monopoly of school keeping,[764] it will not be necessary for us to deal further with the topic here. We have now brought to a close our exposition of the educational administration in England in the Middle Ages. Until comparatively recently it was generally believed that the educational provision available in this country could not be traced back further than to the efforts of the Reformers of the Church in the sixteenth century, and to the influence of the Renaissance. We are now able to realise that the two centuries preceding the Reformation, at least, were a period in which facilities for education in England were widespread and practically open freely to all. The educational effect of the Reformation--even though undesigned--was to remove from the great mass of the people the opportunities for attending school which had previously been available for them. It is also extremely probable that the significance of the Renaissance upon the educational development of this country has been considerably exaggerated; this, however, is a question which still awaits investigation. APPENDIX. WORKS CONSULTED. A.--SOURCES. Aelfric: _Homilies_ (with translation by B. Thorpe), 2 vols., Lond., 1844-6. Alcuin: _Opera Omnia Patrologiae Cursus Complexus_, ed. Migne, vols. C., CI., 1851. Aldhelm: _Opera_, ed. J. A. Giles, Oxon., 1844. Alfred the Great: _Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care_, ed. H. Sweet (Early English Text Society), 50. _Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, ed. B. Thorpe, (Rec. Com.) Lond., 1840. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, The_, ed. B. Thorpe, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1861. _Annales Monastici_, ed. H. R. Luard, 5 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1864-6-9. _Asserius de Rebus Gestis Alfredi_, ed. W. H. Stevenson, Lond., 1904. Bacon, Roger: _Opera Inedita_, ed. J. S. Brewer (R. S.), Lond., 1859. Basil, St.: _Opera_, 3 vols., Paris, 1839. _Becket, Thomas à, Materials for a History of_, ed. J. C. Robertson, J. B. Sheppard (R. S.), 7 vols., Lond., 1885. Bede: _Opera Historica_, ed. C. Plummer, 2 vols., Oxon., 1876. _Beverley Minster, Memorials of_, ed. A. F. Leach (Surtees Society), Durham, 1898. Cardwell, E.: _Synodalia_, 2 vols., Oxon., 1842. Cardwell, E.: _Documentary Annals of the Church of England_, 2 vols., Oxon., 1844. _Charters and Documents illustrating the History of the Cathedral City of Sarum_, 1100-1300, ed. W. D. Macray (R. S.), 1891. Chaucer, Geoffrey: _Complete Works_, ed. W. W. Skeat, Oxon., 1894-7. _Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda_, ed. J. G. Rakewood (Camden Society Publications, XIII.). _Chronica Monasterii St. Albani, Johannis de Trokelowe, Chronica et Annales_, ed. H. T. Riley, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1866. _Chronica Monasterii Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani_, ed. H. T. Riley, 3 vols. (R. S.), 1867-9. _Chronica Monasterii, Ypodigma Neustriae a Thomas Walsingham_, ed. H. T. Riley (R. S.), 1876. _Chronica Rogeri de Wendover_, ed. H. G. Hewlett, 3 vols., Lond., 1886-9. _Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis_, ed. W. D. Macray, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1882-83. _Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. J. S. Stevenson, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1858. _Chronicon Petroburgense_ (Camden Society, XLVII.), 1849. _Corpus Juris Canonici_, ed. A. L. Richter, 2 vols., 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1879-81. _Coventry Leet Book_, ed. M. D. Harris (Early English Text Society), 1907. Dachery, L.: _Spicilegium, sive collectio veterum scriptorum qui in Galliae Bibliothecis delituerant_, ed. nova. a De la Barre, 3 vols., Paris, 1723. _Documents illustrating Early Education in Worcester_, ed. A. F. Leach, Lond., 1913. Dugdale, Sir W.: _Monasticon Anglicanum_, ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis, B. Bandinel, 6 vols., Lond., 1817. _Dunstan, St., Memorials of_, ed. W. Stubbs (R. S.), Lond., 1874. _Early Yorkshire Schools_, ed. A. F. Leach (Yorks. Archaeol. Assoc. Record Series, vols. XXVII. and XXXII.), 1899-1903. _Fifty Earliest English Wills_ (1387-1439), ed. F. J. Furnivall (Early English Text Society), No. 67. _Flores Historarium_, ed. H. R. Luard, 3 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1890. _Freemen of York_ (Surtees Soc.), XCVIII., 2 vols., 1897. _Giraldus Cambrensis_, Opera, ed. J. S. Brewer, J. F. Dimondes, A. F. Warner (R. S.), 8 vols., Lond., 1861-91. Gross, Charles: _The Gild Merchant_, 2 vols., Oxon., 1890. Grosseteste, Robert: _Epistolae_, ed. H. R. Luard (R. S.), Lond., 1861. Haddon and Stubbs: _Councils and Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland_, 2 vols., Oxon., 1877-8. _Higden, Ranulf, Polychronicon_ (with the English translation of John Trevisa), ed. C. Babington, J. R. Lumby, 9 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1865-83. Hingeston-Randulph, F. C.: _The Episcopal Registers of the Diocese of Exeter_, Lond., 1886. _Historia et Cartularium Monasterii St. Petri Gloucestriae_, ed. W. H. Harte, 3 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1863-67. _Historians and Archbishops of the Church of York_, ed. J. Raine, 3 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1879-94. _Historical Papers and Letters from the Northern Registers_, ed. J. Raine (R. S.), Lond., 1873. _Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury_, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols. (R. S.), 1879-80. _Household Books of John, Duke of Norfolk, and Thomas, Earl of Surrey_, Roxburg Club, 1844. John of Salisbury: _Omnia Opera_, ed. J. A. Giles, 5 vols., Oxon., 1848. Johnson, J.: _A Collection of the Laws and Canons of the Church of England_, 2 vols., Oxon., 1850-1. Lanfranc: _Opera_, ed. J. A. Giles, Oxon., 1844. Leach, A. F.: _Educational Charters_, Lond., 1911. Leach, A. F.: _English Schools at the Reformation_, Lond., 1897. _Liber Censualis Vocati Domesday Book_, ed. Sir H. Ellis (Rec. Com.), Lond., 1816. _Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis_, ed. J. Stevenson (Surtees Society), 1841. _Manners and Meals in the Olden Times_, ed. F. J. Furnivall (Early English Text Society), O. S. XXXII. _Memorials of St. Edmunds Abbey_, ed. T. Arnold, 3 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1890-1891. Migne: _Patrologiae Cursus Complexus_, vols. XXXI., LXVI., CXXXVII., CXXXVIII., CXXXIX. _Monumenta Academica_, ed. H. Anstey, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1868. _Monumenta Franciscana_, ed. J. S. Brewer, R. Hewlett (R. S.), 4 vols. 1858-1882. Neckham, Alexander: _De Natura Rerum_, ed. T. Wright (R. S.), Lond., 1863. _Northumberland Household Book_, ed. Bishop Percy, 2nd. edition, Lond., 1827. _Norwich, Visitations of the Diocese of_, 1492-1532, ed. A. Jessop (Camden Society, XLIII.). _Paston Letters_, ed. J. Gairdner, 6 vols., Lond., 1904. Pecock, R.: _Repressor of Over-Much Blaming of the Clergy_, ed. C. Babington, 2 vols. (R. S.), 1860. Pertz, G. H.: _Leges_, 5 vols., Hanover, 1853. _Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council_, ed. Sir H. Nicholas, 7 vols. (Rec. Com.), 1834-37. _Register of St. Osmund_, ed. Rev. W. H. R. Jones, 2 vols. (R. S.), 1883-5. _Registrum Palatinum Dunelmensis_, ed. Sir T. D. Hardy, 4 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1873-78. _Rotuli Hugonis de Welles Episcopi Lincolniensis_, ed. W. P. W. Phillimore, F. H. Davies, 3 vols. (Lincoln Record Soc.), 1911. Sharp, R. 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Aachen, Council of, 36, 58, 60 Abbot, John, 125, 155 Abbot of Ramsey, 36 Abbotsbury Gild, 144 "A B C," 74, 167, 228, 229 Abelard, 134, 135, 218 Acaster College, 75, 91, 211 _et seq._ Adam du Petit Point, 78, 220 Adelard, 34, 78 Adulterine Gilds, 148 Aelfric, Abbot, 36, 37, 54 Agatha, 13 Agriculture, 7, 129, 130 Aidan, St., 11, 15, 16 Aix-la-Chapelle, Council of, 58, 60 Alberic, 78, 218 Albert, Archbishop, 26, 27 Albertus Magnus, 134 Albigensian Heresy, 184 Alchemy, 224 Alcuin, 26 _et seq._, 29, 30, 36 Aldeborough, 163, 165 Aldhelm, 12, 26 Alexander II., Pope, 58 Alexander of Hales, 187 Alexandria, Schools of, 20 Alfeah, Bishop, 34 Alfred's Palace School, 33 Alfred the Great, 31 _et seq._ All Hallow's (London) School, 96 All Saints' School, Warwick, 43 Almonry Schools, 69, 106, 170, 172, 174 Almshouses, 200, 210 Aluuid, 41 Annones, 40 Anselm, Archbishop, 57, 58, 60, 78, 134, 135 Appointment of Schoolmasters, 104, 105 Apprenticeship, 153, 154 Aquinas, Thomas, 134 Arabic, 224, 225 Architecture, 7 Aristotle, 134, 220, 225 Art, 228 Arundel School, 105, 241 Asceticism, 6 Aske, Robert, 175 Asser, 32 Asserton, 168 Astronomy, 25 Athelard of Waltham, 42 Athelhelm, 39, 117 Athelstan, King, 34 Athelwold, Bishop, 33, 35 Athens, Schools at, 20 Augustine, St., of Canterbury, 3, 12, 20, 26 Augustine, St., of Hippo, 18, 23 Avranches School, 58 Bacon, Roger, 87, 224-227 Balcombe, 229 Balsham, Bishop, 204 Banbury, 230 Bardney, 174 Barton School, 86 Basil, St., of Caesarea, 7, 14, 27 Basil, St., of Lindisfarne, 11 Basingstoke, 163, 164 Battle School, 105 Beccles Manor, 105 Beckington, Bishop, 90 Bec, Monastery of, 27, 57, 58 Bede, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 24, 25 _et seq._ Bedford School, 85, 105 Begging Scholars, 189 _et seq._ Benedict Biscop, 12, 13, 14 Benedict, St., 8 _et seq._ Benedictine monks, 5 _et seq._ Benedictine rules, 9, 105, 178, 181 Benedictine statutes, 105, 178, 181 Berkeley, Lady, 207 Berkhampstead, 164 Bernard of Clairvaux, 135 Bernard Sylvester, 219 Bernard's, St., College, Oxford, 180 Bishop's Schools, 23, 24, 28 _et seq._ Black Death, 126, 127, 241, 243 Boethius, 133, 222, 226 Bologna, 136 Boniface, Archbishop, 140 Boston, 85, 237 Botelor School, 114 Bourne, 171 Brecon, 74, 167, 214 Bredgar, 207 Bridgnorth, 154, 163 Bristol Gilds, 146, 150 Bristol Schools, 85 Brock, William, 181 Bromiscombe, Bishop, 206 Brotherhood of the Holy Ghost, Gild of, 164 Bruton, 61, 105, 171, 172 Burghersh, Bishop, 193 Bury St. Edmunds, 61, 85, 89, 105, 114, 171 Byngham, Wm., 127 Byrhtferth, 36 Caedmon, 12 Calne Chantry, 168 Cambridge Gild, 144 Cambridge, Univ. of, 140, _et seq._, 179, 184, 186, 203, 204 Canon Law, 79, 80, 83, 85, 87 Canterbury, 26, 27, 28, 61, 74, 75, 204 Canterbury Hall, 180 Canute, King, 41 Capitalist Class, Rise of, 131 Capitularies, 787, 789, 802, 27 Carlisle Gilds, 146 Carpenter, Sir J., 213 Carrow Abbey, 176 Cassian, 7, 8 Cassiodorus, 8, 133 Catechetical Schools, 22 Cathedral Schools, 10, 22 _et seq._, 69 Ceolfrid, 10, 12 Ceolnoth, Archbishop, 19 Ceolwulf, 16 Chad, St., 5, 15 Chalons-sur-Sôane, 24 Chancellor, 80 _et seq._, 106, 142, 213 Chantries' Act, 159, 169, 188, 206 Chantry Schools, 98, 109, 157 _et seq._ Charles the Great, 28, 46 Chartres, 5, 8, 66, 78, 218 Chaucer, 121, 176, 227, 237, 238 Chesterfield, 105 Chicheley, Archbishop, 126, 210, 235 Childrey, 229 Chivalry, 119, 120, 131 Choristers' Schools, 89 _et seq._ Christ Church, Hants., 85, 105, 171 Christ Church, Oxford, 180 Christ Church, Twineham, 61 Christian Schools, 22 _et seq._ Chrodegang, Bishop, 18 Church and Education, 1, 2, 18, 19, 33 _et seq._, 44 _et seq._, 53 _et seq._, 118 _et seq._, 168, 169 _et seq._ Church and State, Relation between, 12, 17 _et seq._, 44, 45, 49, 76 Church Scot, 40 Cicero, 13, 21, 133, 225, 230 Cirencester, 105 Clement of Alexandria, 22 Clement V., Pope, 127 Clermont, 23, 24 Cloveshoo, Council of, 11 Cluny, 57 _et seq._ Cock Penny, 113 Coggeshall School, 164, 200 Colchester, 105 Colet, Dean, 67, 111, 113, 167, 230 College de Dix Huit, 202 Collegiate Churches, 17 _et seq._, 44 _et seq._, 106 _et seq._, 193, 196, Bk. III. Ch. 7 Collyer, Richard, 234 Cologne Gilds, 144 Commensales, 194 Commercial changes in the 15th century, 130 Common Sciences, 224 Corbeil, 35 Corpus Christi, Gild of, 156 Coventry Gild, 156 Coventry Leet Book, 125 Coventry School, 113, 154, 171, 174, 241 Coxford Priory and Convent, 109 Craft Gilds, 52, 146-148, 151 Crediton Chantry, 168, 214 Cromer School, 125 Cross, St., Hospital of, 191 Crusades, Influence on Education, 118 _et seq._, 132, 134 Cuckfield, 229, 230, 234 Curriculum, 22, 24, 26, 133, 166, 167, 226, 229, 230, 234, Book III. Chap. 8 Cuthbert, St., 13, 16 Cynewulf, 12 Danish Invasions, 31 Decay of Chivalry, 131 Decline of Feudal System, 130 Denton, 168 Derby, 85, 89, 105, 171, 192 Deritend, 163, 164 Dialectics, 133 Diet, 5 Discipline, 42 Dominic, St., 149, 183 Dominician Friars, 183 _et seq._ Donatus, 35, 66, 71, 88, 133, 228 Doomsday Book, 30, 39, 43, 50 Dorchester, 168 Drapers' Guild, 154 Duns Scotus, 134, 187 Dunstable, 85, 96, 105, 171, 221 Dunstan, Archbishop, 16, 33 _et seq._, 38, 39, 96 Dunwich, 65 Durham, 105, 114, 123, 124, 146, 173, 174, 177, 178, 192 Dyer, William, 234 Eadmer, 62 Eanbald, Archbishop, 29 East Retford, 163, 165 Eata, 11 Eccleshall, 163, 165 Economic conditions in Anglo-Saxon times, 14 Edgar, King, 33, 41, 86 Edward the Confessor, 43 Edward VI., Schools of, 152 Egglesfield, 196 Elementary Instruction, 222 Elizabeth, Queen, 152 Endowment, 196 Episcopal Schools, 24, 28, 61 Ernwulf, Prior, 57 Eton, 70, 91, 96, 101, 167, 188 _et seq._, 193, 194, 195, 196, 200, 201, 214, 215 Evesham, 61, 104 Exeter, 70, 97, 144, 154, 192, 197, 198 Experimental Science, 224 Eye Chantry, 164 Eynsham, 138 Factory System, 129 "Fagging," 122 Farmary School, 173, 174 Farthinghoe, 125, 155 Fastolf, Sir John, 162 Ferendon, 98 Feudal System, 45 _et seq._, 118 _et seq._, 243 Fines, Feudal, 51 Fitzstephen, 10, 113, 117, 221 Fleury, 35, 42 Florence of Worcester, 62 Flower, Ed., 234 Foreign Trade in 15th century, 130 Fotheringhay, 210 France, Church of, 78 Franciscans, 149, 182, 183 Fraternity of the Assumption of the Virgin, 151 Free School, 67 _et seq._ Free Tenants, 50, 117 French Language in Schools, 127, 128, 223 Freya, 3 Friars, 182 _et seq._, 223 Frideswide, St., 138 Frith Gilds, 145 Frithegode, 39 Gallienus, 144 Gaps School, 24 Gardyner, John, 155 Gargrave, 164, 165 Geoffrey of Maine, 61 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 62 Ghent, 38 Giffard, Bishop, 180 Gilds, 2, 52, 109 _et seq._, 136, 142, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 155, 156 Giles, Bishop, 192, 203 Giraldus Cambrensis, 138, 222 Girls, Education of, 170 _et seq._ Glasney, 74, 167, 206 Glastonbury, 33, 34 Gloucester, 19, 96, 98, 100, 105, 171, 174, 177, 178 Gloucester College, Oxford, 180, 181 Godfrey of Malmesbury, 59 Goldsmiths' Company, 125, 155 Goode, Bishop, 74 Graeco-Roman Schools, 20, 24 Grammar, 7, 65, 193, 194, 198, 205, 206, 210, 211, 213, 215, 216, 222, 224, 227, 228, 229, 233, 238, 241 Grammar School, 20, 65 _et seq._, 84 _et seq._ Grandisson, Bishop, 192, 206 Grantham School, 86 Gratian, Edict of, 40 Greek Education, 8 Greek, 224, 225 Green, Sir Wm., 190 Gregory, Bishop, 23, 26, 31 Gregory VII., Pope, 48 Gregory IX., Pope, 136 Grimsby School, 86 Grosseteste, Robert, 139, 223, 240 Gryndour, Richard, 114 Guildford, 186 Guldulf, Bishop, 57 Gynwell, Bishop, 176 Hadrian, Abbot, 12, 25 Hamburg Gild, 144 Hamlyn, John, 100 Hanse des Merchandes de L'eau, 146 Harold, King, 42 Harrow, 200 Hartlebury, 113 Hastings, 85 Hatherton, 157 Hebrew, 224, 225 Hemmingborough, 208 Henry I., 147 Henry II., 47, 146 Henry III., 140, 141 Henry VII., 181 Henry VIII., 159 Henry of Blois, Bishop, 191 Henry of Huntingdon, 62 Herebald, 25 Hermit, 6 Herton, Rd., 191 Hexham, 25, 28, 30 Heytesbury, 213 Higham Ferrens, 210 Hilary, Bishop, 23 Hincmar, 48 Hingham, 237 Holbeach, 168 Holy Cross, Waltham, 42 Horace, 13, 20 Horncastle, 86 Horsham, 23 Hospitals, 191, 192, 210, 213 Hospitaller, 120 Houghton, 168, 234 Howden Schools, 73, 205 Hull Schools, 168 Hundred Years' War, 130 Huntingdon, 61, 62, 85, 96, 105, 171 Ideals of Chivalry, 119, 120 Ilbert of Lacy, 94 Impropriation, 236 Infant Education, 7, 10 Ini, King, 16 Innocent III., Pope, 47, 84, 182 Ipswich, 114, 116, 154, 178, 179, 186, 228 Ireland, 11, 20, 34 Isidorus, 133 Islip, John, Abbot, 180 Islip, Simon, Archbishop, 180, 237 Ivo of Chartres, 58 Jarrow, 12 Jerome, 20, 26 Jews, 6 John, Abbot, 13 John, King, 140 John of Cella, 61 John of Salisbury, 78, 87, 217-220, 222 John, St., Bishop of Hexham, 25 John, St., of Beverley, 25 Joissy of London, 202 Kalendars, Gild of, 105 Kempe, John, 211 King's College, Cambridge, 194 Kingston Gild, 156 Kinoulton, 70, 86 Knighthood, 120 Knights of Santiago, 120 Lancaster, 105, 155, 163 _et seq._ Lanfranc, 15, 57, 58, 78, 204 Langley, Bishop, 114, 158 Lateran Council, 83, 84 Latin, 4 _et seq._, 11, 13, 19, 29, 32, 43, 72, 103, 166 Launceston, 74, 167 Law, 221, 228 Lectors, 186 Ledbury, 214 Legislation, 235, 241 Leicester, 105 Leland, 137 Le Mans, 24 Leo I., Pope, 24, 26 Lerens, 24 Lewes, 105, 171 Libraries, 12, 26, 27 Lichfield, 230, 237 Lincoln, 80, 86, 91, 101, 102, 146, 168, 172, 186 Lindisfarne, 3, 11, 74, 75 Litteratores, School of, 20 Llangadock, 214 Llanthony, 98 Logic, 133, 218, 219, 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 230, 235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243 Lombard, Peter, 224 London, Council of, 56 Lübeck, 144 Lucretius, 21 Luxeuil, 24 Lyme Regis, 145, 168 Lynn, 144 Lyons, 20 Macclesfield, 125 Maidstone, 208 Maistyr of Gramer, 123 Maldon, 150 Malet, Robert, 94 Malmesbury, 105 Manchester, 113, 230 Manners, 234 Manorial System, 49 _et seq._, 126 Manufactures, Rise of, 128 Manuscript, Transcription of, 8, 9 Marlborough, 86 Marseilles, 7 Martianus, 133 Mary-le-Bow, 96 Mary, Queen, 152 Mary's, St., Coll., Oxford, 180 Mathematics, 20, 224, 225, 226 Mathilda, Empress, 47 Medicine, 221 Mellitus, Bishop, 17 Mendicant Orders, 170, 182 _et seq._ Mercers' Gild, 125, 154 Merchant Gilds, 52, 145, 146, 151 Merchant Taylors, 230 Merton College, 193, 203, 204, 221, 223 Metaphysics, 224 Methodist Revival, 149 Mettingham, 207 Middle Class, Rise of, 131 Mildenhall Manor, 105 Monachism, 5, 6, 55 Monasteries, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16, 24, 25, 42, 55 _et seq._, 170 _et seq._, 193, 194, 195, 202, 204, 236 More, Sir Thomas, 122, 238 Moral Sciences, 21, 224 Morton, Cardinal, 122 Municipal Authority, Development of, 52, 151, 208 Music, 19, 20, 43, 71, 72, 133, 178 Naples, University of, 136 Nations, 141 Natural Philosophy, 224 Neckham, Alexander, 221, 222 Neckham, Robert, 61, 78, 221, 222 New College, 210 New Testament, 6 Newark, 86, 108, 111 Newcastle-on-Tyne, 186 Newland School, 68, 114, 161, 167, 168 Newman, Cardinal, 1 Nicholas Breakspear, 16 Nicholas, St., Hospital of, 192 Nominalist, 134 Norfolk Gilds, 145 Norman Conquest, 48 _et seq._, 56, 57, 76, 127, 128 North Wroxall Chantry, 168 Northallerton, 73, 164 Northampton, 86 Norton Chantry, 168 Norwich, 107, 144, 175, 186, 190 Notre Dame Schools, 135 Novices, Schools for, 105, 116, 170, 174, 177, 178, 204 Nutt Money, 113 Oakley, Bucks, 41 Oblates, Schools for, 204 Odiham School, 164, 165 Odo, Archbishop, 39, 117 Offa, King, 19, 30 Optics, 224 Orderic Vitalis, 62 Origen, 23 Orosius, 26, 133 Oseney Abbey, 138 Oswald, St., 3, 34 _et seq._ Ottery St. Mary, 206 Oxford, 137 _et seq._, 146, 179 _et seq._, 184, 186, 193, 196, 203, 222, 224, 226, 227, 228 Pachomius, 6 Pages, 120 Palace Schools, 28, 29, 33 Palmers' Gild, 150 Pantaenus, 22 Paris, 24, 27, 78, 135, 138, 146, 202, 203, 218, 220, 221, 222, 224 Parish Schools, 25, 29, 30, 38, 39, 40 _et seq._, 107, 108 Parlour Boarder, 195 Partney School, 86 Paston Letters, 162 Patrick, St., 34 Paul, Abbot, 57, 59 Peckham, Archbishop, 107, 187 Penrhyn, 206 Percival, Sir John, 125 Pershore, 40 Peter Helias, 219 Peterhouse, Cambridge, 204 Peter's, St., School, Cornhill, 96 Philosophy, 227, 228 Piers Plowman, 189 Plesby, 208 Plymouth School, 154 Poitiers School, 24 Political Ideas of Church in Middle Ages, 44, 45 Polesworth Nunnery, 176 Polychronicon, 65 Pontefract, 85, 192 Potation Money, 113 Poverty of Scholars, 197-199, 201, 220 Praemunire, 236 Primer, 228 Priscian, 35, 66, 71, 133, 228 Prittlewell School, 164 Provisors, 236 Psalter, 6, 74, 75, 217, 228 Public School, 69 _et seq._, 122, 188 _et seq._, 195, 198 Public School Commission, 67 Pullen, Robert, 137, 220 Putta, Bishop, 72 Quadrivium, 28, 36, 133, 219 Questiones Grammaticales, 36 Raleigh, Bishop, 140 Raleigh School, 151 Ramsey Abbey, 36 Raveningham, 207 Read, Sir Bartholomew, 125, 155 Reading, 73 Reading School, 20, 73, 85, 171, 174 Realists, 134 Reformation, 215, 242, 244 Remuneration of Schoolmasters, 111 _et seq._ Renaissance, 244 Revival of learning, 59, 118 Rewley, 180 Rhetores, School of, 20 Rhetoric, 7, 133, 219 Richard II., King, 152 Richard of Middleton, 187 Ripon, 38 Rites of Durham, 173, 174, 177 Robert of Melun, 218 Roger Bacon, 87, 224-227 Roger, Earl of Warwick, 95 Roger, Thorold, 162 Roger of Wendover, 62 Roman Law, 26, 45, 133, 137, 138 Roman Uncials, 74 Roscellinus, 134 Rotherham, 72, 91, 94, 168, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 231 Royal Commission into University Education in Wales, 72 Rushworth School, 175 St. Albans School, 65, 221 St. Andrew's, Holborn, School, 96 St. Anthony, London, 96 St. Augustine, 3, 12, 17 St. Augustine of Hippo, 18, 20, 23, 24, 26 St. Basil of Caesarea, 7 St. Benedict, 9 St. Jerome, 12 St. Paul's School, 17, 80, 81, 90, 96, 99, 111, 167, 172 St. Vandrille School, 24 Salerno Medical School, 136 Salisbury Gilds, 146 Salisbury, John of, 65, 128, 217-220, 222 Salisbury School, 115, 172 Samson, Abbot, 41, 61, 78, 87, 89, 114 Scholasticism, 132, 134, 135 Scholasticus, 80 School Books, 13 _et seq._ School Fees, 69 School Houses first erected, 88 Schools of Theology, 78 _et seq._ Sciences, Common, 224 Scola Grammatice, 65 Scot, Church, 40 Scriptorium, 10, 12 Scripture, 19, 39 _et seq._ Secular Clergy, 18 _et seq._, 55, 76 _et seq._ Sens, Council of, 135 Sentences, 224 Seven Liberal Arts, 66, 216 Sevenoaks School, 126 Shermen Gild, 154 Shoemakers' Gild, 154 Shrewsbury School, 67, 68, 154 Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop, 23 Sigebert, 24, 64 Simeon of Durham, 62 Simon de Gorham, 59 Simon of Poissy, 220 Singing, 10 _et seq._, 121 Social Consciousness, 167, 168, 214 Song School, 71 _et seq._, 166 Southampton Gilds, 146 Southwell School, 86, 88, 108, 223 Spiritual Power, Dogma of, 47 Stamford College, 167 Staphorst Gilds, 144 Stapleton, Bishop of, 79, 192 State and Church, 1, 2, 49, 76 _et seq._ Staunton School, 164, 165 Stockport School, 155 Stratford-on-Avon Gilds, 154 Studium, 136, 185, 186 Sullington School, 168 Tabenna, 6 Tailors' Gild, 154 Tattershall, 211 Taxatio of Pope Nicholas, 157 Teaching Profession, Recognition of the, 82 Temporal Power, Dogma of, 47 Tenure of Schoolmasters, 110 _et seq._ Tewkesbury, 234 Thaxted School, 164 Theobald, Archbishop, 216 Theobald of Etampes, 88, 137 Theodore, Archbishop, 2, 16, 25, 64 Theodulf of Orleans, 30, 38, 86 Theological Schools, 78 _et seq._, 142, 220, 221, 223, 228, 241 Thetford, 85, 105, 171, 186 Thirsk School, 164 Thomas à Becket, 1, 7, 138, 216, 221, 222 Thomas, Archbishop, 79 Thomas of Brompton, 100 Thornton School, 168 Thurstan, Abbot, 57 Tonge, 209 Toulouse, University of, 136 Tours, Council of, 29 Towcester, 161 Trades in School Curriculum, 7 Transcription of Manuscripts, 8, 9 Trevisa, John, 65, 128 Trinity College, Oxford, 180 Trinity Gild, 151 Trivium, 28, 36, 133 Truro School, 164, 166 Twineham, Christ Church, 61 Universities, 124, 132 _et seq._, 170, 179 _et seq._, 188, 203, 222, Book III. Chap. VII. University and Church, 139 _et seq._ Utrecht, 42 Vacarius, 137 Vaison, Council of, 86 Valor Ecclesiasticus, 137 Vienne School, 18, 24 Villeins, 50, 117 Virtue, 234 Walchelin of Derby, 192 Waltham Abbey School, 42, 61, 85, 105 Warham, Archbishop, 179 Warin, 61 Warwick Gild, 154 Warwick School, 43, 71, 72, 85, 86, 95, 102, 154 Water, Abbot, 57 Waynflete, William, 111, 126, 237 Wearmouth, 11 _et seq._ Weavers' Gild, 147, 154 Wells School, 115 Wendover, Roger, 62 Westminster Abbey, 40 Westminster, Council of, 87 Westminster School, 174, 177, 181 Whitby Abbey, 12 Whitington, 230 Wilfrid, 12, 15, 16 William II., King, 56 William of Champeaux, 134, 135 William of Condres, 218 William of Malmesbury, 56, 62 William of Occam, 134, 187 Winchcombe, 105 Winchester Nunnery, 176 Winchester School, 91, 168, 174, 188, 193, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 210, 228, 230 Windham, 237 Wisbech, 152, 153, 234 Wolsey, Cardinal, 122 Woodwork in curriculum, 7 Woolrichston Manor, 51 Wotton-under-Edge School, 110, 168, 207 Worcester College, Oxford, 181 Worcester Gild, 153, 154 Worcester School, 174 Wragley School, 163, 165 Writing, 9, 11, 20, 74 _et seq._, 211, 231 Wulfstan, 36 Wycliffe, 239, 240 Wye College, 211 Wykeham, William of, 111, 126, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 196, 199, 200, 210, 235 Wymborne School, 161 Yarmouth, 237 York, 12, 26, 27 _et seq._, 79, 86, 91, 151, 152, 172, 174 PRINTED AT THE BURLINGTON PRESS, FOXTON, NEAR CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND. FOOTNOTES: [1] _English Grammar Schools_, p. 10. [2] _Constit. Hist._, p. 563. [3] Montalembert: _Monks of the West_, I., 178. [4] Green: _Short History_, Ch. I., sec. 3. [5] Montalembert, _op. cit._ I., 23. [6] Cf. Draper: _Intellectual Development of Europe_. [7] Cf. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_. [8] _Regula S. Pachomii_, cap. 139, 140. [9] _Regulae Fusius Tractatae_, XV. Interrog. (Pat. Lat., v. 31, col. 952). [10] _Regulae Brevius Tractatae_, Interrog. CCXCII. [11] _Regulae Brevius Tractatae_, XXXVIII. [12] _Italy and Her Invaders_, IV., 391. [13] Chapter XLVIII. [14] _Etudes Monastiques_, p. 18. [15] _H. E._, V., 24. [16] Haddon and Stubbs: _Councils and Documents relating to Britain and Ireland_, Vol. III, pp. 364-5. [17] _H. E._, III., 27. [18] _H. E._, III., 27. [19] Sandys: _History of Classical Scholarship_, I., 52. [20] "Eum innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportasse." [21] Alcuin. _Ep._, 13. [22] _H. E._, V., 15. [23] _Monks of the West_, IV., 464. [24] _H. E._, V., 24. [25] _H. E._, IV., 18. [26] Sandys: _History of Classical Scholarship_, I., p. 53. [27] Cf. Traill: _Social England_, I., p. 177. Bede: _H. E._, II., 20: III., 11. [28] _H. E._, IV., 13. [29] Smith and Wace: _Dictionary of Christian Biography_. [30] _H. E._, IV., 13. [31] Bede: _Hist. Abb._, V., cf. _H. E._, III., 4. [32] _Hist. Abb._, V. [33] _Hist. Abb._, V. [34] _H. E._, IV., 13. [35] Cf. "homo XIII. annorum sese potest servum facere" Theod. _Penit._ XIX., sec. 29. [36] _H. E._, V., 5. [37] _H. E._, IV., 13. [38] _H. E._, III., 27. [39] _H. E._, III., 5. [40] _H. E._, III., 28. [41] Aelfric, _Homilies_, vol. I., p. 261. [42] _H. E._, V., 3. [43] Hunt: _Hist. of the Eng. Ch._, p. 239. [44] Cf. Medley, _Constitutional History_, p. 557. [45] _Op. cit._, p. 13. [46] Dill: _Last Century of the Western Empire_, p. 67. [47] _Erasmus_, p. 73. [48] Hodgson: _Primitive Christian Education_, p. 103. [49] Jerome: _Lives of Illustrious Men_, Ch. VIII. [50] Eusebius: _H. E._, VI., pp. 3, 26. [51] Jerome: _Lives of Illustrious Men_, Ch. XXVIII. [52] _Sermo_ CCCLV., sec. 2, 6, 7. [53] _Vita S. Augustini_, c. 11. [54] Theiner: _Histoire des Institutions d'Education Ecclesiastique_, v. 1, pp. 103-117. [55] Bede, _H. E._, III., 18. [56] Cf. Fischer de Chevrier: _Histoire de l'Instruction Populaire en France_, Ch. IV.; Mullinger: _University of Cambridge_, p. 11; Ampere: _Histoire Littéraire de la France avant le Douzième Siècle_, II., 278; Joly: _Traité Historique des Ecoles Episcopales et Ecclésiastiques_, pp. 144-599. [57] _I.e._ the clergy of the Bishop of Hexham. [58] _H. E._, V., 6. [59] _H. E._, IV., 2. [60] Mignet: _Memoire sur la conversion de l'Allemagne par les Moines_, p. 25. [61] Sandys: _History of Classical Scholarship_, I., 451. [62] _H. E._, V., 18. [63] _Aldhelmi Opera_, ed. Giles, p. 96. [64] _De Pontiff. Ebor._, lines 1431-1447, trans. by Munroe. [65] _Schs. of Charles the Great_, p. 61. [66] For capitulary of 787 and 789, see Pertz: _Leges_, I., pp. 52, 65; for that of 802, Pertz, I., 107; for translation see _Schools of Charles the Great_, pp. 97-99. [67] Mullinger: _op. cit._, p. 50. [68] _Alcuini Opera Omnia_; Migne, _Pat. Lat._, Vols. C., CI. [69] _Alcuini Epistolae_, Migne, _Pat. Lat._, 1851, Vol. C., p. 222. [70] Heinemann: _Statutes of 852_, XI. _Acts of the Province of Rheims_, I., p. 211. Azarias: _Essays Educational_, p. 180. [71] Mansi: _Concilia_, vol. IX., p. 790. [72] Migne: _Pat. Lat._, vol. CV., p. 196. [73] _Alcuini Epistolae_, ed. Migne, _Pat. Lat._, vol. C., p. 214. [74] _Social England_, I., p. 141. [75] Asserius, _de Rebus Gestis Alfredi_, ed. W. H. Stevenson, 1904. [76] Stubbs: _Memorials of St. Dunstan_, p. 290; _Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis_, p. 25. [77] _Aelfrici Grammatica Latino-Saxonica_, p. 2. [78] Stubbs, _op. cit._, pp. 10, 74, 256. [79] _Op. cit._, p. 257. [80] _Op. cit._, p. 4. [81] _Op. cit._, p. 14. [82] _Op. cit._, p. LXXXV. [83] Wulfstan: _Vita St. Aethelwoldi_, Migne: _Patrologia Cursus Complexus_, CXXXVII., p. 87. [84] Stubbs, _Memorials_, p. 214. [85] _Op. cit._, p. 28, 46. [86] Aelfric, _op. cit._, p. 1. [87] Stubbs, _op. cit._, p. 101; _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_, I., p. 129. [88] _Chron. Abbat. Ram._, p. 42. [89] _Vita Sancti Abbonis_, Migne, _Pat. Cur. Com._, CXXXIX., p. 390. [90] _Chron. Abb. Ram._, p. XXVII. [91] Stubbs, _op. cit._, XVIII, XIX. [92] Stubbs, _op. cit._, pp. 28, 46. [93] _Op. cit._, p. 261. [94] Wulfstan, pp. 91, 95. [95] See below, p. 38. [96] _Chron. Abb. Ram._, pp. 112, 113. [97] C. 940-1006. [98] _Ed. Ch._, p. 39. [99] _Ed. Ch._, p. 43. [100] P. 30. [101] _Ancient Laws_, p. 396. [102] _Hist. Ch. York_, I., p. 404. [103] _Chron. Abb. Ram._, p. 21. [104] _English Society in the Eleventh Century_, p. 373. [105] _Op. cit._, p. 143. [106] D. d. I., f. 68, Ellis, I., 332. [107] I., f. 1546, Ellis, I., 304. [108] I., f. 149, Ellis, I., 267. See also _Times' Educational Supplement_, 10th Oct., 1918. [109] Hermanus: _De Miraculis Sancti Eadmundi_, sec. 16 in Mem. of St. Edmund's Abbey (R. S.) p. 46. [110] "Publicas instituens scholas." [111] _Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey_, p. 126. [112] 1060. See _Tractatus de inventione Sante Crucis_, ed. W. Stubbs, 1861. [113] _Ibid._, p. 15. These customs were probably due to the influence of the reforms instituted by Chrodegang of Metz. We may assume that the Godwin family supported the secular clergy in opposition to the regular clergy who followed Edward the Confessor from Normandy. [114] _Ibid._, p. 35. [115] _Ibid._, p. 35. [116] Adams: _Civilisation in the Middle Ages_, p. 197. [117] Traill: _Social England_, I., p. 257. [118] Traill, _op. cit._, I., p. 243. [119] Advocated by Kemble in his _Saxons in England_. [120] _Econ. Hist._, I., p. 20. [121] Thorold Rogers: _Agriculture and Prices in England_, vol. II., pp. 613, 615, 616. [122] Ashley, I., p. 42. [123] _Ibid._, p. 34. [124] Meredith: _Econ. Hist._, p. 49. [125] Cf. Leach: _English Schools at the Reformation_. Holman: _English National Education_. [126] _Winchester College_, p. 92. [127] See Book III., Ch. I. [128] See p. 37. [129] _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_, II., 304. [130] Böhmer: _Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie_, p. 113, n. 1. [131] _Ibid._, p. 107. [132] See Bateson: _Medieval England_, Ch. IV. [133] Böhmer: _Op. cit._, pp. 3-24. [134] Cf. Pignet: _Histoire de l'Ordre de Cluny_, III., p. 41. Maitland: _The Dark Ages_, pp. 375, 389, 390. [135] Cf. D'Achery, _Spicilegium_, IV., 4-226. [136] Cf. _Constitutiones Lanfranci_. [137] Cf. _Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani_, I., p. 52. [138] Wm. of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Pontificum_, p. 249. [139] Martini et Durand: _Thesaurus Anecdotorum_, I., 511; quoted Graham, _Trans. Hist. Soc._, XVII. [140] _Gesta S. Albani_, I., p. 57. [141] _Ibid._, pp. 76, 184, 192. [142] _De Gestis Pontificum_, p. 431. [143] _Ibid._, p. 194. [144] _Ibid._, p. 32. [145] _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_, II., 44, 289. See also _Hist. Intro. Rolls Series_, ed. Stubbs, p. 43; Rashdall, _Universities_, II., p. 476; J. Willis Clark, _The Care of Books_, p. 74; _De Gestis Regum_, I., pp. xx-xxii. [146] The case for the non-existence of schools in connection with monasteries is effectively set out by Mr. G. G. Coulton in his _Monastic Schools of the Middle Ages_. [147] See Lanfranc, _Opera_, ed. Giles, I., 296. Cf. _L'Abbaye du Bec et ses Ecoles_ par M. L'Abbé Porrée. [148] Migne, _Patrologia Cursus Completus_, CLXXXIX., 1051. [149] Coulton, _op. cit._, p. 3. [150] _Gesta S. Albani_, I., 73. [151] _Ibid._, I., 196. [152] _Mem. St. Edmund's Abbey_, I., 77, 78, 145. [153] _Ibid._, p. 296. [154] _Ibid._, p. 249. [155] Cf. _Mem. St. Edmund's_, III., 182. [156] See pp. 85, 86, 105, infra. [157] _Foundation of Waltham Abbey_, pp. 15, 35. [158] _Monasticon_, VI., pt. I., p. 79. [159] _Ibid._, VI., pt. II., p. 615. [160] _Ibid._, VI., pt. I., pp. 304, 305. [161] Abbot of S. Albans, 1183-1195. [162] _Gesta S. Albani_, I., p. 194. [163] 1195-1214. [164] _Ibid._, p. 217. [165] _Mem. S. Edmund's Abbey_, XLIII. [166] _H. E._, III., 18. [167] _Early English Church History_, p. 125. [168] Foster Watson: _Old Grammar Schools_, p. 2. [169] _Op. cit._, p. 2. [170] _Op. cit._, pp. 58, 59. [171] In the _Cyclopaedia of Education_ Mr. Leach points out that there are three passages in Livy alone (XXX., 17; XXXV., 23; XLI., 6) in which "libera" is used in the sense of free from payment. [172] _Report of Schools' Inquiry Commission_, pp. 122, 123. [173] Art. "Free Schools," _Cyclopaedia of Education_. [174] Cf. "cockpennies." See p. 113, infra. [175] _Linc. Chapter Act_, Bk. A.2.30: _Ed. Ch._ p. 386. [176] _V. C. H., Notts_, II., 216, _Ed. Ch._ 235, _Epis. Reg. York, Romanus_, X., 75. [177] _Stat. of the Realm_, ed. 1819, IV., pt. II., sec. 8. [178] _Chancery Warrants_, Series I., file 1439, _Ed. Ch._, 412. [179] Izacke's MS.: _Memorials of the City of Exeter_, fo. 178 _seq._; reprinted Parry: _Founding of Exeter School_, pp. 104-112. [180] _Op. cit._, p. 66. [181] _Ed. Ch._, p. 273. [182] _H. E._, IV., 18. [183] _H. E._, IV., 12. [184] _Yorkshire Schools_, vol. II., p. 116. [185] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., 61. [186] _Ibid._, p. 62. [187] _Ibid._, 87. [188] _Ibid._, p. 85. Cf. with the appointments recorded in pp. 62 and 87. [189] _Ibid._, p. 87. [190] _E. S. R._, II., p. 31. [191] _Ibid._, p. 31. [192] _Ibid._, p. 34. [193] C. 700. [194] Hunt: _English Church_, p. 202. [195] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., 89. [196] For additional particulars, see article on "Writing" in the _Cyclopaedia of Education_. [197] Rashdall, _Univ._, I., p. 283. Mansi, _Concilia_, XXII., ch. 228. [198] Dec. V. it. 5: _Ed. Ch._, pp. 142-145. [199] "Quum primum adolescens admodum studiorum causa migrassem in Gallias." _Metal._, Bk. II., ch. 10. [200] Cf. _Reg. Pontissera_, f. 55; _Ed. Ch._, p. 232. [201] 1308-9. [202] Cutts: _Parish Priests_, p. 46. [203] "Erat enim apud nos sub patruo suo amabili et amicabili educatus, et decenter eruditus." _Hist. Ch. of York_, II., 124. [204] For additional references to the Chancellor's School of Theology at St. Paul's, see reprint in Archaeol., vol. 62, pt. 1, p. 219 of deeds in St. Paul's Mun. Box. 21, No. 621 and 865; Gregory's _Chronicle_ (Camden Soc. N. S. XVII., 1876, ed. J. Gairdner) p. 230: and Register of Bishop Fitz-James, f. 127 b., printed in Sparrow Simpson's _Registrum Statutorum_, p. 413. [205] _Ep. Reg. Linc., Rot. Hug. de Wells_, III., 101. [206] _Hist. Ch. of York_, II., p. 162. [207] Reprinted in _Archaeol._, vol. 62, pt. I., p. 211. [208] Deed reprinted in _Archaeol._, vol. 62, pt. I., p. 211. [209] _Statutes of the Ch. of York_, p. 6; Sparrow Simpson, _Registrum Statutorum_, p. 413. [210] _Hist. Ch. of York_, III., 320; _Corpus Juris Canonis_, ed. H. L. Richter, Dec. V. tit. 5; _Ed. Ch._, p. 143. [211] Mansi: _Concilia_, I., 415. [212] _Ep. Reg. Lincoln._, III., 101. [213] Dec. V., tit. 5, ch. 2. _Ed. Ch._, p. 119. [214] 1159-1181. [215] _Ed. Ch._, p. 119. [216] _Ed. Ch._, p. 123; see also Rashdall, II., p. 283; Mansi, XXII., c. 228. [217] Decretal V., tit. 5, cap. IV. [218] _Ed. Ch._, p. 145. [219] _Ed. Ch._, p. 123, from Decretal V., tit. 5, cap. I. [220] _H. E._, III., 18; IV., 1; _Hist. Ch. of York_, I., p. 390. [221] _Mem. St. Ed. Abbey_, I., 46-7. [222] _Tractatus de inventione Crucis_, p. 15. [223] _History of Warwick Sch._ [224] _Early Yorkshire Schools_, II., 1. [225] P. R. O. Anc. Deeds, 1073, _Ed. Ch._, p. 69. [226] _V. C. H., Hants_, II., 251. [227] _Hist. Ch. of York_, I., 281. [228] _Gesta Abbatum Mon. St. Alb._, I., 72. [229] _V. C. H., Suffolk_, II., 303. [230] _Ed. Ch._, p. 93. [231] _Ibid._ [232] _V. C. H., Berks_, II., 245. [233] _V. C. H., Gloucester_, II., 355. [234] _V. C. H., Derby_, II., 209. [235] _V. C. H., Beds_, II., 152. [236] _V. C. H., Northampton_, II., 234. [237] _Ed. Ch._, p. 152. [238] _Mem. Southwell Minster_, XLI. [239] _Ibid._, p. 205. [240] _V. C. H., Notts_, II., 216. [241] _V. C. H., Lincs._, II., 449. [242] _Archaeol._, v. 62, pt. I., p. 211. [243] _Statutes of the Ch. of York_, p. 6. [244] _V. C. H., Lincs._, II., 423. [245] _Mem. of Beverley Min._, p. 292. [246] _Hist. War. Sch._, p. 66. [247] _Statutes of the Ch. of York_, p. 5. [248] A.D. 529. [249] A.D. 797. [250] A.D., C. 960. [251] _Decret. Greg._ IX., Lib. III., tit. 1: Rashdall, _Univ._ II., p. 601. [252] Wilkins, _Concilia_, I., p. 270, _Ed. Ch._, p. 139. Cf. this with Theodulf's Capitularies of 797. See p. 30 supra, and Mullinger, Schs. of Charles the Great, p. 130. [253] _Univ._ II., p. 602. [254] _Op. cit._, ed. Thomas, p. 79. [255] A.D. 1212-1294. [256] _Opera Inedita_, ed. Brewer, p. 398. [257] _Mem. St. Edmund's Abbey_, I., p. 248. [258] _Polycraticus_, II., 28, ed. Giles, p. 155. [259] _Oxford Hist. Soc. Collectanea_, II., 156. [260] _Op. cit._, p. 49. [261] _Chron. Jocelyn de Brakelonde_, p. 3. [262] _V. C. H., Derbyshire_, II., 213, from Cott. Mss. Titus, C. IX., f. 58. [263] _Beverley Chapter Act Bk._ (Surtees Soc.) Vol. I., p. 293. [264] Reprinted in _Archaeol._ vol. 62., pt. I., p. 198. [265] _York Chapter Act Bk._ I., f. 25 b. [266] Sparrow Simpson: _Registrum Statutorum_, pt. V., ch. 8; Brit. Mus., _Harl. MSS._, 1080. [267] See Reynold's _Wells_, pp. CLXXX-V. [268] _Statutes of the Ch. of York_, p. 5. [269] _Registrum Antiquissimum Linc._, Chap. Mun. A 2, 26, fol. 10. b. _V. C. H., Lincs._ I., 424. Similar appointments are recorded in 1427 and 1432. _Reg. Antiq. Lincs._, fol. 67 b. [270] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., p. 110. [271] _Hist. Ch. of York_, I., 281. [272] _Dugd. Mon._ III., 405. [273] _Early Yorkshire Schools_, II., 1. [274] _Hist. Warwick Sch._, p. 5, from Chartul. S. Mary's, Warwick, G. R. Eccl. Misc. Bks. 22. [275] _Cal. Pat._, 12 Rich. II., pt. 2, m. 10; _Ed. Ch._, p. 77. [276] _P. R. O._, Cart. antiq. H., No. 18; _Ed. Ch._, p. 93. [277] _Charter Roll_, II., Henry III., pt. 1, m. 27; _Ed. Ch._, p. 93. [278] _Chancery Warrents_, Series 1, file 1439; _Ed. Ch._, p. 413. Dealing with this grant of a monopoly of school keeping to Eton College, Mr. Leach remarks "The remarkable invasion of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to which alone the grants and still more the enforcement of the monopoly of endowed schools belonged," etc. _Schs. Med. Eng._, p. 259. Mr. Leach is in error here. The grant of the monopoly of school keeping was a civil matter. [279] _Pat._, 24, Hen. VI., pt. II., m. 28. [280] _Rot. Parl._, V., 137. [281] _Ibid._ [282] _Privy Council Register_, vol. VI.; Parry, _Founding of Exeter School_, pp. 101-112. [283] Supra, p. 96. [284] _V. C. H., Gloucester_, II., 315, from Rot. Chart., p. 7. [285] _Registrum Brev._, 35. [286] Quoted by de Montmorency: _State Intervention_, p. 16. [287] _Ed. Ch._, p. 91 from St. Paul's Mun. Press A., Box 60, No. 48. [288] Surtees Society, vol. 98. See I., pp. 42, 48, 102, 113, etc. [289] _Op. cit._, p. 102. [290] _Epis. Joh. Saresberiensis_, ed. Giles, No. 19. [291] The text of the "Gloucester School Case" is to be found in the Year Book of the eleventh year of Henry IV., p. 47. It is reprinted as an appendix to de Montmorency, _State Intervention_, pp. 241-242. Mr. de Montmorency would seem to be in error in his interpretation of the decision. [292] Supra, p. 96. [293] It is interesting to note here that the maintenance of a monopoly was insisted upon by civic authorities no less than by ecclesiastical persons. [294] _Chapter Act Book, Lincoln_, 1406-7. _V. C. H., Lincs._, II., 426. [295] _Hist. Warwick School_, p. 66. [296] _Linc. Chapter Act Bk._, A. 2. f. 2; _Ed. Ch._, p. 237. [297] _Reg. John Whethamstede_, II., 305. [298] _Hist. Mon. Glouc._, III., 290. [299] See _Rites of Durham_, (Surtees Society) p. 81. [300] _Abingdon Obedientaries Accounts_, 1375-6; Camden Soc. [301] _Roger Prior's Reg._, V., 261 b. [302] Statutes of the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. B. M. Harl. MSS. 1005, fol. 95.b., Trans., _V. C. H. Suffolk._ II., 307. For other instances of appointments of schoolmasters by abbots, see _Gesta Abbatum Mon. S. Albani_, (R. S.) I., p. 72. _V. C. H. Lincs._, II., 450. [303] _B. M. Landsdowne MS._, 375: _Ed. Ch._, 299. _Westminster Abbey Obedientaries Accounts_, reprinted _Ed. Ch._, pp. 306-315. [304] Cf. _Statutes of the Church of York_, p. 6. [305] _Yorkshire Schools_, I., p. 18 from Acta Capituli, G., c. ii. 70. [306] _Beverley Chapter Act Bk._, I., pp. 157, 382; _Mem. Southwell Minster_, p. 29. The function of the dean and chapter was not simply formal. _Mem. Southwell Minster_, p. 125. [307] The appointment of a master of song at a monastery was made by the prior. Cf. Roger Prior's _Reg._ V., 261 b. [308] _Statutes of the Ch. of York_, p. 5. [309] _Lambeth MSS. Reg. Peckham_, f. 38 a., _Ed. Ch._, p. 233. [310] _Lambeth MSS. Reg. Winchelsea_, f. 300. b., _Ed. Ch._, p. 239. Scholastic patronage in monastic cathedral dioceses was subject to episcopal review. _Worc. Epis. Reg. Silvester_, fol. 202. [311] _Newcourt, Report_ II., 86, 87, 88. [312] _Linc. Chapter Act Bk._, pp. 2, 24. [313] See p. 61. [314] See Chap. IV. [315] The chancellor of a diocese exercised a considerable amount of scholastic patronage. [316] _Memorials of Southwell Minster_, XII.-XLII., 52. [317] _Registrum Brevium_, fol. 35. The power of patronage to a school could apparently be delegated. Thus the Bishop of Lincoln granted a licence to the rector of Willeford "to chose a lettered and fit man in the parish to teach the boys and others going to him the said science." See _Linc. Epis. Reg. Gynwell_, fol. 135 b. This unusual action was due to the scarcity of schoolmasters after the Black Death. [318] 1382. [319] _Reg. Ep. Worcester, H. Wakfeld_, p. 72. _Ed. Ch._ pp. 331-341. [320] See also _Somerset and Dorset Notes and Queries_, III., 241. [321] _Op. cit._, A. 2, 24, f. 14. [322] _Early Yorkshire Schools_, I., 90. [323] _Ibid._, p. 97. [324] _Ibid._, p. 23. [325] _Ibid._, p. 27. [326] _Ibid._, p. 29. [327] _Ibid._, p. 67. [328] Re-founded 1531-2. [329] In town muniments of Newark; reprinted by T. F. A. Burnaby, Town Clerk, 1855. [330] But cf. _Great Roll of the Pipe_ (Rec. Com.) pp. 9-10, which suggests customary arrangements. [331] Decretal V, tit. 5, cap. I. [332] Wilkins: _Concilia_ I., p. 506. [333] Decretal V., tit. 5, cap. IV. [334] Cf. appointment of Principal of St. David's College, Lampeter. [335] Who died c. 1191. [336] See _Notes and Queries_, 8th series, vol. VII., pp. 338, 473-474; _Cyclopaedia of Educ._, vol. II., p. 42. [337] Carlisle: _Grammar Schools_, II., p. 759. [338] _Ibid._, p. 649. [339] See _Trans. Bristol and Glas. Archaeol._, Soc. VI. [340] _E. S. R._, II., 82. [341] _Ipswich Court Bk. Brit. M. Addit._, MS. 30158, fol. 34. [342] _Ibid._ [343] Founded 1520. [344] _Trans. Hist. Soc. Lancs. and Chester_, VIII., 51. [345] _V. C. H., Durham_, I., 371. [346] _Chron. Jocelyn de Brakelonde_, p. 3. [347] _S. M. E._, p. 161. [348] Rashdall, _Univ._, II., pt. II., p. 765. [349] Cooper: _Annals of Cambridge_, I., p. 56. [350] _Reg. Joh. Whethamstede_, II., 305. [351] _Cant. Cath. Mun._, X., 4, S. B. 4: _Ed. Ch._, pp. 252-267. The Statutes of Ipswich School (1476-7) state that "The grammar schoolmaster shall henceforth have jurisdiction and governance of all scholars within the liberty and precint of this town, except only petties." _Ipswich Court Bk._, B. M., MS. Add. 30158, fol. 34. [352] P. 39. [353] _Vita S. Thomas_, pp. 189, 190, ed. Giles, quoted Furnivall. _Forewords_, p. 6. [354] Cornish, _Chivalry_, p. 24. [355] Cornish, _op. cit._, pp. 15, 16. [356] _Liber Niger_, p. 45; quoted _Forewords_, p. 11. [357] Lacroix; _Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages_, pp. 137, 138. [358] _Op. cit._, p. 27. [359] Roper's _Life of More_, ed. Singer, p. 3. [360] Cavendish: _Life of Wolsey_, ed. Singer, vol. I., p. 38. [361] _Household Book_, p. 254. [362] _Liber Niger_, p. 51. [363] _Household Bk._, Earl of Northumberland, pp. 41, 47, 97, 254. [364] _Forewords_, p. 13. [365] Froude, _Hist._ V., pp. 39, 40. [366] _Coventry Leet Book_, I., 101. [367] Mrs. Green, _Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_, II., 18. [368] Chantry Certif., E. S. R., II., 144. [369] Mrs. Green, _op. cit._, II., 16. [370] Carlisle: _Grammar Schools_, I., 117. [371] _Schools of Medieval England_, p. 246. [372] Sharpe, _Wills_, II., 484. [373] _Freemen of York_, vol. I., pp. 1, 77, 98--Sur. Soc., No. 96, 1897. [374] Meredith: _Econ. Hist._, p. 81. [375] _Historical Papers and Letters from the Northern Registers_ (R. S.), p. 401. [376] 36, Ed., III., c. 8. [377] _Muniments of King's College, Cambridge_: _Ed. Ch._, p. 402. [378] _Op. cit._, II., 157. [379] _Rot. Parl._, II., p. 246. [380] _Ibid._, V., p. 274. [381] Abram: _Social Life in England_, Ch. 1. [382] Green: _Life in an Old English Town_, p. 278. [383] Abram: _Social England_, p. 13. [384] _Rot. Parl._, III., 501. [385] _Ibid._, III., 601-2, V., 113. [386] Abram, _op. cit._, p. 30. [387] Abram, _op. cit._, p. 96. [388] _Manners and Meals_, p. 189. [389] The subject of the origin and development of the English universities has been so fully treated by other writers, notably by Mr. Bass Mullinger and Dr. Hastings Rashdall, that it has only been dealt with here to the extent strictly necessary for the thesis with which we are concerned. [390] Grammar, Rhetoric, Dialectic. [391] Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy. [392] Rashdall, _Univ._, I., p. 36. [393] _Ibid._, p. 39. [394] _Ibid._, p. 42. [395] Rashdall, _Univ._, II., p. 60. [396] Rashdall, _Univ._, I., p. 10. [397] _Ibid._, p. 72. [398] _Oxford Historical Society: Collectanea_, II., p. 153. [399] _Ibid._, p. 105. [400] _Ibid._, p. 156. [401] _Ibid._, p. 159. [402] _Rob. de Monte, Chron._ ed. Migne, Vol. CLX., p. 466. [403] _Gervasius Cantuar., Actus Pontificum Cant._, ed. Stubbs, Vol. II., p. 384. [404] _Giraldus Cambrensis_: ed. Brewer, Vol. I., pp. 72, 73. [405] Mullinger, pp. 80, 81, Brodrick, p. 3, Laurie, p. 236. [406] _Materials for the Life of Becket_, ed. Robertson, VII., p. 146. [407] Rashdall, _Univ._, vol. II., p. 342. [408] _Munimenta Academica_ (R. S.), I., 2. [409] See Rashdall, _Univ._, II., 419-421. [410] _Munimenta Academica_: I., 39, 40. [411] Rashdall, _Univ._, II., 424. [412] _Munimenta Academica_ (R. S.), I., 228, 229. [413] _Chron: Roger of Wendover_ (R. S.), II., p. 51. [414] See also _Munimenta Academica_, pp. 1-4. [415] _Cal. Close Rolls_, 15 Hen. III., p. 586; _Ed. Ch._, p. 149. [416] Cooper: _Annals of Cambridge_, I., 56. [417] Mullinger, 288, 290; Rashdall, II., 549, 550. [418] Toulmin Smith: _English Guilds_, p. XIV. [419] Dates from the eleventh century. [420] _English Guilds_, p. lxxxi. [421] _Ibid._, p. lxxxiii. [422] _Two Thousand Years of Gild Life_, p. 106. [423] Hartshorn: _Study of Voluntary Associations in Europe_, 1100-1700, p. 12. [424] Ashley: _Econ. Hist._, I., p. 70. [425] Gasquet: _Précis des Institutions de l'Ancienne France_, II., 233-243. [426] Gross, _Gild Merchant_, p. 32. n. 1. [427] _Ibid._, pp. 37 _seq._ [428] Ashley, _Econ. Hist. I._, p. 72. [429] _Ibid._, p. 79. [430] _Ibid._, p. 80. [431] _Ibid._, p. 81. [432] _Bristol Little Red Book_, fol. 82-3. Ed. by W. B. Bickley for the Corporation of Bristol. [433] Toulmin Smith, _op. cit._, p. 280. [434] T. Smith, _op. cit._, p. 198. [435] Maldon Court Rolls, Dr. Andrew Clark in _Essex Rev._ XV., p. 146. [436] _Gild Certif._, 57. [437] Other instances are Prittlewell, _Cal. of Pat._ 1476-85, p. 34; Thaxted, _ibid._, p. 227; Finchingley, _Chantry Certif._, XIX., 13; XX., 19; XXX., 17. The connection of a grammar school at Ipswich with the Corpus Christi Gild is shown by the _Ipswich Court Bk._, Brit. Mus. Ad. MS., 30158 fol. 34; at Winchester with the Corpus Christi Gild, Brit. Mus. Ad. MS. 24435 fol. 153 b.; at Louth with St. Mary's Gild, Church-wardens' Accounts of the Parish Church, 1533 in R. W. Goulding's Court Rolls of the Manor of Louth. The gild of the Blessed Mary founded a school at Wellingborough in 1392 (Pat. 16, R. II., pt. ii., m. 29, 30). See also p. 161 infra.; gilds and chantries are so closely connected that it is difficult to draw a definite line of demarcation in some cases. [438] _E. S. R._, II., 283, 284. [439] _E. S. R._, II., pp. 20-22. [440] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, p. 221. [441] _Ibid._, pp. 203-205; _E. S. R._, 267-268. [442] _Hist. of Warwick Sch._, p. 95. [443] _Coventry Leet Book_, I., 101. [444] Redstone, _Trans. Royal Hist. Soc._, N. S., XVI., p. 166. [445] _Hist. MS._, Com. X., App. IV., 425; _Ed. Ch._, 439. [446] Carlisle: _Endowed Gr. Schs._, I., 335. [447] _E. S. R._, II., 180-184. [448] P. C. C., 34 Luffenham, p. 269. [449] Copy of will in _Duchy of Lancaster Misc. Bks._, 25 fol. 19. [450] _E. S. R._, II., 144. [451] _E. S. R._, II., 144. [452] _E.g._ Douze Gild, Feste du Pin. [453] Toulmin Smith: _English Gilds_, p. 115. [454] _Ibid._, p. 155. [455] _Ibid._, p. 160. [456] _Ibid._, p. 226. For other instances see pp. 179, 194, 287, and Hartshorn, _op. cit._, p. 15. [457] Cf. Page, _Yorkshire Chantries_, Surtees Society. [458] See also _Liber Vitae_ of Durham, Surtees Society. [459] _E. S. R._, I., 53. [460] See _V. C. H., Durham_, I., p. 371. [461] _E. S. R._, II., 60. [462] _Ibid._, p. 65. [463] _Stat. of the Realm_, IV., pt. I., p. 24. [464] _Eng. Schs. at Ref._, p. 91. [465] _E. S. R._, II., 56. [466] _Chant. Certif._ XXI., No. 24, Trans. Bristol and Glouc. Archael. Soc. VI. [467] _Chantry Certif._, No. 36. This chantry was founded by Letters Patent. (Pat. 27, Henry VI., pt. I, m. 27). Further Letters Patent were granted in 1451. (P. C. C. Luffenham, p. 278). The chantry patent does not say anything about the school. See also _E. S. R._, II., 146. [468] Bk. III., Ch. 1. [469] _Paston Letters_, V., 21. [470] _Work and Wages_, p. 165. [471] _Paston Letters_, IV., 237-44; Abram: _Social Life in England_, p. 189. [472] _E. S. R._, II., p. 89. [473] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., pp. 60, 61. [474] _E. S. R._, II., p. 286. [475] _E. S. R._, p. 228. [476] _S. M. E._, p. 177. [477] _E. S. R._, II., p. 123. [478] _E. S. R._, II., p. 297. [479] _E. S. R._, II., p. 201. [480] _E. S. R._, II., p. 160. [481] _E. S. R._, II., p. 302. [482] _E. S. R._, II., p. 89. [483] _E. S. R._, II., p. 100. [484] _E. S. R._, II., p. 297. [485] _E. S. R._, II., p. 39. [486] Cf. Leach, _E. S. R._, I., p. 91. [487] _E. S. R._, I., pp. 91, 92. [488] _E. S. R._, II., p. 31. [489] _E. S. R._, II., p. 317. [490] _E. S. R._, II., p. 34. [491] _E. S. R._, II., p. 78. [492] _E. S. R._, II., p. 317. [493] _E. S. R._, II., p. 47. [494] _E. S. R._, II., p. 15. [495] _E. S. R._, II., p. 152. [496] _E. S. R._, II., p. 258. [497] _E. S. R._, II., p. 320. [498] Wilkins, _Concilia_, III., p. 722; _Ed. Ch._, pp. 444-6. [499] Wilkins, _Concilia_, IV., p. 3. [500] _Statutes of the Realm_, IV., pt. 1, p. 24. [501] Cf. Coulton: _Monastic Schools of the Middle Ages_. Leach: "_Monasteries and Education_" in _Cyclopaedia of Education_. [502] _Gesta Abbatum Mon. S. Albani_, I., p. 72. [503] _V. C. H., Hants._, II., p. 251. [504] _V. C. H., Suffolk_, II., p. 303. [505] _P. R. O._, antiq. H., No. 8. [506] Charter Roll, 2 Henry III., pt. 1, m. 27. [507] _V. C. H., Berks._, II., p. 245. [508] _Rot. Chart._, p. 7. [509] _V. C. H., Derbyshire_, II., p. 209. [510] _V. C. H., Bedfordshire_, II., p. 152. [511] _V. C. H., Lincs._, II., p. 450. [512] _Statutes of the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds_, Harl. MSS. 1005, fol. 95 b. The list of schools in connection with monasteries does not profess to be exhaustive. [513] _V. C. H., Sussex_, p. 413. [514] Exch. K. R. Misc. Bks. (P. R. O.), fol. 21, 168, 178, 180. _V. C. H., Wars_, II., p. 319. [515] See _Somerset and Dorset Notes and Queries_, III., p. 241. [516] _Chant. Certif._, 42, No. 172. [517] Sparrow Simpson, _Registrum Statutorum_, pt. VIII., ch. 6. [518] _Ed. Ch._, p. xxxii. [519] Reg. Whethamstede, (R. S.), II., 315, trans. Gibbs: _Hist. Rec. of St. Albans_. [520] B. M. Landsdowne, MS., 375, see _V. C. H., Herts._, II., p. 315. [521] Surtees Society publication, p. 91. [522] _Op. cit._, V., pp. 302-3. [523] _Hist. Mon. Glouc._, III., p. 290. [524] _Lit. Cantuar_ (R. S. 85), II., p. 464. [525] _B. M. Add. Chart._, 19641, _V. C. H., Berks._, p. 243. [526] _Journal of Educ._, Jan. 1905. _Ed. Ch._, p. 306. [527] _S. M. E._, p. 220. [528] _Ibid._, p. 221. [529] _Ibid._, p. 221. [530] _Early Yorkshire Schools_, I., p. 31. [531] Sharpe: _Hist. and Antiq. Coventry_, p. 154 n. [532] Valor. Eccl. (R. C.), III., p. 51. Among the remaining almonry schools were those of Sherborne Abbey, Thornton, Ixworth, Norwich, Ely, Evesham, Furness, Bristol, Tewkesbury, Winchcombe, and Winchester. [533] _S. M. E._, p. 218. [534] Mon. Schs. in Mid. Ages. _Contemp. Rev._, June 1913. Appendix. As to the number of children in the almonry schools, we may note that there were only three boys at St. Swithun's in 1381-2, five in 1400-1, eight in 1469-70, and none at all in 1484-5. Compotus Rolls ... of St. Swithun's, 204 n. See also Abram: _English Life and Manners_, p. 207. Leach considers that the total number of boys educated in the almonry schools was 1,000. _S. M. E._, p. 230. [535] _Letters and Papers of Henry VIII._, ed. Gairdner, Vol. XII., p. 405. Coulton, Monastic Schools, _Contemp. Rev._, June 1913. [536] _Dugd. Mon._, II., p. 363. [537] _Ibid._, II., p. 457. [538] _Ibid._, IV., p. 69. [539] Coulton, _Mon. Sch._, p. 7. [540] _V. C. H., Beds._, I., p. 356. [541] _Social Life_, p. 216. See also _Early Chanc. Proceed._, 44/227. [542] _Downside Rev._, Vol. X., p. 31, _seq._ [543] _The Old English Bible and other Essays_, p. 227. [544] Surtees Society, 107, ed. Canon Fowler, p. 91. [545] _Hist. Mon. Glouc._, I., 53. [546] _Ibid._ [547] B. M. Cott. Faust., VI. (Durham Priory Register): _Ed. Ch._, p. 290. [548] _Ibid._ [549] Roger Prior's _Reg._, V., 261 b. [550] "Non habeant ludimagistrum." [551] _Visitations of Dioc. of Norwich_ (Camd. Soc.) 1888, ed. Jessop, pp. 137, 221. [552] Brit. Mus. MSS., Arundel, f. 69, _Ed. Ch._, p. 445. [553] _Ibid._ [554] _Worcester College_, by C. H. Daniel and W. R. Barker, p. 3. [555] _Chron. Petroburgense_ (Camd. Soc., 1849), p. 31, _Ed. Ch._, p. 197. [556] Worc. Epis. Reg. Giffard, fol. 206, _Ed. Ch._, p. 199. [557] Worc. Ep. Reg. Giffard, f. 429, _Ed. Ch._, 198. [558] _Some Durham College Rolls_ (Oxon. Hist. Soc., 1896); _Collectanea_, III., 7. [559] Rashdall, _Univ._, II., p. 498. [560] _Ibid._, p. 499. [561] _Ibid._, pp. 478-480. [562] _Hist. Mon. Glouc._ (R. S.), I., 34. [563] _Op. cit._, p. 26. [564] _V. C. H., Glouc._, II., p. 341. [565] _Worcester Coll._, p. 27. [566] B. M. Cott. Faust., VI. (Durham Priory Reg.), _Ed. Ch._, p. 293. [567] Brit. Mus. MS. Harl., 1498. _Ed. Ch._, p. 440. [568] _Ibid._ [569] Rashdall: _Univ._ II., p. 480. [570] _Ibid._ [571] Jessop: _Coming of the Friars_, p. 21. [572] _Ibid._, p. 22. [573] See Denifle: _Constitutiones des Predeger_--Ordene vom Jahre, 1228--in Archiv. fur Litt. und Kirchenges des Mittelalters, 1885, p. 194. [574] Rashdall: _Univ._, vol. I., p. 348. [575] _Cyclopaedia of Educ._, Art. Franciscans. [576] _Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc._, VIII., N. S. May, 1894. [577] Little: _Op. cit._, p. 49. [578] _Acta Selecta Capitulorum Generalium Ord. Praed._, ed. Martene and Durand, IV., pp. 1899-1900. [579] Douais: _Essai sur l'Organisation des Etudes dans l'Ordre des Frères Precheurs en Provence et Toulouse_, p. 53. Little points out that "philosophy is generally equivalent to arts, and is sometimes applied to natural philosophy. So one may take 'naturalium et artium' as interpretative of 'philosophie,'" _op. cit._, p. 50. [580] _Constitutiones antique ordinis Predicatorum_, ed. Denifle, I., p. 202. [581] _Ibid._, I., p. 201. [582] Little: _op. cit._, p. 50. [583] Denifle: _op. cit._, p. 222. [584] Douais: _op. cit._, p. 3. [585] Little: _op. cit._, p. 53. [586] Douais: _Op. cit._, p. 58. [587] Little: _op. cit._, p. 53. [588] _Op. cit._, p. 54. [589] Martene: _op. cit._, IV., p. 1900. [590] _Op. cit._, p. 56. [591] Denifle: _op. cit._, pp. 190-1. [592] _Stat. of the Realm_, IV., pt. 1, p. 24. [593] Bk. I., Ch. 1. [594] Foundation deed, Winchester College in Hist. _Winchester Coll._, p. 66. [595] _Ibid._ [596] _Ibid._ [597] Lyte: _Hist. Univ. Oxford_, p. 97. [598] Rashdall, _Univ._, II., p. 656. [599] _Munimenta Academica_, II., p. 684. [600] _Norwich Corporation Records. Session Book of 12th Hen. VIII._ Norfolk Archaeol., IV., p. 342. [601] _Univ._, II., p. 657. [602] Quoted in Moberly's _Life of William of Wykeham_, p. 108. [603] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., p. 4. [604] Cott. MSS. Titus, c. IX., f. 58; _Ed. Ch._, p. 110. [605] _Grandisson's Register_, II., p. 666. [606] _Durham Cathedral Muniments, Liber Elemosinarii_, fol. 12 r.; _Ed. Ch._, p. 124. [607] _Sarum Church and Diocese_ (R. S.), p. 334. [608] _Stat. Coll. Oxon._, I.; _Ed. Ch._, p. 171. [609] Strictly speaking, Winchester and Eton were examples of the collegiate churches we are describing in the next chapter. In their turn, the collegiate churches of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were chantries on a large scale. [610] _Rot. Parl._, V., 45. [611] _Ibid._ [612] Chancery Warrants, Series I., file 1439: _Ed. Ch._, p. 413. [613] _Ibid._ [614] _Univ._ II., p. 500. [615] _Winchester College_, pp. 88, 89. [616] _Winchester School_, p. 92. [617] _Ibid._ [618] Whiston: _Cathedral Trusts_, p. 12. [619] _S. M. E._, p. 119. [620] _Univ._, II., p. 656. [621] _Forewords_, XXXI.-XXXVI. [622] _S. M. E._, p. 206. [623] _Ibid._, p. 207. [624] Lebeuf: _Histoire de la Ville et tout le Diocese de Paris_, II., pp. 129, 130. [625] Walsingham: _Ypodigma Neustriae_ (R. S.), p. 141. [626] Sarum Ch. and Dioc. (R. S.), p. 334. [627] Or 1263, _Univ._, II., p. 481. [628] _Stat. Coll. Oxford_, I.; _Ed. Ch._, p. 171. [629] _Univ._, II., p. 482. [630] _Univ._, II., p. 485. [631] Wilkins, _Concilia_, I., pp. 3, 55 _seq._ [632] Statutes, cap. 40; _Ed. Ch._, p. 185. [633] Pat. Roll, 9 Edw., I., m. 28; _Ed. Ch._, p. 224. [634] Charter Roll, 13 Edw., I., m. 28; _Ed. Ch._, p. 226. [635] _Ibid._ [636] Ed. Caley, Ellis and Bandinel. [637] Wharton: _Anglia Sacra_, I., p. 740. [638] _Mon._, VI., p. 1473. [639] Brit. Mus. _Cott. MSS. Faustina_, A., VI. f. 104, reprinted in _Early Yorkshire Schools_, Vol. II., pp. 84-86; _Registrum Parvum_, f. 11, reprinted _Yorkshire Schools_, pp. 86-88. [640] _Mon._, VI., p. 1344. [641] _E. S. R._, II., p. 40. [642] _E. S. R._, II., p. 31. [643] _Mon._, VI., p. 1346. [644] _E. S. R._, II., p. 54. [645] _Mon._, VI., p. 1459. [646] _S. M. E._, p. 210. [647] _Reg. Ep. Worcester_, H. Wakefield, p. 72, _Ed. Ch._, pp. 330-334. [648] _Ibid._ [649] _Ibid._ [650] _Ibid._ [651] Pat. 16, Ric. II., p. 1, m. 24. [652] Reg. principale D. Archiep. Cantuar, fol. 124 a, reprinted _Mon._, VI., p. 1391. [653] _Mon._, VI., p. 1393. [654] Duchy of Lanc. Cert. of Colleges, No. 4, Chant. Certif. XX., 43. [655] Reprinted _Mon._, VI., pp. 1394-1395. [656] _S. M. E._, p. 209. [657] _Mon._, VI., p. 1375. [658] _Pat._ 5, Hen. VI., p. m. 19. [659] _S. M. E._, p. 211. [660] _Mon._, VI., p. 1401. [661] _Pat._ 12, Hen. IV., _pars unica_, m. 20. [662] _Pat._, 3, Hen. V., pt. I, m. 6, reprinted Mon., VI., pp. 1404-1411. [663] _Ibid._, p. 1407. [664] _Mon._, VI., p. 1415. [665] MS. in bibl. Cotton, fol. 8, reprinted in _Mon._, VI., pp. 1417-1423. [666] See also _Chant. Certif._, 45, No. 47. [667] _Mon._, VI., p. 1411. [668] Cf. _E. S. R._, II., pp. 153, 154, 155, 280; P. R. O., Aug. Off. Misc. Bks. 147. [669] _Pat._ 10, Hen. V., m. 3, reprinted _Mon._, VI., pp. 1425-6. [670] Cp. _S. M. E._, p. 254. [671] _Mon._, VI., p. 716. [672] Carlisle, _Endowed Gr. Schools_, II., p. 301. [673] _Mon._, VI., p. 1430. [674] _S. M. E._, p. 255. [675] _S. M. E._, p. 256. [676] Probably about 1470. [677] _Rot. Parl._, V., p. 256; reprinted _Yorkshire Schools_, II., pp. 89-91. [678] _E. S. R._, II., p. 298. [679] _Mon._, VI., pp. 1441-1443; _Yorkshire Schools_, II., pp. 101-141. [680] Reprinted _Yorkshire Schools_, II., 109-130, from MS. at Sydney Sussex Coll., Camb. [681] _Ib._, pp. 113, 114. [682] _Ib._, p. 115. [683] _Ib._, p. 116. [684] _Ib._, p. 110. [685] _Ibid._, p. 116. [686] p. 210. [687] _Mon._, VI., p. 766. [688] _S. M. E._, p. 261. [689] Pat., II., Ed. IV., p. 2., m. 15, _Mon._, VI., p. 725. [690] Cf. _S. M. E._, p. 272. [691] Canon Law of 1179 and 1215 did not initiate the custom. [692] See Bk. I., Ch. II. [693] Grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic. [694] Geometry, arithmetic, music, and astronomy. [695] On the general subject, see Abelson, _The Seven Liberal Arts_, Parker, "The Seven Liberal Arts," _Eng. Hist. Rev._, V., pp. 417-461, July 1890; Rashdall, _Univ._, I., pp. 33-37; West, _Alcuin_ pp. 4-27. [696] _E. S. R._, II., p. 56. [697] _E. S. R._, II., p. 117. [698] Bk. II., ch. II. [699] _Polycraticus_, II., 28. [700] Bk. II., ch. X. [701] "Quum primum adolescens admodum, studiorum causa migrassem in Gallias." [702] _Metal._, I., 24. [703] _Illustrations of Medieval Thought_, p. 121. [704] Johannis Saresberiensis, _Opera_, ed. Giles, Vol. V., pp. 79, 80. [705] _Metal._, II., 10; trans. by Poole. [706] _Gesta. Abb. Mon. S. Albani._, I., 72. [707] _Ed. Ch._, p. 116. [708] _Life of Thomas à Beckett_ (R. S.), III., p. 3. [709] _Ibid._, p. 14. [710] For description see Drane: _Christian Schools and Scholars_, pp. 230-2; Foster Watson, _Grammar Schools_, pp. 32-37. [711] _Mem. of Southwell Minster_, p. 205. [712] Taylor: _Medieval Mind_, vol. II., p. 516. [713] Bacon: _Opera Inedita_, ed. Brewer, Rolls Series, p. lix. [714] _Ibid._, p. 59. [715] _Ibid._, p. 398. [716] _Opus Major_, par. 1. [717] See Brewer's ed., p. 322, _seq._ [718] Cf. Taylor, _op. cit._, vol. II., p. 527. [719] _Opus Tertium_, Ch. XXIX., trans. by Taylor. [720] _Opera Inedita_, ed. Brewer, p. lix. [721] _Op. cit._, p. lxii. [722] _Op. cit._, p. lxxv. [723] _Op. cit._, p. lxxv. [724] _Opera Inedita_, ed. Brewer, pp. 58, 59. [725] Anstey: _Munimenta Academica_, I., p. 34. [726] Chaucer: _Canterbury Tales_, ed. Skeat, p. 299. [727] _Ibid._, p. 421. [728] _Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford_, vol. I.; _Ed. Ch._, pp. 349-373. [729] Brit. Mus. Add., MS. 30158, f. 34. [730] _I.e._ the "Apeseyes." [731] Cf. article in _Cyclopaedia of Education_. [732] Carlisle: _Grammar Schools_, I., p. 314. [733] _P. C. C._, 8 Maynwaryng. [734] See Carlisle, _op. cit._, II., pp. 594-598. [735] A copy of this time table is reprinted in Leach: _Educational Charters_, pp. 448-451; see also _Archaelogia_, XXXIV., p. 37, _seq._ Foster Watson gives a full account of the projected statutes for Cardinal College, Ipswich (1528) in _Old Grammar Schools_, pp. 16-18. [736] For an account of the manuals of Stanbridge, see Foster Watson: _English Grammar Schools_, pp. 385-386. [737] _Ibid._, pp. 238-45. [738] Among the records of the chantry schools, six are mentioned as teaching writing; see _E. S. R._, II., pp. 66, 98, 251, 305, 307, 312. [739] _Yorkshire Schools_, II., p. 109. [740] _E. S. R._, II., p. 21. [741] _E. S. R._, II., p. 85. [742] Cutts: _Scenes and Characters in the Middle Ages_, p. 200. [743] Cutts: _op. cit._, p. 205. [744] Johnson: _Canons_, II., p. 421. [745] _Household Book of Henry Algernon, fifth Earl of Northumberland_, Antiq. Repertory, IV., p. 242. [746] _Dialogue of Heresies_, III., c. 12. [747] Dunning: _Political Ideas_, p. 263. [748] _Illustrations of Medieval Thought_, p. 305. [749] _Letters of Grosseteste_ (R. S.), p. 63. [750] _Ibid._, p. 68. [751] _Ibid._, p. 151. [752] 2 Hen. IV., c. 15. _Stat. of the Realm_, II., 127. [753] _Rot. Parl._, III., 584. [754] Johnson: _Laws and Canons_, II., p. 465. Wilkins: _Concilia_, III., p. 317. [755] 2 Hen. V., c. 7. [756] See p. 129. [757] _Rot. Parl._, 12, R. II., c. 5. [758] _Rot. Parl._, 15, Ric. II., 39; quoted de Montmorency, _State Intervention_, p. 27. [759] _Op. cit._, pp. 30-32. [760] See p. 200. [761] _Statutes of the Realm_, 7, Henry IV., c. 17. [762] _Pat._, 24, Henry VI., pt. ii., m. 28. [763] _Rot. Parl._, V., 137. [764] Bk. II., ch. VI. * * * * * Transcriber's note: Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). Inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original text. The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations. Punctuation has been corrected and standardized without note. In the list on page 39 (beginning "10. And we enjoin that no priest receive another�s scholar . . .), the numbers are presented as in the original text. In the original text, footnote 451 appears on page 155 with no corresponding marker. The marker in this text has been added by the transcriber. 
48194	----	Transcriber's note: Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. Page 3: "+JOHN JOSEPH LYNCH"--the + denotes a cross symbol. * * * * * [Illustration: cover] [Illustration: Ryerson statue] RYERSON MEMORIAL VOLUME: PREPARED ON THE OCCASION OF THE UNVEILING OF THE RYERSON STATUE IN THE GROUNDS OF THE EDUCATION DEPARTMENT ON THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY, 1889. BY J. GEORGE HODGINS, M.A., LL.D., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, AND DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION. _TORONTO_: PRINTED BY WARWICK & SONS 68 AND 70 FRONT STREET WEST. 1889. PREFATORY NOTE. I have two reasons to give for the part which I have taken in the preparation of the latter part of this Memorial Volume. The first is mentioned in the following paragraph from the brief _resumé_ of the historical and personal facts given in the volume, and which I read on the day of the unveiling of the statue, as follows:-- "It devolves upon me, as Chairman of the (Ryerson Memorial Statue) Committee, and at the kind request of my colleagues--no less than as the life-long friend and fellow-labourer of him whose deeds and memory we honour to-day--to trace back to their source the origin and underlying principles of our system of education, and to show that these underlying principles and other vital forces were so combined by a master-hand as to form the groundwork, as they have, in their combination, become the charter of our educational system of to-day." The second reason is contained in the following paragraphs--containing a brief record of Dr. Ryerson's thirty-two years in the Public Service, taken from _The Story of My Life_, page 351. "During my connection with the Education Department--from 1844 to 1876--I made five educational tours of inspection and enquiry to educating countries in Europe and the United States. I made an official tour through each county in Upper Canada, once in every five years, to hold a County Convention of municipal councillors, clergy, school trustees, teachers and local superintendents, and thus developed the School system as the result of repeated inquiries in foreign countries, and the freest consultation with my fellow-citizens of all classes, in the several County Conventions, as well as on many other occasions. "During the nearly thirty-two years of my administration of the Education Department, I met with strong opposition at first from individuals--some on personal, others on religious and political grounds; but that opposition was, for most part, partial and evanescent. During these years I had the support of each successive administration of Government, whether of one party or the other, and, at length, the co-operation of all religious persuasions; so that in 1876 I was allowed to retire, with the good-will of all political parties and religious denominations, and without diminution of my public means of subsistence. "I leave to Dr. J. George Hodgins, my devoted friend of over forty years, and my able colleague for over thirty of these years, the duty of filling up the details of our united labours in founding a system of education for my native Province which is spoken of in terms of strong commendation, not only within, but by people outside of the Dominion."[1] [1] It is the purpose of the writer of this Retrospect (in accordance with Dr. Ryerson's oft expressed wish) to prepare another volume, giving, from private letters, memoranda, and various documents, a personal history of the founding and vicissitudes of our educational system from 1844 to 1876 inclusive. My own estimate of Dr. Ryerson's educational life and labours is contained in the following paragraphs, which were written by me in 1883:-- Dr. Ryerson's fame in the future will mainly rest upon the fact that he was a distinguished Canadian Educationist, and the Founder of a great system of Public Education for Upper Canada. What makes this distinguishing excellence in his case the more marked, was the fact that the soil on which he had to labour was unprepared, and the social condition of the country was unpropitious. English ideas of schools for the poor, supported by subscriptions and voluntary offerings, prevailed in Upper Canada; free schools were unknown; the very principle on which they rest--that is, that the ratable property of the country is responsible for the education of the youth of the land--was denounced as communistic and an invasion of the rights of property; while "compulsory education"--the proper and necessary complement of free schools--was equally denounced as of the essence of "Prussian despotism," and an impertinent and unjustifiable interference with "the rights of British subjects." It was a reasonable boast at the time that only systems of popular education, based upon the principle of free schools, were possible in the republican American States, where the wide diffusion of education was regarded as a prime necessity for the stability and success of republican institutions, and, therefore, was fostered with unceasing care. It was the theme on which the popular orator loved to dilate to a people on whose sympathies with the subject he could always confidently reckon. The practical mind of Dr. Ryerson, however, at once saw that the American idea of free schools was the true one. He moreover perceived that by giving his countrymen facilities for freely discussing the question among the ratepayers once a year, they would educate themselves into the idea, without any interference from the State. These facilities were provided in 1850; and for twenty-one years the question of free schools _versus_ rate-bill schools (fees, etc.) was discussed every January in from 3,000 to 5,000 school sections, until free schools became voluntarily the rule, and rate-bill schools the exception. In 1871, by common consent, the free school principle was incorporated into our school system by the Legislature, and has ever since been the universal practice. In the adoption of this principle, and in the successful administration of the Education Department, Dr. Ryerson at length demonstrated that a popular (or, as it had been held in the United States, the democratic) system of public schools was admirably adapted to our monarchical institutions. In point of fact, leading American educationists have often pointed out that the Canadian system of public education was more efficient in all of its details, most practically successful in its results, than was the ordinary American school system in any one of the States of the Union. Thus it is that the fame of Dr. Ryerson as a successful founder of our educational system, rests upon a solid basis. What has been done by him will not be undone; and the ground gone over by him will not require to be traversed again. But I forbear, as I hope to devote a volume to the private and personal history of our educational system. * * * * * The first part of this volume contains an interesting account from the leading daily papers of Toronto of the ceremony of unveiling the great statue to a distinguished native of Ontario and a truly representative man--representative of her enterprize, energy and progress. As such, many of the leading men of the Province assembled on the Queen's Birthday to do honour to his memory. It also contains the addresses in full of those gentlemen who were appointed by their respective institutions, etc., to that duty, and who kindly consented to take part in the ceremonies and proceedings of the day. The second part of the volume contains a statement of the origin, with illustrations, of the underlying principles of our system of education--primary, secondary and university. There has also been added at the end some historical and personal sketches--some of them of a humorous cast--but all illustrative of the early days of education in this Province, and its vicissitudes of light and shade. They admirably serve to bring out in strong relief the present state of efficiency of our system of public instruction, as well as the substantial progress which has been made by it in its various departments since the early educational pioneers of Upper Canada first attempted to give it form and substance, over fifty years ago. The photograph from which the frontispiece is printed was by Mr. J. Bruce, of 118 King street west, Toronto. J. G. H. TORONTO, 24th May, 1889. PERSONAL NOTE. A few days after the ceremony of unveiling the Statue, I received the following very kind note from Rev. Dr. Ryerson's only son:-- 27 CECIL ST., TORONTO, May 28th, 1889. MY DEAR DR. HODGINS,--The 24th of May was indeed a red-letter day to me and to my family; and one I shall never forget. The Statue and Pedestal are beyond anything I expected; and the likeness is excellent. Allow me to thank you very heartily for your eloquent Historical Paper, and the touching references to my dear Father. I know that all you did was a labour of love. But I cannot allow this event to pass without expressing to you our deep gratitude for the time and pains you have taken in successfully carrying out this splendid memorial to my revered Father. Mrs. Ryerson joins me in very kind regards. Believe me, Yours very faithfully, C. EGERTON RYERSON. J. GEORGE HODGINS, Esq., LL.D., Toronto. CONTENTS. PAGE. Title and Prefatory Note iii. CHAPTER I. Preliminary Remarks 1 Appeal for Funds for the Erection of the Statue 3 The Financial Results of the Appeal Made--Particulars of the Statue 5 Programme of Arrangements for Unveiling the Statue 5 Inscription on the Statue Pedestal 6 Record of Rev. Dr. Ryerson's Services 7 CHAPTER II. Report of Ceremony of Unveiling the Statue (from _The Globe_) 8 Address of the Hon. G. W. Ross, Minister of Education 9 The Statue Unveiled by Sir Alexander Campbell, Lieutenant-Governor 11 Report of the unveiling by _The Empire_ and _The Mail_ 13 Comments of the Press on the Unveiling of the Statue 15 CHAPTER III. THE ADDRESSES DELIVERED AT THE UNVEILING OF THE STATUE, VIZ.: 1. By Mr. Robert McQueen, President of the Teachers' Association of Ontario 17 2. By Alderman McMillan, Acting Mayor of Toronto 19 3. By Hon. Senator Macdonald, representing the University of Toronto 20 4. By Rev. Dr. Burwash, representing the University of Victoria College 22 5. By Sandford Fleming, LL.D., C.M.G., representing the University of Queen's College 23 6. By Rev. Professor Clark, M.A., representing the University of Trinity College 24 7. By Professor T. H. Rand, D.C.L., representing McMaster University 25 CHAPTER IV. EDUCATION IN ONTARIO, PAST AND PRESENT--AN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT, BY J. GEORGE HODGINS, M.A., LL.D., VIZ.: Significance of the Event of the Day 27 The Ontario System of Education--Its Influence Abroad 27 Comprehensive Character of the Ontario Educational System 28 Character and System of Education Abroad, and Lessons Therefrom 29 Educational Lessons to be Learned Outside of Ontario 29 Three Educational Periods in the History of Ontario 30 Colonial Chapter in the History of American Education 30 The Nine British Colonial Universities in the Thirteen Colonies 32 The United Empire Loyalist Period in Upper Canada 36 Governor Simcoe's Educational Views in 1795 37 Early Beginnings of Education in Upper Canada, 1785-1805 37 State of Education in Upper Canada, 1795-1799 38 First Official Educational Movements in Upper Canada, 1797, 1798 38 Educational Pioneers in Upper Canada 39 Early Efforts to Establish Common Schools, 1816-1820 40 State of Education in Upper Canada, 1784-1819 41 Fitful Educational Progress from 1822 to 1829 41 State of Education in Upper Canada, 1827-1829 42 Rev. Dr. Strachan's Course of Study in Grammar Schools, 1829 43 Rev. Dr. Strachan's System of School Management 44 Rev. Dr. Strachan's Career as a Teacher 45 Mr. Joseph Hume's Essay on Education, edited by Mr. W. L. MacKenzie 46 Vicissitudes of Education in Upper Canada, 1830-1839 46 Educational Efforts in the House of Assembly, by Mr. M. Burwell, 1831-1836 47 Efforts at Educational Legislation, by Dr. Charles Duncombe, 1831-1836 48 Continued Educational Efforts of Mr. Burwell in the House of Assembly 50 Early Opinions on the Necessity for Manual or Industrial Education in our Schools 51 Later Opinions (on the same subject) 51 Further Educational Efforts in the House of Assembly, 1835, 1836 52 Analysis of Dr. Charles Duncombe's Report on Education, 1836 53 Summary of, and Reflection on, these Educational Efforts from 1830 to 1839 54 Extracts from Official Reports on Education in Upper Canada in 1838 55 Influences by American Teachers and School Books Deprecated 55 Extracts from Report of an Education Commission in 1839 57 Educational Opinions of Prominent Public Men in 1839 58 Separate Educational Forces Shaping Themselves in Upper Canada 59 Noted Educational Leaders--Dr. Strachan and Dr. Ryerson 59 The Educational Efforts of the U. E. Loyalists and the Ruling Party 60 An Educational Glance Backwards 60 Provision for Higher Education in Upper Canada by the Imperial Government 62 Rev. Dr. Strachan as an Educator 62 Rev. Dr. Strachan's Reasons for Establishing a University in Upper Canada 64 Rev. Dr. Strachan, the Founder of Two Universities in Toronto 65 The University of Toronto 66 The University of Victoria College 66 The Queen's College University 69 The University of Trinity College 70 The R. C. University College at Ottawa 70 The Western University, London 70 The McMaster University 71 Upper Canada College--Albert College--Woodstock College--The School of Practical Science, and various colleges and schools, etc. 71 Rev. Dr. Ryerson's advocacy of Popular Rights, 1827-1841 72 Educational Legislation in the United Parliament of 1841 and 1843 72 Origin of the annual grant of $200,000 for Common Schools in 1841 73 Educational efforts of Rev. Dr. Ryerson up to this time 74 First appointment of a Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada, 1842 74 Appointment of Rev. Dr. Ryerson as Superintendent of Education, 1844 75 Rev. Dr. Ryerson's Report on a System of Public Instruction for Upper Canada 75 Chief features of Dr. Ryerson's first report and School Bill, 1846 77 Objections to Dr. Ryerson's School Bill of 1846, answered. 77 First and Second Councils of Public Instruction, 1846 and 1850. 78 Religious Instruction in the Common Schools, 1846. 79 State of Common School Education in Upper Canada, 1845. 80 School Houses and School Teachers in 1845-1850. 81 Combined opposition to the projected system of Education. 82 Educational Proceedings of District Councils in 1847, 1848. 83 Estimate of Lord Elgin's character by Hon. W. H. Draper. 84 Invaluable assistance given to Dr. Ryerson by Lord Elgin. 85 Proceedings of the First Council of Public Instruction. The Normal School. 86 Laying the corner stone of the New Normal School Buildings, 1851. 87 The County Model Schools of 1843-1850. 88 Fundamental Principles of Dr. Ryerson's Scheme of Education. 90 Can Upper Canada Emulate the State of New York in Educational Matters? 90 Establishment of the Educational Depository and its Results. 92 Abstract of Depository Schedule Presented to the Legislature in 1877. 92 Dr. Ryerson a Commissioner on King's College, New Brunswick, in 1854. 93 Chronological Sketch of Dr. Ryerson's Educational Work, 1855, etc. 94 Bishop Fraser's Estimate of the Upper Canada System of Education in 1863. 95 Character of the Important School Legislation of 1871. 97 Review of the School Legislation of 1871. 98 Objections to Improve our School System Answered. 98 Necessity for the Change in the School Law of Ontario in 1871. 100 Hon. Adam Crooks on the School Inspection Legislation of 1871. 101 Inspector Harcourt's opinion of the effect of the School Act of 1871. 101 Inspector McKee, of the County of Simcoe, on the School Act of 1871. 101 CHAPTER V. A SPECIAL CHAPTER ON THE STATE OF EDUCATION IN THE OLDEN TIME IN UPPER CANADA. 103 Hon. J. Sandfield Macdonald's School Days--His Reminiscences of them. 103 Hon. Charles Clarke on Education in the County of Wellington under Dr. Ryerson's Administration. 104 Early School Legislation in 1841, 1843 and 1846. 104 Inferior Qualification of Teachers and Varied Methods of Teaching. 105 Dr. Ryerson's Test of the Intelligence of a School Section. 105 The Character of the School-House, also a Test. 106 School Condition of the County of Wellington in 1847. 106 Great Educational Advance made by the Province of Ontario since 1847. 107 Great Advance also in the Standard of Teaching Ability. 108 Rev. W. H. Landon on the State of Education in Upper Canada in 1847-1849. 109 The Old Log School-House and its Belongings. 110 The Pioneer Teacher and the Trials of "Boarding-Round". 111 The Old School House (Poetry). 113 Mr. Canniff Haight on the Schools Fifty Years Ago. 113 A School Teacher's Personal Experience in 1865. 114 Mr. James Cumming's Reminiscences of Education in Hamilton in 1847-1852. 116 Education in the County of Simcoe, 1852-1872. 117 CHAPTER VI. PERSONAL CHAPTER RELATING TO THE REV. DR. RYERSON 119 His Early Life, as Sketched by Himself 119 Rev. Dr. Ryerson as a Teacher 121 The Rev. Dr. Ryerson and His Native County of Norfolk 122 Closing Official Acts and Utterances of Dr. Ryerson 124 Reasons for Dr. Ryerson's Retirement as Chief Superintendent of Education 125 Dr. Ryerson's Letter of Resignation in 1868 and Reply to it 126 Dr. Ryerson's Letter of Resignation in 1872 and Reply to it 128 A FEW WORDS PERSONAL TO THE WRITER OF THIS RETROSPECT 130 THE RYERSON MEMORIAL VOLUME. PRELIMINARY. The Rev. Dr. Ryerson's death occurred on the 19th of February, 1882. Early in the next month the following circular was issued:-- A preliminary meeting of trustees, inspectors and teachers connected with Public, Separate and High Schools--past and present--will be held in the theatre, or public hall, of the Education Department, on Tuesday afternoon, the 14th instant, at 4.30, to consider the proposal to erect a monument or other tribute of love and esteem to the memory of the late revered founder of the educational system of Ontario. J. GEORGE HODGINS, Toronto, March, 1882. Convener. The following account of the meeting appeared in _The Mail_ newspaper of the 15th March:-- A meeting of those connected with educational matters was held in the theatre of the Normal School yesterday afternoon, to consider the proposal to erect a monument or other token of esteem to the memory of the late Dr. Ryerson. There were present, Drs. Hodgins, Davies, Carlyle, Tassie; Inspectors Hughes, McKinnon, McBrien, Little, Fotheringham; Messrs. James Bain, G. McMurrich, and Crombie, Public School trustees, Toronto; Thomas Kirkland, M.A., Normal School; Mrs. Riches, Misses E. A. Scarlett, M. L. Williams, Boulton and Tomlinson; Messrs. McAllister, Doan, Lewis, Spence, McCausland, Martin, Clarke, Coyne, Parker, Cassidy, Campbell, teachers of Toronto city schools. Dr. Hodgins was appointed chairman, and Mr. James L. Hughes secretary. Letters expressing regret at inability to attend were read from Mr. G. W. Ross, M.P., Inspectors Scarlett, Bigg and Platt, and Mr. W. J. Gage. Also a letter from the Minister of Education, to the effect that every inspector and teacher was at full liberty to take such action as he might think proper in connection with so laudable an object as the erection of a memorial to the late superintendent. Dr. Hodgins related the circumstances which had led to the calling of a meeting, and said that the object was to unite all persons in any way connected with schools in a tribute of affection to the late chief, even the children might contribute a mite. There was some difference of opinion as to whether the tribute should take the form of a monument in the cemetery, or a statue in the Normal School grounds. He mentioned Dr. Ormiston as having taken a very strong interest in the matter. On motion of Mr. McAllister, seconded by Mr. McMurchy, a resolution expressing the approval, by the meeting, of the proposal to erect a memorial was unanimously adopted. Mr. Hughes suggested that a central committee of organization be appointed, and that local associations be formed in every county. Messrs. Fotheringham, McMurchy, George McMurrich, McAllister and Brother Odo, were appointed to nominate the central committee. Their report was presented to the meeting, and adopted with some amendments. In the discussion which took place, the general opinion was that the memorial should take the form of a statue of the late Chief Superintendent, to be erected in the Normal School grounds, Mr. Bain being one of those who strongly urged this view. Mr. Inspector Fotheringham thought that the amount of the contribution should be limited so as to make it general, and suggested one dollar for each teacher and trustee, and ten cents for each child, corporate bodies being left to their own discretion. The chairman having called for suggestions as to the formation of local committees, Mr. Little, Inspector for Halton, thought that the inspector for each county should appoint the teachers and trustees of each school to open a subscription list. Mr. McBrien, Inspector for Ontario County, suggested that the inspectors should send a postcard to every teacher in the county, requesting him to convene a meeting in his section. Mr. McKinnon, Inspector for Peel, was in favor of Mr. Little's plan. There was also considerable discussion as to whether others besides those directly connected with the schools should be asked to contribute. It was urged on the one hand that the tribute would come more fittingly from those more peculiarly interested in education, and on the other that it should be made national in its character, especially as a large majority of the people had been educated, and their characters formed under the school system of which Dr. Ryerson was the founder. These questions were left for future consideration, and, after a vote of thanks to the chairman, the meeting adjourned. * * * * * As the result of that meeting the following circular was issued by the secretary on the 15th March:-- At a preliminary meeting of trustees, inspectors and teachers connected with Public, Separate and High Schools, held in the public hall of the Education Department on the 14th instant, the following gentlemen were appointed members of a central committee to carry out the resolution unanimously agreed to by the meeting, viz.: to collect funds with which to erect a monument or other tribute of love and esteem to the memory of the late revered founder of the educational system of Ontario, viz.:-- Dr. _Hodgins_, chairman; Rev. Principal _Davies_; Principal McCabe; Rev. Dr. Ormiston, of New York; President Wilson and Prof. G. P. Young, Toronto University; Archbishop Lynch; Rev. Provost Body, Trinity College; Rev. Principal _Caven_, Knox College; Rev. President Castle, Toronto Baptist College; Rev. Father Vincent, Superior, St. Michael's College; Rev. President Nelles, Victoria University; Very Rev. Principal Grant, Queen's University; _A. McMurchy_, M.A., President of Ontario Teachers' Association; Very Rev. Dean Grassett, Chairman of Collegiate Institute Board; Edward Galley, Esq., Chairman, Public School Board; Vicar-General Rooney, Chairman, Separate School Board; Dr. McLellan, Inspector, High Schools; Mr. White, Inspector, Separate Schools for Ontario; Rev. Brother Tobias, city Inspector of Separate Schools; J. S. Carson, Esq., Chairman of inspectors' section Ontario Teachers' Association; R. Lewis, Esq., chairman of Public School section; D. C. McHenry, M.A., chairman of High School section; also the Public School Inspectors throughout the Province as _ex officio_ members, (Messrs. _D. Fotheringham_ and _J. R. Miller_). Mr. _James L. Hughes_ was appointed secretary of the committee, and Mr. _Walter S. Lee_, treasurer.[2] [2] James Carlyle, Esq., M.D., Master in the Normal School, was subsequently appointed joint secretary with Mr. Hughes. Both rendered most valuable service in promoting the object in view.--J. G. H. As some gentlemen here named declined, and others ceased to act, the committee was finally reduced to nineteen members, including the chairman, secretaries, treasurer and the new appointments. Only those whose names are printed in italics were members of the committee at the time the statue was unveiled in 1889--seven years after their appointment. The following were the members of the committee at the time of the unveiling, viz.:-- Rev. Principal Caven, D.D., Rev. Dr. Potts, Hon. G. W. Ross, Minister, Rev. H. W. Davies, D.D., Hon. Senator Macdonald, Principal Kirkland, M.A., Rev. W. H. Withrow, D.D., Principal Dickson, M.A., Rev. Hugh Johnston, D.D., Rector McMurchy, M.A., Mr. G. H. Robinson, M.A., ex head master Collegiate Institute; Mr. David Fotheringham, Inspector of North York; Mr. R. Doan, Mr. S. McAllister, public school teacher, Toronto, and Mr. J. R. Miller, ex-inspector. Chairman, J. George Hodgins, LL.D.; joint secretaries, Mr. James L. Hughes and James Carlyle, M.D.; treasurer, Mr. Walter S. Lee. The artist-sculptor was Mr. Hamilton McCarthy, R.C.A., and the contractor for pedestal, Mr. F. B. Gullett, monumental sculptor. APPEAL FOR FUNDS FOR ERECTION OF THE STATUE. At a subsequent meeting of the committee, Rev. Dr. Ormiston and Dr. Hodgins were requested to draw up an appeal soliciting aid for the proposed memorial. Dr. Ormiston did so as follows:-- _Appeal to Trustees, Inspectors, Teachers and Pupils--past and present--connected with Public, Separate[3] and High Schools, and to the other friends of Education in the Province of Ontario; from the General Committee appointed at Toronto on the 14th March, 1882, for the collection of funds with which to erect a Monument, or other Tribute of Esteem and Admiration to the memory of the late Rev. Dr. Ryerson, founder of the Educational System of Ontario:_ [3] Having asked Archbishop Lynch to commend this and subsequent appeals to the teachers of the Separate Schools, he replied as follows:-- "ST. MICHAEL'S PALACE, Toronto, December 12, 1882. "MY DEAR DR. HODGINS,--I do not like to assume a prominent part in writing to the teachers of the Separate Schools outside of my own diocese, or to set an example which I fear would be criticized. However, I send you my subscription ($10) towards the erection of the statue to the late lamented Dr. Ryerson. "I am, yours very sincerely, "+JOHN JOSEPH LYNCH, "Archbishop of Toronto. "J. GEORGE HODGINS, ESQ., LL.D., Chairman, etc." (The Very Reverend Vicar-General Rooney also sent $10, as his subscription to the fund). I also wrote to the Rev. Father Stafford, of Lindsay, on the subject. In his reply, dated March 9th, 1882, he said:-- "You ask my opinion as to whether the erection of a monument to the late Dr. Ryerson will receive support from the Separate Schools? "Not much from Separate Schools as such, nor much from Separate School supporters. The recollection of the old controversy with the bishops of our Church, is still fresh in the memories of many. "I think some of the Separate School teachers will subscribe--perhaps many of them. "Personally, I must give my mite. I always found Dr. Ryerson, as you are aware, very kind with me, and very attentive to any suggestions I had to offer, and very just in all his dealings with me. "I admired his ability and his love and enthusiasm for his work. No one knows better than you my admiration for that man. My idea is that the monument ought to be something very respectable--say, got up something like the one to Grattan, or Moore, or Burke, near Trinity College, Dublin; and it ought to be erected in the Normal School grounds. "I wished to send a word of sympathy to Dr. Ryerson's family, but I did not know where to address them. Will you kindly say a word for me to the proper person? "Yours faithfully, "M. STAFFORD, Pr. "DR. HODGINS, "Toronto." "Although still young our Province has already been called to mourn the removal of not a few of her gifted sons, who have severally adorned the different walks of public life. In weight of character, wealth of manhood, and width of human sympathy, the late Chief Superintendent of Education, stood amongst the foremost and mightiest of them all. Egerton Ryerson was a man of rare diversity of gifts, of remarkable energy, and of abundant mental resources. It would have been easy for him to have excelled in any one sphere of human greatness, but it was his to stand high in several. He was a many-sided man; richly endowed in various ways. He was a laborious farmer--a zealous student--a successful teacher--an eminent preacher--a prominent ecclesiastic--an influential editor--a forcible writer--a sagacious counsellor--a most efficient principal and professor--but he was chiefly noted as a great public educationist. For a third of a century he was the head and inspiring genius of our school system, establishing, moulding, adapting, controlling it; and this, the main work of his life, will endure and command in the future, as it has in the past, the admiration of all, both at home and abroad. During all these years he was the teacher's true friend, and the ardent well-wisher of the young. His sympathies--tender and true--as helpful as they were healthy, went out to every earnest worker, whether in acquiring or imparting knowledge. The enquiring left his presence directed; the downcast, cheered; the doubtful, confirmed. Unselfish, generous, disinterested, he devoted himself wholly to his work. How often did his lip quiver and his eye fill when he addressed the gatherings of teachers and pupils, upon whom he looked not only with the eye of a patriot, but of a parent,--"Ye are my children all." We can never forget him; we profoundly mourn our loss; we fondly cherish his memory. Affection, gratitude, a sense of what is due to so eminent a man, impel us to perpetuate that memory in some suitable way, which will render such a noble life an inspiring example to young men now and in the coming days. In obedience then, to one of the purest and loftiest instincts of our nature, let us unite in paying a common tribute of admiration and regard to the memory of him to whom we all sustained a common relationship, and to whom we also, without distinction as to nationality, political preferences, or religious belief, can pay sincere homage, as the founder of our present excellent and comprehensive system of education. In honoring him we do honor to our common country, and recognize our obligation to pay fitting homage to the great men of our Dominion, whose names, with his, are inscribed high upon the roll of Canada's famous sons." At intervals, during the years 1882-1886, circulars were issued by the committee to inspectors, trustees and masters of High, Public and Separate Schools, urging the collection of the necessary funds to erect the proposed memorial. In order to aid in this work, 7,500 copies of a biographical sketch of Dr. Ryerson and his educational work, prepared by the chairman, was sent to the inspectors for distribution. The chairman also made the following suggestions to inspectors (with a view to facilitate the collections from pupils), which was generally acted upon, viz.:-- "Permit me to suggest a simple way of securing a response from each school: You might request the teacher to give notice that, on the following week, he would devote _five minutes_ at noon of each day to taking down a list of contributions (from a cent upwards) to the fund. "In this way the pupils--and everyone in the locality, through the children--would have an opportunity of contributing his or her mite to the erection of a statue to one of Canada's most honored sons." The final circular issued by the committee was as follows:-- The appeal on behalf of the Ryerson Memorial Fund has been responded to by about two-thirds of the public, and less than one-third of the High-Schools in Ontario. The sum thus received amounts to $4,425.00, including accrued interest on the moneys received and invested. The 7,520 masters and teachers now employed in the Public and High Schools of Ontario, have not yet been appealed to, as a body, to contribute to this most desirable and patriotic object, although many of them have sent in their subscriptions. The General Committee have, therefore, decided to make this appeal to them through the various teachers' associations. The committee trust, therefore, that the individual masters and teachers concerned (if they have not already done so) will heartily and promptly respond to this appeal. The words with which Dr. Ormiston closes his appeal on behalf of this fund we would heartily commend to your sympathy and kind consideration. We do so with the earnest hope that you will give them a substantial and practical application. Dr. Ormiston says:-- "In obedience then, to one of the purest and loftiest instincts of our nature, let us unite in paying a common tribute of admiration and regard to the memory of him to whom we all sustained a common relationship, and to whom we also, without distinction as to nationality, political preferences, or religious belief, can pay sincere homage, as the founder of our present excellent and comprehensive system of education. "In honouring him we do honour our common country, and recognize our obligation to pay fitting homage to the great men of our Dominion, whose names, with his, are inscribed high upon the roll of Canada's famous sons." The Rev. T. Bowman Stephenson, L.L.D., delegate from the British to the General Conference of the Methodist Church in Canada, in his recent address to that Conference, said, referring to the late Rev. Dr. Ryerson:-- That gentleman "visited us in England twice. Old man as he then was, he seemed younger than most of us. I take him to have been one of those rare men who are never young and never old--old in wisdom whilst young in years--young in heart and feeling when already the snow is on the head. Eloquent, logical, far sighted, generous, independent, courageous, with an unhesitating faith in duty, and a boundless love of freedom and justice, he 'served his generation.'--O how well the inspired words describe him--by the will of God, 'he fell on sleep.'" THE FINANCIAL RESULTS OF THE APPEALS MADE--PARTICULARS OF THE STATUE. The following is the financial result of the labours of the committee up to the date of its final meeting on the 1st of June, 1889, viz.:-- Subscriptions received $4,647 95 Legislative grant 2,000 00 City of Toronto grant 500 00 Interest on deposits 1,119 14 --------- $8,267 09 Cost of bronze statue $5,100 00 Coat of granite pedestal 2,600 00 Fees and incidentals 381 09 --------- $8,081 09 --------- $186 00 To be expended on the Memorial Volume 186 00 ------- Height of bronze figure 9 feet 6 inches. Height of granite pedestal 10 feet 6 inches. The granite of the pedestal is from a quarry at St. George, in New Brunswick--a Province which was the first early home of Dr. Ryerson's father and mother, after the close of the American Revolutionary War. Dr. Ryerson's mother was a native of New Brunswick as were his elder brothers and sisters. PROGRAMME OF ARRANGEMENTS FOR UNVEILING THE STATUE. The following was the programme of arrangements agreed to by the Committee to be observed on the Queen's Birthday, 1889, at the ceremony of unveiling of the statue of the Rev. Egerton Ryerson, D.D., LL.D., founder of the school system of Ontario, 1844-1876, ceremony to commence at two o'clock p.m.:-- _Chairman for the Day._--The Hon. George W. Ross, LL.D., Minister of Education for Ontario. _Dedicatory Hymn._--("All People that on Earth do Dwell," Old Hundred) to be announced by the Rev. John Burton, B.D. _Selection of Scripture._--To be read by the Rev. John Potts, D.D., Secretary of Education of the Methodist General Conference. _Dedicatory Prayer._--By the Rev. G. M. Milligan, B.A., Minister of Old St. Andrew's Church, Toronto. _Opening Address._--By the Hon. George W. Ross, LL.D., Chairman of the Day. _Unveiling of the Statue._--By the Hon. Sir Alexander Campbell, K.C.M.G., Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario. _Patriotic School Song by the City School Children._--"Hurrah, Hurrah, for Canada!" to be led by Mr. Perrin, Music Teacher, City Schools. _Historical Paper on Education in Ontario._--The abstract only was read by J. George Hodgins, M.A., LL.D., Deputy Minister of Education for Ontario. _Address on behalf of the Ontario Teachers' Association._--By Mr. McQueen, President of the Association, 1889. _Address on behalf of the Citizens of Toronto._--By His Worship the Mayor, E. F. Clarke, Esq., M.P.P. (Mr. Clarke having gone to England, the address was read by Alderman McMillan, President of the City Council, and Acting Mayor _pro tem_). _Patriotic Song by the City School Children._--"The Maple Leaf for Ever!" _Address on behalf of the University of Toronto._--By the Hon. John Macdonald, Senator. _Address on behalf of Victoria University._--By the Rev. N. Burwash, S.T.D., Chancellor of Victoria University. _Address on behalf of Queen's University._--By Sandford Fleming, Esq., LL.D., C.M.G., Chancellor of Queen's University. _Address on behalf of Trinity University._--By the Rev. Professor William Clark, M.A. _Address on behalf of McMaster University._--By T. H. Rand, Esq., D.C.L. _The National Anthem. Benediction._--Pronounced by the Right Rev. Arthur Sweatman, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Toronto. _Representatives present._--The Mayor and Corporation of the City of Toronto, Chairman and members of the High School and Collegiate Institute Board of Toronto, Chairman and members of the Public School Board of Toronto. Upper Canada College, Hon. John Beverley Robinson; Knox College, Rev. William McLaren, D.D.; Wycliffe College, Colonel Gzowski, A.D.C.; McMaster Divinity Hall, Rev. Chancellor McVicar, D.D. LL. D.; Brantford Ladies' College, T. M. Macintyre, Esq., Ph. D.; Alma Ladies' College, Colin Macdougall, Esq., Q.C.[4]; Oshawa Ladies' College, Rev. A. B. Demill. [4] In a kind note received from Mr. Macdougall, dated St. Thomas, May 29th, 1889, he said:--"The ceremonies of unveiling were everything that could be looked for, and were well carried out. The speaking was good and quite sufficient of it.... It must be to you and to your family a gratifying reflection that you will be remembered in history as having largely contributed by personal exertion towards the erection of a monument to the memory of one of Canada's greatest sons." The following replies from other Colleges were received by the Secretaries, viz.:-- "ASSUMPTION COLLEGE, SANDWICH, March 12, 1889. "DEAR SIR,--I beg to return thanks for your invitation to the unveiling of the Statue to the late Doctor Ryerson. "I do not think it will be possible for any representative of this College to be present on that occasion. "I remain, dear Sir, yours respectfully, "(Sgd) DENNIS O'CONNOR. "J. CARLYLE, Esq., Secretary." "ST. MICHAEL'S COLLEGE, TORONTO, 15th March, 1889. "DEAR SIR,--I received in due time your letter inviting me to the unveiling of the Statue to the late Dr. Ryerson on the 24th of May next. Your invitation I must respectfully decline, and thanking you for it. "I remain yours very sincerely, "(Sgd) P. VINCENT. "JAMES CARLYLE, Esq., Secretary." "COLLEGE OF OTTAWA, March 21, 1889. "DEAR SIR,--I am in receipt at your circular, dated March 12th, with which you kindly favored me. Please accept my best thanks for your cordial invitation to send a representative of our College to the unveiling of the Statue of the late Dr. Ryerson. I am greatly sorry to state that it will be hardly possible to anybody of us to go on the 24th of May. Please excuse us and believe me. "Yours sincerely, "(Sgd.) J. M. FEAYARD, O.M.J. "Mr. J. CARLYLE, Secretary." No replies were received from the other Colleges in Ontario to which invitations had been sent by the Secretaries. The following representatives were also present: Ontario Teachers' Association, Public School Section, Mr. Robert Alexander; Inspectors' Section, Mr. David Fotheringham; High School Section, Mr. Archibald McMurchy, M.A. Inscription on the pedestal of the bronze statue of Rev. Dr. Ryerson, as approved by the General Committee, November, 1887, to be placed on the front of the pedestal, facing Bond Street:-- EGERTON RYERSON, FOUNDER of the SCHOOL SYSTEM OF ONTARIO. To be placed on the rear of the pedestal:-- BORN IN CHARLOTTEVILLE, COUNTY OF NORFOLK, ONTARIO, MARCH 24, 1803. DIED AT TORONTO, FEBRUARY 19, 1882. Record of Rev. Dr. Ryerson's services, as approved by the General Committee, November, 1887, and intended to have been engraved on the Pedestal. It was afterwards decided not to do so, but to insert the name only, as founder of the Ontario School System.[5] [5] Having submitted the draft of this inscription to several of Dr. Ryerson's clerical friends, I received the following in reply:-- From the Rev. Dr. Douglass, Montreal:-- "Thanks for your very kind favor. The name of Dr. Ryerson will be forever sacred in my heart's best affection. I have read the proposed inscription with very much care and interest. I think it is comprehensive in its scope, and accurate and elegant in detail. I really can offer no suggestion. I congratulate you upon the completeness with which you have executed your talk. With best wishes, ever and truly yours, G. D." From the Rev. J. A. Williams, D.D., Toronto:-- "I very much approve of the proposed inscription for the memorial to the late lamented Dr. Ryerson. It recognizes his worth and distinguished ability, as a writer, as an educationist, and as a patriot. It is a fitting tribute from one who knew him well and so long. With much and sincere respect, I am, yours very truly, J. A. W." From the Rev. John Potts, D.D., Toronto:-- "No pen but yours should write the inscription for Dr. Ryerson's monument. What you enclose is an elegant and eloquent tribute to our dear departed father. The committee will accept the inscription with thanks. Ever yours, J. P." From the late Rev. Dr. Nelles, Cobourg (whom the committee wished to be consulted on the matter). He said: "The inscription, in its present form, pleases me best of all, and is well nigh perfect, doing 'credit to your head and heart,' as the phrase is. "I am sure we shall get the thing perfect before we leave it. And the old Doctor deserves that two such loving sons should bestow their best efforts in such a matter. "The 'final revise' [subsequently sent] may, I think, now be accepted. It will bear criticism.... You have in you an illimitable power of improvement, and this last is still better than any other. Affectionately yours, S. S. N." From the Rev. Alexander Sutherland, D.D., Toronto:-- "I have read the draft of the proposed inscription for the Ryerson Statue with great care and a great deal of interest. It covers the whole ground, and contains nothing that could well be omitted. The extracts from the 'Letter of Acceptance' and 'Official Circular' give it a completeness which leaves nothing to be desired. Yours faithfully, A. S." From the Rev. Ephraim B. Harper, D.D., Brampton:-- "I have read over and over again with all possible attention and care your proposed inscription for Dr. Ryerson's Memorial, and candidly allow that I could not propose the change of a word, or even of a letter in it. I prepared something similar, twenty-three years ago, for a gravestone for the late Rev. Dr. Stinson, and know well the difficulty of compressing important facts within the limits permissible for an inscription. It could not have fallen into better hands, when it fell to your lot to write it. As ever, dear doctor, yours affectionately, E. B. H." From Rev. W. H. Withrow, D.D., Toronto:-- "I think the inscription admirable. Yours, W. H. D." THIS STATUE IS ERECTED AS A MEMORIAL OF THE GREAT PUBLIC SERVICES OF THE REV. EGERTON RYERSON, D.D., LL.D, SON OF COLONEL JOSEPH RYERSON, A BRITISH OFFICER WHO SERVED DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, AND WHO WAS ONE OF THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS WHO SETTLED IN THIS PROVINCE. * * * * * A DISTINGUISHED MINISTER OF THE METHODIST CHURCH, 1825-1852. HE OBTAINED FOR THAT CHURCH A ROYAL CHARTER IN ENGLAND FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF UPPER CANADA ACADEMY AT COBOURG, 1828-1841. AFTERWARDS THE UNIVERSITY OF VICTORIA COLLEGE, OF WHICH HE WAS THE FIRST PRESIDENT. * * * * * IN FOUNDING THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF HIS NATIVE PROVINCE, AND IN PROMOTING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF FREE SCHOOLS, HE DISPLAYED THE RARE GIFTS OF A FAR-SEEING AND ENLIGHTENED STATESMAN, AND FOR THIRTY-TWO YEARS WAS THE ABLE ADMINISTRATOR OF THAT SYSTEM, 1844-1876. * * * * * ERECTED BY CONTRIBUTIONS FROM SCHOOL TRUSTEES INSPECTORS, TEACHERS, PUPILS AND OTHERS; AIDED BY A GRANT FROM THE CITY OF TORONTO AND THE LEGISLATURE OF ONTARIO. CHAPTER II. CEREMONY OF UNVEILING THE STATUE, 24TH MAY, 1889. The ceremony of unveiling of the Statue is thus described by _The Globe_ of May the 25th (abridged):-- The number of truly great men is not large in any country. Ontario is not old yet in its physical and intellectual development, and yet it is with pride her people recall the memory of a few great men who are now with the overwhelming majority. Among the greatest of Canadian public men was Rev. Dr. Egerton Ryerson, the founder of the Ontario Public School system of education. Posterity recognizes this, and posterity seeks to perpetuate his memory in that loving manner which bespeaks gratitude, thankfulness and patriotism. The generation that now is speaks affectionately and reverently of him, who, by sheer force of character, founded a system of education which places the child of the poor man on an equal equality with that of the rich, and who so admirably developed his system that every office in the State is open through a complete system of elementary and secondary education to all classes in the Province. But this generation has done more. It erected a monument to the great man, so that generations yet unborn may not be unmindful of the heritage which shall be theirs, as the result of the untiring zeal and ability displayed by the Chief Superintendent of Education in Ontario for the moral and intellectual advancement of his country. The unveiling of this monument, fittingly erected in a commanding position of the Normal School grounds, which were the scene of the labors of the grand teacher, took place yesterday afternoon before a large concourse of people. There were there statesmen and politicians, presidents of universities and eminent divines, men learned in the law and merchant princes, manufacturers and agriculturists, teachers and pupils--all being assembled to do honor to the name of him whose monument was unveiled and whose virtues were extolled. The gathering was truly historical and unique in its character--there being seen representatives of the old class of teachers who presided over the school, houses of the country when there was no system of education in Ontario, and who, therefore, could the more appreciate the revolution wrought by the master mind of Dr. Ryerson, when he undertook to mould into shape the heterogeneous elements of public instruction over forty years ago. Then, again, it is seldom in the history of a nation that all classes, creeds and colors could be got together to do honor to the memory of one man, and seldom could there be seen such an array of intellectual leaders in all the walks of life as held seats on the platform when Her Majesty's representative unveiled the form of him whose memory is sought by it to be perpetuated. The sky itself seemed to favor the auspicious occasion. The weather could not have been finer if it had been designed to gladden and rejoice the hearts of those who were present, and thereby to assist in making the proceedings pass off as pleasantly as possible. A temporary platform was erected nearly in front of the monument commanding an admirable view of it, while seats were placed on both sides of the centre of attraction. (Among those present not mentioned in the programme were: Ex-Governor Aikens, of Manitoba, Sir Daniel Wilson, Hon. Oliver Mowat, Rev. Dr. Scadding, Rev. Dr. Rose, Judge McDougall, Rev. Leroy Hooker, Thomas Hodgins, Q.C., Mr. F. E. Hodgins, Rev. Dr. Parker, Rev. Dr. D. G. Sutherland, Mr. Wm. Houston, Lt.-Col. Allan, Rev. John Hunt, Mr. D. Rose, Dr. H. H. Wright, Professor Ashley, Mr. J. J. Withrow, O. A. Howland, Mr. A. Marling, James Beatty, Q.C., Rev. Dr. Thomas, Mr. J. E. Bryant, Mr. F. B. Hodgins, and Members of the City Corporation, etc. A very large number of ladies were also present, and many unenumerated old friends of the venerable ex-Chief.) The proceedings were opened by Rev. John Burton giving out Psalm 100, which was sung by the audience. Rev. John Potts, D.D., read a portion of Scripture, and the dedicatory prayer was offered by Rev. G. M. Milligan. THE HON. G. W. ROSS' ADDRESS. Hon. G. W. Ross, Minister of Education, spoke as follows:-- We are assembled to-day to do honor to the founder of the school system of the Province of Ontario. On the 18th of October, 1844, the Rev. Egerton Ryerson received a commission from Sir Charles Metcalfe as Superintendent of what was then called the Common Schools of Upper Canada. At the time he entered upon his duties there were in existence 2,885 Common Schools, with a registered attendance of 96,756 children of school age. The entire revenue from all sources for school purposes amounted to $340,000. When he retired in 1876 there were 5,092 schools, with a registered attendance of 489,664 pupils, and a revenue of $3,373,035. Besides the Common Schools in existence there were 25 Grammar Schools attended by 958 pupils, and maintained at an expense of $16,320 annually. At the close of his long career there were 104 High Schools attended by 8,541 pupils, and maintained at an annual expense of $304,948. The accommodation for the pupils attending the Common Schools was supplied by 2,887 school houses, of which 213 were brick or stone, 1,008 frame and 1,666 log. The teachers numbered 3,086, and were possessed of such varied qualifications as might be expected when I tell you that they obtained their certificates in most cases from the Boards of Trustees which employed them. When he surrendered his commission there were 4,926 school-houses, of which 1,931 were brick or stone, 2,253 frame, and only 742 log, all in charge of a staff of highly educated and accomplished teachers, numbering 6,185. The school law in existence at the time of Dr. Ryerson's appointment to office consisted of 71 sections, and was as crude in many respects as the education which was obtained under it. There were practically no authorized text-books, no Boards of Examiners, no Inspectors, no Department of Education. It was an era of primitive simplicity, but an era, nevertheless, the possibilities of which no man could estimate, the development of which no man could foresee. "The deep surge of nations yet to be" had struck our shores. Thousands of sturdy pioneers were at work hewing down our forests and wrestling with such social and political problems as are incident to a primitive order of things. The materials out of which to organize society on a higher plane were abundant though undeveloped. It was a great opportunity for a man possessed of a genius for organization. In the appointment of Dr. Ryerson the opportunity and the man met face to face, and the splendid system of education which we to-day enjoy is the best proof that the man was as great, if not greater, than the opportunity. But, while the opportunity was a great one, it must not be forgotten that the difficulties to be overcome, to a less vigorous and courageous man, would have been overwhelming. The executive machinery for administering the affairs of several thousand distinct corporations, with all the complex details necessarily connected with electing trustees, collecting rates, appointing teachers, framing a curriculum of studies, regulating the discipline of pupils and supplying text-books, had all to be re-cast, if not invented, and put into operation. Cabinet Ministers, Members of Parliament and Municipal Councils had to be indoctrinated with the new education. The press had to be directed, and the whole people educated to receive with favor a school system which ignored well established theories and deeply founded prejudices. Even popular indignation had to be set at defiance, and amid misrepresentation and calumny the master builder had often to do his work and to await the verdict of posterity for the vindication of his wisdom and foresight. It is well known, when Dr. Ryerson first proposed to make all the Common Schools of Upper Canada free alike to rich and poor, to citizen and alien, that he was charged with encroaching upon the rights of the subject, that he was charged with appropriating the money of the taxpayer who perhaps had no children to be educated for the benefit of the thriftless and pauperised classes of the community. What was his answer? It was this:--"The education of the people irrespective of rank or race or creed is a better investment even for the taxpayer than houses or lands, because it guarantees the safe possession of all his goods--it does even more--it guarantees his personal liberty and therefore the taxpayer must be made to pay for the common safety of the people." When he asked authority for trustees to erect school houses wherever, in their opinion, the public interests required them, he was told such a law would be arbitrary and harsh, that it would place too much power in the hands of a few men. His answer was: "School houses are cheaper than gaols, teachers are cheaper than police officers, the taxpayer must be made to pay for the common morality of the people." When he said: "Teachers must be educated and trained for their work, the success of thousands of children depend upon skilful handling and discipline in the school room, we must have Grammar Schools and Normal School and Township libraries and Boards of Examiners," he was told that the country could not afford such luxuries, that he must wait till the people were richer. His answer was: "Efficiency is the highest economy. If the springtime of life is wasted, life's greatest opportunities are wasted. The taxpayer must be made to pay for the common intelligence of the people." As a result of all this courage--may I not call it heroism--in the defence of sound principles of education he placed his native Province in the van of all the States of America and all the Colonies of the British Empire. Well may we to-day assemble to do honor to his memory. Not only Ontario, but Canada, owes much to his breadth of mind, his sagacity and his tremendous force of character. For thirty-two years his active brain and busy pen were devoted to the work of propagating sounder views on popular education. For thirty-two years he labored to establish the democracy of mind--the common citizenship of every child attending a Public School. With a patriotism which no man ever questioned, with talents which no man could fail to appreciate, with a tenacity of purpose which no difficulty could daunt, he devoted his life to one purpose, the establishment of a school system which would fully meet the wants of a free, strong and progressive people. (Applause). It is said of Augustus that he found Rome brick and left it marble. It may be said of Dr. Ryerson that he found our school system without any definite organisation, he left it highly organized. He found it weak in influence and poor in circumstances, he left it endowed with houses and lands and millions of treasure. He found it tolerated as traditionally respectable, he left it enthroned in the affections of a free people. Well may we honor his greatness, for we share in all it has produced. Well may we search our quarries for a fit emblem of the durability of his work, on which to carve his name, that generations yet unborn may recall the record of his life and be stirred to emulate his example. And yet when we have done all this, when we have committed his memory to the keeping of the bronze and granite now before us, I believe the judgment of those who know his work will be that all the monuments which mortal hands can erect, and all the eulogies which affection or admiration can prompt his contemporaries to utter, will be ephemeral and perishable compared with the educational edifice which his own hands builded or the intellectual life which of his own genius he imparted to his fellow countrymen. THE STATUE UNVEILED BY SIR ALEXANDER CAMPBELL. At the close of his address Mr. Ross invited the Governor to unveil the statue. Before doing so the Governor, turning to the audience, said in feeling terms:-- "Dr. Ryerson was known throughout the length and breadth of this Province. No Representative of Her Majesty has had ever as pleading a duty given to him to discharge as that which falls to my lot in unveiling the monument of that great man." Sir Alexander, accompanied by the Minister and Deputy Minister of Education, proceeded then to the statue, and the work of unveiling was only the question of a few moments. As soon as the British Canadian flag, which covered the massive form of the statue, was raised, the audience raised a cheer which is rarely heard within the Normal School grounds, It was the reflex of the inner gratitude of the sharers in a great heritage. The sculptor, Mr. McCarthy, who did his work well, was then introduced to the Lieutenant-Governor by the Minister of Education. The statue having been exposed to full view the song "Hurrah for Canada" was sung by city school children, led by Mr. Perrin, music teacher, city schools. The children acquitted themselves admirably. EDUCATIONAL RETROSPECT BY THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION. It was fitting that the next speaker should be a gentleman so long and so closely connected with Dr. Ryerson in moulding the educational institutions of the Province. The Chairman therefore introduced Dr. Hodgins, Deputy Minister of Education, who read a masterly and comprehensive historical paper on Education in Ontario. Dr. Hodgins traced the growth of education in the Province from 1841, dealing minutely and with a thorough knowledge of details with the difficulties encountered by Dr. Ryerson in gaining public endorsation for his scheme of popular education, and the phases through which the system passed until at the Centennial Exhibition, held in Philadelphia in 1876, the Chief Superintendent of Education was gratified by the Commissioners making the following award:-- For a quite complete and admirably arranged exhibition, illustrating the Ontario system of education and its excellent results. Also for the efficiency of an administration, which has gained for the Ontario department a most honorable distinction among Government educational agencies. Dr. Hodgins concluded as follows:--Having been intimately concerned in all of the events and educational matters to which I have referred, it may not be out of place for me to add a few words of a personal character in conclusion. At the end of this year I shall have completed my more than 45 years' service, as chief of the staff of the Education Department of Ontario. For over 40 years I enjoyed the personal friendship of the distinguished man whose memory we honor here to-day--32 years of which were passed in active and pleasant service under him. How can I, therefore, regard without emotion the events of to-day? They bring vividly to my recollection many memorable incidents and interesting events of our educational past known only to myself. They also deeply impress me with the fleeting and transitory nature of all things human. The chief and sixteen councillors, appointed and elected to assist him, have all passed away. His great work remains, however, and his invaluable services to the country we all gratefully recall to-day, while his native land lovingly acknowledges those services in erecting this noble monument to his memory. Truly indeed and faithfully did Egerton Ryerson make good his promise to the people of this Province, when he solemnly pledged himself, on accepting office in 1844-- To provide for my native country a system of education, and facilities for intellectual improvement, not second to those of any country in the world. God grant that the seed sown and the foundations thus laid, with such anxious toil and care--and yet in faith--may prove to be one of our richest heritages, so that in the future, wisdom and knowledge, in the highest and truest sense, may be the stability of our times! THE TEACHERS' REPRESENTATIVE. The audience was then introduced to Mr. R. McQueen, President of the Ontario Teachers' Association, who eulogised Dr. Ryerson for his marked individuality, tenacity of purpose, and the grand results he achieved through his influence for popular education in his native country. He deserved a monument from a thankful posterity because his whole aim in life was to ameliorate the condition of his fellow-countrymen. He was there in behalf of the teachers of Ontario to express their joy at the tribute paid to the memory of a great teacher and founder of a system of education. THE ACTING-MAYOR RESPONDS. In the absence of Mayor Clarke, Ald. McMillan was called on to reply in behalf of the citizens of Toronto. The Acting-Mayor said that Canada owes Dr. Ryerson a deep debt of gratitude. His life was grand and versatile; he was a teacher and a Christian; a combination of the scholar and gentleman; a leader of men. He impressed his genius on the educational institutions of the Province, he was loyal to the country of his birth, and he abhorred falsehood and oppression. Therefore it was eminently fitting that his greatness and worth should be commemorated by a public tribute. The school children at this stage sang the well-known Canadian song: "The Maple Leaf for Ever." THE UNIVERSITIES OF ONTARIO. The Universities of Ontario owe much to the painstaking care of the late Dr. Ryerson over the development of Public and High School education. The efficiency of the University and its possible influence depend on a sound and thorough system of elementary education. The High School depends on the Public School and the University on the High School. Our Universities have made tremendous strides during the last ten years, and without a doubt the cause of this has been due to the fact of the elementary schools putting forth the fruit of the good seed sowed thirty years ago. The Universities therefore were not unmindful of what they owe to the genius of Dr. Ryerson at yesterday's re-union. These five institutions were well and ably represented on the platform. The addresses of these representatives were one series of eulogies on the life and labors of him, whose memory they met to do honor to. Senator Macdonald, after praising the Ontario system of education, turned to the young people of the audience and said: "You are forcibly reminded to-day that Canada will cherish the memory of all those of her sons who will work patriotically and nobly for the good of their country." Rev. Dr. Burwash spoke of Dr. Ryerson as a public educator, but he would be great, the speaker said, in any other profession. Ontario, however, remembers him as an educator, statesman, philanthropist and Christian teacher in the highest sense of the word. Chancellor Fleming honored the name of Dr. Ryerson for having laid such a broad and national system of education as enables Ontario to rank among the first of enlightened nations. Rev. Professor Clark thought that the spirit of Dr. Ryerson was to provide such a system of education as would make men of earnestness, character and patriotic ardor. The University with which he was identified honored the name of Dr. Ryerson, and he was there to add his tribute to the worth of so great a Canadian. Professor Rand, eulogised also the elementary and secondary system of education in Ontario, declaring that its founder richly deserved to be commemorated by a public monument.[6] [6] These addresses are given in full, commencing on page 17. The audience then sang the national anthem. Bishop Sweatman pronounced the benediction, and the statue of the great educationist was left to posterity to admire and to preserve intact and inviolate. The report of _The Empire_ necessarily traversed the same ground. I can therefore only give the salient points in addition to those referred to by the _Globe_, it said:-- The great educational lights of the Province were present in front of the Education Department building yesterday afternoon, when the statue of the Rev. Dr. Ryerson was unveiled. The day was appropriate for doing honor to the memory of a man who had so ably served his Queen and country. A large crowd of citizens witnessed the unveiling and listened to the addresses that were delivered. The following relatives of Dr. Ryerson were present: Mr. Charles Egerton Ryerson, (his only son), Mrs. C. E. Ryerson and their two sons, (Egerton and Stanley), Mrs. Edward Harris, (his only daughter), Dr. G. S. Ryerson (his nephew) was absent with the Grenadiers at Berlin, Mrs. G. S. Ryerson and son were present; also, Mrs. Hardy (his niece) and her daughter, Miss Ethel Hardy, Dr. John Beatty, of Cobourg, and Mr. James R. Armstrong, (brothers-in-law), Mrs. J. R. Armstrong, Mrs. George Duggan, (sister-in-law), His Honor Judge McDougall, (a connection by marriage)." The main points of _The Mail_ report were as follows:-- It would perhaps be too much to say that, while the gay and thoughtless were seeking amusements in other parts of the city, it was only the wise who repaired to the grounds of the Education Department to take part in the unveiling of the Statue of the late Egerton Ryerson; yet it cannot but be admitted that those who assembled to witness and assist in this ceremony were men and women worthy to have the privilege of publicly honoring the memory of Canada's greatest educationist. Among those present were men who have attained to eminence in every department of public life, and it was but right that they should pay the tribute they did to the memory of him who was the founder and for many years the head of the greatest of all departments. There were men present who for years were associated with Dr. Ryerson in his great work; men whose characters were to a great extent moulded by his example, and men whose ambitions have been wakened and whose purposes have been inspired by the contemplation of his achievements. Early in the afternoon the crowd begin to gather around the statue, the front part of which was veiled by a large British flag, the folds of which hung almost to the foot of the pedestal. In front of the statue, under the shade of a couple of the maples that help to make the grounds of the Education Department and Normal School so attractive, a platform had been erected for the use of those who were to take part in the ceremony, and around it were placed a number of seats. At the close of his address (given on pages 9-11), Hon. Mr. Ross invited Sir Alexander Campbell to unveil the statue. Before proceeding with the ceremony Sir Alexander advanced to the front of the platform and briefly expressed himself as feeling highly honored by being called upon to perform such a task as the one that on this occasion had devolved upon him. He thought no pleasanter duty could fall to the lot of a Lieutenant-Governor of any province than that of assisting in honoring one of the province's noblest men. He then stepped down, and taking hold of the cords that kept the flag in place, drew them aside and the drapery fell to the ground. As the sunlight flashed on the exquisitely chiselled features, and the form so well known to many of those present stood out for the first time as it will stand, it is hoped, for many years to come, a prolonged cheer burst from those who had up to this moment watched Sir Alexander's movements with almost breathless interest. After a pause of a few moments, during which the naturalness and finish of the statue was freely commented on, Hon. Mr. Ross called forward Mr. Hamilton McCarthy, the sculptor, and amid great applause introduced him to Sir Alexander, who spoke in flattering terms of the pleasure he felt in meeting a man who had shown himself capable of producing so excellent a work of art. The bronze statue, nine feet six inches in height, represents the late Dr. Ryerson in the attitude of addressing an audience in the cause of education. The head is turned a little to the right, with the lips slightly parted, and with the massive brow and flowing locks, give a correct and forcible expression, in harmony with the action of the advanced arm and firm position of the right leg. The proportions of the figure are well kept through the ample folds of the Doctor's gown, which in their various lines, lend richness and interest to the work, and take away the stiffness of the modern costume. The left hand is raised nearly to the breast, and in it is grasped a book. A little to the left and rear of the figure stands a short pedestal bearing three books, carelessly laid one upon another; and on one of the panels of the pedestal is the arms of the Department of Education under Dr. Ryerson's _regime_. Dignity of bearing, repose and action, and distinct force of character, eminent qualities in the personality of the late doctor, mark the expression of the figure; and it is evident that no pains have been spared by the artist in the modelling of the details.[7] Mr. Hamilton McCarthy has also been very successful in the design of the pedestal, which has excited general admiration. It is 10 ft. 6 in. in height, and is of New Brunswick granite. The conception is unique in character. Pilasters at the four angles terminate in buttresses to the ground, and support above beautifully designed capitols with dentils on the face. The pyramidal form of the whole work gives it an effect of rising out of the ground. The finely polished panels of the die, in each of which a classic shield is outlined, contain the inscriptions. [7] In a note from Sir John Macdonald, he said:-- "Many thanks for your note, and for the photographic model of our dear old friend, Dr. Ryerson. The apparent frown on the brow is perhaps too pronounced, [the expression was modified after receipt of this note]. The pose seems to me very good." Rev. J. K. Smith, D.D., of Galt, in a note to me also said:-- "Please except my sincere thanks for the excellent photo of the lamented Dr. Ryerson which is an admirable likeness. It is I suppose, as nearly perfect in every respect as a statue could be. I am persuaded that the statue will be a splendid one, and I rejoice that his great name is thus to be handed down to successive generations of our Canadian youth as a sacred memory and a powerful stimulus." Mr. McCarthy can be congratulated upon the success of his work, and the province can be congratulated upon the possession of so noble an addition to the few works of art now in the country. Mr. Gullett, the contractor for the erection of the pedestal also performed his duties carefully and faithfully, as not the slightest hitch occurred, and no damage was sustained by the granite. COMMENTS OF THE PRESS ON THE UNVEILING OF THE STATUE. The _Evangelical Churchman_ of May the 9th, anticipating the unveiling of Dr. Ryerson's statue, said:-- "On the 24th of this month, the Queen's Birthday, Ontario will do honor to one of her most distinguished sons. On that day will be unveiled the statue to the memory of Egerton Ryerson, the founder of the school system of his native province. The ceremony will be unique in many ways, not the least interesting fact in connection therewith being that the statue of Dr. Ryerson will be the first one erected by the Province of Ontario to one of its own sons. Dr Ryerson was a thorough Canadian and was born in Ontario. Thus this signal honor to his memory acquires additional lustre, and does much to redeem Ontario from the reproach an often uttered that a prophet is not without honor save in his own country. It reveals, indeed, another fact which, in a new country, is not without a peculiar significance. It is this, that national life is commencing in earnest, and that national characteristics are developing themselves. A country which can step aside, as it were, in the rush and hurry of existence to do honor to one of its sons, is not without aspirations after a national existence, is not wholly given up to considerations of material interest, and possesses within it something that is full of promise of permanence and true greatness." The Hamilton _Times_ of the 25th of May, under the beading of "The Memory of a Great Canadian," said:-- "The unveiling of the Ryerson statue in the Normal School grounds, at Toronto, yesterday, was the occasion of recalling the achievements of the late Dr. Ryerson in connection with Ontario's educational system. From 1844 until 1876 Rev. Egerton Ryerson was Chief Superintendent of Education in this Province.... But Dr. Ryerson's services to Canada did not begin in 1844. He was a great man before he touched the educational System. He was born in the County of Norfolk in 1803, and when he was about 20 years of age he was studying in Hamilton in a little house on Jackson Street, not far from the place where the new Y.M.C.A. building is in the course of construction.... In 1826 Archdeacon Strachan preached a sermon on the death of Bishop Mountain. The Methodists at that time were the most numerous religious body in upper Canada but Dr. Strachan set forth the claim of the Church of England to the Clergy Reserves.... Mr. Ryerson was junior preacher under the late Rev. James Richardson, who had his arm shot off while in naval service near Sackett's Harbour during the war.... When Dr. Strachan's sermon was published, it was agreed that Mr. Richardson and Mr. Ryerson should each write a reply to it. They separated, each going to a different part of their large circuit, and when they met a few weeks later young Ryerson had prepared his paper, but Mr. Richardson had nothing ready. It was read before the other preachers and published. The battle had now begun, and it did not end until the Clergy Reserves were secularised in 1854. During nearly all that time Mr. Ryerson was a leading character in Canadian public life. He wrote, he spoke, he worked, appearing before Parliamentary committees, interviewing the statesmen of Great Britain and occasionally taking his stand upon the hustings.... Dr. Ryerson was born in 1803 and became Superintendent of Education in 1844. He was only 42 years of age at the time of his appointment, yet he had performed a greater share of work, and had attained a greater degree of prominence in those forty-two years than most public men can boast of as the achievements of a lifetime. How many men in this latter end of the century get into the thick of the fight and make their influence felt while under 40 years of age? The point we wish to impress is this: Had Egerton Ryerson died in 1844, instead of becoming Superintendent of Education and living until 1882, his history would still have been worth writing, and he would have deserved a monument For the services he performed for his native Province. His long connection with educational affairs to a great extent blotted out the memory of his earlier work and struggles in another connection. He had much to do with founding Victoria College and getting that institution fairly established.... The impression remains with us to this day that if Dr. Ryerson had been a lawyer he would have made all other Canadian lawyers look small; if he had gone into politics he would have been perpetual Premier: in short, he was the ablest native Canadian who has so far helped to make history. The _Christian Guardian_ of the 29th May, said:-- The unveiling of the statue of the late D. Egerton Ryerson, last Friday, in the Normal School grounds in this city, recalls the memory of a worthy and honored Canadian, widely known as a successful journalist, a gifted and learned divine, and an eminent educationist. It will hardly be questioned that the principle of perpetuating the memory of benefactors of a country is a laudable one, or that the individual in this case was worthy of this honor. No one who has travelled in Britain or other European countries, has failed to have his attention arrested by statues, or other memorials, of eminent men whom the county delighted to honor. It is well adapted to inspire the young with high purpose to note that however partisan strife may obscure the patriotic services of public men during active life, when the work of life is over, as a general rule, men of all parties cheerfully recognize the value of the service rendered by those who have faithfully labored for the public good. Owing to the intensity of political feeling in Canada, there is a strong tendency to underestimate the work of our statesmen and politicians, until they have gone where human praise or blame cannot affect them. Though Dr. Ryerson passed through many fierce controversies, and at times came into conflict with hostile opponents, to-day men of all creeds and parties are ready to give him his due meed of praise as one of the greatest of Canada's sons, who achieved a work in organizing and building up a system of public education that shall tell powerfully for good through all coming time. He founded no cities; he led no armies to victory; he had no special influence on the material prosperity of the land; but in organizing a system of public schools, which placed the elements of a sound education within the reach of every boy and girl in this Province, he has exercised an undying influence over the future intellectual life of the country, that shall largely determine its place in the scale of civilization. It is not only since his death that the strife of tongues has ceased, and the value of his work has been generally acknowledged. For several years before his death the echoes of old battles had become silent; old strifes were healed; and he lived in a peaceful Beulah land awaiting the Master's call to cross the dark river. In the beginning of 1879 at the request of the editor of the _Guardian_, he wrote an article for the Jubilee number of this paper, of which he was the first editor. After giving an interesting account of the origin and growth of the paper, he concluded by saying; "May the success of the past be as a dim dawn to the success of the future! Such is the prayer and hope of the first editor of the _Guardian_--now retired from all office in Church and State, near the fifty-fifth year of his ministry and the seventy-seventh year of his age--_looking_ for a better country and _waiting_ for a heavenly home." The _Presbyterian Review_ of the 30th May, said:-- The various speakers dwelt upon the immense service which the late Dr. Ryerson rendered to the country in laying broad and deep the foundations of our educational system, and testified their satisfaction that gratitude and veneration had found expression in the noble work of art before them, which would perpetuate his name to many generations of students and scholars.... Dr. Hodgins and the other gentlemen associated with him on the Ryerson Statue Committee are to be heartily congratulated on the result of their well-directed efforts and well-sustained efforts to assist in perpetuating the memory of a native-born Canadian who, notwithstanding some errors of judgment, proved himself worthy to be held in grateful remembrance by his countrymen. _The Week_ of the 31st May, said:-- That was a grand purpose to which Rev. Egerton Ryerson pledged himself on accepting office as the first Superintendent of Education for Ontario in 1844, "To provide for my native country a system of education, and facilities for intellectual improvement, not second to those of any country in the world." The form and loftiness of the promise marked the courage, individuality and conscious strength of the man who made it. The statue in the Toronto Normal School grounds, which was unveiled with appropriate ceremonies on the 24th inst., will henceforth stand as the testimony of the people of Ontario, especially of its teachers and others interested in educational work, to the faithfulness and ability with which the pledge was redeemed through thirty-two years of indefatigable toil and struggle. The artistically wrought monument in bronze will also serve as a fitting reminder to all who visit the Educational Department that the people of Ontario do not mean to let those who faithfully served their country in its earlier days be forgotten. A monument "more enduring than bronze" stands out to view wherever a free public school is efficiently doing its work in training the young of both sexes and of all classes to become intelligent and patriotic citizens of this growing commonwealth. Whether it be literally true or not that Dr. Ryerson "placed his native Province in the van of all the States of America and all the colonies of the British Empire," as the Minister of Education avouches, his plan was certainly comprehensive and statesmanlike, and was followed out with a courage, perseverance and success, for which the Province must ever remain his debtor. The Toronto correspondent of the _Montreal Witness_, under date of 31st of May, says:-- One of the noblest public tributes ever paid to the memory of any man in Canada was paid the other day to the memory of the late Rev. Egerton Ryerson. From the time of his death, early in 1882, till now, the work of collecting subscriptions for the erection of a statue has gone steadily on. The amounts contributed were individually small, but the contributors were numerous, and now in front of the Departmental Buildings, in St. James' Square, stands a memorial of him which will fairly convey to future generations some idea of what the man himself was in personal appearance. The massiveness and rugged strength are there, and there were, after all, the most marked traits of Dr. Ryerson's personality, though he was by no means lacking in sympathy and intellectual ability.... The addresses were admirable alike for brevity and good taste, and nothing occurred to mar the success of the ceremony. The _Educational Journal_ of June 1st, said:-- The statue of the late Dr. Ryerson, which has been so long in course of preparation, has been set up on the Normal School grounds, and was unveiled, with appropriate ceremonies, on the 24th ult. The ceremony of unveiling was performed by Sir Alexander Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor, who said that he thought no pleasanter duty could fall to the lot of any Lieutenant-Governor than that of assisting in honoring one of the Province's noblest men. The status is of bronze, nine feet six inches in height, and stands upon a pedestal of New Brunswick granite, ten feet six inches high. It represents Dr. Ryerson in the attitude of addressing an audience in the cause of education. The head is turned a little to the right, with the lips slightly parted, and with the massive brow and flowing locks, gives a correct and forcible expression, in harmony with the action of the advanced arm and firm position of the right leg. The proportions of the figure are very well kept through the ample folds of the doctor's gown, which in their various lines, lend richness and interest to the work, and take away the stiffness of the modern costume. The left hand is raised nearly to the breast, and in it is grasped a book. A little to the left and rear of the figure stands a short pedestal bearing three books, carelessly laid one upon another; and on one of the panels of the pedestal is the arms of the Department of Education. Dignity of bearing, repose and action, and distinct force of character, eminent qualities in the personality of the late doctor, mark the expression of the figure; and it is evident that no pains have been spared by the artist, Mr. Hamilton McCarthy, in the modelling of the details of both statue and pedestal. The statue stands in a commanding position in the Normal School grounds. It will add a new object of interest to the many attractions which these grounds present to teachers and others visiting the Department. The _Irish Canadian_ of the 6th of June, under the heading of "A Graceful Tribute," said:-- On the 24th of May (the Queen's Birthday), was unveiled the statue erected in the Normal School grounds to the memory of the Rev. Egerton Ryerson, the founder of the common school system of education in Ontario, and its Superintendent from its inception in 1844 till 1876, when he retired in the fullness of years, and after his labors had been crowned with signal success. The Catholics of this Province, in the matter of education, have nothing for which they should be thankful to the distinguished divine.... For all that, Dr. Ryerson was a man of great and good parts; and, from a Common School point of view, he has left a noble heritage in a system of education that will bear favorable comparison with the best of any land. It was the occasion of the unveiling of his statue that his co-laborer in the Education Department--Dr. J. George Hodgins--paid the memory of Dr. Ryerson a graceful tribute. Who so capable for so delicate a task as he who had been Dr. Ryerson's right-hand man, his able support, during his long and varied career in the Education office? And happily has the story of the ups and downs of the Common School system been told by the learned Deputy Minister, to whose ripe judgment, in no small degree, was due the system's unmeasured success. The part that Dr. Hodgins played, however, is kept in the background; and we see only what Dr. Ryerson done during his lengthened incumbency, and the difficulties with which he had to contend in maturing his plans and bringing them as nearly as possible to his own ideal of perfection. Dr. Hodgins' retrospect goes back to the period of the U. E. Loyalists, and thence downward to 1876. It leads us by degrees from the primitive system in vogue prior to the grammar schools (in one of which the late venerable Bishop Strachan taught as master), through a series of changes aiming at higher education, till we arrive at the year in which the foundations of the present system were laid. The corner-stone having been placed, the superstructure rose in fair proportions; and the edifice having been completed, to furnish it with all the adjuncts necessary to the best educational training was the Superintendent's constant care. How Dr. Ryerson finally overcame every obstacle to his darling object is told with tender affection by Dr. Hodgins, who, in laying a chaplet on the grave of his dead chief, does honor not only to the memory of a good man, but also to his own generous instincts. The _Canada Educational Monthly_ for June-July, said:-- The Rev. Dr. Ryerson has long been widely known as a gifted and learned divine, as well as a successful journalist, who took a prominent part in the religious and moral development of our country in its early days, ... but the fitting memorial which was unveiled on Her Majesty's seventieth birthday, is erected to him chiefly as a worthy Canadian and an eminent educationist.... The life work of this able man has now passed into other hands; in itself it forms a whole superstructure, and if the enlightened principles which he laid down and acted upon are carried out in their integrity, they must exercise an undying influence for good upon the intellectual life of the country, upon its gradual advance in the scale of civilization and refinement, and upon its moral and religious life. The ceremony of unveiling the statue brought together many true, patriotic and representative men. Some of his personal friends and fellow-workers were there, and others who remembered him with affection and gratitude. The Government, the city, the public and secondary schools, the colleges and universities were all represented, and all united in honoring the memory of the founder of the Ontario school system. CHAPTER III. THE ADDRESSES DELIVERED AT THE UNVEILING.[8] [8] The Historical Paper--an abstract of which was read by Dr. Hodgins, will be found on page 26. THE TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION OF ONTARIO. Mr. Robert McQueen, President of the Ontario Teachers' association, spoke as follows:-- _Your Honor_, _Mr. Chairman_, _Ladies and Gentlemen_: We are gathered here to-day to do honor to the memory of one to whom this country owes a debt of deep and lasting gratitude; and should I fail entirely to give expression to any thought worthy of the man or the occasion, I feel certain that all will be overlooked, when I simply utter the two words "Egerton Ryerson." He was a man of marked individuality of character, of energetic action, of great power of will, and tenacity of purpose. His life-work bears the marks of his individuality and energy, the results he achieved are evidences of his power of will and his tenacity of purpose. And, in view of the results which he achieved, it is a meet and a becoming thing, that, as a people, we should meet and do honor to his memory, as we have gathered here this day to do. Men, even great men, only act permanently, as they act upon the institutions of their country. The greatness that centres in the individual is dependent upon and contingent on the existence of the individual, and the influence exercised by him as it centres in him, dies with him, passes away when he leaves the scene. But the man who leaves his impress on the institutions of his country, exercises an influence that is permanent in its action, pervasive in its power, and, within the range of these institutions, is universal in its beneficence. Every amelioration of these institutions is an abiding good, shared in by all who come within their sphere of operation. It becomes the common heritage of all. Such was the impress made, such still is the influence exercised by the individual to whose memory and life-work we have met this day to do honor. His connection with, his charge over, and his influence upon the educational institutions of this country, reaching backward nearly half a century from the present time, and lasting over a period of nearly thirty years, was that of a formative and meliorating kind. From the time of his acceptance of office in 1844, down to the period when he resigned his trust, his energies were directed, his powers brought to bear on organizing, modelling and consolidating the school system of this province. Let us for a few moments trace briefly the history of that system for the last fifty years. The Education Bill of 1837 may be said to have been the first legislative attempt at organization. This bill provided for the annual expenditure of fifteen thousand pounds for common school purposes, and that as soon as the permanently available Public School Fund of this Province amounted to ten thousand pounds per annum, a superintendent of common schools should be appointed by the Governor under the Seal of the Province, whose duty it should be to report annually to the Legislature on all matters pertaining to the administration of the public schools. The union of the Provinces brought the Act of 1841, introduced by the Hon. Mr. Day. This Act was simplified and improved by the Bill of 1843, introduced by the Hon. F. Hincks. By the provisions of that Act the Secretary of the Province was _ex-officio_ Chief Superintendent of Schools. In 1844 that office was tendered to the late Dr. Ryerson, and in the autumn of that year it was accepted by him on two conditions: (1st), that the administration of the school system should constitute a separate and distinct non-political department; (2nd), that he should be permitted to act by a deputy for one year and have leave of absence for that period, in order to enable him to visit and examine the educational systems of other countries, in Europe and America, before attempting to lay the foundations of a system in Upper Canada. The whole of 1845 was spent in these inquiries and investigations. The results were embodied in a report to the Legislature in 1846. Along with this report was a Draft School Bill, which was introduced and carried through by the Hon. W. Draper, and became law in June, 1846. In a few mouths a draft bill for cities and incorporated towns was submitted and carried through by the Hon. J. H. Cameron, and became law in June, 1847; these two Acts, with modifications and improvements, suggested by time and experience, were incorporated in the School Bill of 1850, which was introduced by the Hon. F. Hincks, and was the first Act to which the Earl of Elgin gave the Royal Assent after the removal of the Seat of Government to Upper Canada. The provision of this bill embodied the basis of our present system. It introduced the principle of free schools, leaving the adoption of that principle to the option of each school section. Subsequent changes and modifications were embodied in the Act of 1870, which abolished the office of township superintendent, introduced the county inspectorate, and made free schools compulsory. This Act may be said to be the last touch of the "Master Hand." In order to apprehend the true nature and extent of that impress which he made, of that influence which he exercised and exerted, we have only to look around, to look on that noble structure, whose foundations he was permitted and honored to lay, and whose superstructure he was so largely enabled to rear. Our school system is his true memorial. I have already said that it is a meet and a becoming thing for a nation to honor the memory of its public benefactors. The nation that ceases to cherish and manifest a grateful remembrance of those who have devoted their energies to the promotion of its welfare and spent their lives in its service, gives evidence of deterioration and decay, gives evidence that it is on the down grade of national existence. To-day we have gathered here to give expression to our gratitude in tangible form, by the erection in this public place, of this costly and enduring memorial of the individual and his life-work, that by its very presence it may speak to all who behold of the grateful sense of benefits received, cherished by the people of this Province. Yet there is another way in which we may manifest our gratitude, viz., by seeking to conserve, to consolidate, to ameliorate, our school system, which has thus come down to us from the moulding hand of the departed; and not only seeking to preserve what has thus been handed down to us, so far as the school system itself is concerned, but to seek to make it practically effective in its operation, so that all who live under its shadow, may share to the full of the blessings and privileges which it is fitted to confer and intended to bestow. Our sense of gratitude will thus assume a practical and beneficent form. That the management of our school system has fallen into, and now is in good and wise hands, we all feel confident. That its success depends largely on the energy, the zeal and the faithfulness of those who are entrusted with the education of the youth of this Province, our high and public school teachers, together with the co-operation of the people at large, of all classes and of all creeds, all will be prepared to admit. In one word: It is only by the united and concerted action of all three, the executive skill, the zeal and energy of the teachers, and the popular sympathy and support that we can hope to secure the full benefit of our school system on the one hand; and on the other, show ourselves worthy of the heritage that has been handed down to us by those who have gone before us. ADDRESS OF THE ACTING MAYOR. Alderman McMillan, President of the City Council and Acting Mayor of Toronto, in the absence of Mayor E. F. Clarke, M.P.P., in England, spoke as follows:-- I regret very much that His Worship the Mayor is not with us to-day to represent the citizens of Toronto on this interesting occasion. It is his loss, however, and I fear it will be your loss also, that it has fallen to my lot to act as his substitute and to speak on his behalf and on behalf of the citizens of Toronto. Knowing my own unfitness for the task, I have hesitated; feeling my own inability, I have shrunk from the duty imposed on me. Deeply conscious as I am of the fact that it requires more eloquence than I possess to do justice to the occasion, or to speak in fitting terms of the great work of the eminent divine and educationist to whose memory this statue has been erected. No more appropriate place could have been selected for its erection than here on the grounds of the department which is the creation of his genius, and in front of a building which stands a monument to the energy of its founder. He will be but a poor student of the history of his country who has not yet learned from its pages the deep debt of gratitude which every Canadian owes to the man whose memory is held in most affectionate rememberance by all classes of the community. He will be a poor judge of mental power or moral worth who has not yet learned to prize the grandeur of his life-work or the versatility of the attainments of the man who was not only a deep thinker and a notable teacher but an earnest and a humble Christian--a happy combination of the scholar and the gentleman. During a long and eventful career, and at a crucial period in our country's history the active part he played in public affairs has left on the institutions of our province the impress of his vigorous intellect. Prompted by pure motives, and guided by sound judgment, he gave evidences of an uncommon genius, which he devoted to the service of his country and the best interests of the people, and thus he became a leader among men. In the school system of this province he built for himself a more lasting monument than the granite and bronze we now raise to his memory. With fluent speech and ready pen he has oft been the defender of our most sacred rights and cherished privileges. A lover of truth, he abhorred falsehood. A lover of freedom, he hated oppression; and the cause of truth and of freedom found in him an able and willing champion. A staunch defender of British connection, he yet manfully battled for equal rights and privileges to all classes of the people. He loved the land of his birth with no ordinary affection and, during a long and busy life, he helped to mould her destiny and shape her course--guiding her feeble and often erratic steps, leading her into the paths of truth and righteousness which, we are assured, most surely exalteth the nation. In the pages of Canadian history the "Story of his Life" and labors will ever be instructive reading. In the chronicles of the Methodist Church of Canada (the church of his choice) his name will always stand pre-eminently conspicuous as one of her ablest scholars and one of her most eminent divines--an earnest preacher and a devoted missionary. Filled with a fervent love for his Lord and Master, he labored earnestly in His vineyard seeking souls for His hire. I am proud of the privilege I enjoy of being here on behalf of the citizens of this great city--pleased to be able to bear testimony to the high appreciation we have of his services and the strong affection we bear to the memory of the Rev. Egerton Ryerson. I am also pleased to have this opportunity of being allowed to tender my own humble tribute of respect to the memory of him who was both a statesman and a scholar, a patriot and a Christian. REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO. The Honourable Senator John Macdonald, speaking on behalf of the University of Toronto, said:-- I wish first to express my regret--a regret I have no doubt in which you share--that some one better fitted than myself had not been selected to represent the University of Toronto upon this important occassion. My embarrassment is lessened however, and possibly your disappointment, in view of the handsome tribute paid to the memory of the great man by the Minister of Education in his admirable address, by the presentation of the historic paper by the Deputy Minister, and last, though not least, by the speech of Alderman McMillan on behalf of the city of Toronto. Patriotism is that passion which aims to serve one's country, either in defending it from invasion or protecting its rights and maintaining its laws and institutions in vigour and purity. If then we accord, as we ought to do, a place among the patriots of our country to those who readily respond to its call in the hour of danger, to those who bring their wisdom and judgment to bear in the making of laws for its good and healthful government, to those, also, who as diplomats in the carrying on of delicate and subtle international negotiations do so in such a way as not only to maintain their country's honor but to make their country respected, what place shall we assign to him who devoted his life to the best interests of the young of his own province in order that they might be fitted rightly to take their part in life, to do this all the better by reason of that educational system of which he was the moving spirit and which it was his to found? What place I ask, if it be not the very first place in the front rank of that distinguished class. Egerton Ryerson may fairly be regarded as the founder of the school system of his own province and as a consequence must, throughout all time, occupy a foremost place in the history of his country. His was a life spent not in the promotion of his personal ends. Indeed it may be affirmed that his devotion to his life-work so absorbed his time, his thoughts and his energies as to have disqualified him for making that suitable provision for the close of life for which his great abilities so eminently fitted him. It would scarcely be fair to claim for him all the honour of perfecting the school system of Ontario, scarcely fair to say that to him exclusively belongs the results seen to-day which give to the school system of Ontario so prominent a place among the school systems of other countries. A measure of the praise is doubtless due to the able staff of workers by which he was supported. His was the directing mind; 'twas theirs to carry out his plans. It would not be fair to ascribe to the architect all the credit for the grace, symmetry and safety of the most magnificent public buildings. True, he it was who planned the foundations, made them deep and broad, as that they might be safe and enduring. True, he it was who gave grace and beauty to the elevation, as that it might not only answer its purpose, but that it might be at the same time "a thing of beauty;" but how easily might not only the safety of the building be imperilled but its beauty marred by careless and by ignorant treatment; but skilful treatment has produced the needed strength, and has secured the grace of outline, and the building is perfect and harmonious in all its parts. What the architect is to the building that was Egerton Ryerson to our school system. His it was to lay the foundation upon which a structure which might be at once the pride and the glory of our Province could be erected; his it was to lay these deep and broad and enduring. How wisely and how well he did his work. How well his efforts have been supplemented by the able band of workers who were associated with him the splendid school system of our Province to-day abundantly testifies. It is fitting, therefore, that his statue should be placed on these grounds, so that the coming generations may be made familiar with the general appearance of the man who has done so much for the educational interests of his country. But it is not here, faithful as the bronze may speak of the man, that his most fitting and most enduring monument must be found. The group of happy faced children which throng our sidewalks wending their way each morning to our schools, the pupils of our Model Schools, our High Schools, the under-graduates of our Universities, and these seen not only in their school period, but in their subsequent career taking their place in our country as its legislators, its professional men, its merchants, mechanics, farmers, its matrons, taking their places in life, and taking them all the better for their own good and that of their country for the training, sound, thorough and scholarly, which they have received in the schools, colleges and universities of their own country, helping them to make their homes homes of comfort, elegance and refinement. Here must be found the true and abiding monument of the man; here the enduring fruit of his life-work, more imperishable also than either brass or marble. Statistics have been freely given, and these need not be repeated. Not often does it fall to the lot of one man to leave behind him such a record as that left by Dr. Ryerson in his life-work of thirty-three years. To see the old-log school house, with its imperfect appliances, supplanted by the palatial school buildings with their perfect equipment of our own day. To see the work done by our High Schools, our Colleges and Universities, which challenges not the attention only, but the admiration of other countries, that is an honour, even with the capabilities which exist in a young country like ours, reserved but for few, and yet among that number he stands out promptly whose statue has this day been unveiled by His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor. Any words of mine are poor and weak indeed in dealing with a matter so full of interest, not to the people of Ontario only but to the people of Canada, but full of interest to my own mind, as it must be to the mind of others, is the estimate placed upon Dr. Ryerson's work by many eminent men, all well qualified to judge from an educationalist standpoint. Dr. Hodgins has spoken of the late Dr. Fraser, Bishop of Manchester. Few men were so well able to form an opinion upon any educational system. Himself a great scholar, an Oriel man, an enthusiast on all matters connected with the educational system of his own country, appointed by the Royal Commission as an assistant commissioner to visit and report upon the educational system of the United States and Canada, thus speaks of our school system and of Dr. Ryerson. After referring to the system says: "It shows what can be accomplished by the energy, determination and devotion of a single earnest man. Through evil report and good report, he has found others to support him in the resolution that free education shall be placed within the reach of every Canadian parent for every Canadian child." Egerton Ryerson has deserved well of his country. His best days and his best energies were given to the upbuilding of its grandest institution. Well should his country guard and cherish his memory, so that the young who are here assembled to-day may learn this lesson, that he who devotes his life for his country's good, his country will hold his memory not in fragrant only, but in perpetual remembrance. REPRESENTATIVE OF VICTORIA UNIVERSITY, COBOURG. The Rev. N. Burwash, S.T.D., President and Chancellor of Victoria University, spoke as follows: _Ladies and Gentlemen_: It is particularly appropriate that on this occasion Victoria University should speak. We meet to do honor to one of the greatest of Canada's sons. Dr. Ryerson has written his name indelibly upon the pages of his country's history. He has done so not merely by superior gifts of intellect, although to few men have more noble talents been entrusted. Nor has he done so merely as the successful leader of a great party in Church or State, although he was a leader, one of the first three in one of Canada's greatest movements towards a perfect political constitution. The success of this movement, after a struggle stretching through the lifetime of a full generation, and its results of which all good men now approve, might well ennoble the name of any man. But that for which we honor Dr. Ryerson's name and memory to-day is his work as an educator; and from Victoria University he first received the call to consecrate his life to his work. He was the first President of Victoria College. He, a Canadian of the Canadians, was the first Canadian to occupy that position in our Province; and Victoria has maintained the Canadian succession unbroken from his day to the present. Victoria was the first institution in this Province in active operation as a teaching institution with University powers. And it fell to Dr. Ryerson to shape its character and curriculum, and to give it a form, many features of which it has retained to this present hour. It was from this duty of laying the foundations of our University in this young Province that Dr. Ryerson was called to the wider field of fashioning the primary and intermediate education of the whole people. It would be presumption on my part to attempt to speak to-day of the difficulties which beset him in his task, and of the skill and judgment with which those difficulties were met and overcome. That has already been the more appropriate duty of one who has just spoken, and who was for long years his most valued and honored associate in his life-work. But, as a Canadian of the fourth generation, and as a Canadian school boy who has enjoyed the advantages of the great work which to-day we commit to the perpetual memory of our country, I may venture to refer to the peculiarly Canadian character of the system founded by Dr. Ryerson. The early schools of this country were very varied in their type. Prepossession and usage rule imperiously in education. Each little colony or settlement, as it was called, had its national prepossessions. Here was an attempt to reproduce a miniature English Eton or Rugby. There was a genuine Scottish parish school with its Bible and Catechism. Here was an Irish school with its predilection for difficult problems in arithmetic and algebra. There was a Yankee school with its spelling-matches and dialogues on examination day. These were the heterogeneous elements of forty-five and fifty years ago. To-day, we have everywhere the Canadian school as unique in its character as any of these, and as well-known in its results all over this continent. The skilful mind that took possession of these materials, that carefully separated the good from the bad, that patiently and wisely removed or overcame prejudices, that calmly waited till the public mind was ready for each progressive movement, and then with vigor pushed it forward to speedy completion--this was the ----le gift which Dr. Ryerson devoted to his country's service. Gathering his materials for building up a perfect educational system from all lands, and from the wisdom and experience of all ages, this great man wrought out his life-task in the face of political prejudices, of national prejudices and of sectarian prejudices. I know of no man of his day who rose more fully than did he above the narrowness of all these. From the elevation of a broad catholicity, he grasped the great outlines of a comprehensive and national system of education for the Upper Canadian people, and patiently did he work toward that as his ideal. It would be too much to say that he completed the ideal. Such is not often given to mortal man. There are problems in this work still unsolved. There is still something for us to do. But in the solution of these problems we may well thank God for the broad, strong foundations, and structures planned, and so nearly completed by this master workman. In the inaugural address with which Dr. Ryerson opened his work in Victoria College, I find this passage "The education imparted in this college is to be British and Canadian. Youth should be educated for their country as well as for themselves." This motto, never forgotten, has given character to his great life-work, and has given us a system of public schools and intermediate schools which more enduring than any monument will perpetuate to our children for generations to come, the name of Egerton Ryerson.[9] [9] W. Kerr, Q.C., Vice-Chancellor, of Victoria University, in explaining the causes of his absence from the ceremonies of unveiling, said:--"I thank you very much for your ever thoughtful kindness in sending me a programme of the ceremonies of unveiling of the statue of our late great chief founder of the peerless school system of Ontario. I should very much like to have the privilege of being present on the occasion and of listening to the speeches and addresses, but especially your 'Historical Paper on Education in Ontario,' which no man now living so well understands as yourself.... How often I think of the late chief's farsightedness and patriotic efforts in connection with the Upper Canada Academy and subsequently with Victoria University."... REPRESENTATIVE OF QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY, KINGSTON. Sandford Fleming, C.E., LL.D, C.M.G., Chancellor of Queen's University, spoke as follows:-- _Your Honor_, _Mr. Chairman_, _Ladies and Gentlemen_: In the name of Queen's University, and at the special request of the Senate of that institution, I come here to-day to take part in these interesting proceedings. On behalf of higher education in Eastern Ontario I have the honor to bear tribute to the memory of Dr. Egerton Ryerson. However unworthy the individual whom Queen's has sent on this occasion, I am warranted in stating that no institution in this country is more thoroughly alive to the importance of sound education for all classes of the community than the University I come here to represent. Moreover, I venture to say that there is no one here present who more fully appreciates the incalculable value of the school system of Ontario and the work accomplished in its establishment, by him to whose memory we are this day assembled to do honor. It is not simply an agreeable duty I am called upon to perform, I feel it to be a high privilege to be allowed to take part by my presence on this auspicious occasion. I have but to look back over a period of forty years to recall the living form of the sculptured figure before us, and to remember the time when in the zenith of his strength and intellectual power, he brought to bear on the great work of his life that wisdom and foresight, that indomitable perseverance and patriotism, that zeal and devotion with which he was gifted. I have but to recollect his persistent efforts to initiate and put in successful operation a comprehensive system of common school education in this province, to express my unalloyed satisfaction that those efforts--those great and sustained efforts were not in vain. I rejoiced then, as I rejoice now, that the noble work in which he took so conspicuous a part has been crowned with signal success. I thought then, and I think now, that the people of this province, I may indeed say the people of the whole of Canada, of all ages, of all classes, of all colors and of all creeds, owe a deep debt of gratitude to Dr. Ryerson, and I cannot be wrong in the firm opinion that we all do well to revere and perpetuate his memory. While Dr. Egerton Ryerson attached most importance to the establishment of the common schools of the country on a sound and efficient basis, he also warmly sympathized with every effort to promote higher education. He took an active part in founding Victoria University, of which he was chosen the first president. He was a strenuous supporter of that institution up to the day of his death, firmly believing that the resources of the country could support, and that the people of Ontario should possess, well endowed, independent seats of learning of different types. As a member of the community I have always had the highest esteem and veneration for this great pioneer of education in Canada. I feel now and have always felt with unnumbered thousands that his life has indeed been that of a foremost public benefactor. I am, therefore, greatly gratified that it has fallen to my lot, on behalf of Queen's University and higher education in Eastern Ontario to bear tribute to the memory of the founder and first administrator of our system of public instruction, a far-seeing Canadian, an enlightened statesman, a man who in his distinguished career rendered the most important services to the country of his birth. I am glad to have an opportunity of taking part in the formal inauguration of the work of art which we see before us. At the same time I cannot forget that Dr. Egerton Ryerson has left behind him an inheritance to unborn generations of Canadians in the schools which we behold everywhere throughout the land and the free public instruction which they represent. These are now and must always be recognized as his best and most enduring monument.[10] [10] In his letter enclosing the manuscript of his address, Chancellor Fleming, said:--"I write to congratulate you on the complete success of the affair of last Friday. Even the weather was every thing we could desire. It was a genuine pleasure for me to be present on the occasion. In the few remarks I offered I meant every word I said, The only omission was the absence of any reference, or sufficient reference, to the right hand man of Dr. Ryerson during all the years he laboured. This often happens; but you have the happy consciousness that your work and your life has so largely entered into the imperishable monument which he has raised in the school system of the century." REPRESENTATIVE OF TRINITY UNIVERSITY, TORONTO. The Representative of Trinity University, Rev. Professor Clark, remarked that he had the honor of representing the smallest of the universities of Ontario, but one in which they strove to do their work in a spirit of loyalty to their country as well as to their own convictions. He had naturally prepared to make some remarks on the distinguished and illustrious man in whose honor they were then assembled; but, as he supposed, nearly everything which had occurred to him as being suitable to be said had been anticipated by previous speakers. As he looked upon those Normal Schools by which they were imprinted, he could not help being reminded of the words inscribed on the interior of St. Paul's in memory of its founder, Sir Christopher Wren, "_Si monumentum requiris circumspice_." "If you ask for his memorial look around you." With equal propriety we might point to those schools as a monument and memorial of Dr. Ryerson, the founder of the educational system of this Province, no less fitting than the statue which had just been uncovered. But more enduring than the building or the effigy was the intellectual and moral work which he had accomplished in our educational institutions, for that work was eternal. Its effects and influences would never pass away, but would go on leavening generations yet unborn. Whatever changes or revolutions might occur, his work and its consequences would still live on. In one respect, perhaps, it was fortunate that others should have borne testimony to Dr. Ryerson's work and ability, and to the greatness of the work which he had done. His own knowledge of the man and of the work was only second-hand, and he could not speak with the freshness and vividness of those who had personal knowledge of them. "_Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem._" But although he had not direct and immediate knowledge of Dr. Ryerson, he had the opportunity of studying several of the publications which gave an account of his history, and especially of his educational work--more particularly some of those written by Dr. Hodgins. From these he had learnt something of the spirit in which the work had been accomplished, and the principles which were embodied in it; and these would account for the eulogiums which had already been bestowed upon the work and its principal doer. They might learn from such investigations something that would help to guard them from dangers which attended their educational work. It seemed to him that Dr. Ryerson's conception of the work of education was singularly simple, earnest, deep and comprehensive, free from affectation and one-sidedness. They were in danger of forgetting some of these elements, of making education showy instead of solid,--of forgetting that it was the education and discipline of the man and of the mind that we had to accomplish, and not the outward adornment of him, or the mere imparting of knowledge. Some of our dangers have been forcibly pointed out by the President of University College, Sir Daniel Wilson, in the March number of the _Canada Educational Monthly_. It would not be proper to go into details on such an occasion, but he would recommend those who were interested in these questions to study that article. There was great danger of their being one-sided in education, of their taking up cries on one side or another. We have often heard of a foolish Anglomania by which some people were possessed. But there are other manias which are quite as silly. There was an Americano-mania and a Canada mania (_mania Canadensis_, said the Minister), and they were all equally foolish. It was egregious folly merely to imitate an Englishman or an American. But it was equally foolish to imagine that we had everything and could do everything by ourselves. Our business was not to make Englishmen or Americans or Canadians, but to make men, furnished with sufficient knowledge, with cultivated, disciplined minds, with vigorous wills. This is our work, and we must do it with our might, remembering the limitations of our position and realizing what we could and could not accomplish. We must not at present expect the results of the education given at the great German universities or at Oxford and Cambridge, but we might make the best with the materials at our disposal. We might foster in the rising generations a love of truth and goodness, and instil into them a deep sense of duty, and thus help to qualify them for the position they would have to occupy, and the work which they had to perform. REPRESENTATIVE OF MCMASTER UNIVERSITY.[11] [11] Dr. Rand, in sending the manuscript of his address, said:--"I think the exercises were very successful indeed, and that the memorial volume, if brought out with some expedition, will prove very helpful in quickening a true appreciation of the great work done by Dr. Ryerson in building up the educational system of Ontario." Professor Theodore H. Rand, M.A., D.C.L., representative of McMaster University spoke as follows:-- Twice before it has been my privilege to unite in doing honor by a public memorial to the name of distinguished educationalists,--that of Horace Mann, of Massachusetts, and Alexander Forrester, of Nova Scotia; but in view of the breadth of the area over which Egerton Ryerson wrought, and the really national character of his work, this has been an occasion of surpassing interest to me, and one, I am sure, which marks an epoch in the educational history of Ontario. In speaking as a representative of McMaster University, which is just now being organized as one of the instruments of the higher education of this country, I may be permitted to say that the Christian denomination which controls the destiny of that University has in all parts of the world been in active sympathy with popular education, and in two of our Canadian provinces has been foremost in efforts to secure the efficient organization of systems of free education under government control. When a country has risen to the position of making adequate public provision against the blighting and destructive influences of ignorance, it has undertaken the discharge of one of those contingent and great obligations which, perhaps, will always await any people who are pressing forward to the attainment of the possibilities of Christian civilization. With all its imperfections our system of public education in an eminent degree commands the affectionate regard of our people and the admiration of strangers. While Ontario was not the first of our Canadian provinces to organize a free system of public schools, and while she has not maintained intact the principle which lies at the basis of the common schools, the grandeur of the outline of our system and the general completeness of its details are, I believe, unsurpassed by those of any other system on this continent or throughout the empire. This is especially true of the completeness of the provision made for passing from the elementary schools into the work of the higher education. Ontario occupies this advanced position to-day, with all its immeasurable advantages, largely because of Egerton Ryerson. He was possessed of a profound conviction that mind is the great creative power by which all resources of nature are to be turned to account. He had no idea that material good is a good at all only as it is a means for the development of the moral and social possibilities of the individual and of the nation. He did not argue, as many others in the country did, that since the area of the Province is vast, its population widely scattered, its forests waiting to be felled, its lands to be cleared and drained, therefore the organization of an efficient school system was a thing of the far future. On the contrary, having before him such examples as Prussia, Scotland, Ireland, the New England, Middle and Western States, and believing that our civic institutions should afford social conditions inferior to those of no country in the world, he poured all the energy of his great heart and mind into the effort to make available even to the remotest hamlets of the Province the blessings of knowledge. Intelligence, industry and morality were felt to be inseparably bound up with the progress of education. A system good enough for the rich and poor alike, and supported at the public expense, was his aim and his final achievement. The Christian communism underlying our systems of public education on this continent is proving one of the great safeguards of society against the forms of a false communism; and there is yet room, in my judgment, for a still wider application of kindred principles in our social system. The work of Egerton Ryerson furnishes an additional illustration of the truth that systems of popular education are, so to speak, the gift to the people of the Colleges and Universities. His relations to the higher education enabled him to grasp all the elements involved in the great problem he undertook to solve for Ontario, and to bring all parts of the educational system into helpful and sympathetic relations. Our Universities must always be sources of stimulus and enrichment to the schools of the Province at large, if they discharge in any original and adequate measure their functions to society. In attributing so important a share to Egerton Ryerson in the establishment of our school system, I am not, of course, unmindful of the public men who seconded his efforts, and above all, of the teachers and inspectors by whose self-sacrificing toils educational advance was rendered possible, and has been sustained. Were he whom we honor in our midst to-day he would be the first to speak thus, and especially of his friend, Dr. Hodgins, who for so many years was his able assistant and valued confidant. This bronze memorial is well--may it long testify to the patriotic virtues of a noble man--but it is as nothing, I trust, in comparison with the living and imperishable memorials of enriched and ennobled human lives. As time witnesses the increasing development of the material and spiritual forces of the present and coming generations of our people, as our social and national institutions are more fully perfected and widely recognized, we shall have hereby and herein perennial memorials of the founder of the school system of Ontario throughout all coming time. CHAPTER IV. EDUCATION IN ONTARIO--PAST AND PRESENT. AN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT BY J. GEORGE HODGINS, M.A., LL.D., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, AND DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION FOR ONTARIO. To-day will long be memorable in the educational history of Ontario--for to-day has been unveiled the first statue ever erected in this province to one of its own sons. It will be still more memorable from the fact that that special subject of public interest and national concern which has been signally honoured to-day, is the pre-eminently important one of popular education. These two facts combined give to the celebration and pleasant incidents of the day a peculiar significance and a special interest. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE EVENT OF TO-DAY. One of the first indications of a growing national life and a patriotic national spirit is the erection of statues to noble sons who have rendered such valuable services to the state as are recognized and honoured here to-day. It is a most hopeful sign, as well as an assuring and happy augury for the future of a country, when its patriotism takes the grateful and graceful form of doing honour to those who have aided in laying the foundation of its future greatness and prosperity. This, we all rejoice has been done by Ontario to-day in the unveiling of the statue of the distinguished founder of her educational system. She has reared to-day to one of the sons of her soil a noble monument, expressive of grateful acknowledgment for services of the greatest importance and value to her and to the thousands of her sons and daughters yet unborn. The erection of this statue emphasizes in a striking manner a notable fact, chronicled by John Milton, which the mature judgment of the nineteenth century has everywhere endorsed, that-- "Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." That is, that it is not heroic deeds of valor alone which call forth a nation's gratitude. It further shows us that unswerving devotion to duty in any of the departments of the public service, or professional or private life, which have to do with matters which concern a nation's progress and welfare, is equally recognized, if not more signally honoured, than were deeds of prowess in the days gone by. We have, at all events on this continent, many notable examples of distinguished honour being done to literary men, to men of science and to noted educationists. Any one who has visited the chief city of Massachusetts cannot fail to have seen, on the broad terrace in front of the capitol, a massive bronze statue to Horace Mann, the well-known Founder of the Public School system, not only of Massachusetts, but practically of the New England States. THE ONTARIO SYSTEM OF EDUCATION--ITS INFLUENCE ABROAD. So, in like manner we unveil to-day the statue, not only of the Founder of the School System of Ontario, but of one, the impress of whose hand, and the practical suggestions of whose mature experience, may be recognized in the systems of education of some of the Maritime Provinces, and in those of Manitoba and British Columbia. The first Superintendent of British Columbia, and the second of Manitoba were trained in the schools of Ontario, and were thus experienced pioneers in the new Provinces of their educational systems. Also in the West Indies the educational example of Ontario was felt to be of some value by Sir Francis Hincks, when Governor of the Windward Islands.[12] [12] In a letter from Barbados, dated 31st May, 1856, he said: As to education, in which you will take the greatest interest, all I can say is that my own hopes are centered in getting a good Normal School in humble imitation of yours. I think with that all will be well. If we could train good teachers we would have an admirable system. There have been some attempts, but not to much effect. I want your advice as to the establishment of this school. Tell me how to go to work to get good men, etc. I must have your plan of boarding the Normal School pupils at the public expense, which I think essential. I also want to introduce the national books (as you did). Any advice or information will be conducive to good results. Even the grand old Mother Country has not failed to acknowledge her indebtedness to him whom we honour to-day, for practical suggestions in the solution of the educational problems which confronted her public men, notably the Duke of Newcastle and the Right Hon. W. E. Forster,[13] during the years reaching from 1860 to 1870. [13] Full information in regard to the working of our system of education was communicated from time to time to the Privy Council Committee on Education in England. This was of great practical value (as he assured us) to the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, promoter of the noted English School Bill of 1870. In 1875 Mr. Forster visited the Education Department of Ontario. The _Journal of Education_ of April, 1876, thus refers to Mr. Forster's visit:-- "During the recent visits of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster and Hepworth Dixon, Esq., to the Ontario Education Department, they were kind enough to explain and discuss some of the new problems in the English Educational system, and made enquiries as to the success of our attempts at a practical solution of the same question. The two principal subjects referred to by Mr. Forster were compulsory education and denominational schools, and on these two points full explanation of our Ontario system were given."--_"Journal of Education," Province of Ontario, Volume xxviii., page 49._ In 1860, at the request of the Duke of Newcastle, who accompanied the Prince of Wales to Canada, Dr. Ryerson prepared an elaborate sketch of the system of education in Upper Canada, and contrasted it with the English and other European systems of education. This report was embodied in a letter to the Duke, dated 12th October, 1860. As to the appropriateness of our erecting a Statue to Egerton Ryerson in Ontario, as was done to Horace Mann, in Massachusetts, I may here quote a reference to the equal value of the labors of those two noted men which was made twenty-five years ago by that acute observer and experienced educational commissioner, the late well-known and distinguished Bishop Fraser, of Manchester. He said: "What Education in New England owes to Horace Mann, Education in Canada owes to Egerton Ryerson." To-day we honour ourselves by seeking to discharge that obligation, at least in part. There is one circumstance connected with the erection of this statue which, to my mind, gives it a peculiar value and significance. The erection of statues by popular vote, or by the Legislature, gives a _quasi_, if not a real national character to such erection, but, a statue erected from the proceeds of thousands of small contributions, as in this case, shows that deep down in the hearts of the people of this country there must have been genuine regard for the man whom they thus seek to honour. When a memorial takes such a form as that we may well regard it as more enduring and precious than either the bronze or marble which constitute the material of its structure. COMPREHENSIVE CHARACTER OF THE ONTARIO EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. It devolves upon me, as Chairman of the Committee having charge of this work, and at the kind request of my colleagues,--no less than as the life-long friend and fellow-laborer of him whose deeds and memory we honor to-day--to trace back to their source the origin and underlying principles of our system of education, and to show that these underlying principles and other vital forces were so combined by a master-hand an to form the groundwork, as they have, in their combination, become the charter of our educational system of to-day. And here, in this connection, a thought or two strikes me; and each thought contains for us a moral and a lesson. The first is that educational systems are essentially progressive in their character and purposes, and truly they "never continue in one stay." The second is that the earliest sources of what might be called our educational inspiration are now uncertain guides, and, as such, are to-day of doubtful authority. No one will venture to affirm that even--as it was then considered--the broad and comprehensive scheme of public education sketched by Dr. Ryerson in 1846, should be considered as the acme of our educational achievements of to-day. Nor would any one at all conversant with the condition and progress of education on this continent alone be content to draw his inspiration from, or limit his range of observation to, the New England States as formerly. The examples to be seen, and the experience to be consulted, and the systems to be studied, must to-day, so far as the United States is concerned--be sought for in the far-off Western States. In this matter I speak of what I know; and I speak, therefore, with the more emphasis on this point, because of the primary importance of keeping this Province and the Dominion educationally abreast of the most advanced States of the American Union--our near neighbors, and our energetic and actively progressive educational rivals. As an illustration of these notable facts, I may state that having been selected by the United States Bureau of Education to act as one of the seven international educational jurors, at the New Orleans Exhibition in 1885, it was, during six weeks, my duty with others, to examine into and report upon the condition and results of the various state systems of education in the Union, and in other countries. CHARACTER OF SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION ABROAD, AND LESSONS THEREFROM. I need not more than state, what you likely anticipate, that France, by her enlightened educational legislation of 1881--providing for manual, or industrial, training in all of her schools--and Germany, by her earlier and more systematized educational legislation, stand at the head of European States, as does Japan at the head of the whole Eastern World. But, in this connection, the interest to us should be to note the fact that the educational centre in the United States has within the last few years been gradually shifted from the east to the west. As an illustration, I may say that the highest award for the extent, variety and completeness of its educational system in all its details, was unanimously made by the jurors to Minnesota, while Massachusetts and other New England States, with New York, Pennsylvania, etc., were entitled to only second and third class honors. France and Japan justly received first-class honors, while England and other countries (omitting Germany) had to be placed in the second and third class ranks as educating countries. A revelation of these and other suggestive facts in regard to the progress of education in countries outside of our own, more than ever convinced me of the wisdom of Dr. Ryerson's policy of observation while head of the Education Department. He laid it down, not so much an educational axiom, as a wise dictum--the result of his educational experience, that-- "There is no department of civil government in which careful preparation, varied study and observation, and independent and uniform action, are so important to success and efficiency, as in founding, maturing and developing a system of public instruction." He, therefore, wisely devoted a large portion of his time to this "careful preparation," as well as to "varied study and observation" of systems of education in Europe and America. And this fact largely accounts for the "success and efficiency" of his efforts in "founding, maturing and developing" our system of public instruction. In a reply to a resolution from the Council of the County of Norfolk, in 1851, Dr. Ryerson thus referred to this subject:-- "There is no poetry in the establishment and development of a public school system; it is a matter-of-fact-work from beginning to end; and its progress, like the growth of body and mind in an individual, is gradual, and is the joint result of time and labour. I am happy, however, to know that our school system has already become so far developed in its principles, objects and character as to command the attention and almost unanimous approbation of the country. I have laid it down as a first principle to educate the people through the people themselves, by their own voluntary co-operation and exertion, through the usual elective municipalities and other acknowledged and responsible organs of a free people." EDUCATIONAL LESSONS TO BE LEARNED OUTSIDE OF ONTARIO. When we reflect upon the fact of the immense growth, and the comprehensive character of the educational machinery in operation on this continent alone, and the vast sums expended to keep it in motion, we cannot fail to be profoundly impressed with the serious and grave responsibility which is constantly imposed upon our educational leaders, of being forever on the watch-tower of observation, to note the changes, improvements and advances which are continually taking place in the educational world outside. We are too apt to be content with our own progress, and to measure ourselves by ourselves. In this connection the words recently addressed to the Kingston Board of School Trustees by the Very Rev. Principal Grant, are of special value as an apt illustration of my meaning:-- "During my absence I have studied the school systems of many countries, and have learned lessons that ought to assist me in coming to right conclusions. The world is wider than Canada, or than America. The British Empire itself is wider than this continent, and within its boundaries there are so many educational systems and methods that a man who travels with eyes and ears open cannot help learning many things that confirm opinions previously held, and suggest improvements on what he may have thought perfect, or the necessity of revising his former judgments. He gets new points of view, and that of itself is a great matter." Our American neighbors became fully alive years ago to the evils of the fluctuating and uncertain character of the prevailing system of educational administration in vogue amongst them. They saw that new and officially untrained men, of merely local experience and knowledge, were constantly being elected to take charge of the administrative department of the schools of a state. Such men were often able educators, but by no means experienced educationists, or masters of systems of education. The American people, shrewd and practical as they are, felt the absolute necessity, therefore, of furnishing such men, and the vast army of their educationists and educators, with full and accurate information on systems and plans of education all over the world. With this object in view, they established a central observatory, or Bureau of Education at Washington. I need hardly say how ably the work of this Bureau was systematized and most efficiently performed under the direction of the Hon. John Eaton, Commissioner of Education. His successive reports and periodical circulars of information are mines of educational wealth. Their fullness and comprehensiveness have been a marvel. They have aroused and stimulated educational workers everywhere. They are largely welcomed, and are highly prized in these Provinces and elsewhere, as suggestive, and as invaluable storehouses of information, and of the practical details of education all over the world. They have, therefore, largely supplied the place of personal inquiry and research, and yet have greatly stimulated both. It was Dr. Ryerson's ideal that sooner or later a similar Bureau would be established by the Central Government at Ottawa, the object of which would be, not only the supplying of abundant and reliable information to each province on the subject of systems and plans of education, but also, by intercommunication, to secure a general harmony of aim and purpose. And that further, without attempting any interference in local administration, the Bureau would be the means of keeping up an active yet friendly intercolonial rivalry; and thus, on Dominion and national lines, to build up the confederacy, and to stimulate and encourage the efforts made in each province for the promotion of substantial educational progress, combined with efficiency and economy. THREE EDUCATIONAL PERIODS IN THE HISTORY OF ONTARIO. The educational history of Ontario naturally divides itself in three periods, viz.:-- 1. The early settlement, or United Empire Loyalist period. 2. The period preceding the union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840. 3. The period since that union, and including the administration of the Education Department by the Rev. Dr. Ryerson, down to 1876. The United Empire Loyalists period takes us back to a period antecedent to that of their historical prominence as a factor in the events of the war of the American Revolution. In order, therefore, to estimate the value of the educational influence of those times on the future of the provinces in which the U. E. Loyalists settle, we must take a glance at the Colonial chapter in the History of American Education. COLONIAL CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EDUCATION. It is, therefore, interesting in taking note of our educational progress to give a brief glance at what was done by our fellow colonists at a corresponding early period in the history of the "old thirteen colonies," which formed the nucleus of the present American Confederation. It has been the custom, probably unwittingly, but chiefly on the part of certain American writers, to exalt every good in their political and social condition, as of revolutionary origin, and reluctantly to admit that anything which was really excellent in both, in the early colonial times, was of British origin. One unacquainted with the processes and progress of civilization in America would, on consulting such writers, suppose that, Minerva-like, the young Republic had sprung from the head of Revolutionary Jove, fully equipped, if not fully armed for the battle of life, into the arena of the new world, and that this phenomenon happened just at the extinction of British power in the old colonies, and as the result of it. The policy of these writers has been either to ignore the facts of history, or to keep entirely out of view the forces which had been operating in the British colonial mind, before and at the time of the Revolution. They have never stopped to enquire as to the source whence they derived their idea of political freedom, but have attributed it to their own sagacity, or regard it as the outgrowth of their own enlightened speculations and thinkings when emancipated from British control. There never was a greater mistake as to fact, or a greater wrong done to the memory and example of such noble English patriots as Hampden and his compeers, who laid down their lives for political principles which, considering the times in which they lived, were even more exalted and ennobling than those which were professed by the American revolutionists of 1776. In fact, no proper parallel can be instituted between them. John Hampden, in our humble judgment, was as far superior to John Hancock, "President of the Continental Congress," in the purity of his political motives and aspirations, as Cromwell was above Jack Cade.[14] However, it is not our purpose to discuss this question, but rather to vindicate the sagacity of the old colonists, who (at a time when loyalty was the rule, and not the exception), laid the foundation of those educational institutions, which to this day are the glory of the American Republic. [14] Thus, in regard to the chivalrous destruction of tea in Boston harbour, in 1773, an American historian says: "The object of the mother country in imposing a duty of three pence per pound on tea imported by the East India Company into America, while it was _twelve_ pence per pound in England, was mainly to break up the contraband trade of the colonial merchants with Holland and her possessions."... "Sons of the merchants [of Boston] had become rich in the traffic, and a considerable part of the large fortune which Hancock [President of the Insurgent Congress] inherited from his uncle was thus acquired."... "It was fit, then, that Hancock, was ... was respondent in the Admiralty Courts, in suits of the Crown, to recover nearly half a million of dollars, ... should be the first to affix his name to the [declaration of independence] which, if made good, would save him from ruin."...--_Sabine's American Loyalists_, Vol. I. (Boston, 1865), pages 8, 9, 13. So much for the much-valued patriotic act, which was a vast pecuniary gain to Hancock and other contraband tea merchants of Boston. Nor were the British colonists into those early times peculiar in their zeal for the promotion of Education. The Dutch, Swedish, and Irish colonists who settled in Pennsylvania, New York, and Maryland did their part in his great work, and on the whole did it well, according to the spirit of the times. In 1633, the first schoolmaster opened his school in the Dutch Colony of New Amsterdam; and in 1638, the "articles for the colonization and trade of New Netherlands," provided that, "each householder and inhabitant shall bear such tax and public charge as shall hereafter be considered proper for the maintenance of schoolmasters." General Eaton, the United States Commissioner of Education, in his valuable report for 1875, says: "We find, in numerous instances, the civil authorities of these Dutch colonies acknowledging, (1) The duty of educating the young, (2) The care of the qualification of the teacher, (3) Provision for the payment of his services, and (4) The provision of the school-house. When, in 1653, municipal privileges were granted to the New Amsterdam [New York], the support of schools was included." In 1642, the instruction sent to the Governor of New Sweden [Pennsylvania], was "to urge instruction and virtuous education of youth and children." In 1693-6, large numbers of primers, tracts and cathechisms were received from Sweden, for these schools on the Delaware. This was the educational state of the Swedish settlement in what was afterwards known as Pennsylvania, on the arrival of its noble English founder, William Penn. His views on education were well expressed in the following declaration: "That which makes a good Constitution must keep it, viz.: men of wisdom and virtue; qualities which, because they descend not with worldly inheritance must be carefully propagated by virtuous education of youth, for which spare no cost; for by such parsimony, all that is loved is lost." The first real systematic efforts to promote popular education began in New England, from thence it has spread in all directions. In 1635 the first school was opened at Boston, Massachusetts, and brother Philemon Purmount was appointed schoolmaster by the Town Committee. Thirty acres of land were given for his support. In 1642 the General Court, (or Legislature) passed a resolution enjoining on the local authorities: "To keep a watchful eye on their brothers and neighbors, and above all things to see that there be no family in so barbarous a state, that the head thereof do not himself, or by the help of others, impart instruction to his children and servants, to enable them to read fluently the English language, and to acquire a knowledge of the penal laws, under a penalty of twenty shillings for such neglect." Speaking on this subject, in his inaugural address in 1853, President Walker of Harvard University said: What most distinguishes the early settlers of Massachusetts, is the interest and care they took in education, and especially in the institution of a system of common schools, to be sustained at the public charge. Here they were first. In other things they thought wisely and acted nobly; but in this, and perhaps in this alone, they were original. Honor, immortal honor to the men, who, while still struggling for a scanty and bare subsistence, could yet find the means and the heart to do what had never been done or attempted before: placing the advantages of a competent instruction within the reach of all. By taking this course, what a noble confidence they manifested in the truth of their principles and in the justice of their measures.... But the founders and early settlers of Massachusetts did not limit their views of education to common schools. Many of their leading men had studied at the English Universities and were imbued with, or at least, could appreciate the highest scholarship of that day. They also knew, on general grounds and as practical men, that the public good requires the advancement, as well as the diffusion, of knowledge; in short, that both must go together; that the streams will soon cease, if the fountains fail.--Pages 33, 34. To be brief on this point I may state that in 1847, the first legislative enactment in favor of schools was made in Massachusetts; and in 1670, the Governor of Connecticut declared that "one-fourth of her revenue was devoted to schools." * * * * * General Eaton in his comprehensive report of 1875 says: "History, with hardly a dissenting voice, accords to the English Colonists of New England, the credit of having developed those forms of action, in reference to the education of children, which contained more than any other the distinct features of the systems adopted in this cuntry." In the early colonial times, before the revolution, there were nine colleges established in seven out of the thirteen colonies. These colleges, with the date of their foundation, are as follow:-- 1. Harvard--Massachusetts, in 1638 2. William and Mary--Virginia, in 1693 3. Yale--Connecticut, in 1700 4. Nassau Hall (now Princeton)--New Jersey, in 1748 5. Kings (now Columbia)--New York, in 1754 6. Brown--Rhode Island, in 1765 7. Dartmouth--New Hampshire, in 1770 8. Queen's (now Rutgers)--New Jersey, in 1771 9. Hampden--Sydney, Virginia, in 1775 The Legislature of Massachusetts, aided by the Rev. John Harvard, founded Harvard Congregational College, in 1638, and the colonists of Connecticut, established the Yale Congregation College in 1700.[15] [15] "The project of founding a College in Connecticut was early taken up (in 1652), but was checked by well-founded remonstrance from Massachusetts, who (sic), very justly observed that the whole population of New England was scarcely sufficient to support one institution."--President Dwight's _Travels in New England_, vol. I. p. 168. The Legislature made a grant of £50 a year to Yale College, from 1701 to 1750, when "it was discontinued on account of the heavy taxes occasioned by the late _Canadian_ War."--C. K. Adams, in _North American Review_ for October, 1875, p. 381. The New Hampshire colonists endowed the Congregational College at Dartmouth with 44,000 acres of land in 1770. The Episcopalians of the English colony of New York, aided by the Legislature, founded King's now Columbia College, in 1753. Indeed, so true were the English colonists to the educational instincts of the mother land, that when the Dutch Province of New Netherlands fell into their hands in 1644, the King's Commissioners were instructed "to make due enquiry as to what progress hath been made towards ye foundaçon and maintenance of any College Schools for the educaçon of youth."--(Colonial History of N. Y., Vol. III. p. 53.) The English Province, _par excellence_, of Virginia made various praiseworthy efforts to promote education. In 1619, soon after the settlement of Jamestown, Sir Edwin Sandys, President of the Virginia Company, had 10,000 acres of land set apart for the establishment of a University at Henrico for the colonists and Indians. The churches in England gave £1,500 sterling in the same year to aid in the education of the Indians. In 1621, 1,000 acres of land as an endowment, and £150 were granted to establish a school at Charles city. Other efforts were made in the same direction in 1660 and 1688. The colony also nobly determined to establish a University; and in 1692-3, the project was practically realized by the founding by the King and Queen, under royal charter, of the Church of England College at Williamsburgh, of William and Mary. To this College the King gave nearly £2,000, besides 20,000 acres of land, and one penny per pound on all the tobacco exported from Maryland. The Legislature also gave it in 1693, the duty on skins and furs exported, and on liquors imported.[16] The plans of the College were prepared by Sir Christopher Wren. Among the first donors to the College was the celebrated Robert Boyle.[17] Of all the colonial Colleges few exercised a greater educational influence among the leading men than did this royal college. Jefferson, Munroe, Marshall (afterwards Chief Justice of the United States), the two Randolphs, and Governor Tyler, of Virginia, received their education here. [16] Circular of Information, U. S. Bureau of Education, No. 1, 1887, page 15. [17] General Eaton, United States Commissioner of Education, in an educational retrospect in his Report for 1875, speaking of this college, says:--"The first commencement, in 1700, was a noted event. Several planters came in their coaches, others in sloops, from New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. Even Indians had the curiosity to visit Williamsburgh," the seat of the College.--Page xix. The Irish Roman Catholic Province of Maryland was not, at least in purpose, much behind her English sister. In 1671 an Act was passed by one of the Houses of the Legislature for the establishment of a School or College, but owing to religious differences the other House did not concur. In 1692, the Legislature passed an Act for the encouragement of learning; and in 1696, King William's Free School, Annapolis (afterwards St. John's College), was established. New Jersey was one of the colonies which early promoted higher education by founding the Presbyterian College at Princeton, under the name of Nassau Hall, in 1746, and the Dutch Reformed College at New Brunswick (N.J.), under the name of Queen's, now Rutger's College, in 1770. The little colony of Rhode Island did not fail in its duty to higher education, for in 1764 it founded the Rhode Island College, now Brown University. The Quaker colony of William Penn, following the example of the Anglicized Dutch colony of New York, established the University of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia--the metropolis of the colonies in 1755. Of these nine ante-revolution Colleges, Harvard, Yale, Columbia and Princeton maintain an equally high reputation, while Brown University, the University of Pennsylvania, Rutgers, William and Mary and Dartmouth Colleges are more or less about the average standard of American Colleges. Governor Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia, was a graduate of Oxford. He, with other English University colonists, conceived the idea of a College for this, the then youngest of the English colonies. The project of his friend, the Irish Bishop Berkeley, of Cloyne, of founding a College in the Bermudas having failed, he secured £10,000 of the Bishop's funds to aid him in his settlement of the colony. The seed sown by Oglethorpe bore fruit; and while Georgia was still a colony, provision was made for a generous system of education. D. C. Gilman, Esq. (President of the John Hopkins' University, Baltimore), in his admirable sketch of the growth of education in the United States during the last century, pays a high tribute to the nine Colonial Colleges to which we have referred. He says:-- "These nine Colleges were nurseries of virtue, intelligence, liberality and patriotism, as well as learning; so that when the revolution began, scores of the most enlightened leaders, both in council and upon the field (on both sides) were found among their graduates. The influence of academic culture may be distinctly traced in the formation of the Constitution of the United States, and in the political writings of Adams, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Munroe and many other leading statesmen of the period. A careful student of American politics has remarked that nothing more strikingly indicates the education given at Cambridge than the masterly manner in which different problems of law and government were handled by those who had received their instruction only from that source."[18] [18] In illustrating the fact that college-bred graduates are considerably less numerous and less conspicuous in the professions and in political life than were men of a similar education 50 or 100 years ago, Mr. C. K. Adams, in the _North American Review_ for October, 1875, says that, "of the 56 signers of the Declaration of Independence, 36 were college-bred, and 15 of the 26 Senators in the first Congress; while now there are only 7 of the 26 Senators 'college-bred.'" He thinks that the comparison, if extended to the House of Representatives and the State Legislatures, would be still less favorable as to the number of college-bred men in these bodies. Prof. Charles Sprague Smith, A.M., (of Columbia College) in his essay on _The American University_, read June, 1887, thus refers to the character of these colonial colleges:-- "In New England the higher system at general education, brought over from Old England, was divided here, as there, into the two studies of the College and the Grammar School; the latter being superceded in quite recent times by the so-called Academy. The curriculum of the American (or Colonial) College was, in the main, modelled upon that of the parent country, special consideration being given to theological science, etc."--Page 13. A recent American publication on revolutionary topics, thus deals with the question of the superior education of the British colonists who formed the first American Congress:-- "An examination of the Continental Congress, composed as it was of leading men of all the colonies, affords some light upon the topic of popular education at that period. The Congress, whose sessions extended through some ten years, comprised in all some three hundred and fifty members, of whom one-third were graduates of colleges. A recent writer in one of the most intelligent and accurate of American journals has[19] taken pains to collect and array a paragraph of important statistics upon this subject, which we have taken leave to insert here, though without verification, that, however, being hardly necessary for our present purpose. [19] New York _Evening Post_, January, 1876. "There were in the Continental Congress during its existence, 350 members, of these 118, or about one-third of the whole, were graduates from Colleges. Of these, 28 were graduates from the College of New Jersey in Princeton, 23 from Harvard, 23 from Yale, 11 from William and Mary, 8 from the University of Pennsylvania, 4 from Columbia College, 1 from Brown University and 1 from Rutger's College, and 21 were educated in foreign Universities. These 118 graduates were distributed in the Colonies as follows:--New Hampshire had 4 College graduates among her delegates; Massachusetts had 17; Rhode Island had 4 graduates; Connecticut had 18 graduates; New York out of her large delegation had but 8 graduates; New Jersey had 11 graduates; Pennsylvania had 13 graduates; Delaware had 2 graduates; Maryland had 7 graduates; Virginia had 19 graduates; North Carolina had 4 graduates; South Carolina had 7 graduates; Georgia had 5 graduates. We find that Princeton had representatives from 10 of the colonies; Yale from 6; Harvard from 5; the University of Pennsylvania from 3; William and Mary from 2; and Columbia, Brown and Rutger's from 1 each. Fifty-six delegates signed the Declaration of Independence. Of these, 28, or just one-half, were College graduates." Incidentally, and as illustrative of the influence of college-bred men in the Legislature, Mr. Adams, speaking of the great liberality of South Carolina in founding a college in that State, says:-- "But no State ever made a better investment. During the first part of this century the general accomplishments and political ability of the statesmen of South Carolina were the just pride of the State, and would have been the pride of any State. In forming this high standard of intellectual and political power the influence of the College was immeasurable."--_North American Review_, January, 1876, pages 215, 216. It is gratifying to us, British Colonists, and to the descendants of the U. E. Loyalists, thus to have from so important a source, an acknowledgment so candid and so honorable to men, many of whom were the founders of Ontario and the Maritime Provinces of the Dominion. It is an historical fact of equal significance, and an element of social and political strength to us in these British provinces, to know that it was to the thoroughness and breadth of culture which the American "Revolutionary heroes" received in early days in British colonial institutions which fitted them afterwards to take so prominent and effective an intellectual part in the great struggle which took place when they were in the prime of manhood. Another gratifying reflection arises out of the fact that the high place which the United States has taken in later years as a great educating nation is due to her following out the traditional policy of the Colonists of ante-revolution times. This fact is clearly brought out by Mr. Gilman in the _North American Review_ for January, 1876. We only quote the following remarks on this point, he says:-- "When the new constitution of Massachusetts was adopted in 1780 public education received full recognition. An article (the spirit of which was fully in accordance with the legislation of 1647 [more than 200 years before]) was adopted, and _still remains the fundamental law of the State_.... The constitution of New Hampshire, as amended in 1784, transcribes very nearly the same words of that section of the constitution of Massachusetts already quoted," etc.--Pages 198, 199. Thus Andrew Ten-Brook, Esq., in his _American State Universities_, says:-- "The introduction of an educational system into the New England Colonies may be deemed substantially contemporaneous with their settlement. It was of such a character, too, and so energetically prosecuted, that education suffered little if any deterioration in passing from Old to New England. It was even more on this side than the other side of the ocean.... Thus Common School instruction at least was provided for all. Higher schools, too, had an early beginning. What afterwards was Harvard College was established but six years after the settlement of Boston.... Every town [township] of fifty families was obliged to support a school, and the same general state of facts existed throughout New England. Classical schools followed in regular succession. These were modelled after the Grammar Schools of England, in which the founders of the Colleges had themselves received their first classical training.... As early as 1701, the law of Connecticut required every parent to see that he had no child or apprentice in his household who could not read the Word of God, and 'the good laws of the colony.' The system embraced a High School in every town [township] of seventy families, a Grammar School in the four chief county towns to fit pupils for college, and a College to which the general court [Legislature] made an annual appropriation of £120."--Pages 1-3. Mr. Ten-Brook, speaking of these New England schools, which were afterwards transplanted to each of Western States, says:-- "They were the elements of that noble system out of which has grown the present one, by the natural laws of development," etc.--Page 18. Mr. C. K. Adams, in his interesting paper on State Universities in the _North American Review_ for October, 1875, in speaking of the educational policy of the colonies, "pursued up to the time of the Revolution, says:-- "In general terms it may be stated that, through all the dark periods of our Colonial history, the encouragement of higher education was regarded as one of the great interests of the State. It was no doctrine of the Fathers that higher education was less entitled to the fostering care of the commonwealth than was the education offered by the Common Schools."--Page 374. The "Free School" idea, of which we hear so much as the outgrowth of "modern American civilization and enlightenment," was due to Colonial thought and foresight. It was first broached by Jefferson, three or four years before the treaty with Great Britain was signed by which the United States became a nation. His plan was so comprehensive that we reproduce it here. In a letter to the veteran philosopher, Dr. Priestley, he thus unfolds it:-- "I drew a bill for our [Virginia] Legislature, which proposed to lay off every county into hundreds, or townships, of five or six miles square. In the centre of each of them was to be a free English School [to be supported, as his bill provided, "by taxation according to property."] The whole Commonwealth was further laid off into ten districts, in each of which was to be a college for teaching the languages, geography, surveying, and other useful things of that grade, and then a single University for the sciences. It was received with enthusiasm (he goes on to say), but as he had proposed to make the Episcopal College of William and Mary the University, "the dissenters after a while began to apprehend some secret design," etc.--_Ten-Brook's American State Universities_, pages 9, 10. A writer in the _North American Review_ for October, 1875, in referring to Jefferson's scheme, says:-- "The view entertained by Jefferson was by no means exceptional. Indeed, a similar spirit had pervaded the whole history of our Colonial life."--Page 379. Thus this comprehensive scheme of public instruction for Virginia unfortunately failed; and that noble "Old Dominion" is in consequence to-day immeasurably behind even the youngest of her then New England contemporaries in the matter of public education. As to the abiding influence of the old Colonial ideas in regard to higher education, we quote the following additional remarks from Mr. Gilman, in the _North American Review_, he says:-- "In reviewing the history of the century, it is easy to see how the colonial notions of college organization have affected ... the higher education of the country, even down to our own times. The graduates of the older colleges have migrated to the Western States, and have transplanted with them the college germs ... and every Western State can bear witness to the zeal for learning which has been manifested within its borders by enthusiastic teachers from the East."--Page 217. Mr. Ten-Brook, in his _American State Universities_, also says:-- "The New England colonists left the mother country in quest of greater religious freedom. Their religious system was put first, and carried with it a school system as perfect in organization, and administered with equal vigor. This formed an active leaven, which, at a later day, was to spread to other parts.... Everywhere there was a considerable infusion of men who had received in the European universities a liberal culture, which they desired to reproduce on those shores. Early action was full of promise. Probably, at a period from just before the Revolution to the end of it, the average position of the colonies in regard to lighter education relatively as to age, and to the population and wealth, was quite as good as it is at the present time."--Pages 16, 17. This opinion of the writer is a virtual admission that in reality higher education in the United States has not advanced in quality, though it has in quantity. To be in 1876 merely where education was "relatively" in 1776, is no advance at all, but rather retrogression. The cause of this declension, the writer thus incidentally admits:-- "Most of the colonies established, or aided, the (ante-revolution colleges named). The principle of the State support to higher learning was not merely accepted, but was the prevalent one."--Page 17. Mr. Gilman, President of the Johns Hopkins' University, touching on the same point, says:-- "There was a civil as well as an ecclesiastical element in most of these foundations. Harvard and Yale were chartered, and, to some extent, controlled by colonial government of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and were for a long time nurtured by appropriations from the public chest....--Page 215. "These institutions were colleges of an English parentage and model, not Scotch nor continental universities.... They were disciplinary in their aim, and had more regard for the general culture of large numbers, than for the advanced and special instruction of the chosen few. They were also, to a considerable extent, ecclesiastical foundations--finding the churches and ministers their constant, and sometimes their only efficient supporters. Harvard, Yale and Dartmouth were controlled by the Congregationalists; Princeton was founded by the Presbyterians; and New Brunswick, N.J. (Queen's, now Rutgers) by the Dutch Reformed; William and Mary was emphatically a child of the Church of England; and King's College (now Brown University) was under the patronage of the Baptists.... "The declaration of the original supporters of these colleges indicate a desire to train up young men for service of the State, not less distinctly and emphatically than to desire to provide an educated ministry. Individual aid was also expected and invited, and the names of Harvard and Yale perpetuate the remembrance of such generous gifts." Then follows a eulogy upon these colonial colleges, and a tribute to the intellectual vitality of their teaching, as shown in the mental equipment and breadth of culture exhibited by men who took part in the perilous and stormy times of the American revolution. To this we have already referred. Mr. Gilman, in following up his remarks in the extract which we have just given, says:-- "Hence these nine colleges were nurseries of virtue, intelligence, liberality and patriotism, as well as of learning; so that when the revolution began, scores of enlightened leaders, both in council and in the field (and on both sides), were found among their graduates. The influence of academic culture may be distinctly traced in the formation of the Constitution of the United States, and in the political writings of Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Munroe, and many other leading statesman of the period. A careful student of American politics has remarked that nothing more strikingly indicates the influence of the education given at Harvard, 'than the masterly manner in which difficult problems of law and government were handled by those who had received their instruction only from that source.'"--Pages 215, 216. THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALIST PERIOD IN UPPER CANADA. We might pursue this branch of our subject further, were it desirable. But that is not necessary. Our object was to show that to British Colonial foresight, zeal, and self-sacrifice, was due, not only the foundation of the best colleges and universities on the continent, but the introduction and diffusion of the principle of "free and universal education for the masses of the people." This we have done on the authority of American writers themselves. We might multiply examples on the subject; but the fact is already sufficiently established. We should rather seek to draw lessons of instruction from the noble example of the devotion to education on the part of our British colonial progenitors, whose descendants have shed such a lustre of heroic self-sacrifice and patriotism on the history and exploits of the United Empire Loyalists of the thirteen colonies. To the Americans they have left a rich legacy from the colonial times in such universities as Harvard, Yale, Columbia and Princeton--of which the descendants of the expatriated Loyalists, no less than those of the victorious revolutionists, are so justly proud. Let us, as worthy representatives of these clear-headed and far-seeing Loyalists, bequeath to our children as noble a heritage as the fathers of the founders of this Province did to New England, and indeed to the whole Republic. Trained in such an educational school, and animated with the educational zeal of these old colonial times, the "United Empire Loyalists" brought with them into Canada their love for education and their devotion to the sovereign. In order to keep up the historical sequence of this Retrospect, I shall now refer to the early beginning of Educational life in Upper Canada, and then take up the thread of the narrative at the point where the educational forces--afterwards directed by the Rev. Dr. Strachan and the Rev. Dr. Ryerson--took practical form and shape. (See page 59.) GOVERNOR SIMCOE'S EDUCATIONAL VIEWS IN 1795. Lieutenant-General J. Graves Simcoe, the first Governor of Upper Canada, arrived here in 1792. He was a man of comprehensive views and noble impulses in regard to university education. He was educated at Eton College and partly at Merton College, Oxford, but entered the army before taking his degree. He served with distinction under Wolfe at Quebec, and during the American revolutionary war. In April, 1795, Governor Simcoe addressed a letter to the Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Quebec.[20] In that letter Governor Simcoe uses the following striking language in describing the social condition of the people in the rural parts of Upper Canada, and the utter absence of schools and churches, as contrasted with their existence on the United States side of the lines. He said:-- "There was nothing, in my late progress, that has given my equal uneasiness with the general application of all ranks of the most loyal inhabitants of the Province, that I would obtain for them churches and ministers. They say that the rising generation (of the U. E. Loyalist settlers) is rapidly returning into barbarism. They state that the Sabbath, so wisely set apart for devotion, is literally unknown to their children, who are busily employed in searching for amusements in which they may consume the day. And it is of serious consideration that on the approach of the settlements of the United States, particularly on the St. Lawrence frontier, these people, who, by experience, have found that schools and churches are essential to their rapid establishment (as a nation), may probably allure many of our most respectable settlers to emigrate to them, while in this respect we suffer a disgraceful deficiency." [20] For fuller details on this point, see the section on the universities, page 61. The remedy which Governor Simcoe suggested for the state of things which he so graphically described is thus set forth in the same letter to the Bishop of Quebec. It was, as will be seen, entirely general in its character:-- "Nothing has happened since I left England, in the least, to invalidate, to my own conception, the policy of the measure I then proposed. And as far as may be now in the power of His Majesty's ministers, I most earnestly hope that what remains to be effected--that is by giving the means of proper education in this Province, both in its rudiments and in its completion, that from ourselves we may raise up a loyal, and, in due progress, a learned clergy." EARLY BEGINNINGS OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1785-1805. A few particulars as to the kind of schools which existed in Upper Canada before and after the date of this letter may be interesting. For instance, the first school opened (so far as I have been able to learn) was by the Rev. Dr. John Stuart, a Protestant Episcopal clergyman, and a United Empire Loyalist, who had been chaplain to the provincial volunteers, and came into Upper Canada with them as a refugee.[21] [21] Rev. John Stuart. D.D., was born in Virginia in 1736. In 1769 he went to England to be ordained, and returned to Philadelphia in 1770. For seven years he labored as a missionary among the Iroquois Indians at Fort Hunter. He was then aided by the famous Brant in translating the New Testament into Mohawk. In 1781 he came to Upper Canada and labored in this province as a missionary among the refugee loyalists and Iroquois. He subsequently became rector of Cataraqui (Kingston), and chaplain to the Legislative Council. He died in 1811, aged 75 years. One of his sons was the late Archdeacon Stuart, of Kingston; another was the late chief Justice, Sir James Stuart of Quebec. In the year 1785 Dr. Stuart opened a select classical school at Cataraqui, (Kingston); and a Mr. Donovan taught the Garrison school there. In 1786, Mr. J. Clarke taught a school in Frederickburg, and Mr. Smith one in Ernestown. In 1789, Mr Lyons kept school in Adolphustown. In the same year, Deacon Trayes, a Baptist, opened one at Port Rowan. In 1792, Rev. Mr. Addison, an Episcopalian, opened a school at Newark (Niagara), then the seat of government. In 1794, the Rev. Mr. Burns, a Presbyterian, (father of the late Judge Burns) opened a school at the same place; and in 1796, Mr. Richard Cockrel opened an evening school in Newark; Mr. Cockrel shortly afterwards transferred his school to the Rev. Mr. Arthur and removed to Ancaster, where he opened another school. A notice in the _York Gazette_ in 1796 stated that "as schools were now opened, ignorance would be no longer tolerated." In 1797, Mr. James Blayney opened a school at Niagara. In 1798, Mr. Wm. Cooper opened a school in George St., little York, (Toronto). In 1800, the late Bishop Strachan opened a private school at Kingston, and in 1804, one at Cornwall. In 1802, Mr. and Mrs. Tyler opened a school near Niagara; and in the same year, Dr. Baldwin, (father of the late Hon. Robert Baldwin) opened a classical school at York, and in 1803, the first school in Prince Edward district was opened at "High Shore," Sophiasburgh; another at "Grassy Point," was taught by John James. Rev. Wm. Wright, (Presbyterian) kept the first school at Meyer's Creek, (Belleville) in 1805. He was followed by Mr. Leslie. In that year, Rev. Mr. Strachan held the first public examination of his school at Cornwall. STATE OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1795-1799. As to the actual state of education in Upper Canada at this time, we get a brief glimpse from the travels of the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, who visited Kingston in July, 1795. He says:-- "In this district there are some schools, but they are few in number. The children are instructed in reading and writing, and pay each a dollar a month. One of the masters taught Latin, but he has left, without being succeeded by another instructor in the same language." As to the character of the private schools thus established, and the facilities of education which they afforded, we learn incidentally from letters and early books of travel, what they were. In a "_Tour through Upper Canada, by a Citizen of the United States_," published in 1799, we learn that the policy of the government of that day, was to exclude "schoolmasters from the States, lest they should instil Republicanism into the tender minds of the youth of the province." FIRST OFFICIAL EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENTS IN UPPER CANADA, 1797, 1798. As the result of the correspondence between the Governor and Bishop Mountain, the question of a University and free grammar schools was discussed. The Governor referred the matter to the Upper Canada Legislature, which, in 1797 memorialized King George III, soliciting a grant of land for the endowment of a grammar school in each district, and a University for the whole Province. To this request the King gave his assent, and, in 1798, the "chief civil officers" in Upper Canada recommended that "500,000 acres of land be set apart for the establishment of a grammar school in each district and a central University for the whole Province." They also recommended a grant for the erection of a "plain but solid and substantial building for a grammar school in each district, containing a school room capable of holding 100 boys without danger to their health from too many being crowded together, and also a set of apartments for the master, large enough for his family and from ten to twenty boarders." The salaries proposed to be given were: £100 for the head master, £50 for the assistant master; and £30 for repairs, etc., Kingston and Newark (Niagara) were recommended as eligible sites for schools; after which, when the funds were sufficient, schools were to be established at Cornwall and Sandwich. York (Toronto) was recommended as entitled to the University, and for the establishment and support of which a sum at least equal to that granted to the four schools was named. In 1799, an act was passed by the Upper Canada Legislature "to provide for the education and support of orphan children." It authorized the township wardens, with the consent of two magistrates, to bind and apprentice, until they became of age, children deserted by their parents. In the same year an orphan school was opened near St. Catherines. EDUCATIONAL PIONEERS IN UPPER CANADA. Governor Simcoe authorized the Hon. Messrs. Cartwright and Hamilton, to select a person to take charge of the proposed college. The celebrated Rev. Dr. Chalmers having declined the appointment, it was accepted by Mr. (late the Right Reverend Doctor) Strachan (Bishop of Toronto) then a schoolmaster at Kettle, Scotland; but his arrival at Kingston, on the 31st of December, 1799, he found that the project of a college had been abandoned, Governor Simcoe, in the meantime, having left for England. It was soon discovered that half a million of acres of land would endow but few grammar schools, land being then only worth a shilling per acre: the schema had, therefore, to be abandoned. Meanwhile the Hon. Mr. Cartwright made an arrangement with Mr. Strachan to instruct his sons, and a select number of pupils for three years. In 1804, Mr. Strachan, having been ordained, removed to the mission of Cornwall, where, at the request of the parents of his former pupils, he opened a private school. For several years this school was the only one of any note in Upper Canada; and in it and in Mr. Strachan's school at York, were educated many of those gentlemen who have filled some of the most important positions in the province. Subsequently Mr. Strachan's school was constituted the grammar school of the Eastern district. In 1806, a temporary act was passed by the Legislature and made permanent in 1808, establishing a classical and mathematical school in each of the eight districts into which Upper Canada was then divided. In the same year(1806) at the suggestion of Dr. Strachan an Act was passed, granting £400 for the purchase of apparatus for illustrating the principles of Natural Philosophy, which were to be deposited in the hands of a person employed in the instruction of youth. In 1807 an appropriation of £800 a year for four years was made to provide for the salaries of masters in the Grammar Schools to be maintained in each of the districts into which Upper Canada was divided. These masters were to be engaged by trustees appointed by the governor, and the governor's sanction was also necessary for the teacher's appointment. There is still in existence the letter, dated, April 16th, 1807, signed by Governor Gore, appointing the Rev. George Okill Stewart, D.D., Archdeacon of Kingston, first Head Master of the Home District Grammar School at York (Toronto). North of what is now Adelaide Street (formerly Newgate Street), bounded westward by Church Street, and eastward by Jarvis Street, was a large field, almost square, containing about six acres--for many years the playground of the District Grammar School. In the south-west corner of it, some hundred feet or more from the street boundaries, was elected the plain wooden building, about fifty-five feet long by forty wide in which, on the first Monday of June, 1807, when the population of the town was only about five hundred, the Grammar School was opened. It was attended by the sons and daughters of the well-to-do citizens of York, and on the few existing records may be found many a well known name. In 1812, the Rev. John Strachan. D.D., was appointed Rector of York, and succeeded the Rev. Mr. Stewart as Head Master of this school.[22] Mr. Barnabas Bidwell (father of the late Hon. M. S. Bidwell) kept a good Latin School at Bath, on the Bay of Quinté, in 1811. In 1813, he removed to Kingston, where he taught for twenty years until he died in 1833. [22] _Canadian Educational Monthly_, February 1889, page 58. In 1820, the "Central School at York" was opened under the mastership of Mr. Joseph Spragge, father of the late Chief Justice Spragge. Lieutenant-Governor and Lady Sarah Maitland took a special interest in the success of this school. In a _View of Upper Canada_, published at Baltimore in 1814, by Mr. M. Smith, (who resided in the Province from 1808 until the breaking out of the War in 1812) he said:-- "The greater part of the inhabitants are not well educated, for, as they were poor when they came to the Province and the country being but thinly settled for a number of years, they had but little chance for the benefit of schools. But since the country has become settled, or the inhabitants rich, or in a good way of living, which is almost universally the case, they pay considerable attention to learning. Ten dollars a year is the common price given for the tuition of each scholar by good teachers."--Page 52. In 1813, Rev. John Langhorn (a Church of England missionary at Earnestown and Bath from 1787 to 1812, and teacher of a school) made a present of his library to the inhabitants of the Bay of Quinte district. In 1814 Rev. Robert Baldwin was appointed Grammar schoolmaster at Cornwall, vice Rev. John (afterwards Dean) Bethune resigned. In 1815 the Midland District School, so-called, was incorporated. Dr. Strachan resigned the head mastership of the District School on July 1st, 1823. He was succeeded by Mr. Samuel Armour, M.A., a graduate of Glasgow University, who afterwards became a clergyman of the English Church, and officiated many years in the township of Cavan. The Rev. Thomas Phillips, D.D., an accomplished scholar, came out from England in 1825 to take charge of the school, and remained in the position of headmaster, much honored and beloved by his pupils, until, in 1830, chiefly by the exertions of the Governor, Sir John Colborne, Upper Canada College was established and the work of the college began in the old District Grammar School building. Classes were opened in the new buildings erected in another part of the city for the college in 1831, and the Grammar School was closed, the building being removed from its original site to the line of Nelson street (now Jarvis street), and fenced into a plot about 70 × 120 feet. The remaining portion of the six acres was handed over to Upper Canada College. On the active remonstrance of the citizens living in the eastern part of Toronto, the school was re-opened and secured to the city, Mr. Charles N. B. Cosens being appointed headmaster in 1836, and succeeded by Mr. Marcus C. Crombie in 1838.[23] [23] _Ibid._, page 59. EARLY EFFORTS TO ESTABLISH COMMON SCHOOLS 1816-1820. In 1816, seven years after the establishment of District Grammar Schools, a praiseworthy effort was made to provide for the establishment and maintenance of common schools."[24] A liberal grant of $24,000 a year, for four years, was made as an experiment. Whether the experiment was a success, or not, does not appear, but in 1820, the grant was reduced to $10,000 a year. [24] In 1816, an Act was passed granting £800 for the purchase of a library for the use of the Legislative Council and house of Assembly. STATE OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1784-1819. In regard to the state of education of Upper Canada in 1817, and the fluctuating character of its progress since the settlement of the Province, in 1784, up to that time, Mr. Gourlay, a well-known Canadian politician and author, writes as follows:-- "There is no college in Upper Canada, but there are said to be several townships of land set apart for the purpose of endowing such institution, when the population and circumstances of the Province shall require it. "No provision is made by law for free schools. The inhabitants of the severe! townships are left to a voluntary support of schools, according to their own discretion. "An Act of the Provincial Legislature, in 1807, granted a hundred pounds a year to the teacher of one school, in each of the eight districts under the direction of trustees. In some districts the school thus provided for is made a free school; but in other districts the salary is considered as a public encouragement to a teacher of literary eminence, in addition to the compensation received for the tuition of each scholar."--_Statistical Account of Upper Canada, etc., by Robert Gourlay, 2 vols., London, 1822._ The Rev. Dr. Strachan became a master of one of these schools, and Rev. George Ryerson and his brother, Egerton, master and usher of another. As to the state of feeling in the rural parts of the oldest settled portions of Upper Canada, we make the following extracts from a letter written to Mr. Gourlay from the township of Grimsby, in 1818, by a highly respected resident there, William Crooks, Esq. Mr. Crooks remarks:-- "The state of education is at a very low ebb, not only in the township, but generally throughout the [Niagara] district; although the liberality of the legislature has been great in support of the district (Grammar) schools, (giving to the teachers of each £100 per annum), yet they have been productive of little or no good hitherto, for this obvious cause, they are looked upon as seminaries exclusively instituted for the education of the children of the more wealthy classes of society, and to which the poor man's child is considered as unfit to be admitted. From such causes, instead of their being a benefit to the Province, they are sunk into obscurity, and the heads of most of them are at this moment enjoying their situations as comfortable sinecures. Another class of schools has, within a short time, been likewise founded upon the liberality of the legislative purse, denominated common, or parish, schools, but like the preceding, the anxiety of the teacher employed, seems more alive to his stipend than the advancement of the education of those placed under his care: from the pecuniary advantages thus held out, we have been inundated with the worthless scum, under the character of school masters, not only of this, but of every other country where the knowledge has been promulgated, of the easy means our laws afford of getting a living here, by obtaining a parish school, which is done upon the recommendation of some few freeholders, getting his salary from the public, and making his employers contribute handsomely beside. "It is true, rules are laid down for their government, and the proper books prescribed for their use; but scarcely in one case in ten are they adhered to, for in the same class you will frequently see one child with Noah Webster's spelling book in this hand, and the next with Lindley Murray's. However prone the teachers are to variety in their schools, much blame is to be attributed to the trustees, who are in many instances too careless and I might almost add too ignorant to discriminate right from wrong, in the trust they have undertaken for the public benefit. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at why the parish school system should meet with almost universal reprobation from most discerning men. "Of these parish schools, we are burdened with a liberal share, having no less than three of them. If the establishment of this system was meant by the legislature to abbreviate the present enormous price of education, they have been miserably deceived; for I can see no alteration or reduction from the charge made before the passing of the act. The price then was 12_s._ 6_d._ [_i.e._ $2.50,] and is now the same, per quarter." In July, 1819, provisions was made for an additional district grammar school; for holding annual public examinations; for reporting the condition of the schools to the governor, and for educating ten common school pupils, free of charge, at each of the nine public grammar schools already established; but the provincial allowance to teachers of grammar schools was reduced to £50 in all cases where the numbers of pupils did not exceed ten. FITFUL EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS FROM 1822 TO 1829. In 1822, Sir Peregrine Maitland, the Lieutenant-Governor, submitted to the Imperial Government a plan for organizing a general system of education, including elementary schools; and, in 1823, he obtained permission from England to establish a Board of Education for the general superintendence of this system of education, and for the management of the university and school lands throughout the Province. The members of this Board, with Rev. Dr. Strachan at its head, as chairman, were: Hon. Joseph Wells, Hon. G. H. Markland, Rev. Robert Addison, Hon. J. B. Robinson, and Thomas Ridout, Esq. This Board prepared some general regulations in regard to the schools and proposed a plan by which to exchange 225,944 acres of the less valuable of the school lands for the more productive Clergy Reserve lands. The plan having been approved by the Home Government, was carried into effect by the Governor soon after. In 1824, the first attempts towards providing the public with general reading books, in connection with the Common and Sunday schools, were made. The sum of £150 was annually appropriated for this object, and authorized to be expended by the Provincial Board of Education in the purchase of "books and tracts designed to afford moral and religions instruction," and distributed equally among all the districts of Upper Canada. Thus were presented the dim outlines of a system of public instruction which it was clear the necessities of the country required, but which for want of a vigorous and systematic supervision was gradually permitted to languish, and the legislative enactments themselves were suffered to become almost obsolete on the statute book. In January, 1824, the Common School Act was made to apply "to all schools that are now or may hereafter be established and kept among the Indians who shall be resident within the limits of any organized county or township within this Province, excepting such schools as shall or may be otherwise provided for."[25] Provision was also made for the examination of Common School teachers by County Boards of Education. [25] All the Indian schools of the Province, which are chiefly sustained by various religious bodies are now under the control of the Indian Department at Ottawa. The following is an account of a typical Indian school at the Credit in 1830: The school room in a large and commodious apartment with tiers of raised benches in the rear: on one division of which sit the girls, and the boys on the other. There are also desks, and slates for ciphering and copy-books and copper-plate lines for whose who write. The Bible and Testaments, and some of the other books, are English printed and some American. No sectarian intolerance prevails in that way. Among the school furniture are a handsome map of the world, the arithmecon, attractive alphabets in pasteboard, regular figures illustrative of geometry, some of them cut out of wood and some of them made of pasteboard: the picture of Elijah fed by ravens, figures of birds, fishes and quadrupeds on pasteboard, coloured, accompanied with the history of each animal: the figure of a clock in pasteboard, by which to explain the principles of the time-piece. The walls are adorned with good, moral maxims; and I perceived that one of the rules was rather novel, though doubtful in place here. It was, "No blankets to be worn in school." The attendance is about 50 Indian children. The girls are taught by Miss Rolph, sister of the late Member of Middlesex: the boys by Mr. Edwy Ryerson, a younger brother of the late editor of the _Christian Guardian_, Rev. Egerton Ryerson. The translating office is occupied by Mr. Peter Jones, the Indian minister. STATE OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1827-1829, FROM THE OFFICIAL REPORTS, ETC. The number and condition of the Common and other schools in Upper Canada in 1827 may be gathered from "An appeal to the Friends of Religion, and Literature, in behalf of the University of Upper Canada," published in London in 1827 (of which I have an original MS. copy). Dr. Strachan says:-- _School in Upper Canada, 1827._--"In about 340 Common Schools in Upper Canada from 12,000 to 14,000 children are taught reading and writing, the elements of arithmetic, and the first principles of religion. The people, scattered as they are over a vast wilderness, are thus becoming alive to the great advantage of educating their children ... insomuch so, that schools supported by subscriptions are more in number than those established by law. Provision is made by statute for the translation of some of the more promising scholars from the Common to the District Schools, where the classics and practical mathematics are taught. In these schools (eleven in number) there are at present 300 young men acquiring an education to qualify them for the different professions.... _Niagara District Board of Education, 1828._--"It must be admitted generally that after the approval and appointment of teachers by the Trustees the Board have not rejected teachers however incompetent, from a regards to the wishes of their employers, the terms for tuition being so very low as not to induce men of sufficient qualifications generally to engage in the humble and ill-requited duties. Reading, writing and arithmetic have been uniformly taught in all schools. Grammar and geography in a few. Religious instruction has not been overlooked. Upon the whole, the system of education in this district may be considered as efficient as can be expected upon the footing on which it is placed."--_Rev. Thomas Creen._ _Provincial Board of Education, 1828._--The number of District Grammar Schools in operation in the Province is 11; pupils in attendance, 372. Number of Common Schools, 401; number of pupils in attendance, 10,712--increase over 1827 of nearly 2,000 pupils. The President of the Board (Rev. Dr. Strachan) last summer visited in person all the districts of the Province, and not only inspected the grammar schools, but examined minutely the systems of management adopted by their respective teachers. In order to produce a greater uniformity of the system to supply, in some measure, the want of experience to younger teachers, the President has submitted an outline of study for the grammar schools, the adoption of which, the board cannot but think would be highly beneficial, and produce a higher standard of education throughout the Province.[26] [26] This course of study is appended herewith on the next page. In some places girls are admitted to the district schools, for want of good female schools, but the admission of female children interferes with the government which is required in classical seminaries. In a population of nearly 200,000, at least one-fifth, or 40,000, is composed of children between the ages of 5 and 15 who should be going to school. Taking the number of those who are benefited in the Common and Sunday schools at 15,000, then the expense to the Province is about 3_s._ 9_d._ each. In some districts the salaries allowed to the schoolmasters of the Common Schools are exceedingly small. They range from £12 10_s._ downwards. In some little more than £5, and in one less than that trifling sum. Many schools continue only six months; others eight months in the year. The natural consequence of this state of things is that superior teachers desert the Common Schools as soon as they can procure any other employment, and many persons resort to the occupation of teachers merely as a temporary expedient. These latter are without experience, which is all-important to an instructor of youth and can have little desire to establish a reputation in an employment to which they have only recourse for present convenience. In the sister Colony of Nova Scotia, the sum of £1,000 is annually appropriated to the Common Schools and divided among 12 counties, not equally, but in proportion to population. One law, by giving the same sum to each district, whether populous or not, in that particular requires alteration. The Board would submit that in addition to the public allowance, a power should be given to the townships to assess themselves for the schools. In Nova Scotia it is provided in the statute that two-thirds of the freeholders may, under certain conditions, tax themselves according to their ability for the support of education, and that no school of 30 scholars shall be entitled to the stipulated aid of £20, unless the teacher receives _bona fide_ from his employers £10, together with this sum, exclusive of and in addition to board, etc.; and that no school of 15 scholars shall be entitled to the stipulated sum of £15 unless the teacher receives from his employers £25 per annum as aforesaid. The Board had distributed to the Common Schools a large quantity of useful school books including Mavor's Spelling Book. They have also contracted for 2,000 copies of this excellent work to be executed on cards for the township schools. There appears to be a great scarcity of arithmetic books in the Province, and those in use are in general too difficult or deficient in matter, etc. The President has, therefore, undertaken to draw up a short manual on the subject, suitable to the state and business of the country. Neither the sick nor the destitute have higher claims upon the public than the ignorant. The want of knowledge brings all other wants in its train; and if education be regarded as a charity, it is a charity of which the blessings are without alloy. It demands no jealous scrutiny of the claims of its applicants, nor does it require to be so stinted as not to multiply their number.--_Rev. John Strachan, President, York, 5th February, 1829._ * * * * * _Midland District Grammar School, 1829._--It is to be lamented that so few of the wealthy farmers of the Midland District avail themselves of the means of giving their sons that degree of education which the public school can readily afford, which would qualify young persons to discharge the duties of the magistracy and other public situations with credit to themselves. The trustees regret that no poor children are educated gratis under the patriotic and very benevolent provision of the statute, in consequence of no returns being made to them of the most promising scholars from the Common School. The trustees, therefore, submit, whether in order to encourage native genius in humble circumstances, some means might not be devised of maintaining all the 10 children whom the statute authorizes the trustee to select for gratuitous instruction.--_Rev. George O'Kill Stuart, Thomas Markland and John Macaulay, Kingston, December 30th, 1829._ * * * * * NOTE.--The local reports for the succeeding year are chiefly statistical and explanatory and contain no general remarks. From a report signed by the Rev. Dr. Strachan and Hon. Wm. Allan in 1839, it would appear that things had for years remained in _statu quo_. They say:-- "For many years elaborate reports were sent from this (Home District) Board of Education detailing what were believed to be the alterations necessary to render the present Common School Act efficient. In consequence of these, and like reports from other districts, a measure for the establishment of such schools has been for more than six years before the Legislature, which purposes to provide remedies for the defects which are met with in the working of the present system." COURSE OF STUDY SUGGESTED BY REV. DR. STRACHAN AS SUITABLE FOR THE DISTRICT GRAMMAR SCHOOLS THROUGHOUT THE PROVINCE, 1829. In a "letter from the Rev. Dr. Strachan to Rev. A. N. Bethune, Rector of Cobourg," dated October 6th, 1829, he thus sketched a course of study for Grammar Schools: _First Year--Boys from 7 to 9._ 1st. _Latin._--Eton Grammar; Vocabulary; Corderius; Selectæ e Profanis. 2nd. _English._--Mavor's Spelling Book; Enfield's Lessons; Walker's Lessons; Murray's Lessons; Blair's Class Book; English Grammar; Writing; Arithmetic, chiefly mental. _Second Year--Boys from 9 to 11._ 1st. _Latin._--Grammar; Valpy's Delectas; New Testament; Daley's Exercises; Exampla Minora; Entropius; Phædrus; Cornelius Nepos. 2nd. _English._--Grammar and Reading, as before; Writing and Arithmetic (mental and mixed); Geography; Civil and Natural History and Elocution. 3rd.--To commence French. _Third Year--Boys from 11 to 13._ 1st. _Latin_--Grammar; Bailey's Exercises; Cornelius Nepos; Cæsar; Ovid's Metamorphoses; Nonsense Verses; Psalms into Latin Verse; Exampla Moralis; Versions or rendering English into Latin. 2nd. _Greek_--To commence about the middle of the third year: Eton Grammar, or Nelson's edition of Moore's Grammar; Greek Vocabulary; New Testament; Greek Exercises. 3rd. _English._--Grammar; Writing; Elocution; Civil and Natural History; Geography, Ancient and Modern; English Composition. 4th. _Arithmetic._--And to commence Algebra. 5th. _French._ _Fourth Year--Boys from 12 to 14._ 1st. _Latin._--Grammar; Terence Virgil; Horace; Sallust; Cicero; Livy; Latin composition, verse and prose; Grotius de Veritate Exampla Moralia. 2nd. _Greek._--Eton Grammar; Græca Minora; Greek and Latin Testament; Xenophon; Homer. 3rd. _English._--Grammar and Composition; Civil and Natural History; Geography, Ancient and Modern, use of the globes; construction of maps. 4th. _Mathematics._--Arithmetic; Book-keeping; Algebra; Euclid. 5th. _French._ _Fifth Year--Boys from 14 to 16._ 1st. _Latin._--Virgil; Horace; Livy, Juvenal; Tacitus; Composition, in prose and verse. 2nd. _Greek._--Græca Majora; Homer; Thucidides; Composition, in prose and verse. 3rd. _English._--Grammar and Composition; Elocution; Civil and Natural History; Geography, Ancient and Modern; use of the globes; construction of maps. 4th. _Mathematics._--Algebra; Euclid; Trigonometry, Application to heights and distances; Surveying; Navigation; Dialling; Elements of Astronomy, etc. 5th. _French._ REV. DR. STRACHAN'S SYSTEM OF SCHOOL MANAGEMENT. Rev. Dr. Scadding, in his sketch of Dr. Strachan, "The first Bishop of Toronto--a Review and a Study," says: "The system pursued in Dr. Stachan's school at Cornwall and afterwards at York, exhibited features that would have gratified the advanced educationists of the present age. In that system the practical and the useful were by no means sacrificed to the ornamental and theoretical, or the merely conventional. Things were regarded as well as words.... In regard to things--the science of common objects--we doubt if in the most complete of our modern schools there was ever awakened a greater interest or intelligence in relation to such matters. Who, that had once participated in the excitement of its natural history class, ever forgot it? Or in that of the historical or geographical exercises? We venture to think that, in many an instance, the fullest experience of after life, in travel or otherwise, had often their associations with ideas awakened then; and often compared satisfactorily and pleasurably with the pictures of places, animals and persons given, rudely it may be, in text books, ransacked and conned in a fervour of emulation then. The manner of study in these subjects was this: each lad was required to prepare a set of questions, to be put by himself to his fellows in the class. If a reply was not forthcoming, and the information furnished by the questioner was judged correct the latter 'went up' and took the place of the other. This process, besides being instructive and stimulating to the pupils, possessed the advantage of being, as it often proved, highly diverting to the teacher." On this system Dr. Strachan himself remarks: "The method of instruction by question and answer possesses many advantages over any other, and is not only the very best and shortest, but the most satisfactory. In this system the deficiencies of each scholar becomes manifest, and the teacher knows to what particular points he must direct his explanations. There is no time for inattention or wandering; the question and necessity for reply compel attention and recollection. The children, if the teacher proceed with conciliatory firmness, acquire lively interest in the lesson, for each is particularly addressed and brought forward with action."[27] [27] The _Christian Recorder_, edited by Rev. Dr. Strachan, York, 1830, vol. 1, page 182. The late Bishop Fuller, who was also one of Dr. Strachan's pupils, also states that:-- "He had a remarkable talent for interesting boys in their work; and, by taking a deep interest in it himself, he led them to do the same. He was very original in many of his plans for promoting the good of his school. Amongst others, which I never met with elsewhere, was one of making the boys question one another on certain of the lessons. This made the boys quick at seizing on the leading points in the lessons, ready at shaping questions, and deeply interested in the questions and answers. The Bishop took as deep an interest in the questioning and answering of the boys as they did themselves; and thus this plan, whilst it was of great service to the boys in various ways, tended strongly to bind master and scholars together."[28] [28] Sermon on the Death of Bishop Strachan, _Journal of Education_ for U. C., vol. xx. (1868), page 182. As to his method of teaching arithmetic, he explains it in the following words: "In a new country like this, a variety of branches must be taught in every respectable school. Young men ... are anxious to get forward as fast as possible, and even those destined for the learned professions are seldom allowed the time requisite for acquiring the knowledge previously necessary. These considerations induced me to turn my thoughts to the discovery of some sure, and at the same time, expeditious method of teaching arithmetic. This object I have accomplished with a much greater degree of success than I dared to promise myself. "I divide my pupils into separate classes according to their progress. Each class has one or more sums to produce every day, neatly wrought upon their slates. The work is carefully examined, after which I command every figure to be blotted out, and the sums to be wrought under my eye. The one whom I happen to pitch upon first gives, with an audible voice, the rules and reasons for every step, and as he proceeds the rest silently work along with him figure for figure, but ready to correct him if he blunder that they may get his place. As soon as this one is finished, the work is again blotted out and another called upon to work the question aloud as before, while the rest proceed along with him in silence, and so on round the whole class.... This method of teaching arithmetic possesses this important advantage, that it may be pursued without interrupting the pupils' progress in any other useful study. The same method of teaching Algebra has been used with equal success. Such a plan is certainly very laborious, but it will be found successful, _and he that is anxious to spare labor ought not to be a public teacher_."[29] [29] Preface to "A Concise Introduction to Practical Arithmetic, for the use of Schools: By the Rev. John Strachan, Montreal. Printed by Nahum Mower, 1809." Desiring to give a local interest to the exercises in his book, Dr. Strachan gave several examples from Canadian subjects. Thus a question is addition reads:-- "From Quebec to Montreal is 180 miles--from thence to Kingston 200--from thence to York 149--from thence to Niagara 78 miles--from thence to Detroit, 210. Required the distance from Quebec to Detroit. _Answer_--317 miles." Again a question in multiplication reads:-- "The distance from Quebec to Montreal is 180 miles, supposing the road 17 yards broad, how many square yards does it contain? _Answer_--5,385,600 yards." As to his diligence as a student, while yet a teacher. Dr. Fuller remarks:-- "The late Bishop said to me on one occasion: 'I had to study every night quite as hard as the boys; for I was not much in advance of the highest class in school. These and parochial duties demanded sixteen hours every day,--and yet these nine years were the happiest years of my life." REV. DR. STRACHAN'S CAREER AS A TEACHER. Having been appointed Minister at Cornwall in 1803, Dr. Fuller states that there he was:-- "Induced to resume his school, at the solicitation of the parents of those boys who had been in his school at Kingston, and of others, both in Lower and Upper Canada, who were desirous of placing their sons under a master so practical, wise and successful, as he had proved himself to be. Thus he commenced the school at Cornwall, which afterwards became so celebrated, and at which were educated the first men that Canada has produced, and of whom she may well be proud--such men as the late Sir J. B. Robinson, Judge Maclean, Sir J. B. Macaulay, Sir Allan MacNab, Judge Jones, Mr. Stanton, the Bethunes (Alexander, John and Donald), Sir James Stuart, and his brother Andrew Stuart, besides many others who have reflected credit on our country. "The Bishop had a great faculty for not only attaching his scholars to him, but also for inducing them to apply themselves most assiduously to their studies. He told me he made it a rule, during the time he kept school, to watch closely every new boy, and at the end of a fortnight, to note down in a book his estimate of the boys who had passed through his hands. "He was never afraid of having his dignity lowered by liberties taken with him, and he always felt every confidence in his position and entered warmly and personally into many of the boys' amusements, and thus gained an immense influence over them. The influence over his pupils has been shown in the fact, that almost all of them embraced his principles; and the love and affection for him of his celebrated Cornwall school was shown many years ago, when the surviving members thereof presented him with an address[30] and a most beautiful and costly candelabra. Nor did his more recent scholars entertain less affection for him, though they never proved it so substantially as did those of his Cornwall School.... He was an excellent teacher. His scholars were well grounded in their work. The grammar was well mastered, and every rule thereof deeply impressed on the memory. Every lesson was thoroughly dissected, and everything connected with it thoroughly understood, before we passed on to another lesson."[31] [30] The principal signers of the address were Sir J. B. Robinson, Sir J. B. Macaulay, Very Rev. Dean Bethune, Right Rev. Bishop Bethune, Hon. Chief Justice McLean, Hon. Justice Jones, Hon. W. B. Robinson, Hon. G. S. Boulton, Rev W. Macaulay, Judge (George) Ridout, Surveyor-General Chewett, Col. Gregg, Capt. Macaulay, R.A., Inspector-General Markland, Sheriff McLean, Messrs. T. G. Ridout, P. Vankoughnet, S. P. Jarvis, J. Radenhurst, R. G. Anderson, R. Stanton, and others. [31] _Journal of Education_ for U. C., Vol. xx. (1868), page 183. For further reference to Dr. Strachan's educational efforts see the sections on universities, page 59 _et seq._ MR. JOSEPH HUME'S ESSAY ON EDUCATION EDITED AS A CATECHISM BY MR. WM. LYON MACKENZIE IN 1830. In 1830 Mr. Mackenzie republished at York (Toronto), in pamphlet form, the first part of a Catechism of Education, prepared by Mr. Joseph Hume, M.P., in England. The pamphlet in my possession is worn and weather-stained. It is inscribed to David Thorburn, of Queenston, and extends to 46 pages. In his preface Mr. Mackenzie says: "To Mr. Joseph Hume.--The compiler is indebted for an Essay on Education, which lays down and explains principles of vital importance to the best interest of the Canadians, the perusal of which first suggested the design of this catechism. "In the first parts, under the heads Domestic, Technical, Social and Political Instruction, it has been attempted to shew chiefly what the means are by which the human mind may be endowed with those qualities on which the generation of happiness depends." VICISSITUDES OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1830-1839. For many years subsequently spasmodic efforts were made from time to time by progressive and earnest men in the Legislature to establish a system of schools. Enquiries were instituted and reports made, chiefly but not wholly, by the House of Assembly. A vigorous contest was maintained between that body and the Legislative Council on the subject. Bills were passed by the Assembly and rejected by the Council. The contest continued until the Rebellion occurred, and this event turned all men's thoughts into another channel for the time. Of the able and zealous men who, almost single handed, fought the battle of elementary education in the Legislature, prior to the rebellion of 1837, I may refer to the efforts in this direction of Dr. Charles Duncombe and Mr. Malhon Burwell, who did good service in the cause, as also did Archdeacon Strachan, Hon. William Morris and others for higher education. In the light of the growth and educational progress of to-day, the miserable condition of public education in the days of the educational pioneers to whom I have referred, can hardly be credited. And were it not on record in the proceedings of the Legislature, the statements there made would appear to apply to some other country rather than to ours. There were in the House of Assembly in those days (as I have intimated) men of rare power and ability, who did noble service in the popular cause, and in behalf of general education. They passed school bills, founded on elaborate reports, year after year, only to see them defeated by a majority in the Legislative Council. This state of things continued for some years, and with disastrous effects on the intellectual life of the country. This fact is illustrated in the proceedings of the House of Assembly. For example: In a petition of the United Presbytery of Upper Canada, presented to the House in 1830, the signers say:-- "It is with deep regret that your petitioners (in their ministerial capacity, connected with a very large portion of His Majesty's subjects in this Province) are compelled to say that the state of education is, in general, in a deplorable condition." The reason for this state of things is thus clearly set forth by the House of Assembly in an address to the Lieutenant-Governor, adopted in the same year:-- "We the Commons of Upper Canada, in Parliament assembled, most respectfully represent that there is in this Province a very general want of education; that the insufficiency of the school fund to support competent, respectable and well-educated teachers, has degraded common school teaching from a regular business to a mere matter of convenience to transient persons, or common idlers, who often teach school one season and leave it vacant until it accommodates some other like person, whereby the minds of our youth are left without cultivation, or, what is still worse, frequently with vulgar, low-bred, vicious or intemperate examples before them, in the capacity of monitors." EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF MR. MAHLON BURWELL IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1831-1836. Few men exerted themselves more or to better purpose in the cause of education than did Mr. Burwell during the time he was a member of the old Upper Canada Legislature, in 1831-1838.[32] [32] Col. Mahlon Burwell was born in the State of New Jersey, but early in life came to Upper Canada. He settled first at Fort Erie, then at Long Point, and finally removed to the Talbot Settlement. He was near neighbor, and for a long time, right-hand man of the noted Col. Talbot, of Port Talbot. He was a surveyor by profession, and in 1810 surveyed the townships of Malahide, Bayham, and part of the then village of London. Amongst the many motions relating to education which were moved by Mr. Burwell in the House of Assembly from time to time, was the following important one, which was concurred in by the House in February, 1831:-- "That a standing committee be appointed on the subject of education generally in this Province.... "That it be a principal duty and business of the committee to enquire whether an appropriation of 500,000 acres of land was not made, in virtue of a joint address of both houses of the Provincial Parliament, adopted at their session of 1797, or 1798, and whether the same is not subject to the control of the Legislature of this Province; to enquire if anything, and what, has been done with the lands or any part of them, and what is their present situation. "That the said committee do enquire in what way the several district schools of the Province can best be endowed with portions of the said lands, so as to render them more efficient and fitting for the improvement of the rising generation than they are at present."... Such were the comprehensive terms of a motion which gave to the subject of education a status in the House of Assembly at the time by making a committee on the subject a Standing Committee of the House, and clothing it with important powers. Mr. Burwell also, of the same month, moved for the production of all the despatches, reports, and other documents relating to the royal grant of lands by George III. for grammar schools and colleges in Upper Canada. In response to this latter motion, the Lieut.-Governor, Sir John Colborne (Lord Seaton), sent down to the House a mass of papers of great value, showing what steps had been taken by the Imperial and Provincial Governments during the intervening years for the promotion of public education. These papers were printed at the time, but little is now known of their contents. In April, 1831, Mr. Burwell, as chairman of the Quarter Sessions of the London District, presented to the Lieut-Governor a memorial setting forth the advantages to that locality of endowing a college at London. Amongst the reasons given are the following:-- "Your memorialists are aware that education of a superior kind cannot be brought to every man's door, and that under any arrangements, the inhabitants of the Province generally must send their children a short distance from home; but such is the extent of the several districts, that the school can seldom be a day's journey from any part of them; and the scholars can return to their homes without expense during the holidays; and, if sick, they can be visited by their parents in a few hours, and removed to their habitations without difficulty. Added to all this the cheapness at which board can be obtained in country places, and the easiness with which, in most cases, it can be paid for by produce from their farms." These reasons are somewhat primitive in their character; but they throw light on the social condition of the people in these days, and illustrate the common practice then of paying even for education "in kind," or by "produce from the farms." The object of the memorialists was to obtain such an endowment for the London District Grammar School-- "As shall render it efficient as a classical seminary, and a nursery (as such schools are intended to be) for the University of King's College.... "The endowment should be such a one as would furnish a good school-house, a commodious residence for the head master--to enable him to keep boarders and produce an income of four or five hundred pounds." In the following June a similar, but a much longer and more strongly worded, memorial was presented to the Governor from the trustees of the Kingston "Royal Grammar School," protesting against the withdrawal from that school of an extra grant of £200 a year and giving it to Upper Canada College, thus reducing the rank of the Kingston "Royal Grammar School" to that of a district grammar school. EFFORTS AT EDUCATIONAL LEGISLATION BY DR. CHARLES DUNCOMBE, 1831-1836. As one of those who took a prominent part in the troublesome events of 1837-38, in Upper Canada, Dr. Duncombe acquired considerable notoriety. He was, nevertheless, a man of broad views, of comprehensive aims and large sympathies.[33] [33] Dr. Charles Duncombe was an American by birth, and win born in the State of New Jersey in or about the year 1796. He came to Upper Canada with his parents during the progress, or immediately after the close, of the war of 1812-15, and settled in the "London District." Charles Duncombe studied medicine and surgery, and in 1827 and 1828 began to practice his profession on the town line between the townships of Burford and Brantford, near Bishopsgate. He soon obtained a large practice and with it an extended influence. During the rebellion of 1837-8, Dr. Duncombe took part and went to the United States, and remained there until 1843, when he received a pardon from Sir Charles (afterwards Lord) Metcalfe. He did not, however, remain long in Upper Canada after his return, but soon left for the Western States, whence he subsequently removed to California, and died there. From his first entry into the House of Assembly, Dr. Charles Duncombe, M.P.P. for the county of Norfolk, took up warmly the cause of popular education. In this he was actively supported by two other medical gentlemen--Dr. Thomas D. Morrison and Dr. Thomas Bruce--who were also members of the House of Assembly at that time. Dr. Charles Duncombe's first motion in the House of Assembly (on the 13th December, 1831) was for an address to the Lieut.-Governor urging the setting apart of a sufficient quantity of the public lands of the Province to form a permanent fund for the support and maintenance of common schools. His motion was, however, defeated. As Dr. Duncombe's motion is of historical interest, so far as the facts which it alleges are concerned, I give some extracts from it. The motion stated:-- "That there is in this Province a very general want of education; that the insufficiency of the Common School Fund to support competent, respectable and well-educated teachers, has degraded common school teaching from a regular business to a mere matter of convenience to transient persons, or common idlers, who often stay but for one season, and leave the schools vacant until they accommodate some other like person, whereby the minds of the youth of this Province are left without due cultivation, or, what is worse, frequently with vulgar, low-bred, vicious and intemperate examples before them in the persons of their monitors," (_i.e._, teachers). The motion goes on to say that:-- "If provision were made for the liberal and punctual payment of common school teachers ... the teaching of common schools would soon become a regular and respectable calling, gentlemanly, well-educated persons would not be ashamed to take charge of youth, the schools would be no longer vacant, nor the scholars ignorant. Upper Canada would then form a national character that would command respect abroad and ensure peace, prosperity and happiness at home, perpetuate attachment to British principles and British institutions, and enable posterity to value, as they ought, the inestimable blessings of our glorious constitution." The motion went on to urge the Lieut.-Governor to represent to the Colonial Secretary the important necessity--in view of the facts cited--of entreating "That His Majesty, William IV., be graciously pleased to place at the disposal of the Provincial Legislature a portion of the waste lands of the Crown as a permanent fund for the support of common schools within the same." Dr. Charles Duncombe, with a prescience of the future, and of the necessities of the case, (which were not then recognized, nor for many years afterwards,) strongly urged, as did other members of the Assembly, that at least one million acres of the "waste lands" of the Province should be set apart for the support of common schools.[34] [34] It is gratifying to know that, although defeated at the time, Dr. Duncombe's efforts bore fruit nearly twenty years afterwards--in 1850--when Hon. Wm. Hamilton Merritt, then President of the Council, introduced and had a Bill passed by the Legislature setting apart 1,000,000 acres of the Crown Lands for the permanent endowment of public schools in United Canada. The motion was negatived. Dr. Duncombe was, however, determined not to be beaten. Mr. David Burn and other friends of his in the county of Oxford--no doubt on his suggestion--got up a petition to the Legislature on the subject, and on the 21st December--a week after his motion was defeated--Dr. Duncombe read this petition and had it referred to a select committee for report thereon. On the 26th December an elaborate report on the petition was brought in by Dr. Duncombe himself, as chairman of the committee. In that report the whole subject was gone into fully, and a scheme elaborated by which the 1,000,000 acres of land were proposed to be hypothecated in advance, so that by the issue of debentures for $500,000, redeemable in ten, fifteen and twenty years, a sufficient sum would be at once realized on the prospective value of these lands to form a permanent fund for the support of common schools. This report (as did the rejected motion) placed on record a few facts and principles which are interesting in the light of to-day. The report stated that-- "The common schools of this Province are generally in so deplorable a state that they scarcely deserve the name of schools." It recommended that the common school law of the Province be so amended that hereafter the school grant be paid only to-- "Organized schools, taught by a person who had a certificate from the District Board of Education, or school inspector, of his or her ability to teach a common school." It also urged that the Common School Fund should be large enough, with the local contributions, to provide an ample stipend for good teachers, instead of "transient persons" and "common idlers" then so often employed as teachers-- "So that common school teaching, instead of being a mere matter of convenience to transient persons, or common idlers, would become a regular, respectable business in the hands of gentlemanly, well-educated persons. For surely the foundation of the minds of our children (on which must depend the happiness or misery we are to enjoy with them) and their own success in life, is a business worthy to be respectable, worthy of the patronage of men in the highest walks of life." The report then laid down an important principle in regard to the necessity for a certain and permanent endowment for public education. It said:-- "Funds and appropriation for the support of education should be permanent. They should not depend upon the annual vote of the Legislature, nor on any other casualty that might, by possibility fail, and thereby check the regular progress of education." Dr. Duncombe, in stating this principle, had no doubt in view the example (then well known) of the fickleness of the Legislature in the matter of school grants. In 1816 the vote for the support of common schools was $24,000. In three subsequent years the same vote was repeated; but, in 1820, it was reduced to $10,000--closing schools here and there all over the Province, and inflicting grievous hardship on many worthy (and, in the language of the day and of the report, unworthy) teachers. This miserable state of things continued for many years, and, as I stated on this subject in 1863-- "Thus ebbed and flowed, without a master hand to stay the current, that tide which, in other lands, is regarded as the nation's life's blood; and thus was permitted to ensue that state of living death by which Upper Canada, in the significant and popular metaphor of the day was likened to a 'girdled tree,' destitute alike of life, of beauty, or of stately growth."[35] [35] Historical Sketch of Education in Upper Canada, by J. George Hodgins, M.A., LL.B., F.R.G.S. in "Eighty Years' Progress of British North America," 1863. No wonder that in these degenerate days the young men, with stirrings within them of noble impulses and patriotic devotion to their country, should have been compelled to depend upon themselves for intellectual enlightenment and advancement. The flippant sneer of many persons of to-day at such "self-made" men is unworthy of those who enjoy the advantages which these self-made men laboured to secure. They belonged to that noble band of pioneers, who achieved for us the civil and religious freedom which we now so richly enjoy. All honour to them, therefore! CONTINUED EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS BY MR. BURWELL IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. In January, 1832, Mr. Burwell made a motion similar to the defeated one of Dr. C. Duncombe, which led to considerable discussion. It was as follows:-- "That this House do address His Majesty, humbly beseeching that His Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant an appropriation of one million of acres of waste lands of the Crown in this Province for the maintenance and support of common schools within the same."...[36] In the same month Mr. Burwell introduced a bill "for the establishment and support of common schools throughout the Province." It was printed but was not proceeded with that session. Mr. Burwell's object clearly was to keep the subject before the House and to promote discussion on it. In this he succeeded. The House of Assembly was alive to the importance of the question, but the Legislative Council was obstructive in regard to the same subject. In November, 1832, Mr. Burwell again had a committee of the House of Assembly appointed to enquire into the manner in which the King's wishes had been carried out in regard to the royal grant of lands for educational purposes in 1798. To expedite this enquiry the important despatches and reports formerly asked for by him and sent down to the House by the Governor, with others, were printed and distributed. Mr. Burwell also introduced a bill "for the establishment, maintenance and regulation of common schools," in the Province. He made several motions, too, on the subject of the King's College charter and school lands. On the 21st November he submitted the first report of his "Select Committee on the Subject of Education." The historical part of this report being somewhat interesting in its statements, I quote it as follows:-- "The committee have been forcibly struck with the uniform anxiety which has been manifested at all times by the Legislature and Provincial authorities for the establishment of a university. "It formed part of the prayer of both Houses in their address to the King in 1797. "It was strongly recommended by the Executive Government, the judges, and law officers of the Crown, in 1798. "In 1806 the Legislature, to show that something more was even then required than grammar schools, did all their limited means permitted, in providing a small apparatus for the instruction of youth in physical science, that they might enter the world with something more than a common district school education; such an institution was again noticed in 1820, and an earnest desire expressed by the Legislature, which knew best the wants of the Province, for its speedy establishment. "In 1825 so many young men were found turning their attention to the learned professions that the Executive Government thought that the establishment of a university could be no longer delayed without the greatest detriment to the Province, and, therefore, applied to His Majesty for a Royal Charter, which was granted in 1827, in terms as liberal, it is said, as the then Government would allow; but such has proved by no means satisfactory to your Honorable House."[36] [36] See also the opinion of Archdeacon Strachan on this subject, in a subsequent part of this Retrospect. About the middle of December, 1832, Mr. Burwell brought in the second and very elaborate report of the Select Committee on Education. This report was chiefly based upon the opinions of several witnesses examined by the committee on the subject of school lands, King's College charter, U. C. College, and education generally. The witnesses examined were Chief Justice Robinson, Archdeacon Strachan, Chairman, and the Hon. G. H. Markland, Secretary to the Provincial Board of Education; Hon. Joseph Wells, a member of the Board, and Treasurer of U. C. College; Rev. Dr. Joseph H. Harris, Principal of U. C. College; Rev. Dr. Thomas Phillips, Vice-Principal, and Mr. S. P. Hurd, Surveyor-General of the Province. The general views of these noted men on the subject of education are both interesting and instructive in the light of to-day. The report itself deals with the then pressing question of the extension of educational facilities to the entire Province. It points out in strong language the undesirability of continuing a system of district, or grammar, schools which were quite adequate to the wants of the Province when the population was only 50,000, but which was not at all equal to the requirements of Upper Canada when that population had increased to nearly 300,000. These references show how wonderfully the Province has progressed in population and in its educational advantages since that time. EARLY OPINIONS ON THE NECESSITY FOR MANUAL, OR INDUSTRIAL, EDUCATION. The following passage from the report of 1832 is prophetical in its anticipation of the future. By way of illustration I may mention the fact that a somewhat similar utterance was made by Sir Lyon Playfair in his address as president of the British Association, at Aberdeen, in 1887. The passage in the report of 1832 is as follows:-- "That the situation of the Province in wealth and commerce, and in its demand for superior attainments in the various professions is very different from what it formerly was; and that unless opportunities are immediately furnished by the establishment of superior schools for the instruction of our youth in the higher branches of science, we must fall behind the age in which we live." What was thus put forth as a local thought, but yet as an educational axiom, by these educational pioneers of Upper Canada, upwards of fifty years ago, is thus forcibly and beautifully amplified by the president of the British Association in 1887. Speaking generally, and contrasting the educational policy of the colonies and that of the mother country, he said:-- "The colonies, being young countries, value their raw materials as their chief source of wealth. When they become older they will discover it is not in these, but in the culture of scientific intellect, that their future prosperity depends.... Jules Simon tersely puts it:--'The nation which most educates her people will become the greatest nation, if not to-day, certainly to-morrow.' Higher education is the condition of higher prosperity, and the nation which neglects to develop the intellectual factor of production must degenerate, for it cannot stand still.... The illustrious consort of our Queen was not the first prince who saw how closely science is bound up with the welfare of states.... How unwise it is for England to lag in the onward march of science, when most other European powers are using the resources of their states to promote higher education and to advance the boundaries of knowledge. [She] alone fails to grasp the fact that the competition of the world has become a competition of intellect.... A nation in its industrial progress, when the competition of the world is keen, cannot stand still.... I contend that in public education there should be a free play to the scientific faculty, so that the youths who possess it should learn the richness of their possession during the educative process.... Science has impressed itself upon the age in which we live; and as science is not stationary, but progressive, men are required to advance its boundaries, acting as pioneers in the onward march of states. Human progress is so identified with scientific thought, both in its conception and realization, that it seems as if they were alternative terms in the history of civilization." In giving these extracts so fully I have done so for two reasons: First, I desire to do honour to the zeal and to acknowledge the forethought and prescience of those members of the House of Assembly who, in 1832, placed so strong an emphasis upon the value of "the instruction of our youth in the higher branches of science;" and secondly, to point out, in the weighty words of Sir Lyon Playfair, the immense importance (in the light of past experience) which he and other leaders of thought in regard to England's industrial life and practical progress, attach to the teaching of elementary science in the schools. He touches upon this point in another part of his address, in pointing out the absurdity of requiring all pupils to study the same subjects. He says:-- "In a school a boy should be aided to discover the class of knowledge that is best suited to his mental capacities, so that in the upper forms of the school, and in the university, knowledge may be specialized in order to cultivate the powers of the man to the fullest extent.... The adaptation of public schools to a scientific age does not involve a contest as to whether science or classics shall prevail, for both are indispensable to true education. The real question is, whether schools will undertake the duty of moulding the minds of boys according to their mental varieties." LATER OPINIONS ON THE NECESSITY FOR MANUAL TRAINING IN OUR SCHOOLS. So deeply impressed was I of the immense importance of this subject, and of the necessity of providing in our school system for a practical solution of the question which was then, and is now, of pressing importance--viz., manual training in our schools--that in 1876 I prepared and delivered a lecture on the subject, in various parts of the Province. The lecture was founded on the industrial lessons taught to us so impressively at the Centennial Exhibition, Philadelphia, in 1876. These lessons, in their educational aspects, were even more forcibly impressed upon me at the great Industrial Exhibition held in New Orleans, in 1885. Having been there six weeks, as an Educational Juror, on behalf of the United States Bureau of Education, I had abundant and admirable facilities for studying the whole question, and for seeing how it was being worked out (more or less effectually) in the various national school systems which came under review during that enquiry--especially in France. Thus the French school law of 1882 provides that "primary education includes [among other things] the elements of the natural, physical and mathematical sciences, and their application to agriculture, to hygiene, and to the industrial art; manual work, and the use of tools of the principal trades, the elements of drawing, modelling, etc." Apprenticeship schools have also been established, the object of which is to form workmen, as distinguished from foremen, and in which various trades are taught. An official report, published by the United States Bureau of Education in 1882, states that the apprentices of these schools "find employment readily after they have left the workshops, at wages, it is said, varying from five to even as much as eight francs per day." In discussing this question in the lecture to which I have referred, these passages occur:-- "It is not assumed that every pupil in our schools is qualified, or that he should be compelled, as a matter of course, to engage in the study of elementary science or practical drawing. Far from it. But what I do say is, that those pupils who exhibit a taste for any of the various subjects of natural history, elementary science or practical mechanics, should have an opportunity in the Public and High Schools (of cities and large towns) of learning something about them. In an address by Mr. Gladstone on this subject, he stated that the boys of the English schools, and it is so in our schools, had not yet had fair play in the study of elementary science and natural history.... "There are few schools in which there are not boys possessing talent scientific, inventive, or industrial talent, or constructive genius, which are never evoked, much less aroused or stimulated. As to the question whether for the few the country should be put to the expense of their special training, I answer it in the words of Professor Huxley, who says:-- "To the lad of genius, even to the one in a million, I would make accessible the highest and most complete training the country could afford. Whatever it might cost, depend upon it the investment would be invaluable. I weigh my words when I say: that if the nation could purchase a potential Watt, or Davy, or Faraday, at the cost of a hundred thousand pounds down, he would be dirt cheap at the money.... It is a mere commonplace and an every-day piece of knowledge to say that, what these three men did, (in their special departments of practical science), has produced untold millions of wealth for England and the world, speaking in its narrowest economical sense of the word." The educational mind of the United States, as well as Europe, is being constantly directed to the consideration of this interesting practical subject. Magazines and reviews, as well as educational journals, freely discuss it. One of the most useful articles on "Manual Training in the Public schools," will be found in the _Andover Review_ for October, 1888. The United States Bureau of Education has also published various reports and papers on the subject. One of the most valuable is an elaborate report on _Industrial Education in the United States_, published in 1883. Some of the more important railways in that country have also established training schools for their employés. FURTHER EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1835, 1836. For the four years during which Dr. Duncombe was a member the Legislature of Upper Canada, his efforts to promote the cause of education were unceasing. With the exception of Mr. Burwell, who devoted himself almost entirely to the interests of education in the House, none excelled Dr. Duncombe in his zeal for the cause of public education. His efforts were chiefly directed to awaken an interest amongst his fellow members in the subject generally, and especially on behalf of the education of the deaf and dumb, in asylums for the insane, in prison discipline and similar matters. At length his efforts in the session of 1835 culminated in the appointment, by resolution of the House of Assembly, of Doctors Charles Duncombe, Thomas D. Morrison and William Bruce, Commissioners, to enquire, amongst other things, into "the system and management of schools and colleges" in the United States and elsewhere. Two of these commissioners deputed their colleague, Dr. Duncombe, to "go on a journey to the United States, or elsewhere, to obtain such information as is desired by a resolution" of the House of Assembly in that behalf. Six hundred dollars were granted by the House to defray the expenses of this enquiry. Late in 1835 Dr. Duncombe went on his mission of enquiry to the United States, and visited literary institutions in the Western, Middle, Eastern and some of the Southern States of the Union. He also obtained detailed information as to education in England, France and Prussia, and embodied the result in an elaborate report of nearly sixty pages and an appendix of one hundred and sixty pages. To this report he annexed the draft of a School Bill, extending to twenty-two pages, with a variety of forms and instructions appended. The whole document embraced two hundred and sixty pages of printed matter. The report is minute and exhaustive in its treatment of the subject in hand, although somewhat discursive and speculative in many parts. It is, nevertheless, in the light of to-day, both interesting and instructive. It presents a vivid picture, and not a very flattering one, of the condition of education in the United States and in Europe. Its discussions of special subjects--such as female education, classical studies, the management of colleges and universities, etc., etc.--are fair and enlightened, and, on the whole, intelligent and practical in their character. It is clear that the Legislative Council of the day did not sympathize with Dr. Duncombe and his colleagues in their zeal for popular education. The bill which he had so carefully prepared, although adopted by the House of Assembly by a vote of 35 to 10, early in 1836 failed to receive the sanction of the Council. His proposition to increase the common school grant from $22,600 to $80,000 per annum was considered too great a step in advance, and was not therefore pressed to a vote in the House of Assembly. He, however, got two influential committees appointed to deal with the questions of public education and school lands. These committees were subsequently united and enlarged. They did good service and kept public interest awakened as to the value of the important subjects entrusted to them. ANALYSIS OF DR. DUNCOMBE'S REPORT ON EDUCATION, 1836. The report, be it remembered, speaks of events and educational facts of more than fifty years ago. They are of special interest to us of to-day, since they form the background, so to speak, of our own educational history and progress. I shall make a few extracts from the report:--Dr. Duncombe says:-- "The first principles of the system recommended in this report with regard to common schools, schools for the education of the poorer classes, and for the education of teachers (or the normal schools) made their appearance almost simultaneously in Great Britain and on the Continent, as appears by the voluminous reports of Lord Brougham ... and by Mr. Dick's very able and splendid report upon the common schools ... of Scotland, and by M. Cousin's reports of the schools in Prussia and Germany, and Bulver's observations upon education as a prevention of crime in France.... The glimmering of this beacon light was soon seen across the ocean, and lighted up a similar flame in the United Slates. Commissioner after commissioner was sent to Scotland and to England by the authority of their State Legislatures to light their lamps at the fountain of science, that the whole continent of America might be ignited by the flame." Dr. Duncombe's observations in regard to the state of education in the United States are interesting, as by contrast they illustrate the remarkable progress made in that country during the last half century in the matter of public education. He says:-- "In the United States, where they devote much time and expense towards the promotion of literature, they are equally destitute of a system of national education with ourselves: and although by their greater exertion to import the improvements made in Great Britain and on the Continent, and their numerous attempts at systematizing these modern modes of education ... they have placed themselves in advance of us in their common school system. Yet, after all, their schools seemed to me to be good schools on bad or imperfect systems; they seem groping in the dark, no instruction in the past to guide the future, no beacon light, no council of wise men to guide them, more than we have, upon the subject of common schools. Our schools want in character, they want respectability, they want permanency in their character and in their support.... It should be so arranged that all the inhabitants should contribute something towards the [maintainance of the school fund], and all those who are benefited directly by it should pay, in proportion to such benefit, a small sum, but quite enough to interest them in the prudent expenditure of their share of the school moneys." The objection to a liberal education being too freely given for the benefit of the learned professions seems to have been urged even in these days. Dr. Duncombe answers it in the following language:-- "It has been supposed that there are too many in the learned professions already, and that, therefore, there are too many who obtain a liberal education. But this opinion is founded upon two errors: One is, that every liberally educated man must be above manual labor, and must, therefore, enter one of the learned professions; and the other is, that all who do enter these professions do it, and have a right to do it, from personal and family interests, and not for the public good--whereas a liberal education ought not to unfit a man, whether in his physical constitution or his feelings, for active business in any honest employment; and neither ought men who enter any of the learned professions to excuse themselves from labor and privation for the good of the world. There is a great and pernicious error on this subject." The question of free education is thus discussed by Dr. Duncombe:-- "Nothing is more important in the formation of an enterprising character than to let the youth early learn his own powers; and in order to this, he must be put upon his own recourses, and must understand, if he is ever [to be] anything, he must make himself, and that he has within himself all the means for his own advancement. It is not desirable, therefore, that institutions should be so richly endowed as to furnish the means of education free of expense to those who are of an age to help themselves; nor is it desirable that any man, or any society of men, should furnish an entirely gratuitous education to the youth of the Province. All the necessary advantages for educating himself ought to be put within the reach of the young man, and if, with these advantages, he cannot do much towards it he is not worthy of an education." After discussing several other topics in his report, Dr. Duncombe made a striking forecast of the educational future of Upper Canada. He said:-- "Was there ever a more auspicious period than the present for literary reform? If I rightly understand the signs of the times, we stand upon the threshold of a new dispensation in the science of education, and especially in the history of common schools, colleges and universities in this Province. The flattering prospects of our being permitted legally to dispose of the school lands of this Province, so long dormant--the sale and appropriation of the clergy reserves for the purposes of education, and, above all by our having control of the other natural resources of the Province, we shall be enabled to provide respectably and permanently for the support of literary institutions _in every part of the Province_, while by remodelling the charter of King's College, so as to adapt the institution to the present state of science of education, and the wishes and wants of the people of this Province.... With such charming prospects before us, with what alacrity and delight can we approach the subject of education to make liberal, permanent and efficient provision for the education of all the youth of Upper Canada, to cause 'the blind to see, the deaf to hear and the dumb to speak,' and, above all, to make certain and extensive provision for the support of schools for teachers and tutoresses."... It is sad to think that to the writer of these cheering, hopeful words, the future so vividly pictured by him became suddenly darkened, and the pleasant hopes in which he then indulged were never realized by him, or by many of those who, more than half a century ago, were like him so active in promoting the great cause of popular and collegiate education in this Province. Within one year Dr. Duncombe was a "proscribed rebel," as were many others who with him saw as in a vision the future which, he then pictured for Upper Canada. SUMMARY OF, AND REFLECTIONS ON, THESE EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS, FROM 1830 TO 1839. During the next session of the Legislature, in the winter of 1836, Mr. Burwell sought to give effect to Dr. Duncombe's liberal resolution of the preceding session, viz., to provide, out of the public in revenue, a grant of $80,000 a year for support of the common schools. He proposed two resolutions: one was to the effect that $40,000 a year be granted out of the public revenue for the support of these schools; the other was as follows:-- "That the sum of ten thousand pounds ($40,000), be raised annually by assessment, by order of the Quarter Sessions in the several districts on the ratable property of the inhabitants, in aid of the Provincial grant for the common school fund, in the same manner as other assessments are now made." When the matter came before the House of Assembly in February, 1837, the committee of supply reported a grant of only $22,400 for the year. The assessment proposition was not adopted, as the question of local taxation for school purposes though often before it had not yet been practically entertained by the Legislature. Next year, however, another effort was made to provide somewhat liberally for the common schools. But as the Bill as passed by the House of Assembly, embodied in it the principle of local taxation for schools for the first time, it was not concurred in by the Legislative Council. That body proposed a conference to explain the reason, and appointed the Honorable Messrs. Allan and Hamilton as its conferees. The House of Assembly nominated Messrs. Boulton, Cartwright, Thompson and Rykert as its representatives at the conference. The Legislative Council stated that:-- "It could not pass the Bill, because it proposes to levy an assessment at the discretion of the Justice of the Peace, to the extent of 1-1/2d. [3 cents] in the £ [$4] to support Common Schools; and as acts have lately passed imposing rates on the inhabitants of several of the districts, for the purpose of defraying the expense of building jails and court-houses and for the construction of macadamized roads, the Council fear that the proposed assessment for common school education might be burthensome," etc. Thus, because jails, court-houses and roads were considered more necessary and important than schools, the last Act for the promotion of education ever passed by the Upper Canada House of Assembly was rejected by the Legislative Council! Such was the untoward state of affairs when the Legislative Union of Upper and Lower Canada took place in 1840. EXTRACTS FROM OFFICIAL REPORTS ON EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA IN 1838. I shall now give a few extracts from official returns illustrative of the state of education in the Province in 1838 and 1839, while these efforts of improvements were being made. They also show how entirely practical were the views of those who took an active part in educational affairs of the time, how keenly alive they were to the educational deficiencies of those days. Other extracts from official reports and proceedings of the House of Assembly might be given to illustrate this part of the subject, but they would make this retrospect too long. They are all of a most interesting and instructive character, and well deserve publication in a connected form. They throw a vivid light upon the educational chaos which existed at the time. They also show how enlightened comparatively, as well as how darkened also, were the views of those who took part on both sides in the educational debates and proceedings of those years--especially during 1830,--1836, 1838 and 1839. What were then problematical theories and merely tentative schemes, are to-day educational truisms and successful fields of operation. The growth of the schools under the fitful system which prevailed in Upper Canada from 1816 to 1842 was painfully slow. The number of what was called "schools" was small, and the quality of them, with rare exceptions, was exceedingly inferior. Anything beyond the three R's was generally taught by itinerants. Dr. Ryerson mentions in an autobiographical letter, as an example, that his knowledge of English grammar was derived entirely from the "lectures" of a peripatetic teacher of that subject. He also mentions several of his after contemporaries who acquired a knowledge of grammar and other special subjects in the same way. No one, as he said to me, ever heard in these days of the possibility of a "royal road to learning." It was hard work, of the hardest kind, and few ever dreamt of reaching a higher eminence than that of mastering the first two R's--Reading and 'Riting. Arithmetic was approached with caution, and its higher "developments" with consternation. How could such a state of things be otherwise when "transient persons" and "common idlers" were with rare exceptions, the kind of "teachers" employed. Education had no money value then, except in so far as it receded from a rate of payment to that of a day laborer or a pensioner. The following are the extracts from the official reports:-- INFLUENCES BY AMERICAN TEACHERS AND SCHOOL BOOKS DEPRECATED. _Schools in the Home District--No United States books permitted._--The schoolmasters, with the exception of two Americans who have been long in the Province, are all British subjects--that they have all taken the oath of allegiance--that during the last year the salary allowed was £10 (ten pounds each), and no books from the United States are permitted to be used in the schools.--_John Strachan, Wm. Allan, Toronto, 8th March, 1839._ _Schools in the Eastern District--Transitory Teachers._--Were the allowance to be increased teachers would come forward better prepared and be induced to remain. Many at present seem to continue for a few months, as a matter of convenience, and to assist themselves in following other occupations, which greatly retards the improvement of the children.--_Joseph Aderson, D. McDonell, Cornwall, 9th May, 1839._ _Schools in the Western District: Their State and Suggestions for Improvement._--The situation of the school houses is not always judiciously chosen, it being situated often more for the convenience of some one influential person than for that of the inhabitants generally of the settlement. The school-house is often a wretched log hut, or a ruinous building altogether unfit for the purpose--especially in the winter season. In too many cases the teachers are badly qualified for the task which they undertake; and some of them having taken up the profession more from necessity than choice are seldom permanent, and consequently very ineffectual teachers. The remuneration which the teachers of common schools receive for their services are by no means sufficient to induce respectable and well qualified teachers to undertake the irksome and laborious task. _Hints for the Improvement of the Schools of the Province (condensed)._--1. The school should be erected in a dry and healthy situation if possible, and situated so as to suit the majority of the inhabitants of the settlement in which it is erected. It should be a neat and commodious building, sufficiently large to render it airy and healthy in the summer season and well finished inside and out to cause it to be comfortable in the winter. 2. A comfortable dwelling should be erected for the accommodation of the teacher and his family. 3. Teachers throughout the Province might be divided into three classes, allowance from Government to be not less than £100, £75 and £50 respectively. 4. Every teacher, previous to receiving any appointment, should be examined as to his literary acquirements, his political opinions and his moral character. 5. A uniform set of elementary books should be compiled and published for the use of the common schools of the Province, and those republican productions that tend to poison the minds of the youth of the country should be driven out of the Province. 6. A discreet and competent person should be appointed by his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor to visit the schools in each district eight, or at least four, times in the year to examine the scholars and the internal economy of the schools and to report thereon--_W. Johnson, Sandwich, 21st February, 1839._ _Schools in the London District--"Boarding Round"--American Books._--The Board of Education cannot abstain from remarking upon a system commonly practiced by teachers and generally encouraged by the employers in the country, of receiving the teachers as members or lodgers with each family who are subscribers to the school in succession for the period of engagement, which in its influence and consequence has not hitherto been productive of good; and more especially in cases where the teachers have been Americans, a system than which none can be more mischievous in its effects, added to which the circumstance, as will be seen by reference to the books used in the schools, that a portion of American books, particularly geographies, have been permitted to be used (notwithstanding the Board have the power to order the discontinuance of such) because others could not be procured in the country, nor has any provision been made by the legislature for the formation of depots where proper books could be had.--_John B. Askin, London, 12th February, 1838._ Names of text-books used in the common schools of Upper Canada in 1838, viz.:-- Old and New Testaments. _Readers_--English, Murray's, Canadian and Reading Made Easy. _Spelling Books_--Mavor's, Cobb's, Webster's, Graham's, Universal. _Grammars_--Murray's, Lennie's, Kirkham's, McCulloch's. _Arithmetics_--Walkingame's, Gray's, Dillworth's, Daboll's, Watson's, Pike's, Adams', Morrison's, Hutton's, Rogers', Bailey's, Hall's, Joyce's, Keith's, Allison's, Bonnycastle's. _Geographies_--Goldsmith's, Hutton's, Olney's, Woodbridge's, Willett's, Evans', Stewart's, Parley's, Elvey's. _History_--English, Goldsmith's, Tytler's, Hume's, Simpson's. _Geometry and Euclid_--Ingram's, Hutton's. _Dictionaries_--Walker's, Cobb's, Walker Johnson's. _Miscellaneous_--Dillworth's Teachers' Assistant, Burham's Primer, Mason's Primer, Child's A, B, C, Scott's Lessons, Morrison's Book-keeping, Blake's Natural Philosophy, Blair's Rhetoric. Number of schools in Upper Canada in 1838 (estimated), 835. Number of pupils in attendance, " 23,776. EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT OF A COMMISSION APPOINTED TO ENQUIRE INTO THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA IN 1839. The Commissioners appointed to conduct this enquiry were the Rev. Dr. McCaul, Rev. H. J. Grasett and S. B. Harrison, Esq. James Hopkirk, Esq., was appointed Secretary. The following are the extracts: _Preliminary Educational History._--In 1797 both Houses of the Legislature petitioned the King for an appropriation of waste lands of the Crown to form a fund for the support of a Grammar School in each district and a College or University for instruction in the different branches of a liberal education. In 1807 an Act, limited to four years, was passed granting £800 for the support of eight district Grammar Schools. In 1808 the limiting clause (to four years) was repealed. In 1816 an Act establishing common schools was passed and £6,000 were granted for their support. In 1819 an amending Act was passed requiring annual examinations in the schools; that reports to the district Board of Education should be made each year; that "ten children of the poorer inhabitants," to be selected by ballot, should receive free tuition in each Grammar School, and that trustees should give certificates to teachers. In 1820 the grant to common schools was reduced from £6,000 to £2,500 per annum. In 1824 £150 per annum was granted for the supply of common schools, with books, tracts, etc., and that teachers must be examined and licensed by the District Board of Education, one member of which might certify as to the ability of the teacher before the payment to him of the public grant. In 1833, the annual grant to common schools was increased from £2,500 to £5,650. No grants to a teacher is to be made "unless the trustees shall make it appear that they have made provision for his support so as to secure him for his services in a sum at least equal to double the amount which may be allotted by the Board of Education from the public money." No school legislation took place during the years from 1833 to 1841. _District Grammar Schools._--The Commissioners made several recommendations for the improvement of the schools, viz:--1. Uniformity in the system applicable to all the schools. 2. Examination of teacher, so as to test his qualification for the office of teaching. 3. Assistant in each school where there are 30 pupils. 4. School-house built on a uniform plan. 5. Admission of a certain number of free pupils. 6. Quarterly reports from each school and systematic inspection of them. _Common Schools._--The Commissioners also made recommendation for the improvement of these schools, viz.:--1. That there should be a model school with two rooms in each township, and at least two acres of land attached thereto for the use of the master. 2. In each of these schools there should be a male and female teacher (married desirable), and, in addition, other "teachers licensed to itinerate through the township, beyond the sphere of the permanent school," say at places "more than two miles distant from it." "Thus provision is made for one permanent and four occasional schools in each township." 3. Fees to be $2 per quarter, while one pupil in five might be admitted free. 4. The subjects of the instruction should be: Spelling, reading, writing, the Holy Scriptures, geography, history, arithmetic, book-keeping, mensuration, and in girl's school sewing and knitting. 5. Books should be provided at a cheaper rate from Britain, or a series of compilations, or republications should be prepared and printed here, and that they should be appointed to be used in all the schools of the Province. 6. The general control of the schools should be vested in a Board of Commissioners, with a secretary at Toronto. One of the Board should be chairman and inspector general of the schools--having control over the Grammar and Common Schools, and should be the medium of communication between the District Boards and the Council of King's College. 7. There should be elected township director of schools. The Commissioners add:-- _Normal School._--"No plan of education can be efficiently carried out without the establishment of schools for the training of teachers." They, therefore, recommended that the Central School of Toronto should be a Normal School--others to be added afterwards. _Grants._--The Commissioners recommend that £21,410 be granted for District Grammar Schools--£12,000 from the sale of Grammar School lands, and £24,300 for Common Schools--£15,000 of the latter to be raised by taxation at the rate of 3/4d. in the £. EDUCATIONAL OPINIONS OF PROMINENT PUBLIC MEN IN 1839. _Hon. G. S. Boulton._--In his replies to the Commissioners, he said:--Teachers should be British subjects and should be examined by the Board of Education and approved previous to appointment. Each teacher should receive at least $20 per annum, exclusive of fees from pupils.... I recommend the passage of an Act appropriating 500,000 acres of land for the support of Common Schools, as proposed in the last session of the Legislature by a joint committee of both Houses." _Hon. Wm. Morris,_ in his reply to the Commissioners, said:--The hundreds of the youth of the country who, for want of convenient institutions of learning, have been sent to and educated in the neighboring Republic, where, if they have not imbibed a predilection for that form of government, have been greatly exposed to the danger of losing that attachment to monarchical government, and the principles of the British Constitution, which is the essential duty of those who administer the affairs of this colony to cherish in the minds of the rising generation. _Hon. James Crooks._--The system of Common Schools, although in some instances abused by the employment of improper persons, indeed sometimes aliens, as teachers, yet, on the whole, I think highly beneficial; perhaps were the system of parochial schools, as established in Scotland, with such modification as would be necessary under the different circumstances of this Province, engrafted upon the Common School system, it might be found to work well. _Hon. P. B. De Blacquiere._--The present condition of teachers is truly wretched, and reflects great disgrace upon the nation, and what but the actual results can or could be expected? I think a difficulty will arise as to finding inspectors properly qualified, or who, in the present state of the country, can be trusted.... _Rev. Robert McGill._--I know the qualifications of nearly all the Common School teachers in this (Niagara) District, and do not hesitate to say, that there is not more than one in ten fully qualified to instruct the young in this the humblest department. I should doubt, therefore, whether the money granted to them being an equivalent good, or whether the state of education in this Province would be worse were those funds entirely withdrawn. _Rev. Robert Murray._[37]--The great difficulty attending any change in the present wretched system of education in the Province is to ensure the efficiency of that scheme which may be adopted in its room. To leave the supervision in the hands of the electors in each district, or to a few individuals appointed by them, probably themselves without education, would certainly tend to perpetuate the system of gross oppression to which teachers have been subjected, and to disappoint the reasonable expectations of the Government.... It appears absolutely necessary to ensure the efficiency of a system (as suggested) that men of education, who themselves have had large experience in the education of youth should be appointed to superintend the whole system of operation.... [37] First Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada, and the immediate predecessor of Rev. Dr. Ryerson. _Malhon Burwell, Esq._--I cannot conceive anything more wanting in efficiency than our present system for Common School education. I annex for the notice of the Commission of Investigation a copy of a Common School bill, which I have several times endeavored to get passed through the House of Assembly. (NOTE.--See Bishop Strachan's estimate of this bill in next extract.) _Right Rev. Bishop Strachan._--The Common School Bill, drawn up by Mr. Burwell, appears to be an able performance; it has several times been entertained by the House of Assembly, and once passed that body, but was unfortunately lost in the Legislative Council. It is based on true principles, and contains within it the power of expansion as new townships, counties and districts are organized. It may, perhaps, admit of a few modifications, but is, on the whole, by far the best measure for the establishment of common schools which I have seen. SEPARATE EDUCATIONAL FORCES SHAPING THEMSELVES IN UPPER CANADA. I will now take up the thread of the historical narrative of education in Upper Canada from page -- of this Retrospect. During the early settlement period, and that preceding the union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840, two social forces (which took an educational form later on), were slowly shaping themselves into an antagonism to each other which culminated in the events or political crisis of 1837-38. This was apparent from the position which the representatives of these forces assumed on the religious, political and other questions of the day. As yet the question of an educational system for the Province--beyond that of a University and district Grammar Schools--had, down to 1836, taken no definite shape in the public mind. Indeed, such a thing, as we now regard it, was not deemed practical, except by a few leading men, as I have shown, who were years in advance of their times. NOTED REPRESENTATIVE EDUCATIONAL LEADERS--DR. STRACHAN AND DR. RYERSON. It will simplify my statement of the case if I revert back to the transition period between the establishment of the district Grammar Schools in 1809 and the university charter of 1827; and from thence take a somewhat prospective view of events in the order in which they afterwards transpired. For convenience I would, therefore, select two noted men of their times as representatives of the two social forces to which I have referred, and of the opposite opinions on education and other subjects which then prevailed. The first was the Rev. Dr. Strachan (afterwards first Church of England Bishop of Toronto), and the other was the Rev. Dr. Ryerson, the representative and trusted leader of the members of the Methodist Church in the Province. Dr. Strachan was the undoubted representative of the English and particularly the Scotch views on educational matters. Dr. Ryerson, on the other hand, was the equally true and faithful exponent of the British Colonial, or United Empire Loyalist, views and opinions on the same subject. What these latter views and opinions were may be gathered from a reference to the educational chapter in the colonial history of the thirteen colonies, as given in an earlier portion of this Retrospect. THE EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF THE U. E. LOYALISTS AND THE RULING PARTY. The first settlers of Upper Canada were "exiled tories," so called, from the revolted colonies. In that, and in the other Provinces, they were warmly received and welcomed as the heroic defenders of the royal cause. They sacrificed everything but their principles and their honor in maintaining "the unity of the Empire." Even after the struggle was ended, they adhered to the "lost cause" with the same devotion as they had shown in following the royal standard, not only to victory, but even to disaster and defeat. They were men of wonderful resolution and daring, as well as of superior intelligence. Such were the first settlers of Upper Canada. Soon after the arrival of the "U. E. Loyalists" in Upper Canada, a tide of emigration set in, chiefly from the three kingdoms. These immigrants brought with them the feelings and habits of home life in the old world, with the opinions and prejudices of their class, illustrating the truth of the old Latin quotation, "_Cælum, non animum, mutant qui trans mare currunt_." By degrees portions of the U. E. Loyalists and of these immigrants, whose views on "Church and State" coincided, united their forces and formed a powerful and dominant party. They ruled the Province with a high hand for many years. From their social position and frequent intermarriage they became a compact and exclusive party, and were distinguished by the _sobriquet_ of the "Family Compact." Against this powerful party was arrayed many of the U. E. Loyalists and their descendants, and the entire liberal and progressive party. It is sufficient to say in this connection that under the skillful leadership of Dr. Ryerson and other prominent men of moderate views who acted with him, the power of the Family Compact was broken, the compact itself was gradually dissolved. Its opponents became in turn the ruling party in this Province, a position which their legitimate successors still occupy. The Family Compact party, in the heyday of their power and influence, were not averse to education. Far from it; for they were men of education themselves. But it took the form of zeal for higher education and for the higher classes. Rev. Dr. Strachan, who was the most energetic and powerful leader of this party, occupied a seat in the Legislative Council (Senate) by appointment of the Governor. He devoted all his energies to the establishment of a university, with district classical schools as feeders. He practically ignored elementary schools, or rather made no provision for them; and it was not until nine years after these district classical schools were established that the U. E. Loyalists, (combined with the progressive party of which it formed no inconsiderable portion), were able to get a measure passed by the Legislature for the establishment and maintenance of common schools.[38] [38] See remarks on this anachronism on page 64. AN EDUCATIONAL GLANCE BACKWARDS. But in order to understand more fully the sequence of events which led to the development of the educational spirit in this Province, it will be necessary to give a condensed summary of the facts. With this historical background in prospective view, the distinguishing features of that comprehensive system of education which, in later years, Dr. Ryerson was privileged to found, can be more clearly seen. The U. E. Loyalists removed to British America in 1783, the year of their exile. Most of them settled in Upper Canada, along the north shore of the Upper St. Lawrence, and the corresponding margin of Lakes Ontario and Erie. They brought with them from the old colonies their educational traditions and their devotion to the flag of the Empire. Those of them who had settled along the Bay of Quinté, united in 1789, in framing a memorial to Governor-General Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton), in which lamenting the educational privations which they had endured since their settlement in Canada, they prayed the Governor to establish a "seminary of learning" at Frontenac (Kingston). Their prayer was granted, so far as the setting apart of lands for the support of the seminary was concerned, as well as the support of schools wherever the expatriated colonials had settled, or might settle, in the country. Immediately after the passing of the Constitutional or Quebec Act, of 1791, by which, among other things, Upper Canada was separated from Quebec, the Governor of the new Province (J. Graves Simcoe), sought the co-operation of the Church of England Bishop (Mountain), of Quebec, who had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over both Provinces, in urging upon the Home Government the necessity of providing for a University and for classical schools in Upper Canada. Provision for elementary schools formed no part of this scheme. The British Colonial idea of providing for such schools never crossed the minds of the leaders of public opinion in these days nor that of the bishop. They were chiefly Englishmen, with the old-fashioned English ideas of those times, that the education of the masses was unnecessary, for it would tend to revolution and the upsetting of the established order of things. In April, 1795, Governor Simcoe addressed a letter to the Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Quebec--then having jurisdiction in Upper Canada--urging him to seek to promote the establishment of a "Protestant Episcopal University" in Upper Canada. The reasons which he gave for this appeal were characteristic of the English Churchmen and of the times, and reveal somewhat of the social and religious state of the colony. They showed, too, that he was a statesman as well as a Churchman. He said: The people of this Province enjoy the forms as well as the privileges of the British constitution. They have the means of governing themselves; and, having nothing to ask, must ever remain a part of the British Empire, provided they shall become sufficiently capable and enlightened to understand their relative situation and to manage their own power to the public interest. Liberal education seems to me, therefore, to be indispensably necessary; and the completion of it by the establishment of a university in the capital of the country, * * * would be most useful to inculcate just principles, habits, and manners into the rising generation; to coalesce the different customs of the various descriptions of settlers * * * into one form. In short, from distinct parts and ancient prejudices to new-form, as it were, and establish one nation, and thereby strengthen the union with Great Britain and preserve a lasting obedience to His Majesty's authority. * * * * * I naturally should wish that the clergy requisite for offices in the university, in the first instance, should be Englishmen, if possible. * * * I most earnestly hope that * * * by giving the means of proper education in this Province, both in its rudiments and in its completion, that from ourselves we may raise up a loyal, and in due progress, a learned clergy, which will speedily tend to unite not only the Puritans within the Province, but the clergy of the Episcopal Church, however dispersed * * * and on all sides, to bring within the pale [of the Episcopal Church] in Upper Canada a very great body of sectaries, who in my judgment, as it were, offer themselves to its protection and re-union. These objects would be materially promoted by a university in Upper Canada, which might, in due progress, acquire such a character as to become the place of education to many persons beyond the extent of the King's dominions. * * * The Episcopal clergy in Great Britain, from pious motives as well as policy, are materially interested that the Church should increase in this Province. I will venture to prophesy its preservation depends upon a university being erected therein. * * * I have not the smallest hesitation in saying that I believe if a Protestant Episcopal university should be proposed to be erected (even in the United States) the British nation would liberally subscribe to the undertaking. * * * The universities of England, I make no doubt, would contribute to the planting of a scion from their respectable stock in this distant colony. There are two or three things worth noticing in this vigorous letter of the Governor:-- (1) Among the objects sought to be attained by the establishment of a university was the conservation of "the privileges of the British Constitution"; (2) the fusing of the various nationalities represented in the colony; (3) the absorption of "Puritans" and "sectaries" into the Episcopal Church; (4) the growth and spread of loyalty to the King's authority. Two things also are noticeable: First, the Governor did not ignore, or underestimate, the necessity of popular education, or "education in the rudiments;" second, he gives no hint of a desire to appropriate the public domain to the building up of an "Episcopal university." On the other hand, he assumes that, if done at all, it is to be aided by contributions from England. I call attention to these two points, from the fact that they were quite lost sight of by those who afterwards took up the cause of university education in Upper Canada where he had left it. PROVISION FOR HIGHER EDUCATION IN U. C. BY THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. Governor Simcoe, having received a higher appointment in the colonial service, left soon after. The Bishop of Quebec, however, acted upon his suggestion and wrote to the Colonial Minister on the subject, in June, 1796. In November, 1797, the Legislature of Upper Canada addressed a memorial to King George III, asking: "That His Majesty would be graciously pleased to direct his Government in this Province to appropriate a certain portion of the waste lands of the Crown as a fund for the establishment and support of a respectable grammar school in each district thereof, and also of a college, or university, for the instruction of the youth in the different branches of liberal knowledge." To this memorial the King directed a gracious answer to be sent. The duke of Portland, Colonial Minister, therefore instructed the acting Governor, President Russell, to give practical effect to the prayer of the petitioners. In doing so he used the following language: [His Majesty] being always ready ... to assist and encourage the exertions of his Province in laying the foundation for promoting sound learning and a religious education, has condescended to express his [desire] to comply with the wishes of the Legislature ... in such a manner as shall be judged to be most effectual-- _First_, by the establishment of free grammar [classical] schools in those districts in which they are called for, and-- _Secondly_, in due process of time, by establishing other seminaries of a larger and more comprehensive nature, for the promotion of religious and moral learning, and the study of the arts and sciences. Such were the terms in which the King, through his Colonial Minister, intimated his desire that classical and university learning should be promoted in this Province. The very comprehensiveness and express terms of the duke of Portland's dispatch on this subject gave rise to a protracted controversy in after years, especially as the controverted expressions were embodied in substance in the royal charter for a university obtained in 1827 by Rev. Dr. Strachan (afterwards first Church of England Bishop of Toronto). Around the expressions--"religious education," "religious and moral learning," and "other seminaries of a larger and more comprehensive nature," etc., a fierce war was waged for many years, which, though virtually over now, has yet left traces of the bitter conflict. The result of the instructions to President Russell was, that 549,217 acres of crown lands was set apart for the twofold purpose set forth in the Colonial Minister's dispatch. Of these acres, 225,944 were, in 1827, devoted to the university that was virtually established, on paper, in that year, and by royal charter in 1828. As these lands thus set apart were, in those early days, unproductive of revenue, nothing could be done to give practical effect to the gracious act of the King. A principal for the proposed university was, however, selected in Scotland. The position was first offered to the afterwards justly celebrated Rev. Dr. Thomas Chalmers, but declined. It was then offered to a successful parish schoolmaster, Mr. (afterwards so distinguished in this Province as the Rev. Dr.) Strachan. THE REVEREND DOCTOR STRACHAN AS AN EDUCATOR. Rev. Dr. (afterwards Bishop) Strachan, though not a versatile man, was in many respects a many-sided one. In his day he had to do with all of one great public questions which came before the country. On many of them (and in their settlement), he has left the impress of his active mind and persistent will. This was particularly the case in regard to those questions which more deeply touched the best interests of Canadian life, in its religious and social aspects. And it was a singular yet characteristic fact, that the more he was opposed by those who differed _in toto_ from the policy of his acts, the more strenuously he persevered in his purpose--even against the wiser counsels and calmer judgment of many leading public men of his time. But this opens up a question which it is not my purpose to discuss. Dr. Strachan, as I have said,--although not versatile,--was a many-sided man. And this was quite true in regard to that department of his career which I desire to illustrate. He was both an educator and an educationist. In the former capacity he was successively the parish schoolmaster, near St. Andrew's, and at Kettle, (Scotland). He had there as a pupil the afterwards celebrated Sir David Wilkie. In Canada, he was first a tutor in the family of the Hon. Richard Cartwright, at Kingston; then master of the Cornwall Grammar School, at which most of the distinguished public men of the Bishop's later years were educated. Subsequently he was Chairman of the Provincial Board of Education at York. He was named by the late Hon. Peter McGill as first Principal of McGill College, Montreal--although he never was in a position to undertake its duties. He was afterwards President of King's College, Toronto, and subsequently President of Trinity College University. In his capacity as an educator, Dr. Strachan was considered one of the most successful teachers which this Province has yet produced. His aim was to call into active play the varied mental powers of his pupils, and to stimulate any desire which they had to excel in knowledge and virtue. One of his earliest _brochures_ is _a Letter to his Pupils_, and is in the nature of an appeal on behalf of the Christian religion. This, he inscribed, "as a mark of esteem to Mr. Andrew Stuart and Mr. James Cartwright, students-at-law." This letter was printed at Montreal, in 1807, in the quaint old type of the time. It is evidently a warning appeal against the infidelity and excesses of the French revolutionists. Dr. Strachan's early and practical experience as a teacher gave to him an additional and keen sense of the educational wants of the country. His success as an educator proved to him what could be done in that direction. It also enlisted his feelings and fired his ambition to be the founder of an institution of superior learning, in which the young men of the Province could be thoroughly educated. The education of the masses was not provided for by him, but in an Act passed in 1819 and relating to classical schools (which he promoted), it was agreed-- That in order to extend the benefits of a liberal education to promising children of the poorer inhabitants, trustees [of common schools wherever established] shall have the power of sending scholars, not exceeding ten in number, to be chosen by lot every four years, to be taught gratis at the [classical] schools. Thus, in this exceptional manner, provision was made so that, should a limited number of the children of the poorer inhabitants develop ability or taste for learning, they should not be wholly excluded from the privileges so liberally provided for children of the richer classes. These class distinctions have, happily, forever disappeared from our statute book. They were no doubt conceived in a benevolent spirit, and were characteristic of the social ethics of the times, but they were pernicious as a principle to embody in a school law. In his "Appeal" in behalf of a university in Upper Canada, published early in 1827, Dr. Strachan gave a fuller expression to this idea of providing education only for the wealthier classes. He said:-- It is indeed quite evident that the consequences of a university ... possessing in itself sufficient recommendations to attract to it the sons of the most opulent families, would soon be visible in the greater intelligence and more confirmed principles of loyalty of those who would be called to various public duties required in the country--_i.e._, the governing classes. In justice to Dr. Strachan, it is proper to state that a few years afterwards (in reply to a question put to him by a committee of the House of Assembly) he laid down a broader, a nobler and a more comprehensive principle in regard to a system of national education. He said:-- The whole expense [of education] in a free country like this should be defrayed by the public; that promising boys, giving indication of high talent, though poor, might have an opportunity of cultivating their faculties, and, if able and virtuous, taking a lead in the community. LACK OF COMPREHENSIVENESS IN THE EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF THE TIMES. The policy of the country in regard to education in these early times was further marked by a lack of comprehensiveness in its aims. The framework of the educational system, then projected, was constructed on a principle the very reverse of natural. And this fact led to the existence, subsequently, and for many years, of a singular anachronism as the result of its application of that principle. Thus, in 1797, lands were set apart in Upper Canada by the Crown for the establishment of district grammar schools and a university. But no provision was thought of for the establishment of elementary schools. These grammar schools were first established in 1807--eight in all, viz., at Sandwich, Townsend (London District), Niagara, York, Cobourg, Kingston, Augusta (District of Johnstown), and Cornwall. But no provision was made for elementary schools (and then only for four years) until 1816--nine years after the district grammar schools were established. Dr. Strachan's feelings in this matter were evidently in harmony with this spirit of the times, and he directed his efforts exclusively to the establishment of these higher institutions of learning. He never lost sight, however, of the crowning institution of all--the university. His speeches and addresses on education all pointed to "this consummation, devoutly to be wished." Referring to this educational anomaly, or anachronism, of establishing higher institutions of learning before providing for elementary schools, an English resident in a book entitled "Three Years in Canada," and published in 1839, thus forcibly points out the singular want of foresight in this matter. He says:-- "The Provincial Board of Education either assumed that elementary education in Upper Canada had attained its zenith or deemed it better to begin at the apex and work downward to the base of the structure they were called upon to rear than to follow the old-fashioned custom of first laying the foundation and then working upwards." The fact was, and the chief reason for the perpetration of this educational anachronism was, that the friends of popular education, while all-powerful in the House of Assembly, were few and consequently uninfluential in the Legislative Council. They were, therefore, not able at all times to influence that body so as to secure its assent to the elementary education bills passed by the popular branch. We have seen that, in 1838, the Council refused to concur in the Common School Bill passed in that year by the House of Assembly. Before another School Act was introduced, both Houses had ceased to exist in the Union of the two provinces in 1840. REV. DR. STRACHAN'S REASONS FOR ESTABLISHING A UNIVERSITY IN UPPER CANADA. The reasons which Dr. Strachan gave for urging the early establishment of a Provincial University were reasonable and weighty in themselves, had the other necessary kind of school been established and provided for. I shall give these reasons in Dr. Strachan's own words. They are characteristic of the Bishop's own feelings in regard to American institutions and their influence on the young. He said:-- "There is not in either province any English seminary ... at which a liberal education can be obtained. Thus the youth of 300,000 Englishmen have no opportunity of receiving instruction within the Canadas in law, medicine or divinity. "The consequence is that many young men ... are obliged to look beyond the province for the last two or three years of their education--undoubtedly the most important and critical period of their whole lives ... The youth are, therefore, in some degree, compelled to look towards the United States, where means of education, though of a description far inferior to those of Great Britain, are yet superior to anything within the province, and a growing necessity is arising of sending them to finish their education in that country." Dr. Strachan then proceeds to point out in his own graphic language, the peculiarly adverse influences to which loyal Canadians from youth were then subjected while attending schools and universities in the United States. He says:-- "Now, in the United States a custom prevails unknown to or unpractised in any other nation; in all other countries morals and religion are made the basis of public instruction, and the first books put into the hands of children teach them the domestic, the social and religious virtues; but in the United States politics pervade the whole system of education; the school books, from the very first elements, are stuffed with praises of their own institutions, and breathe hatred to everything English." Dr. Ryerson came to the same conclusions as did Dr. Strachan in regard to the character of American school books. Speaking on the same subject, twenty years afterwards, he said:-- "With very few exceptions American school books abound in statements and allusions prejudicial to the institutions and character of the British nation." Dr. Strachan still further refers to the anti-British influences of education obtained by Canadian youth in the United States. He said:-- "To such a country our youth may go, strongly attached to their native land ... but by hearing its institutions continually depreciated, and those of the United States praised ... some may become fascinated with that liberty which has degenerated into licentiousness, and imbibe, perhaps unconsciously, sentiments unfriendly to things of which Englishmen are proud." Dr. Strachan then proceeded to point out the advantages of having the youth of the province "carefully nurtured within the British Dominions." He said:-- "The establishment of an university at the seat of Government will complete a system of education in Upper Canada from the letters of the alphabet to the most profound investigations of science.... This establishment, by collecting all the promising youth of the colony into one place, will gradually give a new tone to public sentiment and feelings ... producing the most beneficial effects through the whole province. It is, indeed, quite evident that the consequences of an university ... possessing in itself sufficient recommendations to attract to it the sons of the most opulent families would soon be visible in the greater intelligence and more confirmed principles of loyalty of those who would be called to various public duties required in the country." From these wise and practical remarks, it will be seen how truly Bishop Strachan estimated the great advantages to the youth of the country of university training obtained within our borders. In this view he was far-seeing enough. But yet his range of vision, as to its beneficial effects, did not extend beyond "the sons of the most opulent families"--which was another indication of the prevailing feeling of the times, that higher education in the form of university training was not thought of even for "the promising children of the younger inhabitants." Happily our public men, and the Bishop himself, outgrew this narrow feeling and social prejudice. He even lived to see, and with great satisfaction as to the results, that, under the fostering care of men of large sympathies and more generous impulses, the doors of the educational institutions of the country, from the highest to the lowest, were thrown wide open to every boy, rich and poor, high and low, and to all the youth of the province, without distinction of race, or creed, or social rank. Rev. Dr. Strachan succeeded in getting a Royal Charter for the university in 1828. This charter virtually placed the proposed university under the control of the Episcopal Church. When its terms were known in Upper Canada it was fiercely assailed. The charter was subsequently modified, in deference to public opinion; but it was not until many years afterwards that the university was, by statute, declared to be free from denominational control. Out of the controversy which the Duke of Portland's despatch and the charter caused, arose other colleges and universities, viz, Victoria and Queen's. REV. DR. STRACHAN, THE FOUNDER OF TWO UNIVERSITIES IN TORONTO. In the Rev. Dr. Scadding's most interesting sketch of the "First Bishop of Toronto,--a Review and a Study"--occurs the following striking passage in regard to the founding of the "Twins of Learning" in Toronto:-- The results of the life of the first Anglican Bishop of Toronto are tangible realities.... He built the principal church edifice appertaining to his own communion four times.... "Twins of Learning" witness for him; he founded two universities in succession (1842 and 1852), both invested with the character borne by such institutions as originally instituted, by Royal charter--procured in both instances by his own personal travail; the later of the two by an individual and solitary effort, to which it is not easy to find a parallel. He saw both of them in operation, investigating, conserving and propagating truth, on somewhat different lines indeed, but probably with co-ordinate utility, as things are. The very park, with its widely renowned avenue, the Champs Elysées of Toronto, in which the bourgeoisie of the place love to take their pastime, are a provision of his--that property having been specially selected by him, as President of King's College, with the same judiciousness and the same careful prescience of the need of amplitude for such purposes which guided him also in choosing the fine site and grounds of Trinity College. THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO. This university was originally established under the charter obtained by Rev. Dr. Strachan in 1828. But it only existed on paper until 1842-43. In April, 1842, the corner-stone of the new institution was laid by Governor-General Sir Charles Bagot, (M.A. of Christ Church, Oxford). In June, 1843, it was opened under the style and title of the "University of King's College," Toronto, by the Right Rev. John Strachan, D.D., LL. D., President of the University. In October of that year, an effort was made by Hon. Attorney-General Baldwin to introduce a comprehensive scheme of university reform, but it was defeated in the Legislature. In 1845 and 1847 other abortive attempts were made to "reform" the university; but in 1849 a comprehensive measure was introduced into the Legislature and passed into a law, by which it was reincorporated under the name of the "University of Toronto," and made a purely provincial institution, by placing it under the sole control of the Government, and of a senate and officers appointed by the Government. In 1853 another Act was passed, under which the University was constituted with two corporations, "The University of Toronto," and "University College," the functions of the former being limited to the examination of candidates for degrees in the several faculties, or for scholarships and honors, and the granting of such degrees, etc.; those of the latter being confined to the teaching of subjects in the Faculty of Arts.[39] By this Act certain institutions, from which students might be examined, were affiliated with the University. [39] By recent legislation University College has been merged in the University of Toronto. In 1873 further amendments were made in the constitution of the University. The Chancellor was made elective for a period of three years by Convocation, which was then re-established. By this Act the powers of the Senate were extended to all branches of knowledge, literature, science and arts, and also to granting certificates of proficiency to women; the power of affiliation was likewise extended; the Senate was also empowered to provide for local examinations. Latterly, the faculties of law and medicine have been restored and other extensions of the University course have been made. THE UNIVERSITY OF VICTORIA COLLEGE, COBOURG. The Rev. Dr. Ryerson, who was the founder of this University, thus speaks of its early history, in an address to the students when he was appointed its first principal in 1841. He said:-- His late Most Gracious Majesty William IV., of precious memory, first invested this institution, in 1836, with a corporate charter as the Upper Canada Academy--the first institution of the kind established by Royal Charter unconnected with the Church of England, throughout the British colonies. It is a cause of renewed satisfaction and congratulation that, after five year's operation as an academy, it has been incorporated as a university and financially assisted by the unanimous vote of both branches of the Provincial Legislature--sanctioned by more than an official cordiality, in Her Majesty's name, by the late lamented Lord Sydenham, Governor-General, one of whose last messages to the Legislative Assembly was a recommendation to grant £500 as an aid to the Victoria College.... We have buoyant hopes for our country when our rulers and legislators direct their earliest and most liberal attention to in literary institutions and educational interests. A foundation for a common school system in this Province his been laid by the Legislature, which I believe will, at no distant day, exceed in efficiency any yet established on the American continent;[40] and I have reason to believe that the attention of the Government is earnestly directed to make permanent provision for the support of colleges also, that they may be rendered efficient in their operation and accessible to as large a number of the enterprising youth of our country as possible. [40] This memorable prophecy, made by Dr. Ryerson in 1841, was abundantly verified in after years, chiefly as the result of his own labors in maturing the school system, of which he was the founder. This institution originated with the Wesleyan Methodists in 1828-30. The conference in the latter year agreed to establish it as an Academy, and the following year, Dr. Ryerson, in the _Christian Guardian_ newspaper, of which he was then editor, issued a strong appeal in behalf of the proposed institution on the 21st April, 1831. On the 7th June, 1832, the foundation stone of the Academy was laid; and on the 18th June, 1836, it was formerly opened under the designation of "Upper Canada Academy." In the previous year Dr. Ryerson was deputed to go to England to collect subscriptions on behalf of the institution. He was there enabled to obtain a Royal Charter for the Academy and a grant of $16,400 from the Local Legislature. Amongst the last public acts performed by Lord Sydenham was the giving of the Royal assent to a Bill for the erection of the Upper Canada Academy into a College with University powers. This he did on the 27th August, 1841. Dr. Ryerson thus refers to the event, in a letter written from Kingston on that day:-- The establishment of such an institution by the members of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Canada attests their estimate of education and science; and the passing of such an Act unanimously by both Houses of the Legislature, and the Royal assent to it by His Excellency in Her Majesty's name, is an ample refutation of recent statements and proceedings of the Wesleyan Committee in London ... while the Act itself will advance the paramount interests of literary education amongst Her Majesty's Canadian subjects.... For the accomplishment of this purpose, a grant must be added to the charter--a measure ... honorable to the enlightened liberality of the Government and Legislature. When they are securely laying a broad foundation for popular government, and devising comprehensive schemes for the development of the latent resources of the country, and the improvement of its internal communication, and proposing a liberal system of common school education, free from the domination of every church, and aiding colleges which may have been established by any church, we may rationally and confidently anticipate the arrival of a long-looked for era of civil government and civil liberty, social harmony, and public prosperity. The Academy was thus incorporated as a University, in August, 1841. In October, 1841, Rev. Dr. Ryerson was appointed the first president of the University, a position which he held until he was appointed Chief Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada in 1844. He was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. Macnab, now rector of Darlington. In 1850 the late accomplished president (Rev. S. S. Nelles, D.D., LL.D.) was appointed. He had been a pupil under Dr. Ryerson, but finished his university education at the Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., and graduated there. He received the degree of D.D. from the Queen's University, Kingston, and that of LL.D. from his own university. His career was an unusually long and prosperous one; and under his administration the university has taken high rank amongst the sister universities of Ontario.[41] [41] It it a gratifying fact that Victoria College was the first university in Upper Canada whose doors were open to receive students. The first session commenced in October, 1841; that of Queen's College University in March, 1842, and King's College University in June, 1843. The first graduate in arts who received a diploma in Upper Canada was sent out from Victoria College in 1845-46. In the original appeal made by Dr. Ryerson in England on behalf of the Academy (in 1835), he stated the "specific objects of the institution" to be as follows:-- 1. To educate, upon terms equally moderate with similar institutions in the neighboring republic of the United States, and with strict attention to their morals, the youth of Canada generally. 2. To educate for common school masters, free of charge, poor young men of Christian principles and character, and of promising talent, who have an ardent thirst for knowledge. 3. To educate the most promising youth of the recently converted Indian tribes of Canada as teachers to their aboriginal countrymen.[42] [42] Several promising Indian youth were educated at Victoria College, and some of them became useful teachers and missionaries. These extracts are highly interesting, as showing the noble and comprehensive aims, in these early days of educational effort, which Dr. Ryerson had in view in founding this valuable institution of learning. He goes on then (apart from these objects) to show the grave necessity which existed for the early establishment of such an institution. He said:-- For want of such an institution upwards of sixty of the youth of Canada are now attending seminaries of learning, under a similar management, in the United States, where nearly two hundred Canadian youth have been taught the elementary branches of a professional education during the last eight years. There is good reason to believe that nearly, if not quite, all the Canadian youth now being taught in the United States seminaries of learning, will return to Canada as soon as this institution shall have been brought into operation.... In behalf, therefore, of this institution--most important to the best interests of a healthy, fertile and rapidly improving British colonial possession, the inhabitants of which have in this, as in other instances, shown the strongest desire to help themselves to the utmost of their very limited means--a respectful and earnest appeal is made to British liberality, an appeal which it is devotedly hoped will be responded to in a manner that will contribute to draw still closer the bonds by which the loyal Province of Upper and the British population of Lower Canada are united to the Mother Country. This appeal was endorsed by the Governor of the Province, Sir John Colborne (afterwards Lord Seaton), in the following terms:-- The Rev. Egerton Ryerson proceeds to England ... to solicit subscriptions ... to enable [the conference here] to bring into operation a seminary established at Cobourg, in Upper Canada.... As I am persuaded this colony will derive the greatest advantage from the institution and from the exertions of the conference to diffuse religions instruction, I cannot but strongly recommend that it may receive encouragement and support from all persons interested in the welfare of Upper Canada. The "appeal" was also heartily endorsed by the Hon. Peter McGill, founder of McGill College University, Montreal, and by other distinguished gentlemen and merchants in Montreal. In his letter Mr. McGill referred to Dr. Ryerson as "a gentleman who has distinguished himself in Upper Canada by his writings in defense of religion, order, and good government." After much delay and great discouragement, Dr. Ryerson succeeded in the objects of his mission--money and a royal charter; but at the close of his mission he writes to the Academy Committee as follows:-- Thus terminated this protracted [business], ... though I had to encounter successive, discouraging and almost insurmountable difficulties [in obtaining the charter]. Not having been able to effect any loan ... on account of the agitated state of the Canadas, and being in suspense as to the result of my application to the Government, I was several months pressed down with anxiety and fear, by this suspense and by reason of the failure of my efforts to obtain relief. In this anxiety and fear my own unassisted resolution and fortitude could not sustain me. I had to rely upon the unfailing support of the Lord my God. I have given these particulars somewhat in detail, as they afford a striking narrative illustration of the almost insurmountable difficulties which the early pioneers of education in this Province encountered in endeavoring to found these valuable institutions which have been so useful to this country, and which have shed such lustre upon their founders' names. It is also due to Victoria University, and (as I shall show) to Queen's University also to state these particulars, from the fact that the first practical, yet entirely abortive, attempt to make King's College a provincial university, was made in 1843, two years after the Methodists and Presbyterians had, in self-defence, been compelled to found universities of their own. This they did at a great sacrifice. By the time that the liberation of King's College took place, in 1849-'53, the really provincial universities at Cobourg and Kingston had become recognized as most important factors in our educational system; and from them alone, up to that time, could students of all denominations obtain a university education. In connection with the university, Faraday Hall, or School of Practical Science, was erected in 1877. It is a handsome and spacious building, and is admirably fitted up for the purpose of science teaching. THE QUEEN'S COLLEGE UNIVERSITY, KINGSTON. As early as 1829 it was felt among the members of the United Presbytery of Upper Canada that a seminary, or college, for the training of their ministers was highly desirable. As the management of King's College at Toronto was in the hands of the adherents of the Church of England, it was felt that such an institution could not be made available for Presbyterian theological instruction. A committee of the British House of Commons, to which had been referred petitions from Canada in 1828 and 1830 against the exclusive character of the charter of King's College, Toronto, were disposed to solve the difficulty by suggesting that two theological chairs be established in King's College (and did so recommend)--one for students of the Churches of England and Scotland, respectively. Nothing, however, of the kind was done; nor was there any arts college then open on equal terms to all the youth of the country. The Presbyterians, like the Methodists, had, therefore, to found an institution of their own. Steps were taken by the synod of the Church in 1831 and 1839 to found such an institution. At a meeting held in Hamilton, in November, 1839, the commission appointed for that purpose prepared the draft of a charter for the proposed college. Kingston was selected by the synod as the site for the new institution. An Act embodying the charter was passed by the Provincial Legislature in February, 1840, incorporating the "University of Kingston." The Act was, however, disallowed by the imperial authorities, on the ground that it conflicted with the royal prerogative of granting charters. A royal charter was, however, issued in 1841, incorporating the institution under the name of Queen's College, with "the style and privileges of a university." The opening of Queen's took place on the 7th of March, 1842. Rev. Thomas Liddell, D.D., of Edinburgh, was the Principal and Professor of Divinity, and Rev. P. C. Campbell, of Brockville, Professor of Classics. Rev. James Williamson, D.D., LL.D., in 1842, became Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. He is, therefore, the oldest college professor in Ontario. After the opening of King's College, Toronto, in 1843, an agitation commenced with the view to unite the three universities then in operation into a single provincial institution. Many plans were proposed, and several measures tending to that end were introduced into Parliament and fully discussed. In 1843 the Hon. Robert Baldwin introduced a university bill, which, though it presented many popular features, was strongly objected to by the churches named and others also, because it was deficient in providing for religious instruction. A bill was introduced by Hon. W. H. Draper, in 1845, to amend the law so as to make it more generally acceptable to the religious bodies of the country; and in 1847 the late Hon. John Hillyard Cameron introduced a measure in which it was proposed to devote a large part of the endowment to increased support of high schools and also to largely subsidize the denominational colleges. The measure failed to carry in Parliament, however, and this practically ended the agitation for the union of colleges for many years. In 1846 Dr. Liddell resigned his position as Principal and returned to Scotland. Rev. J. Machar, D.D., was next appointed Principal, and under his administration there was slow but real improvement. Rev. Dr. Cook, of Quebec occupied the position of Principal for a time, but he refused to accept the position permanently. Rev. Dr. Leitch was next appointed, but his early death deprived the institution of his services. He was followed by the Rev. Dr. Snodgrass, and on his retirement the Rev. George Monro Grant, D.D., of Halifax, was appointed. Dr. Grant entered on his arduous duties with his accustomed energy, and occupies that position with great acceptance. He is an able speaker and a wise administrator. Queen's College has now faculties of arts, theology, and law, and there are affiliated with it the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons, also in a prosperous condition, and the Kingston Women's Medical College. In 1869 it was resolved to make an appeal to the country for aid. The people of Kingston raised about $25,000, and the result of the whole effort was that about $103,000 was raised for the equipment of the college. In 1878 Principal Grant made the proposition to raise $150,000, in order to provide new buildings, additional professors, and apparatus. The appeal was successful; additional ground of about twenty acres was at once purchased--a site of rare beauty and convenience--and the present noble building was erected. THE UNIVERSITY OF TRINITY COLLEGE, TORONTO. The immediate cause of the founding of this College and University was the suppression, in 1849, of the Faculty of Divinity in King's College, now the University of Toronto. In consequence of this the Right Rev. J. Strachan D.D., Bishop of Toronto, issued in February, 1850, a pastoral appeal to members of the Church of England for funds to enable him to establish a Church University and College. In response to this pastoral, the Bishop succeeded in raising a large endowment from voluntary subscriptions from churchmen in Canada, England, and the United States, so that on April 30, 1851, the foundation stone of the college building was laid, and on January 15, 1852, the work of instruction was begun, the staff consisting of four professors in arts, besides those in the faculties of law and medicine. During the last thirty years the endowment has been largely increased by liberal contributions made from time to time, so that the original amount is now about trebled. In 1878 a large and handsome convocation hall was erected, and in 1884 a long felt want was supplied by the erection of a finely proportioned and beautiful chapel. The University of Trinity College at present consists of the faculty of arts and divinity, of an affiliated Medical School with a commodious building and a large staff of professors, and an affiliated Women's Medical College. Provision is also made for the higher education of women in connection with the Bishop Strachan School in Toronto, and connected with the University is a large school for boys at Port Hope. THE R. C. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE AT OTTAWA. The College (or University) of Ottawa is under the direction of the Roman Catholic Church. It was founded in 1848 by the Right Reverend Joseph Eugene Guignes, O.M.I., D.D., first R. C. Bishop of Ottawa. In 1856, the Bishop confided the direction of the college to the "Society of the Oblate Fathers of Mary Immaculate." The total value of the college building and grounds is about $75,000. It has also a good library and cabinet of natural philosophy (or physics), and of chemistry and natural history. The college obtained university powers in 1866. It confers degrees in arts, science, and literature--B. A., B. Sc., B. L., as well as M. A. THE WESTERN UNIVERSITY, LONDON. This institution, in connection with the Church of England in Canada, was incorporated in 1878, with power to affiliate with Huron Theological College and to confer Degrees in Arts, Divinity, Medicine and Law. The affiliation between that College and the University took place in 1881, and the University was inaugurated in the month of October of that year. The object of its establishment was, as a Church of England Institution in the Diocese of Huron, to obtain the same power of conferring Degrees as was possessed by the sister University of Trinity College; also, that a liberal Education in Arts, Science and Literature might be extended to that extensive portion of the Province of which London is the geographical centre. THE MCMASTER UNIVERSITY. By the munificence of the late Hon. Wm. McMaster, McMaster University is being established on a sound financial basis. McMaster Hall, Woodstock College and Moulton College (for ladies) are affiliated institutions. UPPER CANADA COLLEGE. Upper Canada College was founded in 1828 upon the model of the great public schools of England, and was endowed with a grant of 66,000 acres of public lands, from which it now derives an annual income of $15,000, in addition to its building and grounds in the city of Toronto. It is governed by a committee of the senate of the Provincial University. The curriculum extends over a six years' course of study in the same number of forms, and embraces the usual subjects. In other forms, known as the lower and upper modern, commercial and scientific training can be obtained. Scholarships may be established by the different county councils, while four exhibitions have been founded out of the University funds. This college and the high schools constitute the principal feeders of the Collegiate Institutes and provincial University. ALBERT COLLEGE, BELLEVILLE. This institution, founded in 1854, was the product of the zeal of the Methodism of that early day. Accordingly, the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in 1854, adopted a scheme--initiated in the Bay of Quinté Conference in the preceding year--for the erection and maintenance of an educational institution of high grade in Belleville. Having been chartered by Parliament in 1857 as "Belleville Seminary," it was opened in July of the same year, and entered upon its work under very favorable auspices. In the year 1886, by Act of Parliament, the name was changed to "Albert College," and a senate created with ample powers. By the terms of the union of the Methodist Churches of Canada, Albert College was retained in Belleville, and adopted by the General Conference of the United Church as a church school. The charter was amended and the college was affiliated to the Victoria University, Cobourg. The senate has full powers to examine, grant prizes, scholarships, medals, honor certificates, and diplomas in music, fine arts, commercial science, collegiate courses, etc. WOODSTOCK COLLEGE. Woodstock College, formerly "The Canadian Literary Institute," was founded in 1867, principally through the exertions of the late R. A. Fife, D.D. Under his presidency, ably assisted for eighteen years by Prof. J. E. Wells, M.A., the school constantly increased in efficiency and power, until from a small beginning it has attained its present large proportions and wide influence. THE SCHOOL OF PRACTICAL SCIENCE, TORONTO. Prior to the year 1871 there was no institution in the Province for practical instruction in the industrial sciences. In 1870 the Government of the Province issued a commission to Dr. Hodgins, Deputy Superintendent of Education, and to Dr. Machatt of London, directing them to proceed to the United States for the purpose of inspecting and reporting upon any Technical or Science Schools or Colleges there established, as to their buildings, departments of study and general appliances. On their return a report was submitted to the Government, with full details as to the cost of the proposed institution. The Government acted upon the information contained in their report, and with a grant of $50,000 established a "College of Technology" in Toronto. In 1877 the name was changed to the School of Practical Science, and the Hon. Adam Crooks, Q.C., Minister of Education, had a suitable building for it erected close to the Provincial University, four of the University Professors are engaged in Departments of the School. The new building was opened for students in September, 1878. VARIOUS OTHER COLLEGES AND SCHOOLS, ETC. There are numerous superior colleges and schools for boys and colleges for ladies in Ontario, but the limits of this paper forbids a further reference to them, or to the other numerous educational institutions--theological, literary and commercial--in the Province. REV. DR. RYERSON'S ADVOCACY OF POPULAR RIGHTS, 1827-1841.[43] [43] In the preface to the _Story of My Life_, I thus referred to this period of Dr. Ryerson's labours:--"Public men of the present day looked upon Dr. Ryerson practically as one of their own contemporaries--noted for his zeal and energy in the successful management of a great Public Department, and as the founder of a system of Popular Education.... In this estimate of Dr. Ryerson's labours they were quite correct. And in their appreciation of the statesmanlike qualities of mind, which devised and developed such a system in the midst of difficulties which would have appalled less resolute hearts, they were equally correct. "But, after all, how immeasurably does this partial historical view of his character and labours fall short of a true estimate of that character and of those labours! "In a point of fact, Dr. Ryerson's great struggle for the civil and religious freedom which we now enjoy, was almost over when he assumed the position of Chief Director of our Educational System. No one can read the record of his labours from 1825 to 1845, as detailed in the pages of this 'story' without being impressed with the fact that, had he done no more for his native country than that which is therein recorded, he would have accomplished a great work, and have earned the gratitude of his fellow-countrymen." During all this time the friends of popular education were not idle. From 1827 and for many years Dr. Ryerson was engaged in waging war with the opponents of liberal institutions and religious equality. His chief antagonist was Dr. Strachan. The subjects in dispute related to a dominant church, the application of clergy-reserved lands to the purposes of education, and the liberation of the provincial university from exclusive control under the presidency of Dr. Strachan, first as archdeacon and afterwards as bishop. Not being eligible to the popular branch of the Legislature (being a minister), Dr. Ryerson had to develop his powers of resistance to the dominant and ruling party in other directions; and this he did with wonderful success. As a writer and debater few equalled him in his presentation of facts, and in his skill in detecting the weak points of his adversary's position or argument. As a controversialist and pamphleteer he had confessedly no rival. He, therefore, was able to furnish his friends in the House of Assembly with facts and arguments which were irresistible. They passed resolutions and school bills time and again, but could not always induce the Legislative Council (Senate) to concur in their adoption. This state of things continued for many years, and with disastrous effects on the intellectual growth and well-being of the province. This fact is attested by indubitable witnesses, and is recorded in the proceedings of the House of Assembly of the time, as is shown in the extracts from its proceedings which I have already given. EDUCATIONAL LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED PARLIAMENT OF 1841 AND 1843. In 1840 the House of Assembly and Legislative Council of Upper Canada ceased to exist, and the two Provinces of Upper and Lower were united under one Legislature. The momentous political events which preceded this union, and which led to the total disruption of all political parties and combinations, were very salutary in their effects. Under the liberal policy pursued by the Home Government, after the publication of Lord Durham's report, grievances were redressed, and a broad and comprehensive scheme of popular government inaugurated. The result was that the wise and statesmanlike measures, designed to promote public tranquility and local self-government, were proposed to and adopted by the Legislature. Amongst these was a measure providing for the establishment of a municipal council in each local division of the Province of Upper Canada (and partly so in Lower Canada) for the regulation of internal matters. In recommending the scheme of Common School Education to the favorable consideration of the first Parliament of United Canada, in 1841, Lord Sydenham, the first Governor-General, used the following language:-- A due provision for the education of the people is one of the first duties of the State, and, in this province especially, the want of it is grievously felt. The establishment of an efficient system, by which the blessings of instruction may be placed within the reach of all is a work of difficulty, but its overwhelming importance demands that it should be undertaken. I recommend the consideration of that subject to your best attention, and I shall be most anxious to afford you, in your labours, all the co-operation in my power. If it should be found impossible so to reconcile conflicting opinions as to obtain a measure which may meet the approbation of all, I trust that, at least, steps may be taken by which an advance to a more perfect system may be made, and the difficulty under which the people of this province now labor may be greatly diminished, subject to such improvements hereafter as time and experience may point out. The enlightened expectations of the Governor-General were, happily, realized. But so diverse were the populations of the two Canadas thus united, and so different were their social conditions, that the School Act then passed was repealed two years afterward (in 1843), and a school bill for each Province was passed by the Legislature in that year. Provision for Roman Catholic and Protestant Separate Schools was made in both Acts.[44] [44] This Retrospect would not be complete without reference, in fuller detail, to the history of the Separate School question and to legislation on it in Upper Canada. It was found, however, to be so extensive a subject that no adequate justice could be done to it in this somewhat brief Retrospect. The writer has, therefore, prepared a full and exhaustive paper on the subject, which will be published separately, should it be considered desirable. The details given are largely personal, and, therefore, of special interest. In addition to private letters bearing on the subject, the paper contains official and other authentic information in regard to the whole question. On this system was ingrafted, by means of a separate Act applicable to the whole Province, a scheme of public education, with a liberal provision ($200,000 per annum) for its maintenance. ORIGIN OF THE ANNUAL GRANT OF $200,000 FOR THE COMMON SCHOOLS IN 1841. In a letter to the writer of this Retrospect, from the Hon. Issac Buchanan, dated 11th April. 1883, in reply to some enquiries in regard to the appointment of Dr. Ryerson, Mr. Buchanan thus related the circumstances under which the munificent sum of $200,000 a year was granted by the Legislature in 1841 for the support of the then newly-established Common Schools in Upper and Lower Canada. He said:--"This first attempt of mine to get an endowment for education (out of the Clergy Reserve Fund), failed as there was no responsible government then. But five years afterwards when my election for Toronto had carried Responsible Government, and before the first parliament met, I was talking to the Governor-General (C. Poulett Thompson, Lord Sydenham). He felt under considerable obligation to me for standing in the breach when Mr. Robert Baldwin found that he could not succeed in carrying Toronto.... He spoke of Canada as 'a drag upon the mother country.' I replied warmly ... for I felt sure (as I told him), that if we were allowed to throw the affairs of the Province into regular books ... we would show a surplus over expenditure. His Excellency agreed to my proposal, and I stipulated that, if we showed a yearly surplus, one half would be given as an endowment for an educational system. Happily we found that Upper Canada had a surplus revenue of about £100,000 ($400,000), one half of which the parliament of 1841 laid aside for education, the law stipulating that every District Council getting a share of it would tax locally for as much more, and this constituted the fund of your educational system." EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF DR. RYERSON UP TO THIS TIME. Up to this time Dr. Ryerson's energies, as I have shown, were wholly engrossed in contending for the civil and religious rights of the people. He had also, ten years before, projected and collected money for the establishment of an academy or college for higher education at Cobourg, on the north shore of Lake Ontario. His efforts in this, and in the establishment of the Victoria College at Cobourg, as a university, in 1840, aroused a widespread interest in education generally, which bore good fruit afterward. This university has now been in operation forty-eight years, and from it the first arts graduate in Upper Canada was sent forth in 1846. Its first president was the Rev. Dr. Ryerson; the second was the Rev. Dr. Macnab, now of Bowmanville. Its late distinguished president, the Rev. Dr. Nelles, was Dr. Ryerson's pupil. He held his position with honor to himself for thirty-six years, and died in October, 1887, deeply and universally regretted by the entire community. FIRST APPOINTMENT OF A SUPERINTENDENT OF EDUCATION FOR UPPER CANADA. In the _Canada Gazette_ of May, 1842, the following announcement was made:-- "SECRETARY'S OFFICE, KINGSTON, 11th May, 1842. "His Excellency the Governor-General has been pleased to make the following appointments:-- "The Honorable Robert Sympson Jameson, Vice-Chancellor, to be Superintendent of Education, under the Provincial Act, 4th and 5th Victoria, chapter 18. "The Reverend Robert Murray and Jean Baptiste Meilleur, Esquire, to be Assistant Superintendents of Education for Western and Eastern Canada, respectively. "By command, "S. B. HARRISON, Provincial Secretary." Had the Governor-General, Lord Sydenham, not met with the fatal accident which terminated his life, in September, 1841, the Rev. Dr. Ryerson would, without doubt, as I have shown in "The Story of my Life," have been appointed in that year. Mr. Murray, who was neighbor and friend of the Hon. S. B. Harrison, of Bronte, near Oakville, then Provincial Secretary, was nominated by him, and received his appointment from Lord Sydenham's successor, Sir Charles Bagot. In point of fact, the appointment was first spoken of to Dr. Ryerson by Lord Sydenham himself, in the autumn of 1841. The particulars of that circumstance are mentioned in detail in a letter written by Dr. Ryerson to T. W. C. Murdoch, Esq., Private Secretary to Sir Charles Bagot, on the 14th January, 1842. Dr. Ryerson said:-- "In the last interview with which I was honoured by [Lord Sydenham], he intimated that he thought I might be more usefully employed for this country than in my present limited sphere; and whether there was not some position in which I could more advantageously serve the country at large. I remarked that I could not resign my present official position in the Church, with the advocacy of whose interests I had been entrusted, until their final and satisfactory adjustment by the Government, as I might thereby be represented as having abandoned or sacrificed their interests; but that after such adjustment I should feel myself very differently situated, and free to do anything which might be beneficial to the country, and which involved no compromise of my professional character; that I knew of no such position likely to be at the disposal of the Government except the superintendency of Common Schools (provided for in the Bill then before the Legislature), which office would afford the incumbent a most favorable opportunity, by his communications, preparation and recommendation of books for libraries, etc., to abolish differences and jealousies on minor points; to promote agreement on great principles and interests; to introduce the best kind of reading for the youth of the country; and the not onerous duties of which office would also afford him leisure to prepare publications calculated to teach the people at large to appreciate, upon high moral and social considerations, the institutions established amongst them; and to furnish, from time to time, such expositions of great principles and measures of the administration as would secure the proper appreciation and support of them on the part of the people at large. Lord Sydenham expressed himself as highly gratified at this expression of my views and feelings; but the passing of the Bill was then doubtful, although His Lordship expressed his determination to get it passed if possible, and give effect to what he had proposed to me, and which was then contemplated by him." "What afterwards grew to be the Department of Education was (under the first general school law, passed in 1841, for the whole of the Province of Canada) originally a subordinate branch of the Provincial Secretary's office at Kingston. That for Upper Canada was managed by Assistant Superintendent Rev. Robert Murray, M.A., and one clerk (Mr. Robert Richardson). The nominal Chief Superintendent, as above noted, was the Hon. Vice-Chancellor Jameson. On the repeal of the General School Act of 1841 and the passing of a separate Act for each province in 1843 the Education branch of the Provincial Secretary's office was divided and reconstructed. The divisions then made were designated respectively "Education Office (East) and Education Office (West)."[45] [45] The _Evangelical Churchman_ of the 21st February, 1887, thus refers to the vicissitudes of the Education office:--The Education Department for Ontario, or rather Upper Canada as it was then called, had its first Toronto office in Bay Street, in the building now occupied by the publishers of the _Evangelical Churchman_. From 1841, when the first Provincial School Law was passed, until 1844, the office was a mere adjunct to the Provincial Secretary's Department at Kingston. In that year Rev. Dr. Ryerson was appointed to the office which he so ably filled until 1876, when he retired. In 1844 the Education office was removed to Cobourg, when the present Deputy Minister of Education became its chief and sole officer under Dr. Ryerson. In 1846 it was again removed and transferred to Toronto, and was placed in a room over the front door of the present _Evangelical Churchman_ office. The first Council of Public Instruction for the Province held its meetings in the west portion of the printing office, upstairs. In the room over the door the first reliable statistical report of the number of schools, etc., in this province was compiled. It was printed in the shape of a broad sheet, 12x15, on light blue paper, and bears date "September, 1846." This report, which is full of interesting statistics, has long since been out of print, but we have been fortunate enough to obtain a copy. The Education office had various vicissitudes in those early days of its existence. In 1847 it was removed from this building to the Secretary's office at the old Government House--long since demolished. In 1849, when the seat of Government was removed from Montreal to Toronto, it was transferred to the "Albany Chambers," now the Revere House, on King street. Thence, in 1852, it was finally removed to its present handsome quarters in St. James' square. APPOINTMENT OF REV. DR. RYERSON AS SUPERINTENDENT OF EDUCATION. In 1844 Mr. Murray was made Professor of Mathematics in the University of King's College, and the Rev. Dr. Ryerson was appointed as Superintendent of Schools in his place. The announcement of this appointment appeared in the CANADA GAZETTE of October, 1844, as follows:-- "SECRETARY'S OFFICE, MONTREAL, 18th October, 1844. "His Excellency the Governor-General has been pleased to appoint:-- "The Reverend Egerton Ryerson, D.D., to be Assistant Superintendent of Education for that part of the province formerly Upper Canada, in place of the Reverend Robert Murray, appointed a Professor in the University of King's College, and all communications connected with the Education office for Upper Canada are to be addressed to him at Cobourg. "By command. "D. DALY, "Secretary of the Province." Dr. Ryerson was notified of the appointment by letter in September, 1844, but was not gazetted until the 18th of the next mouth. It was my good fortune to be associated with him from the time of his appointment in 1844 until he retired from office in 1876. DR. RYERSON'S REPORT ON A SYSTEM OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION FOR UPPER CANADA. Immediately after his appointment Dr. Ryerson went to Europe, and remained away for over a year in familiarizing himself with the systems of education there. On his return he published an elaborate report on his projected scheme of "Public Instruction for Upper Canada." That report was approved by the Governor-General in Council, and he was directed to prepare a bill to give effect to his recommendations, which he did in 1846. A brief analysis of that report may be interesting:--It is divided into two parts: 1. Principles of the system and subjects to be taught; 2. machinery of the system. After defining what was "meant by education," the principles of the system were laid down as follows:-- 1. It should be universal. 2. It should be practical. 3. It should be founded on religion and morality. 4. It should develop all the intellectual and physical powers. 5. It should provide for the efficient teaching of the following subjects: Biblical history and morality, reading and spelling, writing, arithmetic, grammar, geography, linear drawing, vocal music, history, natural history, natural philosophy, agriculture, human physiology, civil government, political economy. Each of these topics was fully discussed and illustrated in the first part of the report. * * * * * The second part explained the machinery of the system, which was summarized as follows:-- 1. Schools--their gradation and system. 2. The teacher and his training. 3. The text-books recommended. 4. Control and inspection on the part of the Government. 5. Individual and local efforts. These several topics wore also fully discussed and illustrated, so that the whole comprehensive scheme of education proposed by Dr. Ryerson was clearly and fully understood. The report occupied nearly 200 pages. The school law founded upon this report provided, amongst other things, for-- 1. A general Board of Education for the Province, to take charge of a normal school, and to aid the Chief Superintendent in certain matters. 2. A normal school, with practice or model schools attached. 3. The regulation of school libraries. 4. Plans of school houses. 5. Appointment of district, instead of county and township, school superintendents. 6. Apportionment of school moneys to each school according to the average number of children in each school district, as compared with those in the whole township. 7. Levy of a school rate by each district (county) municipal council, of a sum at least equal to the legislative grant to each such district. 8. The collection, by the local school trustees, of the balance required to defray the expenses of their school, in any way which the school ratepayers (at the annual meeting) might determine. 9. The recommendation of a uniform series of text books, with the proviso that no aid would be given to any school in which books disapproved of by the general Board of Education might be used. 10. The establishment of district model schools (reënacted from the Act of 1843). 11. Examination and licensing of teachers. 12. Visitation of schools by clergymen, magistrates, municipal councillors, etc. 13. Protection of children (reënacted from the Act of 1843) from being "required to read or study in or from any religious book, or join in any religious exercise or devotion, objected to by parents." 14. Establishment (reënacted from the laws of 1841 and 1843) of Roman Catholic Separate Schools, where the teacher of the locality was a Protestant, and _vice versa_. (These schools received grants in accordance with their average attendance of pupils.) 15. Levy of rates by district municipal councils, at their discretion, for the erection of school houses and teachers' residences. Such were the principal provisions of the first School Act, proposed and adapted from other school laws by Dr. Ryerson in 1846, so far as rural schools were concerned. In the following year he prepared a comprehensive measure in regard to schools in cities, towns and incorporated villages. CHIEF FEATURES OF DR. RYERSON'S FIRST REPORT AND SCHOOL BILL OF 1846. In sending his draft of School Bill to the Government, early in March, 1846, Dr. Ryerson, in a private letter to Hon. Attorney General Draper, dated 30th of that month, thus explained its general features:-- "I thank you sincerely for your kind favor of the 23rd instant, and feel not a little gratified that you approve of the draft of Bill which I had prepared for your consideration. I feel the justice of the high ground on which you place the moral qualifications of teachers and their duties.... "That to which I attach the highest importance in the measure is the authority of trustees to levy a rate-bill upon all the inhabitants of a school section. The rate-bill will thus be a second edition of the school tax imposed by the District Council. The principle, once established, it will be seen after a while that the Council may as well impose the whole of the school tax at once as to have the imposition of it divided between the Council and the trustees.... "I attach the greatest importance to the Normal School. I have no doubt the Legislature will be disposed to support it when once established.... I hope, however, that you will have in view the providing for it hereafter, and some appropriation for school libraries ... from which an offer to a district or township, five pounds for example, upon the condition that it would also contribute so as to purchase books from a list recommended by the Provincial Board of Education, and, therefore, the most suitable for the young and grown-up people of the country.... "It has been mentioned to me, and I have thought that the term inspector, instead of superintendent, would be the better designation of the District overseer of Schools.... "I this day transmit to Mr. Secretary Daly my 'Report on a system of Elementary Instruction for Upper Canada.'... I have introduced no debatable topics, except that of Christianity, the principle of maintaining which as the basis and cement of a system of public instruction, I have discussed at large. On the defective modes of teaching those branches (viz., reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar and geography), which are taught in the Common Schools, I have also dwelt at some length in order to furnish District Superintendents and other persons concerned with a proper standard of teaching and examination, and in order to inculcate the true principles of teaching which are applicable to all subjects. I hope the Report will be the means of laying a good foundation in the leading minds of the country on the great work of public instruction. "I should add in respect to my Report that, in pointing out defects in systems of instruction and modes of teaching, I have almost invariably quoted American authors, and have thus incidentally exposed the defects of almost every part of the American system, and have practically shown that every redeeming feature of the American school system has been or is being borrowed from European governments." OBJECTIONS TO DR. RYERSON'S SCHOOL BILL OF 1846 ANSWERED. In a private letter to Hon. Attorney-General Draper, dated 20th April, 1846, Dr. Ryerson replies to several objections made in the House of Assembly and by the press to his first School Act of 1846. I quote the following:-- "The Montreal _Pilot_ objects to appointing trustees for three years. This is one of the improvements adopted in the New York law of 1843. The superintendents, in their reports, speak largely of the evils of the annual system, and strongly on the advantages of the triennial one. The opposition to the Bill seems to be based on notions derived from what the State of New York system was several years ago. The opponents do not seem to be aware that it was amended in 1841, and amended again in 1843. Messrs. Price, Roblin, etc., seem to be where the Americans were ten years ago. "I anticipate the objection to the rate-bill clause. I look upon that above all others to be the poor man's clause, and at the very foundation of a system of public education. It is objected to by precisely the class of persons or rather by the individuals that I expected. I have heard of one rich man objecting to it, who educates his own children at colleges and ladies' seminaries, but who looks not beyond his own family. He says, I am told, that 'he does not wish to be compelled to educate _all the brats_ in the neighborhood.' Now, to educate 'all the brats in every neighborhood' is just the very object of this clause; and, in order to do so, it is proposed to compel selfish, rich men to do what they ought to do, but what they will not do voluntarily.[46] [46] In this matter of trustees' rate bill or school rate on the property of the school section, Dr. Ryerson was quite in advance of his times. The rate-bill clause, as he had prepared it, was rejected by the House of Assembly and a school fee substituted for it. In a brief, private note from Mr. Draper, dated 22nd April, 1846, he said:-- "Last night, or rather this morning at one, I got the School Bill through Committee of the Whole. I have been forced to submit to some changes, none very serious.... The rate-bill is to be on people sending children to school--not on the whole section. I fought this, but was well beaten." In his reply, Dr. Ryerson said:-- "I deeply regret the loss of the original rate-bill clause. It involved a new and important principle.... I am persuaded that it will on a future occasion pass by a strong majority." It did so pass in 1850; but it was not until 1871 that the Municipal Council was authorized by the Legislature to impose the whole of the school tax as desired and predicted by Dr. Ryerson in 1846. "Mr. Gowan's statements as to the evils of not extending the period of keeping a school open in each district beyond three months of the year are substantially what have been communicated to me in many reports and letters. In several of the annual district reports which I have received, it is stated that giving public money to districts in which a school is not taught more than three months of the year is an actual injury rather than a benefit, and an abuse of the intentions of the Legislature." FIRST AND SECOND COUNCILS OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, 1846 AND 1850. Dr. Ryerson was assisted in his important work by an able council of representative men, who were appointed in 1846. The members of this first council were as follows:-- Rev. Egerton Ryerson, D.D., Chief Superintendent of Schools; Right Rev. Michael Power, D.D., Roman Catholic Bishop of Toronto; Rev. Henry James Grasett, M.A., Rector of Toronto; Hon. Samuel Beaty Harrison, Q.C., Judge, County of York; Joseph Curran Morrison, Q.C., M.P.P.; Hugh Scobie, Esq., Editor of the _British Colonist_; James Scott Howard, Esq., Treasurer, County of York. Dr. Ryerson proposed to Bishop Strachan that he should represent the Church of England on the new Board. The Bishop was quite pleased at his request, and so expressed himself. He declined, however, on the ground that he feared his appointment might embarrass, rather than aid, in the promotion of the new scheme of education. He suggested that Rev. H. J. Grasett be appointed in his place.[47] He also gave friendly advice to Dr. Ryerson to be careful not to recommend a personal enemy for appointment on such a board. [47] In a letter to the writer of this Retrospect from the Very Rev. Dean Grasett in 1875, he said:--"I esteem it an honour that I should have been associated with Dr. Ryerson in his Council for so many years (30), and a privilege if I have been of the least assistance in upholding his hands in performing a work, the credit of which is exclusively his own. "I shall carry with me to the end of life the liveliest feelings of respect for the public character and regard for the private worth of one who has rendered to his country services which entitle him to her lasting gratitude. My venerable friend has had from time to time many cheering recognitions of his valuable public services from the heads of our Government ...; but I think that in his case, as in others that are familiar to us, it must be left to future generations adequately to appreciate their value when they shall be reaping the full benefit of them." Two more members were added in 1850, viz., Rev. John Jenning, D.D., Presbyterian Minister; Rev. Adam Lillie, D.D., Congregational Minister. Not one of the gentlemen named survive; but, in their day, they rendered effective service to the country as members of the first and second Councils of Public Instruction. The Hon. S. B. Harrison (afterwards Judge of the County of York) was nominated by Rev. Dr. Ryerson, as Chairman of the reconstructed Board of Education in 1850 (then named the Council of Public Instruction), as successor to the lamented Bishop Power, who died in 1847.[48] Mr. Harrison held that position until his death, in 1862. [48] In his address at the beginning of the Normal School for Upper Canada, in November, 1847, Dr. Ryerson thus referred to the then recent decease of Bishop Power. He said, referring to the harmony which had characterized the meetings of the Provincial Board of Education:-- "One event indeed has occurred, over which the members of the Board have reason to mourn--the decease of the Right Reverend Prelate, who, by his colleagues had been unanimously chosen Chairman of the Board, and whose conduct as Chairman and Member of the Board was marked by a punctuality, a courtesy, a fairness, a zeal and intelligence which entitle his memory to the affectionate remembrance of his colleagues and the grateful esteem of every member of the community.... I cannot reflect upon the full and frequent conversations which I have had with him on subjects of public instruction, and with the scrupulous regard which ever manifested for the views, and rights and wishes of Protestants, without feelings of the deepest respect for his character and memory." Dr. Ryerson did not enter practically upon the duties of his office until about the middle of 1846. In the meantime, the correspondence and routine duties of the Education Office were (on Dr. Ryerson's suggestion) placed in the hands of his friend, the Rev. Alexander MacNab, D.D., now Rector of Darlington (Bowmanville). RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN THE COMMON SCHOOLS, 1846. Among the first duties of the new Provincial Board of Education was the establishment of a Normal School, the authorization of a series of text-books, and the preparation of regulations for the government of the Common Schools. The most important of these regulations was the one relating to religious instruction in the schools. Before submitting it to the Board for adoption Dr. Ryerson consulted various representative persons on the subject. In a private letter to Hon. Attorney-General Draper, dated December 17th, 1846, Dr. Ryerson thus explained his proceedings in regard to the preparation of the clause in the new regulations relating to religious instruction in the schools. He said:-- "I submitted the clause first to Rev. Mr. Grasett. He quite approved of it, as he felt exceedingly anxious that there should be such an explicit recognition of Christianity in our school system. I then waited on the Roman Catholic Bishop, who examined it and concurred in it.... I showed it also to the Bishop of Toronto. After he had read the section he said he believed I had done all that could be done on that subject, and that ... he would write a circular to his clergy, recommending them to act as school visitors, and to do all in their power to promote the efficiency and usefulness of the Common Schools." In his report for 1847, Dr. Ryerson stated that he consulted other ministers on the subject. The Hon. Mr. Draper, in a private note to Dr. Ryerson, dated 1st January, 1847, said:-- "I am more gratified than I can express that you have so successfully met the difficulty about the religious instruction of children in Common Schools. You (to whom I expressed myself about three years ago on the subject of the importance of not dividing religion from secular instruction) will readily understand the pleasure I feel that in Common Schools at least the principle and promoted application of it, for mixed schools, has been approved by the Bishop of my own Church and by the Roman Catholic Prelate." In a letter to the late Hon. Robert Baldwin, written in 1849, Dr. Ryerson thus refers to the question of religious instruction and the Bible in school: "Be assured that no system of popular education will flourish in a country which does violence to the religious sentiments and feelings of the churches of that country. Be assured, that every such system will droop and wither which does not take root in the Christian and patriotic sympathies of the people--which does not command the respect and confidence of the several religious persuasions, both ministers and laity--for these in fact make the aggregate of the Christianity of the country." Speaking in a subsequent letter of another feature of the question of the Bible in schools, Dr. Ryerson says: "The principal opposition which, in 1846 and for several years afterwards, I encountered was that I did not make the use of the Bible compulsory in the schools, but simply recognized the right of Protestants to use it in the school (not as an ordinary reading book), as it was not given to teach us how to read but to teach us the way to Heaven), as a book of religious instruction, without the right or the power of compelling any others to use it. The recognition of the right has been maintained inviolate to the present time; facilities for the exercise of it have been provided, and recommendations for that purpose have been given, but no compulsory authority assumed, or right of compulsion acknowledged; and the religious exercises in each school have been left to the decision of the authorities of such school, and the religious instruction of each child has always been under the absolute authority of the parents or guardian of each child." To the objection urged against the reading of the Bible in the schools because "a majority of the teachers are utterly unfit to give religious instruction," Dr. Ryerson replied: "The reading of the Bible and giving religious instruction from it are two very different things. The question is not the competency of teachers to give religious instruction, but the right of a Protestant to the reading of the Bible by his child in the school as a text-book of religious instruction. That right I hold to be sacred and divine." STATE OF COMMON SCHOOL EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA, 1845. From the reports then made to him by the County Superintendents of Schools, I select the following extracts, showing what was the actual state of education in the province when Dr. Ryerson commenced his labors as Superintendent of Education. Mr. Hamilton Hunter, Superintendent of Schools in the Home District (County of York), in his report for 1845, says:-- "There is one fact with which I have been forcibly struck, in my visits to the schools, which shows, in the clearest manner, the great necessity that existed in this Colony for the establishment of a system of Common School education. It is this: That in our schools the amount of attainment, on the part of the pupils, is generally in an inverse ratio to their size and age, after they have reached their twelfth or thirteenth year. The largest scholars that attend our schools are by far the lowest in point of attainment, which shows how sadly the education of that portion of the community, now about to attain the years of manhood and womanhood has been neglected. In many of our country schools, it is a very common thing to find persons advanced to the age of young men and women commencing to learn the first rudiments. The mind feels pained upon contemplating this; but it is gratifying to think that a remedy has been provided against it in the establishment of our Common Schools, by which the elementary branches of education are brought within the grasp of all. It leads us to reflect upon the melancholy state of ignorance that must have existed at no distant period in this Province had no means been provided other than those which formerly existed for placing the elements of knowledge within the reach of the rising generation." Hon. Hamnett Pinkey, Superintendent of Schools in the District of Dalhousie (Carleton, etc.), in his report, says:-- "The Common Schools are very indifferently conducted, and the masters in general very inadequately perform the duties required of them; a reform is expected from the establishment of the District Model School." Rev. Alexander Mann, M.A., Superintendent of Schools in the Bathurst District (Lanark, etc) says:-- "In existing circumstances I have declined giving a regular certificate to any teacher.... I made an effort on my own responsibility, and at my own expense to improve teachers, by opening a private school, solely for their benefit, but as I did not meet with proper encouragement I was obliged to relinquish my purpose." Richey Waugh, Esq., Superintendent of Schools in the Johnstown District (Leeds and Grenville), says:-- "The trustees of many schools employ teachers only for whatever time the school fund will pay their wages, and they receive but little benefit from the public money thus expended." Patrick Thornton, Esq., Superintendent of Schools in the Gore District (Wentworth, etc.), says:-- "It is a matter of regret that the old parrot system of repeating words without attaching ideas to them, does still in too many instances prevail; and the dregs must remain till some of the old formal teachers are off the field." Rev. Newton Bosworth, F.R.S., Superintendent of Schools in the Brock District (Oxford, etc.), says:-- "The diversity of books and modes of teaching referred to in my last report, still exists, nearly to the same extent; and in the qualifications of teachers also, as great a variety was observable as before.... It appears to me that parents should be impressed, to a much greater extent than at present, with a sense of the necessity and importance of education for their children." George Duck, jr., Esq., Superintendent of Schools in the Western District (Kent, etc.), says:-- "In many townships little or nothing was raised by rate-bill. In many places the poverty of the settlements prevented it; and the only school that was kept open in these districts was just during the time that the allowance from the aggregate fund was sufficient to pay the teacher. This course is, in fact, of very doubtful benefit, as the school is seldom kept open for more than three months in the year, and the children lose so much benefit continuous education produces." SCHOOL HOUSES AND SCHOOL TEACHERS IN 1845-1850. The Rev. Dr. Ryerson, in his report for 1845-46, speaking of school houses in the Province, says:-- "With a few exceptions, the school houses are deficient in almost every essential quality of places adopted for elementary instruction. Very few are furnished with any thing more than desks and forms of the most ordinary kind, and have no apparatus for instruction, nor appendages, or conveniences either for exercise or such as are required for the sake of modesty and decency." In his annual Report for 1847, Dr. Ryerson incidentally refers to the character of teachers in some districts. He says:-- "In one district, where intemperance heretofore prevailed to a considerable extent, even among school teachers, the Superintendent gave notice that he would not give a certificate of qualification to any but strictly sober candidates, and that, at the end of six months he would cancel the certificates of all teachers who suffered themselves at any time to become intoxicated.... I know of two other districts in which the Superintendents have acted thoroughly on the same principle, with the same happy results.... In a note in reference to it in the printed Form of Regulations, I remarked that 'no intemperate or profane person should be intrusted with the instruction of youth.'... No one will doubt that there are fewer unqualified and immoral teachers employed now than there were before the passing of the present School Act (of 1846)." Pages 8 and 9. In his circular issued to the newly formed County Boards of Examiners, dated 8th October, 1850, Dr. Ryerson thus referred to this matter:-- "Many representations have been made to this Department respecting intemperate and profane and Sabbath-breaking teachers.... I cannot but regard it as your special mission to rid the profession of common school teachers of unworthy character, and ... to protect the youth against the poison of a vicious teacher's example." _Report for 1850, pages 305, 306._ DR. RYERSON'S PRACTICAL AGENCIES TO GIVE INFORMATION AND REMOVE PREJUDICE. It will thus be seen from the foregoing, that at this time educational affairs were at a low ebb. Dr. Ryerson, therefore, sought in every practical way to overcome this educational apathy and inertia. His pen and personal effort were freely used. The first circular to municipal councils--prepared by him--was issued by the new Provincial Board of Education in August, 1846. This he followed up by one from himself addressed to county councils, in which he explained fully and at length the scope and objects of the new scheme of popular education. This was done under three heads:--1. That it was "based upon the principles of our common Christianity." 2. That "upon the duty of educating the youth of our country there exists but one opinion, and, therefore, there should be but one party." 3. That "the system of elementary education is public, not private." Another agency Dr. Ryerson sought to employ to aid the Department in its great work. And by it he hoped to educate and rightly influence public opinion in favor of the new departure then in progress. The plan he proposed to the Government in 1846, to authorize the issue, under his direction, of a departmental _Journal of Education_, "to be devoted," among other things, to the exposition of every part of our school system," then new to the people, ... "and to the discussion of the various means of promoting the efficiency of the schools." This the Government felt unwilling at the time to do. He, therefore, undertook the expense and responsibility of the publication himself in January, 1848. And it was not until years had demonstrated the practical value and success of the proposed agency that the expense of the publication was provided for by an annual vote of the Legislature. A third agency which Dr. Ryerson successfully employed to aid the Department was that of personally holding county school conventions. In explaining this project to the Government in 1846, he said:-- "I propose ... to visit and employ one or two days in school discourse and deliberation with the Superintendent, Visitors, Trustees and Teachers in each of the several Districts of Upper Canada. I know of no means so effectual to remove prejudice, to create unanimity of views and feelings, and to excite a general interest in the cause of popular education," etc. This project was concurred in by the Government, on condition that the expense of the proposed nearly three months' visitation "should not exceed £75." Thus was inaugurated, in 1846, a series of county school conventions which, at intervals of about five years each, were held all over the country. The early ones involved travelling in all kinds of weather and in all kinds of conveyances, so as to keep engagements made weeks before. They were, however, of immense service to the Department in removing prejudice, settling difficulties and solving doubts as to the practicability of plans proposed for improving the condition of the schools and raising the intellectual and social status of the teacher. COMBINED OPPOSITION TO THE PROJECTED SYSTEM OF EDUCATION. It was not to be expected that so comprehensive a scheme of education as that proposed by Dr. Ryerson in 1846 and 1847 would meet with general acceptance. The very reverse was the fact. It was assailed as revolutionary and oppressive. It certainly was revolutionary in the best sense; but not oppressive, for it was largely permissive and wholly tentative. And, for many years the Town of Richmond, in the County of Carleton, refused to establish schools under its provisions. The new measures were so far revolutionary that they differed almost wholly from the former projected school acts. The system proposed was composite. Its machinery was adopted chiefly from the State of New York. The principle upon which the schools were to be supported was taken from New England--Normal schools, from Germany, and the uniform series of school books, from Ireland. All were, however, so blended together and harmonized, to meet the requirements and circumstances of the country that they became, in Dr. Ryerson's moulding hands, "racy of the soil." Up to this time no one but Dr. Ryerson had been able to give a practical turn to the rather crude theories which had been held on the subject of popular education. He, however, had to pay the penalty of all such reformers; but yet he lived to see the fuller details of his system of education worked out on his own lines. It is needless to say that Dr. Ryerson's scheme was assailed as impracticable. This I have explained. It was held to be too comprehensive for the country. Even his reference to the compact and systematized plan adopted in Prussia was seized upon as an indication of his covert design to introduce the baneful system of so-called "Prussian despotism." His commendation of "free schools," as a prospective feature of our educational system was denounced as an attempt to legalize an "outrageous robbery," and as communistic "war against property." As an example of the injustice of these criticisms on Dr. Ryerson's scheme of education, he said in a lecture on education in 1847:-- "I have seen in certain of the public prints, a provision of our school law ascribed to Prussia, which was borrowed from the school law of the City of Buffalo; and another provision declared to be incompatible with the rights of man which forms the basis and glory of the common school system of Massachusetts." Although opposition to Dr. Ryerson's educational plans, as embodied in his school acts, was somewhat general, yet it was singularly illogical. The sore point was that it touched men's pockets in the form of school rates. EDUCATIONAL PROCEEDINGS OF DISTRICT COUNCILS IN 1847, 1848. An influential district council in the West sought to influence all of the others against the new system, especially against the establishment of a Normal School. In a memorial to the Legislature (which it sent broadcast), dated Hamilton, 10th November, 1847, and signed by James Little, Chairman of the Education Committee, John White and Francis Cameron, and adopted by the Gore District Council, the following passages occur: "With respect to the necessity of establishing a Normal, with Elementary Model Schools in this Province, memorialists are of opinion that, however well adapted, such an institution might be to the wants of the old and densely populated countries of Europe, where services in almost every vocation will scarcely yield the common necessaries of life, they are, so far as this object expected to be gained is concerned, altogether unsuited to a country like Upper Canada.... Nor do your memorialists hope to provide qualified teachers by any other means, in the present circumstances of the country than securing as heretofore, the services of those whose physical disabilities from age render this mode of obtaining a livelihood the only one suited to their decaying energies, or by employing such of the newly arrived emigrants as are qualified for common school teachers year by year as they come amongst us, and who will adopt this as a means of temporary support, until their character and ability are known and turned to better account for themselves." This memorial having been sent to each of the district councils in Upper Canada for their concurrence, and with a view to procure the repeal of the School Act, 9 Vic., ch. 20, the Colborne District Council not only refused to concur in it but subjected it to severe criticism. In regard to the foregoing extract from the Gore District Memorial, the Colborne Council (now Peterboro' and Victoria) in its report on that memorial said: "That the moneys required to pay for the establishment and support of Normal and Model Schools are little less than a waste of so much of the Legislative grant, is an opinion in which your committee are so far from concurring, that they believe it is from these sources must mainly arise the instrumentality through which the friends of education can alone hope for the first considerable amelioration of the evils they lament.... Nor can your committee reconcile it either with their just expectations, or their sense of duty to rest satisfied with the services of those whose physical disabilities from age and decaying energies render them unfit, or of those 'newly arrived emigrants,' whose 'unknown character and abilities' render them unable to procure a livelihood by any other means than by becoming the preceptors of our children; the dictators of their sentiments and manners; the guardians of their virtue; and in a high degree the masters of their future destinies in this world and the next." This report was prepared by Mr. Thomas Benson, Chairman of the Education Committee, and Warden of the District (father of Judge Benson of Port Hope). It was adopted by the Colborne District Council in February, 1848.[49] [49] Correspondence between members of the Government and the Chief Superintendent, 1850, pp. 17-20. The Western District Council, in its memorial to the Legislature against the School Act, represented that "spite, hatred and malice between neighbors and friends," existed, and was "occasioned by the present School Act." It added: "So numerous are the petitions on the subject that more than half of the time of the Council is taken up in endeavoring to settle the differences, but unfortunately without any beneficial effect." The Chief Superintendent, in his report, referring to this statement says: "Now, in examining the printed report of the committee, to whom all these petitions were referred, I find that of the twenty-nine petitions presented to the Council, one prayed for the establishment of a female school in one of the sections (which was granted); one prayed for a local school tax in a section; two related to the formation of new school sections, and the remaining twenty-five related to the disputes as to the boundaries of school sections and the non-payment of school moneys by township superintendents. Thus not one of these disputes could have arisen out of the School Act, but must have all been caused by an improper division of the school sections, either by the township superintendents under the late Act, or by the Council under the present statute." In this (Western) District the Council says: "We well know that a very large number of the trustees can neither read nor write, and, therefore, it must be obvious that the greater part of the requirements of the law remain undone." On this statement the Chief Superintendent remarks: "In other districts where the trustees can read and write, and where the councillors an correspondingly intelligent and discreet in their school proceedings, no disputes or inconvenience have, as far as I am aware, occurred on this subject." In the District of Dalhousie, the Chief Superintendent states: "Still greater dissatisfaction and confusion were created by the mode of proceeding adopted by the council. Before the passing of the present School Act the council of this district never imposed a school assessment.... The introduction of a district assessment (under the new Act) would naturally excite some dissatisfaction, and especially in a district bordering on counties in Lower Canada where the school assessment had been resisted.... In addition the Chief Superintendent adds: "The Council in the autumn of 1847 passed a by-law to this effect: "Whereas the school section division mode by this Council at its last session, are in many instances, discordant to the convenience and wishes of the inhabitants, and that to correct them satisfactorily this present session is impracticable. The District Superintendent is empowered and required to make a distribution of the school fund (legislative grant and county assessment) 'share and share alike,' among qualified teachers without reference to the number of scholars under their tuition, but in proportion to the time such teachers may have been teaching, etc." Thus the Superintendent remarks, "this by-law contemplated the abolition of the statute requiring the school grant to be distributed according to the school population of each section. It made no distinction between the able teacher who taught sixty scholars and the young one who taught twenty; it had no regard to the engagements which may have been made by trustees according to law; it required of teachers conditions which the law had not enjoined, and proposed to deprive many of them of advantages which the law had conferred.... Of course I pointed out the illegality and injustice of the by-law and it was not acted upon. At the session of the Council lately held, a resolution was adopted praying the Governor-General to dissolve the Council that the sense of the inhabitants of the Dalhousie District might be taken on the school law.... It is doubtless probable that many of the inhabitants have not distinguished between the provisions of the law and the proceedings of their own Council--attributing to the former what has been occasioned by the latter."[50] [50] Chief Superintendent's Annual Report for 1847-8, page 6. Contrast the enlightened discussion of such questions to-day with the ignorant dogmatism of that day, and you can form some idea of the magnitude of Dr. Ryerson's labors,--not only in laying broad and deep the foundations for his superstructure, but in seeking to overcome the deep-rooted and unreasoning prejudices of those days--days indeed of anxiety and toil and fierce opposition, which I so well remember. ESTIMATE OF LORD ELGIN'S CHARACTER BY THE HON. W. H. DRAPER. On the arrival in Canada of Lord Elgin, as Governor-General, Dr. Ryerson wrote confidentially to Hon. Attorney-General Draper (on the 16th February, 1847), asking him for his "opinion of the new Governor-General." Mr. Draper replied on the 22nd as follows:-- "As far as my opportunities of judging go, I think Canada will find cause of satisfaction in having Lord Elgin for a Governor. He is industrious in habit, pleasing in manner, extremely courteous and affable in bearing. I find him also diligent and shrewd in inquiry; and the observations which fall from him show that he has studiously kept pace with the great questions of the day (I do not mean our Canadian politics simply), and besides the cultivation of classical education in its broader sense, he possesses a mind stored with facts bearing on and illustrative of those questions. In these respects, or more correctly speaking in the latter, and as regards trade and finance, he reminds me more of Lord Sydenham than any other governor of my time. I think he possesses also caution and firmness;--that he will not resolve hastily, that he may not have to change his resolves. He has large ideas of the capabilities and resources both of Canada and of the British North American Provinces, and, as it strikes me, without any reference to a political union of these provinces, thinks that a course might be taken to develop the whole, by separate parts taking a common course in matters in which they have a common interest--internal communication, favorable to our European commerce and connections will serve as an illustration of the sort of questions to which I allude.... All this, of course, is mere opinion, but such are my first impressions, and as such, and no more, I readily give them to you in reply to your enquiry, etc." Subsequently, Dr. Ryerson met Lord Elgin in Montreal, and, in a letter to me, dated 24th July, 1847, he says:-- "At his own request I have had an interesting interview with Lord Elgin. He is exceedingly well versed in systems of education, and is a thoroughly practical man on the subject." INVALUABLE ASSISTANCE GIVEN TO DR. RYERSON BY LORD ELGIN. It was fortunate that just at this crisis Canada was favored with the presence of one of the most accomplished, in every sense of the term, of the Queen's representatives, the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine. That distinguished statesman, who afterwards filled with great dignity the highest post in the civil service of Great Britain, that of Governor-General of India, reached Canada at a critical transitional period in our history. Few can recall the incidents of those days without a feeling of admiration for the fearlessness, tact, and ability with which he discharged the delicate and difficult duties of his high office. When Lord Elgin arrived in Canada in 1847, and when he removed to Toronto, after the riot and burning of the Parliament House in Montreal in 1849, educational affairs were fiercely discussed and were yet almost at the low ebb at which Dr. Ryerson had found them. Not that they had previously reached a higher plane and had gradually settled down to a lower one. The reverse was the fact, but the question of education had only then (in Dr. Ryerson's hands) begun to attract serious public attention. It was, however, as I have explained, in an adverse direction, for the whole subject, in the advanced form in which it was presented by Dr. Ryerson, was unpopular. It involved taxation and other unpalatable "burdens," as its opponents averred. Notwithstanding the zeal and ability with which Dr. Ryerson had collected and arranged his facts, analyzed the various systems of education in Europe and America, and fortified himself with the opinions of the most experienced educationists in these countries, the system which he projected, and the school law which embodied it, continued to be fiercely assailed by a portion of the press, and by hostile politicians. This hostility culminated in an event which brought things to a crisis in 1849. At this time, an administration was in office, one or two members of which were personally unfavorable to Dr. Ryerson's continuation in office. One of these, a prominent and popular member of the cabinet (Hon. Malcolm Cameron, who afterward became a warm friend of Dr. Ryerson) induced his colleagues to assent to the passage of a school bill which practically legislated Dr. Ryerson out of office, besides being objectionable in other respects. He at once tendered his resignation. The Hon. Robert Baldwin, Attorney-General, declined to recommend its acceptance. By advice of the Cabinet, the operation of the bill was suspended until a new one, framed by Dr. Ryerson, could be prepared and passed. The result was the passage of the School Act of 1850--popular in its character and comprehensive in its provisions. It now forms the broad basis of the present school system of Ontario. It was at this period of our educational history that Lord Elgin first came into official contact with our educational system. Being familiar with the Scottish parochial school system, he soon mastered the whole subject, and perceived the great importance to the whole country of the question which was then being so fiercely discussed. Being in England in 1853, Dr. Ryerson wrote to me there:-- "I was glad to learn that Lord Elgin was to go in the same steamship with you from Boston. I have no doubt it will have proved interesting to him as well as to you, and perhaps useful to you. I miss you very much from the office, but I do not like to employ any more aid without sanction of the Government, though I could get no one to take your place. I would wish you to write me what Lord Elgin may have thought or have said as to our doings and plans of proceeding. If the library plan succeeds, it will achieve noble results.[51] I feel that our success and happiness in the Department are inseparably united." [51] Lord Elgin always referred to Dr. Ryerson's library scheme in his educational addresses as the "Crown and Glory of the Institutions of the Province." It was indeed fortunate for my mission that I was on the same Cunard steamer to England with His Excellency the late lamented Lord Elgin, to whom I entered into full detail in regard to the objects of that mission. Before leaving the steamer, Lord Elgin most kindly promised to aid me in every way he could while in England, and wrote me his address as "Broom Hall, Dumfermline," in case I should have occasion to refer to him. He also added the following paragraph to the letter of your instructions and authority, which, in more than one instance, I found to be of essential service to me:-- "I believe the object of Mr. Hodgins' mission to be most important to Canada, and I trust that he will meet with all support and encouragement. (Signed) "ELGIN AND KINCARDINE, "Governor-General. "September, 1853." One of my letters, reporting to Dr. Ryerson as far as I had gone, my proceedings in England, having been enclosed to the Hon. Mr. Hincks, he said in reply:--"I return you Mr. Hodgins' interesting letter, with thanks for its perusal. It was fortunate he went by the same steamer as Lord Elgin. I am much interested in the success of your libraries, which is beyond my most sanguine expectations. "QUEBEC, 11th Oct. 1853." I recall with pleasure the great services which Lord Elgin then rendered to the cause of education at a critical period of its history in this Province. His speeches and addresses on the subject at that time had a wonderful effect in moderating the opposition which Dr. Ryerson received while laying the foundations of our system of education. They had also the potent effect of popularizing that system in the estimation of the people which it was designed to benefit. That popularity has, happily, continued to this day, thanks in a great degree to the dignity imparted to the subject by the persuasive eloquence of Lord Elgin. His eminence as a distinguished graduate of Oxford, and his general knowledge of European systems of education, enabled him to speak with a precision and certainty which few could gainsay. It was a gratifying fact that he identified himself personally, as well as officially, throughout the whole of his seven years' administration, with the general education and intellectual improvement of the people of Canada. The first bill to which His Excellency assented in the Queen's name was the School Act of 1850, to which I have referred. PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST COUNCIL OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION--THE NORMAL SCHOOL. One of the first and necessary acts of the Provincial Board of Education, or first council of public instruction, was the adoption of a uniform series of text-books--one only on each subject. Those chosen were the Irish National Series, with two additions. The next important step taken by the Board was the establishment, in November, 1847, of a Normal School, with the necessary adjunct of a Model School. The old Government House was fitted up as a Normal School, and the stable connected with it was renovated and converted into a Model School, or school of practice for teachers-in-training.[52] On the removal of the seat of government to Toronto, in 1849, the Normal School was held in the Temperance Hall, and other arrangements were made. [52] _Apropros_ of this, Dr. Ryerson, in a private note to Hon. W. H. Draper, in April, 1846, said:-- "The stables of the Government House may be fitted up for Model Schools, etc. It is a curious and not interesting fact that the stables of Louis the Fourteenth, at Versailles, are now used for the great National Normal School of France, and is the most splendid establishment of the kind on the Continent of Europe." So successful were these schools in raising the status of the teaching profession that the government of the day--the memorable Baldwin-Lafontaine administration--willingly listened to a proposition of the Provincial Board of Education to grant funds for the purchase of a site and the erection of suitable buildings for these schools. The Hon. Francis Hincks, who was Inspector General, had (upon Dr. Ryerson's estimate) a proposed grant of £15,000 put in the estimates of 1850 for the purposes named. A site of seven acres and a half of land was purchased from the estate of the Hon. Peter M'Gill. The writer of this retrospect had the pleasure (in the absence of Dr. Ryerson in Europe) of signing the cheque for the purchase money, £4,500, and of seeing that the deed was duly made out in the name of Her Majesty the Queen and her successors, and transferred for safe keeping to the Crown Lands Department. After the plans for the buildings had been approved, certain important additions were considered desirable (chiefly a theatre, or central lecture hall, etc.). As the grant already made was quite insufficient for the proposed additions, Mr. Hincks was once more appealed to. He responded very promptly and heartily, and recommended to his colleagues that a further grant be made, which was done, and an item of £10,000 additional was placed in the estimates of 1851 and concurred in by the Legislature. The work then proceeded and near the close of the second year it was brought to a conclusion. So carefully had these two grants been husbanded that when the buildings were completed and furnished, there was a balance left over of £90. With this sum the expense of fitting up the Departmental Library was defrayed. The result was highly gratifying to Mr. Hincks, and he so expressed himself at the opening of the buildings in the following year. LAYING THE CORNER STONE OF THE NORMAL SCHOOL BUILDING, 1851. On Wednesday, the 2nd of July, 1851, the imposing ceremony of laying the corner stone of the new edifice took place. The guard of honor was the 71st Highlanders, under Sir Hew Dalrymple. Ministers of both Houses of Parliament, the city corporation, etc., attended. The inscription on the brass plate--I quote from the original, as written by Dr. Ryerson--was as follows: "This Institution, Erected by the Enlightened Liberality of Parliament, is Designed for the Instruction and Training of School Teachers upon Christian Principles." Right Rev. Bishop Charbonnell, to whom was assigned the duty of presenting the Governor-General with the silver trowel, spoke with great cordiality, and with French grace and eloquence. He said: "MONSEIGNEUR,--Je suis très heureux et très honoré d'avoir èté choisi par le Conseil de l'Instruction Publique, dont votre Excellence a daignè me faire membre, pour lui prèsenter cette truelle d'argent aux industrieuses emblèmes du blazon des Bruces. "L'etablissement dont votre Excellence va poser la pierre angulaire, Monseigneur, sera un des plus glorieux monuments de tout ce que son libéral gouvernment aura fait pour la prospérité, de ce pays: _ad ædificationem_." This in substance is as follows:-- "MY LORD,--I am very happy and am highly honored to have been chosen by the Council of Public Instruction--of which your Excellency has condescended to make me a member--to present to you, on their behalf, this silver trowel emblazoned with the industrial emblems which form the arms of the Bruces. "The institution, of which your Excellency is about to lay the corner stone, is destined to be, my Lord, one of the most glorious monuments amongst all of those which your liberal administration has devised for the welfare of this country." In laying the corner-stone, Lord Elgin was particularly happy in his reply to these remarks, and to the address of the newly-constituted Council of Public Instruction. He said, addressing Dr. Ryerson:-- "It appears to me, sir, ... that this young country has had the advantage of profiting by the experience of older countries--by their failures and disappointments, as well as by their successes; and that experience, improved by your diligent exertions and excellent judgment ... and fortified by the support of the Council of Education, and the Government and Parliament of the Province, has enabled Upper Canada to place herself in the van among the nations in the great and important work of providing an efficient system of general education for the whole community.... I do not think that I shall be charged with exaggeration when I affirm that this work is _the_ work of our day and generation--that it is the problem in our modern society which is most difficult of solution.... How has Upper Canada addressed herself to the execution of this great work?... Sir, I understand from your statements--and I come to the same conclusions from my own investigation and observation--that it is the principle of our educational system that its foundation be laid deep in the firm rock of our common Christianity.... Permit me to say, both as an humble Christian man and as the head of the Civil Government of the Province, that it gives me unfeigned pleasure to perceive that the youth of this country, ... who are destined in their maturer years to meet in the discharge of the duties of civil life upon terms of perfect civil and religious equality--I say it gives me pleasure to hear and to know that they are receiving an education which is fitted so well to qualify them for the discharge of these important duties; and that while their hearts are yet tender ... they are associated under conditions which are likely to provoke amongst them the growth of those truly Christian graces--mutual respect, forbearance and charity." One of His Excellency's last acts in Toronto, when about to leave the country, was to visit those buildings and express his satisfaction with the several departments of the system therein conducted. THE COUNTY MODEL SCHOOLS OF 1843-1850. The necessity of these schools was felt more than forty years ago, and provision was then made for their establishment. Thus, in the first School Act passed in 1843 to regulate Common Schools in this province, section 57 of that Act declares:-- "That it shall and may be lawful for the court of wardens of any county in Upper Canada ... to raise and levy by county rate a sum not exceeding £200 ($800), and to appropriate and expend the same for the maintenance of one or more _County Model Schools_, within such county and to constitute, by by-law, or by-laws, to that effect, any township, town, or city school, or schools within the county, to be, for any term not less than one year, such County Model School or Schools," etc. "A sum not less than £40" was appropriated to each such school towards 'the payment of the teachers and the purchase of books and apparatus.' The 66th section of the same Act also declared:-- "That in every such township, town or city Model School gratuitous instruction shall be given to teachers of Common Schools within the township, town or city, wherein such Model School may be established during such periods and under such regulations of the township, town or city superintendent may from time to time direct." "Again, in the first Common School Act prepared by Dr. Ryerson, and passed in 1846, after providing for the establishment of District Model Schools--it was declared (sec. 40):-- "That at every such District Model School gratuitous instruction shall be afforded to all teachers of Common Schools within the district in which such Model School may be established during such period and under such regulations as the district superintendent may from time to time direct." These County Model Schools (as will be seen) had higher functions than have the County Model Schools of the present day. They were designed to afford instruction to persons who were already teachers, and were thus in Dr. Ryerson's views constituted local Normal Schools for that purpose. So much importance did Dr. Ryerson attach to the value of training institutions for teaching, and so much did he anticipate a demand for them that on page 162 of his "Report on a System of Public Elementary Instruction," published in 1845, he said:-- "As soon as examples of the advantages of trained teachers can be given, I believe the ratio of demand will increase faster than that of supply, and that an additional Normal School will soon be required in each of the most populous districts." Then again so jealously was the efficiency of these District or County Model Schools guarded that in the same Act, 9 Victoria, chapter 20, it was provided that no teacher could be appointed to such school without the approval in writing of the district superintendent, and unless he held a certificate from the Normal School (which was established in 1847). In addition to these requirements power was given to the district superintendent to suspend or dismiss Model School teachers and to appoint others in their places, in case the local trustees neglected or refused to do so. This district superintendent was also authorized to examine (as they often did at the Model School) all "candidates for teaching in Common Schools" and to give them certificates of qualification, special or general, at his discretion. The question may here be asked, "Of what practical value were these County Model Schools in the work of training school teachers, and did they at all discharge the higher functions to which reference is made?" It was clear that these schools were regarded in those early days as a necessary adjunct to our system of education, for the very purpose of aiding teachers in their professional work. Thus, Mr. Hamilton Hunter, in his report as School Superintendent of the Home District for the year 1844 says:-- "The deficiency in the qualification of teachers could be remedied by establishing in each district a Model School upon a good scale, and having it under the management of a superior teacher or teachers.... The School Bill makes provision for this, etc." In his report for 1847 Dr. Ryerson thus speaks of the operation and success of these schools wherever they had been established:-- "The School Superintendent of Dalhousie District says: 'In this [County Model School] I have there held public examinations of Common School teachers; and on some occasions, when reluctant to give them certificates, I have sent them to the Model School Master for information and examination.... [These teachers] did not make any permanent stay except one, merely learning the mode of instruction, the value of the studies and discipline of the school.'... The Superintendent of the Johnstone District says:-- ... 'Much good has been done by the establishment of the Model School in this district. Several teachers, whose education was by no means good, have acquired a sound knowledge of the subjects which are required to be taught in the Common Schools.' The Superintendent of Schools in the Midland District says:--'Almost every teacher who has attended the Model School for any length of time is now teaching with good success.'" In the Act which was hurriedly passed in 1849, but which, by Order-in-Council, never went into operation, provision was made to establish, or continue the County Model Schools "in any township, town, or city," and granting to each of them "£25 over and above the sum to which such schools would be entitled as a Common School ... which sum shall be expended in the payment of a teacher or teachers, and for no other purpose." In the Act of 1850, provision for the establishment and maintenance of Township Model Schools was made. Township councils were authorized to raise a special tax for the support and efficiency of these schools; and it was "provided likewise, that tuition to student-teachers in such Model Schools should be free." The reason why Township Model Schools were substituted for county ones, is given by Dr. Ryerson in his circular to town reeves, dated 12th August, 1850. Other reasons contributed to this change, but the circular gives the chief reason. "The attempts of district councils to establish Model Schools have thus far proved entire failures...: The late district councils have in every instance, except one, abandoned the attempt.... To the success and usefulness of a Model School, a model teacher, at any expense, is indispensable, and then a Model School-house, properly furnished, and their judicious and energetic management." In addition, I may say that the causes of failure of these valuable training institutions in 1850, may be incidentally learned from the very words here used by Dr. Ryerson by way of suggestions to town reeves. These schools had neither model teachers, nor were the buildings "model school-houses." Besides, the district superintendents of that day, and after them, the township superintendents, had, as a rule, no experience as trained teachers themselves. By the Act of 1871, the status and qualifications of these most important officers were raised to their present high standard. The very name was changed, and that of inspector was substituted. It was felt by Dr. Ryerson that until these new officers had secured some degree of popular favor, and had proved their efficiency as organizers of schools, and as practical judges of the necessary qualifications of teachers, it would be useless for him to attempt the re-establishment of the County Model Schools. Before that time had fully arrived he retired from office--leaving this important and necessary duty to be undertaken (as it was efficiently) by his successor, Hon. Adam Crooks, as Minister of Education. FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF DR. RYERSON'S SCHEME OF EDUCATION. In founding the system of public instruction for Upper Canada, Dr. Ryerson wisely laid down certain fundamental principles which he believed to be essential to the success and stability of that system. These general principles may be thus summarized: 1. That the machinery of education should be in the hands of the people themselves, and should be managed through their own agency; they should, therefore, be held, be consulted, by means of public meetings and conferences, in regard to all school legislation. This he himself did every few years. 2. That the aid of the Government should only be given where it could be used most effectually to stimulate and assist local effort in this great work. 3. That the property of the country is responsible for, and should contribute toward the education of the entire youth of the country; and that, as a complement to this, "compulsory education" should necessarily be enforced. 4. That a thorough and systematic inspection of the schools is essential to their vitality and efficiency. These and other important principles, Dr. Ryerson kept steadily in view during his long administration of the school system of his native Province. He was not able to embody them all at once in his earlier school bills, but he did so in the final legislation on the subject with which he was connected in 1870-1874. Their judicious application to the school system contributed largely, under the Divine blessing, which he ever sought, to the wonderful success of his labors. CAN UPPER CANADA EMULATE THE STATE OF NEW YORK IN EDUCATIONAL MATTERS? In his "Address to the People of Upper Canada" on school affairs in 1850, Dr. Ryerson thus answers this question:-- "Another ground of encouragement in our country's educational work is the practical proof already acquired of the possibility of not only improving our schools, but of successfully emulating our American neighbours in this respect. Often have we heard this, both publicly and privately, pronounced utopian; and often have we sought in friendly discussion to prove that it was neither impracticable nor extravagant to aim in rivalling our New York neighbours in our Common Schools."--_Journal of Education for Upper Canada_, vol. 3, page 2. In his report for 1851, Dr. Ryerson returns to this subject. He says:-- "The period is very recent when the [subject of educational comparison with the State of New York] would have been an absurdity--when the word 'contrast' must have been employed instead of the word 'comparison,' when not a few of our fellow countrymen, and some of our public men, considered the project, or the idea of emulating the Common School doings of our New York neighbours, as presumptuous and chimerical. I have not viewed the noble and patriotic exertions of the American people in any spirit of jealousy.... I hold up their example to the admiration and imitation of the people of Canada; but I have not despaired of, much less depreciated my own country; and have had, and have still in a higher degree than ever, a strong conviction that there are qualities in the people of Upper Canada, which, under a proper and possible organization, and with judicious counsel, would place schools and education in this country upon more than a level with what we have witnessed and admired in the State of New York. It is true our American neighbours have had more than thirty years the start of us; but I am persuaded we shall not require half that time to overtake them--profiting, as we have done, and doubtless will do, by their mistakes and failures, as well as by their ingenuity and success. To rebuke an unpatriotic spirit of Canadian degradation in which some Canadians indulge,[53] and to animate the hopes and exertions of the true friends of our intellectual and social progress, I will show what has already been accomplished in Upper Canada in respect to Common Schools by a comparison, in a few particulars, with what has been done in the State of New York." (The particulars which Dr. Ryerson points out are seven in number).--_Report for 1851_, (written in 1852), page 17. [53] Dr. Ryerson constantly deprecated, in these early years, this want of the spirit of Canadian Patriotism. In an eloquent paper (in the third volume of the _Journal of Education_) he shows that "_Canadian Patriotism (is) the Lever of Canadian Greatness_." He sums it up in these words: "It cannot be too strongly impressed upon every mind that it is on Canadian energy, Canadian ambition, Canadian self-reliance, skill and enterprize--in a word, on Canadian patriotism--that depends Canadian prosperity, elevation and happiness."--_Page 40._ In his reply to a complimentary letter from the Municipal Council of the County of Norfolk, in 1851, Dr. Ryerson thus referred to this subject:-- "No person who has at all studied the subject of comparative school legislation between Canada and other countries, can fail to observe that there is an extent of local discretion and power in each of our School and County Municipalities not found in any one of the neighbouring States, while there are other elements incorporated into our school system, which secure to the remotest municipality of Upper Canada the information and facilities which can alone be acquired and provided by a Public Department. But the rational conviction and voluntary co-operation of the people themselves have been relied upon and appealed to as the basis of exertion and the instrument of success. When, therefore, steps were taken to improve the text-books of the schools, a set of the books recommended was procured and furnished to each County Municipality in Upper Canada, that the people might examine and judge of the desirableness of the books proposed, in regard to both excellence and cheapness. In promoting an improvement in the condition and character of school-houses, plans and illustrations of school-houses and premises were procured and placed in the hands of the local councils, and several of them were published in the _Journal of Education_. The same course has been adopted in respect to School Maps, etc. And in pressing upon the public mind the necessity and advantage of duly qualified School Teachers, an institution has been established to train them; and the specimens of Teachers thus trained (though but partially trained in most instances, from the short period of their training) have excited a desire and demand for improved teachers in every County in Upper Canada. I trust this year will witness the introduction of Libraries--thus completing the establishment of every branch of our school system. "In all this there has been no coercion--but a perfect blending of freedom and unity, of conviction and action; and the entire absence of any opposition to the school system during the recent elections throughout Upper Canada, shows how general and cordial is the conviction of the people as to its adaptation to their circumstances and interests. "I have the deepest conviction of the strong common sense and patriotism of the Canadian people at large--a conviction founded on long observation and comparison between the people of Canada and those of many other countries; and I have a faith, little short of full assurance, as to the advancing and glorious future of our country. With this conviction and faith, and animated with the consciousness of general approval and co-operation on the part of the people, I shall renew my humble contributions of labour to the common treasury of Canadian progress and civilization." ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EDUCATIONAL DEPOSITORY, AND ITS RESULTS. In 1850-51, Dr. Ryerson, while in England, made arrangements for establishing a library, a prize book and an apparatus and map depository, in connection with his Department. His reasons for doing so may be thus briefly stated: 1. He felt it to be practically useless to train teachers in the best methods of imparting instruction, and in the use of apparatus and other school appliances in the normal school and not provide for them, when in charge of schools, a constant and abundant supply of these necessary appliances at the very cheapest rates. 2. He held it to be equally necessary that the pupils, who had acquired a taste for reading and knowledge in the schools, should have an equally abundant and perennial supply of the best and purest literature as it is issued from the press; otherwise they would be sure to procure reading matter (often pernicious, as he had painful proof) for themselves. 3. He could see no distinction, and therefore could not admit of any, in the principle of providing such a two-fold supply of school material and reading matter, and in that of providing trained teachers and skilled inspectors at the expense of the Province, as well as a money bonus to aid in maintaining the schools in a state of efficiency. 4. He further felt that it was immaterial whether the money voted by Parliament was expended in one direction or the other, so long as in each department of the system the best interests and necessities of the schools were consulted, and the symmetry and efficiency of the school system, as a whole, were preserved and promoted. 5. He projected this plan of supply on a purely commercial basis, and so arranged and successfully carried out his scheme that while there was distributed nearly a million dollars' worth of school material and books up to the time when the depository was closed, it did not cost the country anything for the expenses of its management, as it more than paid its way. An elaborate report on this subject was prepared by Mr. James Brown, an experienced accountant, under the direction of Hon. Adam Crooks, the first Minister of Education. It more than sustained the statement here made. The particulars are as follows:-- ABSTRACT OF DEPOSITORY SCHEDULE PRESENTED TO THE LEGISLATURE IN 1877. Total amount of legislative grants to the depository for all purposes, viz.: (1) Purchase of stock, and (2) Salaries and the entire cost of management, etc., 1850 to 1875 inclusive $811,523 72 Total value of books, maps and apparatus despatched from the depository, 1850 to 1875 inclusive 803,067 86 __________ Difference to be accounted for 8,455 86 Net value of the stock on hand at the end of 1875, after paying all expenses of management, etc 79,509 41 Deduct the difference to be accounted for (as above) 8,455 86 ---------- Grand total of profits made by the depository after paying all charges, as above, during the years 1850-1875 71,054 55 DR. RYERSON A COMMISSIONER ON KING'S COLLEGE, ETC., NEW BRUNSWICK IN 1854. On the 1st of May, 1854, the Legislature of New Brunswick passed an Act empowering the Lieutenant-Governor to appoint a Royal Commission:-- "To enquire into the present state of King's College, its management and utility, with a view of improving the same, and rendering that institution more generally useful, and of suggesting the best mode of effecting that desirable object," etc. In accordance with this Act, Sir Edmund Head, the then Lieutenant-Governor, in August, 1854, appointed the following gentlemen as commissioners, viz.:--Hon. John Hamilton Gray, (late Judge of the High Court of British Columbia), Rev. Dr. Egerton Ryerson, John William (now Sir Wm.) Dawson, Hon. John Simcoe Saunders, and Hon. James Brown. In accepting the position of commissioner, Dr. Ryerson, at the close of his letter to Provincial Secretary Partelow, said:-- "When I mentioned to the head of the Canadian Administration the request which had been made to me from New Brunswick, and the probability that a compliance with it would cause my absence for two or three weeks from the duties of my department, he thought I ought, by all means, to go--that it was part of my appropriate work, and that we should regard each Province of British North America as a part of our own country. "New Brunswick is so to me, in a peculiar sense, as the birth-place of my sainted mother and my elder brothers and sisters." The commission met first at Fredericton, and afterwards at Toronto. To Dr. Ryerson was entrusted the principal duty of drawing up the elaborate report, and in Hon. J. H. Gray's letter as chairman, accompanying the report in December, 1854, he says: "I beg to express, with the full concurrence of my fellow commissioners, our acknowledgements of the very valuable assistance afforded us by Dr. Ryerson. His great experience and unquestioned proficiency on all subjects connected with education, justly entitle his opinion to great weight." Sir Wm. Dawson, in a letter to Mr. Gray, thus summarizes the contents of the report:-- "1st. The improvement of the College course of instruction and its extension by the introduction of special courses. 2ndly, The definition of the true place of the Provincial College in its relations to the other educational institutions of the Province, and to the religious beliefs of the people; and 3rdly, The union of all the educational institutions in a Provincial university system, under official supervision." A change in the Government of New Brunswick in 1854, prevented the report being considered in the Legislature at that time. In a letter from Mr. Gray to Dr. Ryerson, dated May 15, 1855, he says:-- "The change of Government prevented our report being adopted and acted upon, but it met with universal approbation, and from every portion of the Province the voice of praise has gone up. I give you credit for it all; and in my remarks in the House, I made my acknowledgements publicly to you and Mr. Dawson." In a confidential letter to me, on Separate School matters, from Dr. Ryerson, dated Quebec, January 30, 1858, he said:-- "Sir Edmund Head (now Governor-General), highly approved of my Report, etc., on the New Brunswick College question and has sent it to the authorities of McGill College to see if they cannot adopt something of the same kind." Mr. Gray had hoped that the comprehensive bill proposed by the commission in 1854, and to give effect to their recommendations relating to King's College, Normal and Model Schools, and a Chief Superintendent of Education, would be passed in the following year, 1855. In this he was disappointed, for the bill did not pass until 1860. In a letter to Dr. Ryerson from the Hon. Charles Fisher, dated Fredericton, 14th May, 1860, he said:-- "After years of controversy and difficulty we have passed an Act to remodel King's College on the plan proposed by your commission, under the title of the University of New Brunswick. We have not connected the College or the head of it with the other educational interests in the Province, but confined him to the University, and he must be a layman. This provision was inserted to prevent difficulty."[54] [54] In 1858 Mr. Henry Fisher (Brother of Hon. Charles Fisher) was appointed Superintendent of Education for New Brunswick. He visited Dr. Ryerson in that year to confer with him before undertaking the duties of his new office. His death occurred in 1860, and in communicating the sad news to Dr. Ryerson, Hon. Charles Fisher, referring to his brother, said:-- "He wished particularly (just before his death) to be remembered to you, and that I should thank you for your kindness to him on all occasions. He was succeeding in his efforts to improve the educational interests of the Province, and had been enabled to secure the support of all parties." PARTIAL CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF DR. RYERSON'S EDUCATIONAL WORK, 1855, ETC. I will now give a brief summary, in chronological order, of the successive steps which Dr. Ryerson took to develop the system of education which he had founded. In 1855 Dr. Ryerson established meteorological stations in connection with twelve selected county grammar schools, ten following the coast line of the lakes and on the large rivers, and two entirely inland. In this he was aided by Colonel now General Sir (J. H.) Lefroy, R.E., for many years director of the Provincial (now Dominion) Magnetical Observatory at Toronto. Sets of instruments, having been purchased in London and tested at the Kew Observatory, were sent out to the twelve stations, duly equipped and provided with all necessary appliances. In 1857 Dr. Ryerson made his third educational tour in Europe, where he procured, at Antwerp, Brussels, Florence, Rome, Paris and London, an admirable collection of copies of paintings by the Old Masters, statues, busts, etc., besides various other articles of a typical character for an educational museum in connection with the Department. In 1867 I was deputed to largely add to this museum collection, which I did in Paris, London, etc., especially in the direction of Egyptian and Assyrian antiquities, busts, casts, fictile ivory, etc. In 1858-61 Dr. Ryerson took a leading part in a protracted public discussion before a committee of the House of Assembly, in favor of grants to the various "outlying" denominational universities, chiefly in terms of Hon. Robert Baldwin's liberalized University Act of 1853. He maintained that these colleges "did the State some service," and that it was right that their claims should be recognised in a substantial manner, as colleges of a central university. He deprecated the multiplication of universities in the Province, which he held would be the result of a rejection of the proposed scheme. His plan was not adopted, and universities were increased from five to eight subsequently. Twenty-five years after the close of that discussion a scheme for the confederation of these colleges was again considered but without much effect. In 1862, Dr. Ryerson addressed a circular to boards of trustees in cities and towns, deploring the "numbers of children in these centers of population, growing up with no other education than a training in idleness, vagrancy and crime." He added: "I have, at different times, submitted three propositions or plans for the accomplishment of the object of free schools in cities and towns. First, that as the property of all is taxed for the common school education of all, all should be compelled to allow their children the means of such education at either public or private schools. Or, secondly, that each municipality should be empowered to deal with the vagrancy of children of school age, or the neglect of their education, as a crime, subject to such penalties and such measures for its prevention as each municipality, in its own discretion, might from time to time adopt. Or, thirdly, that the aid of religious benevolence should be invoked and encouraged to supplement the agency of our present school system." Before bringing the matter again before the Government, Dr. Ryerson solicited the opinion and suggestions of the school boards on the subject. BISHOP FRASER'S ESTIMATE OF THE U. C. SYSTEM OF EDUCATION IN 1863. In 1863, Rev. James (afterwards Bishop) Fraser (of Manchester), was appointed a Royal Commission to enquire into the American and Canadian systems of education. From his report, published after his return to England, I quote the following passages:-- "The Canadian system of education, in those main features of it which are common to both Provinces, makes no pretence of being original. It confesses to a borrowed and eclectic character. The neighboring States of New York and Massachusetts, the Irish, English and Prussian systems, have all contributed elements, which have been combined with considerable skill, and the whole administered with remarkable energy, by those to whom its construction was confided. It appears to me, however, that its fundamental ideas were first developed by Mr. (now, I believe, Sir Arthur) Buller, in the masterly report on the state of education in Canada, which he addressed in the year 1838 to Lord Durham, the then Governor-General, in which he sketched the programme of a system, 'making,' as he candidly admitted, 'no attempt at originality, but keeping constantly in view, as models, the system in force in Prussia and the United States, particularly the latter, as being most adapted to the circumstances of the colony.' "As a result of Mr. Buller's recommendations, (not, however, till after the legislative union of the Provinces which Lord Durham had suggested, as the best remedy for the various political ills under which they severally laboured,) a law was passed in 1841, covering both Provinces in its range, for the establishment and maintenance of public schools. It provided for the appointment of a Superintendent of Education for the whole Province, with two Assistant Superintendents under him, one for each of the sections. A sum of $200,000 was appropriated for the support of schools, which was to be distributed among the several municipal districts, in proportion to the number of children of school age in each of them; $80,000 being assigned to Upper and $120,000 to Lower Canada, such being the then ratio of their respective populations. "The circumstances of the two sections, however, particularly in the proportions of Roman Catholics to Protestants in each, and the extent to which the Roman Catholic religion may be said to be established in Lower Canada, were soon found to be so different that insuperable difficulties were encountered in working a combined system under one central administration, and in 1845 the law was changed. The nominal office of Chief Superintendent was abolished, and the entire executive administration of the system was confined to the sectional superintendents, and the Provinces, for all educational purposes, again became separated. The law itself was thoroughly revised and adapted to the peculiar wants of each Province, as ascertained by experience; and ever since there have been two systems at work, identical in their leading idea, differing, sometimes widely, in their details, administered by independent executives, and without any organic relations at all. "Before we proceed to observe the manner and record the results of its practical working, it is proper to premise that it is a purely permissive, not a compulsory system, and its adoption by any municipality is entirely voluntary.... Entering a Canadian school, with American impressions fresh upon the mind, the first feeling is one of disappointment. One misses the life, the motion, the vivacity, the precision--in a word, the brilliancy. But as you stay, and pass both teacher and pupils in review, the feeling of disappointment gives way to a feeling of surprise. You find that this plain, unpretending teacher has the power, and has successfully used the power, of communicating real, solid knowledge and good sense to those youthful minds, which, if they do not move rapidly, at least grasp, when they do take hold, firmly. If there is an appearance of what the Americans call "loose ends" in the school, it is only an appearance. The knowledge is stowed away compactly enough in its proper compartments, and is at hand, not perhaps very promptly, but pretty surely, when wanted. To set off against their quickness, I heard many random answers in American schools; while, per contra to the slowness of the Canadian scholar, I seldom got a reply very wide of the mark. The whole teaching was homely, but it was sound. I chanced to meet a schoolmaster at Toronto, who had kept school in Canada, and was then keeping school at Haarlem, New York, and he gave Canadian education the preference for thoroughness and solid results. Each system--or rather, I should say, the result of each system--seems to harmonize best with the character of the respective peoples. The Canadian chooses his type of school as the Vicar of Wakefield's wife chose her wedding-gown, and as the Vicar of Wakefield chose his wife, "not for a fine, glossy surface, but for such qualities as will wear well." I cannot say, judging from the schools which I have seen--which I take to be types of their best schools--that their choice has been misplaced, or that they have any reason to be disappointed with the results. I speak of the general character of education to which they evidently lean. That the actual results should be unequal, often in the widest possible degree, is true of education under all systems, everywhere. "One of the most interesting features in the Canadian system is the way in which it has endeavored to deal with what we find to be one of our most formidable difficulties, the religious difficulty. In Canada it has been dealt with by the use of two expedients; one, by prescribing certain rules and regulations, which it was hoped would allow of religious instruction being given in the schools without introducing sectarianism or hurting consciences; the other, by permitting, in certain cases, the establishment of "separate," which are practically denominational, and in fact Roman Catholic schools. "The permission under certain circumstances to establish separate, that is, denominational schools, is a peculiar feature of the system both of Upper and Lower Canada. Dr. Ryerson thinks that the admission of the principle is a thing to be regretted, though at the same time he considers that the advantages which it entails entirely rest with those who avail themselves of its provisions, and he would not desire to see any coercion used either to repeal or modify them. "Such, in all its main features, is the school system of Upper Canada. A system, in the eyes of its administrators, who regard it with justifiable self-complacency, not perfect but yet far in advance, as a system of national education, of anything that we can show at home. It is indeed very remarkable to me that in a country, occupied in the greater part of its area by a sparse and anything but wealthy population, whose predominant characteristic is as far as possible removed from the spirit of enterprise, an educational system so complete in its theory and so capable of adaptation in practice should have been originally organized, and have been maintained in what, with all allowances, must still be called successful operation for so long a period as twenty-five years. It shows what can be accomplished by the energy, determination and devotion of a single earnest man. What national education in Great Britain owes to Sir James Kay Shuttleworth, what education in New England owes to Horace Mann, that debt education in Canada owes to Egerton Ryerson. He has been the object of bitter abuse, of not a little misrepresentation; but he has not swerved from his policy or from his fixed ideas. Through evil report and good report he has resolved, and he has found others to support him in the resolution, that free education shall be placed within the reach of every Canadian parent for every Canadian child. I hope I have not been ungenerous in dwelling sometimes upon the deficiencies in this noble work. To point out a defect is sometimes the first step towards repairing it; and if this report should ever cross the ocean and be read by those of whom it speaks, I hope, not with too great freedom, they will perhaps accept the assurance that, while I desired to appreciate, I was bound, above all, to be true; and that even where I could not wholly praise) I never meant to blame. Honest criticism is not hostility." * * * * * In a letter addressed to Dr. Ryerson in 1875, the Bishop says:-- "I take it very kindly in you that you remember an old acquaintance, and I have read with interest your last report. I am glad to observe progress in the old lines almost everywhere. I was flattered also to find that some words of mine, written in 1865, are thought worthy of being quoted.... It is pleasant to find a public servant now in the thirty-second year of his incumbency, still so hopeful and so vigorous. Few men have lived a more useful or active life than you, and your highest reward must be to look back upon what you have been permitted to achieve." Speaking of the character of Dr. Ryerson's educational work and of the way in which he met difficulties in accomplishing it, Mr. J. Antisell Allen, of Kingston, in his paper on "_Dr. Ryerson, a Review and a Study_," says:-- "There is hardly a foot-length of our civilization on which he has not left his mark. For those who believe that, on the grounds of expediency, a government is justified in interfering with the ordinary working of the great human life-struggle, and so, in taking one man's money to benefit another man's children, that is to a majority so overwhelming as to come almost under the category of universal, as to be every one's belief--what system of general education can recommend itself more fully, or work more smoothly, than does his? In his struggles in this direction, neither seduced by friends, nor cowed by enemies, nor damped in his ardour by the vastness of the undertaking--turning neither to the right hand nor to the left--he has raised to himself a "_monumentum perennius ære_," and has bequeathed to us and posterity a system of public and high school education second to none anywhere, and, making some deduction for possible mistakes incident to our weak humanity, a system almost as perfect as we in this generation are perhaps capable of generally acquiescing in." In 1867 Dr. Ryerson made his fourth and final educational tour in Europe and America. On his return he submitted to the Government a highly valuable "Special Report on the Systems and State of Popular Education in the several countries in Europe and the United States of America, with practical suggestions for the improvement of public instruction in Upper Canada." He also made a separate and interesting "Report on the Institutions for the Deaf and Dumb in various countries." A few years afterwards he had the happiness of seeing institutions of a similar kind in successful operation in this Province. CHARACTER OF THE IMPORTANT SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF 1871. The fifth and last series of conventions was held in 1869, and on the results of the consultations and deliberations of these conventions, Dr. Ryerson framed that crowning measure of his administration, which received the sanction of the legislature in 1871--twenty-one years after the first great departure in school legislation--that of 1850. For the various objects which he had recommended during the years from 1850 to 1871, liberal grants were made by the Legislature. The policy of the Government during those years was to sustain Dr. Ryerson and to second his efforts to build up and consolidate the system of public instruction which he had taken such pains to establish. The result was that our school system expanded and grew in every direction, and became firmly rooted in the affections of the people. In this way it came to be regarded as one of the most successful and popular systems of education on the continent. And yet, as I have shown, he was continually suggesting improvements in it, for he always held that there was room, as well as a necessity, for them. School legislation, chiefly in regard to high schools and matters of detail, took place at intervals during the intervening years, but it was is 1871 and 1874 that the final legislation under Dr. Ryerson's auspices took place. That of 1871 was strikingly progressive and took a wide range. That of 1874 was largely supplemental and remedial. The Act of 1871 introduced into our school law for the first time some important principles, which, as yet, had not received legislative sanction. They were chiefly those which related, among others, to the following matters: 1. Governmental, combined with improved local, inspection of schools. 2. A high and fixed standard of qualifications for inspectors of public schools. 3. The abolition of non-certificated township superintendents of schools, and the substitution therefor of duly licensed county inspectors. 4. The institution of simultaneous and uniform examinations in the several counties for teachers desiring certificates of qualification. This principle was soon extended to other examinations, including competitive examinations in counties, etc. REVIEW OF THE SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF 1871. At Dr. Ryerson's request I prepared for him and wrote the text of his education report for 1870. In that report I reviewed in detail the various provisions and improvements introduced into our school system by the School Act of 1871. I reproduce here the more salient points of that report, touching upon the reasons for the passing of that progressive measure, and indicating some of its main features. I said:-- So many and important have been the changes recently made in the law affecting our System of Public Instruction, that it may be well, as a preliminary to a discussion of those changes, briefly to refer to a few facts relating to the history and progress of our School System. In 1844, our municipal system (on which our then elementary School Law was engrafted), was in its infancy. The principle of local self-government was new, and much opposition was experienced in giving effect to the School Law then in operation. The theory of local taxation for the support of schools was in some places vigorously opposed, and in others regarded as a doubtful experiment. Even as late as 1850, some municipalities refused to accept the improved law enacted that year, or act under its provisions, and thus deprived their constituents of the great boon of popular education. It is only six years since the last disability, caused by such refusal, was removed,--thus uniting the entire Province in a cordial acceptance of the School Law. The following brief statistical references will illustrate the growth and advance of our School System:-- In 1844, there were but 2,610 Public Schools, in 1870, there were 4,566. In that year, (1844), the school population was 183,539--of which 96,756 children attended the Public Schools, while 86,783 (or nearly as many more) were reported as not in attendance at any school whatever. In 1870, the school population was 483,966--of which 420,488 children were in attendance in our schools, and 63,478 reported as not in attendance--not one-seventh, instead of nearly one-half of the children of school age, as in 1844. In 1844, the whole sum available for the support of the Public Schools was about $280,000--of which, approximately $190,000 were raised by local taxation.[55] In 1870, the whole sum available for Public Schools was $1,712,060--of which $1,336,383 were raised by local taxation and fees--an increase of more than seven hundred per cent over 1844! [55] In 1850, (the first year in which we have positive information on this subject), we find that the total sum expended in this Province for public elementary education, was $410,472; of which $326,472 were raised by local rates and fees. There are few Canadians who do not now refer with an mixed pride and satisfaction to the vastly improved condition of our Public Schools under the operation of the present law, revised in 1850, and now revised and extended.[56] On no one point have we greater cause for thankfulness and congratulation, than in the fact of the unanimity and cordiality with which our School System is supported by all classes of the community, by men of all shades of political feeling, and, with a single exception (and that in part only), of all religious persuasions in the Province. [56] No one is more sensible than I am of the numerous defects of our School system, and for this reason I have labored all the more assiduously to have these detects removed by our recent school legislation. As I have stated further on, I have even had to combat the views of those friends of the system who had thought that it was not susceptible of much improvement. OBJECTIONS TO IMPROVE OUR SCHOOL SYSTEM ANSWERED. It is a singular and gratifying (yet in some respect it has proved an embarrassing) fact that the chief difficulty experienced in promoting the improvement of our School System has arisen from the somewhat over-sensitiveness of the friends of our Schools, lest the proposed changes should disturb the foundations of a system which they had learned to regard with so much favor and affection. This solicitude arose partly from a mistaken view of the condition and necessities of our system, and partly from a misapprehension of the scope and objects of the proposed ameliorations in our School Law. It will be my aim, however, in the following remarks to justify and illustrate the principles and policy involved in the recent important changes which have been made in our School Law. I would, in the first place, remark that were we, in making improvements in our School System, to confine our observation and experience to our own Province alone, we might be disposed to look with complacency upon that system, and to rest satisfied with the progress which we have already made. The effect of such a state of feeling would be that we would seek to profit little by the educational experience and advancement of other countries. But such a short-sighted and unpatriotic course, though approved by some on the principle of "let well-alone," yet would not commend itself to the maturer judgment of those who are accustomed to look at the "stern logic of facts," and to take a comprehensive and practical view of the underlying causes of the social progress in other countries. 5. The fixing and rendering uniform of a higher standard of qualification for public and high school teachers. 6. Giving the profession of teaching a fixed legal status, and providing more fully and equitably for the retirement and united support, by the profession and the legislature, of worn out or disabled teachers. 7. The establishment by law of a national system of free schools. 8. Declaring the right by law, as well as the necessity, of every child to attend some school, thus recognizing the principle of, and providing for, "compulsory education." 9. Requiring, by law, that adequate school accommodation, in regard to school house, playground and site, be provided by the trustees, for all of the resident children of school age in their localities. 10. Prescribing a more systematic and practical course of study for each of the classes in the public schools. 11. Discriminating, by a clearly defined line, the course of study in public and high schools respectively. 12. Providing for the establishment and support of collegiate institutes, or local colleges. 13. Requiring municipalities to maintain high schools and collegiate institutes, equally with the public schools, and as part of the general school system. 14. Providing, at the option of the ratepayers, for the substitution of township boards of education, in place of local trustee boards. 15. Authorizing the establishment of industrial schools. * * * * * Such were the main features of the comprehensive and progressive School Act passed in 1871. In many respects it revolutionized the existing state of things. It gave a wonderful impetus to the schools, and to every department of school system--the effects of which we feel to this day. We are a young country, placed in close proximity to a large and wonderfully progressive people. In the good providence of God, we are permitted to construct on the broad and deep foundations of British liberty, the corner-stone of a new nationality, leaving to those who come after us to raise the stately edifice itself. Apart from the vital Christianity of our people, what more lasting bond and cement of society in that new nationality, than a free and comprehensive system of Christian education for the youth of the land, such as we have sought to establish? Our aim should, therefore, be to make that system commensurate with the wants of our people, in harmony with the progressive spirit of the times, and comprehensive enough to embrace the various branches of human knowledge which are now continually being called into requisition in the daily life of the farmer, the artizan, and the man of business. In no department of social and national progress have our neighbors made greater advances, or prided themselves more justly, than, in that of free popular education. On the other hand, in no feature of progress under British institutions up to a late period has there been less satisfaction, as a whole, or less positive advancement than in that of public education. By many of our neighbors on the other side of the lines, such inertness and non-appreciation of a vital part of national life has been regarded as inherent in monarchical institutions. The fact, however, has been overlooked that the lingering effects of the long prevalence in Britain of the feudal theory, on which her social and political institutions were originally founded, has, in spite of various ameliorations in the condition of her people, exercised a sure but silent influence against the earlier adoption of the principle of the free and universal education of the people. But so surely and certainly has this latent feeling of opposition to popular education given way before the prevalence of more enlightened views, that, even in the most monarchical countries of Europe, the desire felt and the efforts put forth for the diffusion of public education in all its comprehensiveness and fulness have been remarkable. Nevertheless, even among ourselves, that principle of latent opposition to popular education did exist in the earlier stages of our educational history. Its gradual removal, therefore, under the beneficent operation of our School Laws, and the prevalence of juster and more patriotic views in matter of education are subjects of sincere congratulation to our people. NECESSITY FOR THE CHANGES IN THE SCHOOL LAW OF ONTARIO IN 1871. We will now proceed, in the light of the educational facts and illustrations which we have given from other countries, to discuss the recent improvements which have been effected in our own law. The population of this Province, according to the recent census, is 1,620,842. The number of children of school age is 483,966, or a little over one-fourth of the whole. The number of Elementary Schools is not much below 5,000, and are maintained at an annual cost of nearly $1,800,000, or one dollar per head of the population. Such being the magnitude to which our Educational System has grown, every man will feel how imperative it is upon us to see that that system is as thorough and complete in all of its details as possible; and that in no respect should it be allowed to fall below the standard now reached by the other educating countries to which we have referred. So long as our system of schools was in its infancy, and might be fairly regarded as yet an experiment, so long as we confine our efforts to mere elementary organization and be content with very moderate results. Experience has shown, however, that without great care and constant effort the tendency of all systems of education, and ours among the rest, is to a state of equilibrium, or to a uniform dead level of passable respectability. This is the stage in its history, as elsewhere, at which our system has arrived, and at which, as we have explained, many of its friends are disposed to leave it. But those who have carefully studied the subject in all its bearings, and have looked more closely into the educational history, the progress and failures of other countries, know full well that our school system would fall behind that of other countries and become stationary, unless it embodies within itself from time to time the true elements of progress, and provides fully and on a sufficient scale for the educational wants of the youth of the country. Since 1850 it was left to the ratepayers in each school division to decide annually whether the schools should be free or partly supported by rate-bill on pupils attending the school. The principle, that a Public School education is the right of every child in the land, and that every man should contribute, according to his property, to the education of every child in the community, by whose influence and labors such property is protected and rendered valuable, had greatly obtained, so that Free Schools had increased from one hundred to five hundred per annum, until upwards of four thousand of the four thousand four hundred Public Schools were made free by actual experiments, and by the annual discussions and votes in these primary meetings of the people. The demand was very general for several years, that all the Public Schools should now be made free by law, and all local disputes on the subject be thus terminated. This has now been happily accomplished by the new law. It is not necessary to go farther into detail in this retrospect, as the foregoing extracts indicate the scope and spirit of the improved Act of 1871. HON. ADAM CROOKS ON THE SCHOOL INSPECTION LEGISLATION OF 1871. In his speech before the Legislative Assembly on the 18th of February, 1877, the first Minister of Education for Ontario, in referring to the improved system of school inspection introduced by the Act of 1871, and the more certain tenure of office secured to County Inspectors under that Act, said: "I have also been ready to say that most valuable results were secured by the change in the law in 1871, under which the present mode of school inspection took the place of the old plan of local superintendence. Inspectors now must possess high qualifications, both as teachers and in scholarship, while the emoluments of the office make it an object of ambition to every school teacher; and we have many teachers in the Province who posses qualifications of the high standard prescribed for Public School Inspectors. The tenure of the office of County Inspector is such as should secure their impartiality. So long as an Inspector discharges his duties efficiently, he can be removed only by a two-thirds majority of the County Council. It is unlikely that such two-thirds majority would be found unless the Inspector had given reasonable cause for his dismissal. It would not be wise therefore to alter the tenure by which County Inspectors hold office." EFFECT OF THE SCHOOL ACT OF 1871 IN THE COUNTY OF HALDIMAND. The following valuable testimony as to the great improvement in our schools which was wrought through the agency of the School Act of 1871, is highly suggestive and practical in its character. What is true of Haldimand, as here expressed, is also true of other parts of the Province. In an address to the teachers of Haldimand in 1873, Mr. Inspector Harcourt, M.P.P., said:-- "No one, whose attention has been called to the matter, could imagine the miserable condition of the majority of the school-houses of 1871. At that time there were not ten properly furnished buildings in Haldimand. Many of them with low ceilings, broken floors and damaged windows, had for seats nothing better than the antiquated bench facing the wall. Too cold or too hot by turns in winter, and suffocating in summer. With nothing to attract and everything to discourage scholars, we wonder that an intelligent public has so long tolerated their existence.... In the main, however, I am especially gratified at the improvements effected. In two years sixteen brick buildings have been erected; all of them substantial and well furnished--some of them models of neatness and finish. In a dozen sections preparations are being made for replacing the old houses, so that we have good reason to hope that in a year or two, at furthest, our country will no longer be noticeable for the miserable style of its school-houses." "Connected with the question of progress in certain branches of study, in relation of which I might say of cause and effect, are the two items of Examination of Teachers and School Accommodation. The provisions now in force for the examination of teachers are such that, if wisely carried out, the standard of the profession must be raised, and along with it the status of our schools.... The fact that somehow or another teachers received first and second class certificates, three or four years ago, who could not now obtain a third; that while it was exceptional for an applicant to fail then, those who succeed now are but thirty per cent. of the whole is known to all of us.... "To summarize the foregoing statements we HAVE progressed since 1871, swiftly in one particular, slowly and steadily in several others."--_Address, pages 5-7._ EFFECT OF THE SCHOOL LAW OF 1871 IN THE COUNTY OF SIMCOE (SOUTH.) At the inauguration of the new school-house in Barrie in 1872, the Rev. Wm. McKee, B.A., Inspector of Schools in South Simcoe, stated what had been the salutary effect of the School Law of 1871 in his county. He said:-- During my visits to the schools I found many of the school-houses of a very inferior description--being rude log buildings, old and dilapidated, with seats and desks of a corresponding character, often situated on the edge of the road, and without wells, offices, playgrounds or fencing of any kind; so that it is quite certain and plain the requirements of the new School Law have not come into force at all too soon, so far as the interests and advancement of education in this part of Ontario are concerned. Indeed truth obliges me to state that in the Riding which forms my field of labour--and I believe the remark will hold true with still greater force in regard to North Simcoe--the school-houses which are sufficiently large, well ventilated, fully furnished, and provided with an adequate supply of requisites are very few--perhaps less than half-a-dozen all told. It is true, however, that since the New School Law and Regulations came into operation there are indications of a change for the better in regard to the matters to which I have alluded. I could mention not less than twelve or fourteen school sections in which steps have _already_ been, or are being taken for the erection of new school-houses which are designed to replace the old buildings, and which, in regard to adequate school accommodation, are also intended to meet the requirements of the New School Law, and to be in every way suitable for school purposes. And it is to be distinctly noticed that in all the cases to which I have referred, the _initiative_ has been taken by the people or the trustees themselves; and I, for my part, feel that I cannot but regard this as a very significant fact--a very hopeful and encouraging symptom. I look upon it as an omen for good, and as an important and gratifying evidence of the favourable and successful working of the New School Law and Regulations. For being intimately acquainted with the southern part of the county for the last fifteen years, I have no hesitation in maintaining that the effects spoken of, or the action taken by school trustees or the people, can be fairly traced to no other cause than to the working and influence of the New School Law and Regulations. I can testify that latterly--I mean particularly since the passing of the New School Act--I have marked among the people of these townships a deepening sense of the importance of a sound education, and likewise an increasing desire to encourage and promote it. I have noticed, also, I think, both among trustees and parents, a growing conviction that not only the efficiency of the teacher, but, also the discipline and spirit of a school, the progress of children in their studies, their proper training, and their successful education, are far more intimately connected than it was one time imagined, with the style and character of the schoolroom in which the work of instruction is carried on, and with the kind of school accommodations provided for and enjoyed by pupils.[57] [57] These two extracts are given simply as illustrative examples, and as they were public utterances of the Inspectors named. Similar testimony was received by the Department from other Inspectors, but, from the nature of the case, and their non-publication in the local newspapers, they were not subject to the same criticism as were the statements publicly made and published in the localities concerned. CHAPTER V. A SPECIAL CHAPTER ON THE STATE EDUCATION IN THE "OLDEN TIME" IN UPPER CANADA. In this special chapter, I insert a series of interesting papers, illustrative of what may be called the interior or domestic character of school life in its various phases, in Upper Canada, from the time of the passing of Dr. Ryerson's first School Act, in 1846, to the passing of his last School Act, in 1871. These papers give a graphic, bird's-eye view of the state of the school, school houses and school teachers in the years gone by. They are by representative men--inspectors, public men and school teachers, and they are, therefore, interesting and valuable, as giving the result of the personal observation of these gentlemen. The personal experience of the Hon. J. Sandfield Macdonald is of an earlier date than those which follow, and refers to one of the most noted of the old District Grammar Schools. It is highly interesting as a reminiscence of the early training of one of our most noted public men, and one, under whose auspices, the important School Act of 1871 was passed. HON. J. SANDFIELD MACDONALD'S SCHOOL DAYS--HIS REMINISCENCES OF THEM. At a public dinner given to the Hon. J. Sandfield Macdonald in 1870, he thus referred to his early school days:-- "My friend, Judge Jarvis, has referred to my early life, and has very properly remarked that this is the country that offers the widest field to the industrious, or to a man of energy if he only possesses a modicum of brains.... It is true what the Judge states that I arrived in Cornwall forty years ago next autumn.... I was engaged in a dry goods store. But the Judge has told you that I was not satisfied with that state of things. I went to the school here, which has had a reputation it may be proud of ever since the time of the late Bishop Strachan. It was the school that educated the Boultons, the McGills, and the Jarvises. In the school I entered, and there I had to strive with those who were able to be maintained by their parents. I worked against them at a great disadvantage, and would have succumbed but that I was cheered on by my venerable preceptor. Many others have struggled in that school of whom Canada should be proud. One of them particularly. He was one of the brightest and most talented of the men our eastern district can boast of. But providence has thought proper to take him away from his sphere of usefulness. Need I say that I refer to that ornament of the Bench, the late Chancellor Vankoughnet.--Were Dr. Urquhart able to boast of no other pupil but that honourable gentleman, he might have retired on his laurels. If that old gentleman had not sent me a letter of encouragement I would not have been here, as I was about to break down for want of means. This letter was written in 1835, and ... I cannot help shewing what was thought of me by one who had the most perceptive idea of the ability of his pupils. This letter had the effect of making me bear up in my struggle with my superiors in position and was as follows: "'These certify that the bearer, Mr. John S. McDonald, was a pupil in the Eastern District School, from the 19th Nov., 1832, to the 23rd Dec. last; that during that period his industry and application were close and assiduous, and that his progress in the several branches of study, to which he directed his attention, was highly respectable, and very considerably exceeded what is usually made in the same space of time; that the perseverance manifested in overcoming the difficulties to be encountered at the outset of a classical and mathematical education, called forth the particular remark and approval of his teacher, as indicating considerable energy of character, and as an earnest of future success in the prosecution of his studies. Moreover, that his general deportment during the same period, was most exemplary, and becoming, evincing at all times a kindly disposition towards his fellow students and a most respectful deference to the discipline of the school; and that, if the good opinion and good wishes of his teacher can on any occasion profit him, he is justly entitled to both.'" "I owe all the spirit of independence which I have maintained throughout my career, to my learning in that school. After I left school I went into the study of the law, in the office of the late Mr. McLean." EDUCATION IN THE COUNTY OF WELLINGTON UNDER DR. RYERSON'S ADMINISTRATION. The following admirable resumé of the former state of education and of educational progress in the county of Wellington, and indeed throughout Ontario generally, was given in an address on "Then and Now," delivered before a public meeting in Guelph, in May, 1880, by Hon. Charles Clarke, ex-Speaker of the House of Assembly. After some preliminary remarks, Mr. Clarke said:-- Little more than thirty years ago, much of the country, now known as the county of Wellington, was a wilderness. The territory north of Guelph was almost unsettled, beyond the townships of Nichol, and the settled portion possessed but few residents. In Wellington, the upper tier of townships had scarcely been entered upon, and names of places now "familiar as household words" were unknown. Such roads as there were had been simply cut through the bush, and had experienced little other improvement than that which the axe, the handspike, the logging chain and fire had afforded. Peel was in the early stage of settlement; Maryboro was almost unknown; Minto was really a _terra incognito_; Luther was, in popular estimation, a vast and irreclaimable swamp; Arthur had a mere handful of settlers; Mount Forest was a nameless and unbroken government reserve for a town plot, covered with virgin forest; Elora possessed some half-dozen houses; such places as Harriston, Palmerston and Drayton were not even a dream of the future; and the gravel roads, thrifty villages, and smiling farms which now make pleasant travel from the northern bank of the Grand River to the utmost bounds of Wellington, were covered with thick and luxuriant growth of maple, hemlock, elm and cedar. Everything was in primitive shape, and yet the mark of future progress was made, here and there, and coming events cast their shadow. Oxen were far more numerous than teams of horses, and neither could be regarded as plentiful. The axe was more busy than the plough, and regularly prepared more acres for the annual sowing. Money was scarce, produce was low in price, barter was the rule and not the exception, postal communication was defective, wages were poor, and "hard times" were as commonly talked about and as earnestly believed in as to-day, when, measured by the past, the term is comparatively meaningless. There was a feeling of despondency throughout the community, and people were divided as to the cause of the general depression. Some blamed the Rebellion of a few years before; others said that the effects of Family Compactism had not yet died away; and still others attributed all evils to the newly effected Union between Upper and Lower Canada. There is little wonder that, at such a time, schools and schoolmasters were under the weather, and reckoned as but of "small account" by many of our people. EARLY SCHOOL LEGISLATION IN 1841, 1843 AND 1846. Thanks to the energy, however, of a noble few, prominent amongst whom stood Egerton Ryerson, the Government of that day took steps to obtain information as to the system of public education in force in some of the states of the American Union and in Europe, and, taking Massachussetts and Prussia as a guide, enacted a sweeping amendment to School Act for Upper Canada, in the ninth year of Her Majesty's reign, and put it into operation in 1847. In 1841, the first Common School Law had been passed, and in 1843 it was amended, but the system was defective and unproductive of expected results. Under it, townships were divided into school sections, by township superintendents, who were practically uncontrolled, and therefore, in many instances, arbitrary, and these divisions were unequal in size, often unnecessarily small, and frequently unfairly made. The consequence of this state of things was unpopularity of the law, and a pretty general conviction that common schools were too often common nuisances. The report of the Superintendent of Education, for 1847, tells us that the system produced "miserable school-houses, poor and cheap teachers, interrupted and temporary instruction and heavy rate-bills." In some districts, before the passage of the amending School Act, 9 Vic. Chap. 20, the District Council had never imposed a school assessment, depending for school maintenance entirely upon the small legislative grant apportioned to each district, and an equivalent raised solely by rate-bills or voluntary contributions. No uniformity existed in the use of class books, the township superintendent or the teacher, or even the parent dictating what should be employed in each particular section. In 1846, no fewer than 13 different spelling books, 107 readers, 35 arithmetics, 20 geographies, 21 histories, and 16 grammars, were used in our Common Schools, besides varying class books on other subjects. INFERIOR QUALIFICATIONS OF TEACHERS AND VARIED METHODS OF TEACHING. The methods of teaching were almost as numerous as the teachers, and followed no specified rule. Sometimes it was by classes, often by individuals, and in other cases by an extensive use of monitors, being generally a mixture of the three styles, and nearly always a higgledy-piggledy, go-as-you-please arrangement, as easy as possible to the teacher, and as unproductive of good results to the pupil as such indefinite work might be fully expected to be. And the character of the teachers, speaking in general terms, and not forgetting many bright exceptions, was not above suspicion. Certificates were granted by township superintendents, who too often relieved the charitable, and the district council, by thrusting into the school-house the ne'er-do-wells, the infirm, the crippled, the sickly and the unfortunate, who, under ordinary circumstances, would have become dependent upon the good nature and benevolence of their fellow-citizens. In one district a superintendent, after the passage of the new School Law, was compelled to give notice that he would not grant certificates to any candidates unless they were strictly sober, and that he would cancel the certificates of all teachers who suffered themselves at any time to become intoxicated. And, we are gravely informed, the result was that a majority, not all, of the hitherto intemperate teachers became thoroughly temperate men, and that the incorrigible were dismissed. The quality of the teachers may be guessed at very fairly, it is safe to say, from the salaries paid to them. In 1845, the average was £26 2s, or $104.40; in 1846, £26 4s, or $104.80; and in 1847, £28 10s, or $114, and this, too, for the most part, exclusive of board. Had the schools been kept open during the whole of the teaching months of these years, the salaries would have averaged $134 in 1845, $147 in 1846, and $148 in 1847. It must be borne in mind that, in those days, male were much more numerous than female teachers, so that the smaller amounts generally paid to those of the gentler sex had comparatively little influence in lessening the general average. The parsimony and poverty of the people had much to do, of course, with the quality of the teacher, for men who could obtain higher wages at almost any other occupation, through physical or intellectual superiority, would not waste time and opportunity to earn more than the paltry pittance paid to the pedagogue, simply through philanthropic desire to advance the interests of the rising generation. DR. RYERSON'S TEST OF THE INTELLIGENCE OF A SCHOOL SECTION. Says Dr. Ryerson, in the report to which I am indebted for these facts: "This small compensation of teachers is the great source of inefficiency in the common schools. Persons of good abilities and attainments will not teach for little or nothing so long as they can obtain a more ample remuneration in other pursuits." He adds, in language as truthful, and as worthy of notice to-day, as when it was written: "People cannot obtain good teachers any more than good lawyers or physicians without paying for their services." And, as he says in the next sentence, so say we all, and so I am happy to observe are many of our school corporations saying all over the province: "The intelligence of any school section or corporation of trustees may be tested by the amount of salary they are disposed to give a good teacher." If Egerton Ryerson had said and done nothing more than this, he would have deserved the gratitude of every teacher in Ontario, simply because he had the courage to put upon record a sentiment which, at the time when he used the words, was eminently unpopular, and a direct and stinging rebuke to nearly every school-board then existent. In those days, cheap teachers were wanted, and the supply equalled the demand, while the pockets of the charitable were saved, a semblance of education was kept up, and the county poorhouses were not required so long as every other school section provided for one, at least, of those who would, in these days, be generally regarded as eligible candidates for admission thereto. The amount of interest taken in educational matters was not evidenced in small salaries alone. THE CHARACTER OF THE SCHOOL-HOUSE ALSO A TEST. The school-house, in its quality, too often matched the teacher. Of 2,572 school-houses in Upper Canada in 1847, 49 only were of brick, and 84 of stone, the others being frame and log. Of the 2,500, 800, or about one-third, were in good repair; 98 had more than one room; 1,125, or less than half, were properly furnished with desks and seats; only 367 were provided with a suitable play-ground; and not more than 163, out of 2,572, had necessary outbuildings. Coming nearer home, we find that the municipalities now comprised in the county of Wellington contained, in 1847, 43 school-houses, of which one was built of stone, 9 were frame, and 33 were log, and the report states that only 13 were good, 25 were middling, and the balance were inferior. When we remember the standard of "goodness" in those days, when school authorities at Toronto were thankful for small favors in rural districts, we can have some faint idea of the character of the buildings pronounced inferior. It is probable that they came up to the style of accommodation of the Mapleton school, in Manitoba, which I find described in the last report of the Superintendent of Protestant Schools for that Province, as follows: "Found that since my last visit the school-house has been floored; it still required plastering and ceiling and weather-boarding." What sort of a building it was before these improvements were effected, it doesn't require a very active brain to imagine, and when you have the picture in your mind's eye you will have some conception of the pleasures of teaching in the "good old times," of less than half a century ago, in Upper Canada. SCHOOL CONDITION OF THE COUNTY OF WELLINGTON IN 1847. Returning to 1847, we are told that in the whole of Wellington District, composed of the territory now forming the three counties of Wellington, Waterloo and Grey, there were 102 schools, of which only 22 possessed good buildings. Let us glance for a moment at the then state of finances of the school corporations in which we feel most interested. Guelph township, including the village of Guelph, raised $507.38 by the municipal assessment, for school purposes, realized $556.75 from rate-bills, and received $416.69 from the legislative grant, or a total of $1,480.82, wherewith to pay seven teachers, maintain, more or less efficiently, ten schools, and afford instruction, good, bad or indifferent, as the case might be, to 517 scholars. The township of Puslinch was nearly abreast of Guelph, and kept up 10 schools, paid 13 teachers, and had 558 scholars on the roll, at an outlay of $1,381.86, but it must be remembered that if two or three teachers were employed, at different portions of the year, in one school, they increased the grand total of teachers for the year. It may have been that, while thirteen appear to have been engaged, there were not more, and probably less than ten employed for the full teaching year. In 1847, Erin had the highest number of scholars of any municipality in the county, having returned a total of 585, in six schools, and with eleven teachers, at an outlay of $1,039.06. Amaranth was at the foot of the list, with one school, one teacher, thirty-eight scholars, and an outlay, made up from rate-bill, assessment and legislative grant, of $68.04. Peel and Wellesley, combined, had one school, three teachers,--employed at some portion or other of the year,--and spent $80.52. Nichol (including Fergus and Elora), Eramosa and Garafraxa made returns,--the name Garafraxa being spelt with a double r, as I have found it to be in all old official documents,--but Pilkington, Arthur, Maryboro, Luther and Minto do not appear to have had school organization, not even municipal existence, while, of the whole county of Grey, Derby and Sydenham were alone mentioned in the return. It may be interesting to know--although I am aware, from painful experience, that listening to strings of figures is not the most enlivening occupation in the world,--that the whole amount paid for school purposes, in the county of Wellington, for that year, was $5,862, of which $5,763 was given to teachers, and that the average cost for each pupil taught was $2.10. One other fact may be adduced which will enable you to form a still clearer estimate of the educational status of Upper Canada at the date referred to. The Chief Superintendent had, in forms and regulations issued by him, specified the lowest general standard of qualification for teachers, but was forced to believe that a much lower standard had been acted upon by school visitors. These visitors were clergymen, magistrates and district councillors,--equivalent to our reeves,--and any two of them could examine a teacher, test his or her qualification, pretty much as they deemed best, and grant a certificate, available only for one school and one year, it is true, but nevertheless renewable, and answering every purpose of the certificate of to-day. It is not difficult to imagine a much more easy and varying examination, under such circumstances, than that which an improved system soon rendered necessary, and the quality of teachers so produced need not be further particularized. We have thus obtained some glimpse of the THEN of our educational facilities of a generation ago. The picture might be elaborated. It would be easy to fill in details from memory; to tell how the blind oft times led the blind; how the ignorant teacher insured the ignorant pupil; and how "schooling" was frequently a farce, and mere waste of time.... GREAT EDUCATIONAL ADVANCE MADE BY THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO SINCE 1847. That the Province has made enormous strides in population, wealth, intelligence and importance, during the last thirty years, admits of no doubt. Our forests have disappeared, an improved system of agriculture has followed, manufactories have sprung up, railways have connected every county, a daily press has become an established and indispensable institution, the telegraph has economized time by practically annihilating distance, while numerous inventions and discoveries have created new wants, and supplied as rapidly as they have made them. Without losing our characteristic love of hard work--I here speak of everybody in general, and nobody in particular, and purposely avoid all personal allusions--and that industrial enterprise which springs from it, we have become a reading and much more cultured people. The scholar, endowed with physical capacity equal to that possessed by an illiterate competitor, is worth more than he in the factory, the workshop, the store, the mill, the mine, or on the sea or farm. Cultivated brain has a market value, and book learning is no longer despised, or regarded with half contempt, as the mark distinguishing the mere dreamer from the worker. To possess the "Reason Why" is no proof now-a-days of physical and practical inferiority; to know a little of everything, and everything of something, is not now the peculiar privilege of the English Gentleman. Little wonder is there, therefore, that what the school has helped to bring about, should tend to make the school more valued. That such has been its effect we have but to look around to see. Where in 1847, we, in Upper Canada, had 2,863 school houses, our last returns show that we possess more than 5,000, and while the number has so largely increased the advance in value has been in much greater proportion. In 1847 we had, in all Upper Canada, but 49 school-houses built of brick; now we boast of 1,569 built of that material, or over thirty times as many. In 1847 we had eighty-four constructed of stone; now we claim more than 500. In 1847 half of our school buildings were of logs; now not more than a seventh are of that primitive character. There are no returns of money cost of buildings or of amount expended in their erection in 1847, but we find that the expenditure for all school purposes in that year, inclusive of teachers' salaries, was $350,000, while for 1877, for erection and repairs of school-houses, fuel, etc., alone we paid $1,035,390, and a total for school purposes of $3,073,489, or, in round numbers, nine times as much as in 1847. The improved financial value of the teacher is another strong testimony, willingly borne by the people, to their increased interest in education, for, as a rule, a free people will not pay for that which they fail to appreciate. In 1847 there was paid for teachers' salaries a total sum of $310,398. In 1877 the amount was $2,038,099. In 1847 there were 3,028 teachers employed, while in 1877 there were 6,468. In 1847, board was often given in addition to the nominal salary, and was, in fact, part of the teacher's remuneration. Grant that the teachers here enumerated as serving in 1847 were employed eight months in that year--which is more than the average--and put board at $2 per week, which was higher than was the average rate in those days--the average payment to each teacher would not exceed $170, and this was fully equal to, if not greater than was actually allowed. In 1877 the average amount paid to each teacher was $315. The larger amount willingly paid in 1877 for the support of Free Schools, than was unwillingly given in 1847, for the maintenance of rate-supported schools--for payment was then made under protest, and the school law was exceedingly unpopular, while rate-bills and contributions were nearly everywhere necessary, in addition to municipal assessments, to make up the teachers' salaries--is yet another proof of the hold which the educational movement has taken upon the judgment and sympathy of the people of Ontario. In 1847, too, pupils were grudgingly taught, at a cost of $2.80 per head, while in 1877 the average was $6.20. And when we add to all these things the fact that, in 1847, only 124,829 pupils attended our common schools, out of a school population of 230,975, or scarcely one in two, while in 1877, out of a school population of 494,804, not less than 490,860 names were entered on the roll, it is needless to say anything further in illustration of the marked contrast between the two periods, of the immense superiority of the present over the past condition of our schools, and of the public opinion which is necessary to their effective maintenance. GREAT ADVANCE ALSO IN THE STANDARD OF TEACHING ABILITY. And the standard of teaching ability, in so far as literary acquirements go, has kept pace with the progress which has otherwise characterized the history of a scholastic generation. We have long got past the period when any two magistrates, any two reeves, or even any two clergymen, could grant permission to teach, and annually invest the teacher with legal status. We subject our examiners themselves to examinations, have uniformity in the character of our examination papers, and propound questions to candidates which fully and fairly test their educational attainments. We have gone beyond _that_, and instituted county Normal Schools--for such our Model Schools may be fairly termed--at which we require applicants for a certificate to still further establish their fitness for the work upon which they seek to enter. We have not reached perfection, but we have travelled a long distance in the direction in which it lies. We have made every school practically free, built up a High School system which opens up to all seekers after higher education ample opportunity to prepare for the University course, at a minimum of cost, and placed our University upon such a footing that its advantages are not the exclusive privilege of the well-to-do, but are proffered to even the poorest student who cares to submit to a period of self-denial, and lose a little extra time in early life, for the purpose of securing them. As a people we have done no more than, probably not so much as, we ought to do, with the view of placing educational facilities within the reach of every child born or brought into the Province, but we have, nevertheless, ventured and effected more than has been attempted in many older and more wealthy lands. We have the consciousness of having done our duty, according to our lights. In our long-settled sections of country the school-house bell is within the hearing, or the school-house itself is within sight of nearly every family. In newer portions of the Province, wherever half-a-dozen or so of clearances are commenced, in the wilds of Muskoka or Algoma, provision is made for the instruction of the little ones who bless those backwoods' homes. The school-master is abroad throughout the land, and is doing much to ensure a glowing future for our country, and when his work is done, and he is compelled to retire from his labors, we willingly open the public purse and give to him that which keeps him above absolute penury, and assures him that, while Ontario cares only to help those who possess the disposition to help themselves, she is neither ungrateful nor forgetful. And, seeing all these things, we cannot help feeling that our youthful Province may modestly and yet proudly lift her head amongst the nations of the earth, assured that there are none who can reproach her with neglect of the first and best interests of those little children whom God has entrusted to her keeping. STATE OF EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA IN 1847-1849. From an elaborate report prepared by the Rev. W. H. Landon, School Superintendent, to the Municipal Council of the district of Brock (county of Oxford) in 1849, I make the following extracts. The first refers to the educational supineness of the people:-- "Up to a recent period (say the last two years), the people, generally, seems to have entered upon no enquiries, and to have formed no just conclusion on the subject of education, or the proper means of imparting it. They seemed to think, if they thought at all, that all schools were equal, and that all teachers who could read, write, etc., in a better manner than their pupils were equally good.... As to books, it was supposed that any one, or any ten of the fifty different varieties of spelling books in use, with the English Reader, was all that was requisite for the reading classes, while a few treatises on arithmetic taken at random from the almost endless variety with which the country was flooded, would supply the means of imparting & knowledge of the science of numbers, and two or three grammars by as many different authors, would supply material for the grammar class and complete the stock of text books for the schools."... Mr. Landon draws the following graphic picture of the school-house "shanties" of those days. He also gives a vivid view of the interior: "The school-houses in many instances (though not in all) are miserable shanties made of logs loosely and roughly put together; the interstices filled with clay, portions of which are from time to time crumbling down filling the place with filth and dust. Under your feet are loose boards, without nails, across which, when one walks, a clatter is produced equal to that heard in a lumber yard. Over your head are the naked rafters, stained with smoke and hung with cobwebs and dust. Two or three little windows, generally half way up the walls, admit the light; and a rough door which does not fit the opening, creaks upon its wooden hinges.... The writing desks are generally long sloping shelves pinned up against the walls as high as the breasts of the pupils who sit before them. The seats are without backs and from eighteen inches to two feet high. Sometimes we have a master's desk, but awkwardly constructed, for the most part too high for the sitting posture and too low for the standing one.... We have no blackboards, no maps and no illustrative apparatus of any kind. "When we enter one of these schools, we behold a picture of discomfort and misery. The children are perched upon the benches before described: but as they have no support for their backs, and as only the taller of them can reach the floor with their feet, marks of weariness and pain are visible in their features and postures. Some to procure rest and ease to their aching frames have drawn up both feet upon the bench and are sitting cross-legged like a tailor on the shop board. Others stooping forward, rest their elbows upon their knees, with one hand supporting their chins and with the other holding up their books before their weary eyes; while all avail themselves of every possible excuse to change their position and so obtain relief. Some asking permission to go out, others to get a drink, and many constantly flocking to the teacher's desk with words to be pronounced, sums to be examined and corrected, pens to be mended, or difficulties to be explained, in connection with grammar, or other lesson, etc. So that the place is filled with noise and disorder, rendering study impossible and anything like the cultivation of cheerful and benevolent affections entirely out of the question."... Then follows an example of the character of the teaching "in a school in the centre of one of the largest and wealthiest townships" in the district of Brock:-- "This school was taught by a person who in his youth had enjoyed what we term superior advantages, being connected with a family of highest respectability. Notice of my intended visit had several days before been sent to the teacher. The female pupils had ... decorated the place with evergreens and bouquets of flowers. The room, though humble and coarse, was neat and tidy. When I entered, the class in the fourth book of lessons was reading. A book was put into my hands and I desired them to proceed.... When they were done reading I proceeded to examine them on the lesson. Great Britain was mentioned in the lesson and allusion made to her people and institutions. My first question, therefore was--Where is Great Britain? From the vacant and surprised stare with which this question was received I was satisfied that they had no clear conception of what Great Britain was.... I finally asked what is the form of Government in Great Britain? As no answer was given, I ... asked whether a King, Queen or President governed in Great Britain? To this question a pupil, aided by the teacher, who whispered in her ear, replied a Queen. I than asked her name.... After a good deal of hesitation, a young woman of eighteen or twenty years of age, replied "Queen Elizabeth!" THE OLD LOG SCHOOL HOUSE AND ITS BELONGINGS. In connection with the realistic picture of education in the County of Oxford, in 1847-49, sketched by the Rev. W. H. Landon, District Superintendent, the following dual pictures of "The Old Log School" and "The Pioneer Teachers," taken from the Toronto _Globe_ of 1887, will be found to be highly interesting. The pictures are graphically drawn by a teacher, and from a teacher's standpoint. Speaking of the representative teacher of a former generation recalling the past, he said:-- The old days come up vividly before him, when he first engaged in the work in some country district, engaging to devote to it the best energies of body and mind, for, it may be, some such munificent salary as eight or ten dollars a month, said salary to be supplemented by the saving in expense effected through the process formerly so much in vogue of boarding around. How well he remembers the old log school house, with its low ceiling on which a tall man could easily lay his hand; the narrow apertures, fitted with a few panes of 7×9 glass which served for windows; the floor of unplaned boards, whose crevices were either compactly filled with accumulations of dust and litter characteristic of the school room, or worse still, yawning to swallow up pen-knife and slate pencil as they would ever and anon drop from the fingers of some luckless wight, started from the half slumber into which the drowsy monotony of the ill-ventilated school room had beguiled him, by the stentorian tones, or possibly the vigorous cuffs, of the master of ceremonies. Very distinctly the vision of such a school room of the old type, though at a date much less than fifty years ago, rises before the writer as memory carries him back to the little Canadian hamlet in which his boyhood was passed. The desks, so as far any were provided, consisted of a wide shelf fixed at a pretty sharp angle against the wall, and extending all around the room, with an intermission only at the narrow space occupied by the door. This primitive arrangement was sometimes supplemented with a long, flat table composed of three or four loose planks in the rough, supported by wooden benches or horses placed transversely beneath. The seats were of planks or slabs, likewise unsmoothed, constructed by driving rudely hewn legs into holes bored with a large augur, at a suitable angle, in the lower surface of the plank or slab. These legs often projected an inch or so above the surface of the seat. It could not be said of these rude structures as in Cowper's "Evolution of the sofa," that "the slippery seat betrayed the sliding part that pressed it," for between the projecting legs and the innumerable "splinters" the unhappy occupant was in much greater danger of being impaled and pinned fast than of slipping off. Perhaps it was better so, for in view of the great height usually given them, the fall, for a small child, while it would most surely have been a "laughing matter," might yet have proved a serious one.... It was certainly a strange and cruel infatuation which constrained our grandfathers to think that the proper position for a boy or girl at school was upon a narrow perch, without back or arm support of any kind, and with the feet dangling some six or eight inches above the floor. The picture of the old school bench would not be accurate without reference to the warping of the plank which was pretty sure soon to take place, with the result of raising one or other of the diagonal legs an inch or two from the floor, thus converting the seat, when filled with its living, aching load, into a tilting board, provocation of many a trick from the omnipresent mischievous boy of the school, and resulting in many a blow from the palm or cane of the irate master, which would, of course, generally descend upon innocent ears or shoulders. What a picture did the wooden desks and walls of those old-time school houses present, worn smooth with the elbows, smeared with the jackets, variegated with the ink, carved with the jack-knives and stained with the tears of boisterous and blubbering boys and rosy-cheeked, hoydenish or timid girls. What burlesque, too, upon every intelligent idea of education were the processes carried on in them. From nine o'clock to twelve, and from one till four, six long hours, as marked by the sun's shadow on the rude dial marked out on the windowsill, did the work go on. Murray's Reader, and in the most ambitious districts his Grammar, Walker's Dictionary, Walkingame's Arithmetic, Goldsmith's Geography and somebody's spelling-book, with slate and pencil, a scanty supply of paper and ink, and pen shaped with a keen pen-knife from a quill picked up from the wayside or plucked ruthlessly from the wing of some reluctant "squawking" goose, would complete the scholar's outfit. It is the hour for preparation of the reading lesson. The school room resounds with the loud hum of a score or two of boys and girls all "studying aloud" with a most distracting din, and all the heads and bodies swaying constantly and simultaneously back and forth as an accompaniment to the voice. This voice in the case of perhaps a majority would be modulated without the slightest relation to the contents of the printed page, while the thoughts of the ostentatiously industrious student would be busy with some projected game or trick for the coming recess. And yet how often would the Scotch school master's eye gleam with pride and pleasure when he had, by dint of persuasion or threat, succeeded in getting every boy and girl engaged in the horrible, monotonous chant. Then the recitation--what a scene of confusion and stripes, tears and bellowings. Perhaps it was the column of spellings. A few, fitted by nature with memories adapted for that kind of work, would make their way in triumph to the head of the long semicircular class. But woe, woe to the dullards and the dunces, under a regime whose penalty for missing a word a foot and a half long would be, very likely, two or three strokes on the tingling fingers or aching palm with the pitiless hardwood ferule, this process being occasionally varied as some noisy or idling youngster was called up from a back seat to be visited with a still sterner chastisement for some trifling misdemeanor.... The writer can recall instances and experiences innumerable, the infliction being sometimes accompanied with a caution to tell no tales at home under pain of a worse infliction. In his own case he well remembers the wrath of his father, who would have thought it wrong and encouraging insubordination to listen to any complaints against the master, when, on occasion of the victim of a tendency to juvenile pranks being dangerously ill with scarlet fever, and that father being called on by the doctor to annoint his back with some soothing lotion, he found said back striped and checked with a network of "black and blue." It is needless to add that at this point ended both the writer's experience under that schoolmaster and the schoolmaster's term of engagement in that district. As a significant comment upon the moral effects of the regime of the schoolmasters of the old school the writer may add that one of his most vivid memories of the mental status produced by the school training referred to is that of an intense longing for the day when he should be large enough to repay that old schoolmaster in his own coin. That day came. The flagellated boy, transformed into a tolerably lusty youth, found himself face to face with his quondam tormenter. But his long cherished wrath speedily gave place to pity for the decrepit, friendless and lonely old bachelor, whose days were drawing to a close, with no loving hand of wife or daughter to minister to their feebleness. THE PIONEER TEACHERS, AND THE TRIALS OF "BOARDING ROUND." The writer of the foregoing paper pictured roughly the rural Canadian school of forty or fifty years ago. It may not be without interest to have that picture supplemented with a glimpse of rural Canadian life as seen by the schoolmaster of the period. The "boarding 'round" system afforded him excellent facilities for observation. The venerable custom of boarding round died, no doubt, a good many years ago, so far as Canada is concerned.... But thirty or forty years ago it was, in some parts of Canada at least, almost a matter of course that the teacher should "board 'round." When a school became vacant or a new and ambitious settlement had reached the pitch of development at which a school was deemed a necessary sequent to the carpenter's shop, the smithy and the shoemaker's shanty, one of the first steps was, of course, to pitch upon a suitable candidate for the scanty honors and still more scanty emoluments of the village pedagogue. Probably some influential member of the community had a son or a daughter in the teens, who was thought pretty well up in "the three R's." If so, it would usually be deemed quite unnecessary to look farther. In fact it would, in such a case, be useless for an outsider to contest the constituency. It never entered the unsophisticated heads of the trustees to invite competition by advertising for candidates "to state salary expected." This method of putting up professional talent in a kind of Dutch auction is an evolution of our present "best educational system on earth." Our grandfathers went about the business in a different way. The coming teacher being fixed upon, the next step was for the candidate himself, or some interested relative or friend on his behalf, to circulate a subscription sheet. A form of heading would be prepared somewhat in the following style:--"We, the undersigned residents of Smithton District, being desirous of securing the services of Henry Schoolman as teacher of the district school, hereby agree to engage the services of said H. S. for the period of six months, and to pay him at the rate of £1 2s 6d for each and every pupil we hereunto subscribe or send to said school. We further agree to supply the teacher with board in proportion to our several subscriptions; also to furnish our proportions of wood for the use of said school. Signed, etc." The average juvenile Canadian made, no doubt, a much more merciful, and often much more efficient, teacher than the ex-soldier, or broken-down tradesman from the Old Country. One of the first duties of the newly-fledged teacher would be to go carefully over his treasured list of subscribers and ascertain, by a careful arithmetical calculation, the exact number of weeks and days for which he was entitled to board and lodging at the house of each of his respective patrons. The next step would be to find out, by personal or written enquiries, at what time it would be most convenient for each family to open its doors to him. This process, and the subsequent installation in each home would, it may well be imagined, be trying ordeals to the young and bashful pedagogue.... The receptions accorded the poor itinerant would be, of course, as various as the feelings, dispositions and circumstances of the householders, or, more strictly speaking, of the presiding divinities of the parlor and the kitchen, especially the kitchen. In many cases he would quickly feel at home. The welcome would be cordial, the hospitality ungrudging, the companionship agreeable. In such cases the bashful beginner would soon be able to shake off the intolerably humiliating dread of being regarded as an intruder, an interloper, or half-mendicant. But in numerous instances, as may readily be conceived, the situation would be most galling to a sensitive nature. The over-worked, perpetually tired and fretful mistress of the house would receive him with an ill-concealed frown or an involuntary sigh. To her he represented just so much addition, for so long a time, to her hourly toils and cares, already too heavy to be borne. Unwashed specimens of "the heritage of the poor" would swarm in every corner. The fear and awe which secured him immunity for a time would soon wear away, and as they were replaced with the familiarity that breeds contempt, he would be exposed to all manner of well-meant advances and indignities. The scorn at the roughly-spread supper table would be a scramble, and the twilight hour, which, if he happened to have a spice of romance in his composition, he would fain have consecrated to quiet thought or fancy, would be made hideous by a juvenile pandemonium, as amidst stripes and cuffs and yells and tears the unruly flock would finally be got to bed. These, of course, were the ill-regulated householders, but they exist. Well does the writer remember some personal experiences in this delightful phase of the professional life of an earlier day--not much more than half a semi-centennial distant. The old, dingy farmhouse, the bare floors, the hard seats, the utter absence of everything in the shape of books or other literature, the teeming olive branches at every age and stage of development, the little "spare" bedroom, whose sole furnishings consisted of the bed and bedding, on whose hard floor he reclined for lack of chair and table evening after evening for hours after he was supposed to be in bed, reading by the feeble rays of a tallow candle the ponderous volumes of Dr. Dick's philosophies, which had been kindly loaned him by a friend, and which were devoured with an eagerness begotten of a genuine hunger, though out of all proportion to the literary merits of the works. THE OLD SCHOOL HOUSE. Rude and unfinished and uncomfortable as it was, "The Old School House" would be sure to bring up to many an "old boy" tender memories, which would be recalled in after years in words somewhat like those in poetic form as follows: It stood on a bleak country corner, The houses were distant and few; A meadow lay back in the distance, Beyond rose the hills to our view. The road, crossing there at right angles, Untraversed by pomp and array; Were cropped by the cows in the summer, I've watched them there many a day. In memory's hall hangs the picture, And years of sad care are between; It hangs with a beautiful gilding, And well do I love it, I ween. It stood on a bleak country corner, But boyhood's young heart made it warm; It glowed in the sunshine of summer, 'Twas cheerful in winter and storm. The teacher, O well I remember, My heart has long kept him in place; Perhaps by the world he's forgotten, His memory no touch can efface. He met us with smiles on the threshold, And in that rude temple of art, He left, with the skill of a workman, His touch on the mind and the heart. Oh! gay were the sports of the noontide, When winter winds frolicked with snow; We laughed at the freaks of the storm-king, And shouted him on all aglow. We flashed at his beautiful sculpture, Regardless of all its array; We plunged in the feathery snow-drifts, And sported the winter away. We sat on the old-fashioned benches, Beguiled with our pencil and slate; We thought of the opening future, And dreamed of our manhood's estate. I cast a fond glance o'er the meadow, The hills just behind it I see; Away in the charm of the distance, Old school house! a blessing on thee! _Mr. Canniff Haight_, in Canada of "Fifty Years Ago," gives the following account of the common school education of his day:--"The schoolhouse was close at hand, and its aspect is deeply graven in my memory. It was a small, square structure, with low ceiling. In the centre of the room was a box stove, around which the long wooden benches, without backs, were ranged. Next the wall were the desks, raised a little from the floor. In the summer time the pupils were all of tender years, the elder ones being kept at home to help with the work. I was one of a lot of little urchins ranged daily on hard wooden seats, with our feet dangling in the air for seven or eight hours a day. In such a plight we were expected to be very good children, to make no noise, and to learn our lessons. It is a marvel that so many years had to elapse before parents and teachers could be brought to see that keeping children in such a position for so many hours was an act of great cruelty. The terror of the rod was the only thing that could keep us still, and at that often failed. Sometimes, tired and weary, we fell asleep and tumbled off the bench, to be awakened by the fall of the rod. In the winter time, the small school was filled to overflowing with the larger boys and girls. This did not improve our condition, for we were more closely packed together, and were either shivering with the cold or being roasted with a red-hot stove.... I next sat under the rod of an Irish pedagogue--an old man who evidently believed that the only way to get anything into a boy's head was to pound it in with a stick through his back. There was no discipline, and the noise we made seemed to rival a bedlam.--_pp. 17, 18._ "As far as my recollection goes, the teachers were generally of a very inferior order, and rarely possessed more than a smattering of the rudiments of grammar and arithmetic. They were poorly paid, and "boarded round" the neighbourhood. But it is not improbable that they generally received all that their services were worth.... The school-houses where the youth were taught were in keeping with the extent of instruction received within them. They were invariably small, with low ceilings, badly lighted, and without ventilation."--_pp. 157, 158._ A SCHOOL TEACHER'S PERSONAL EXPERIENCE IN 1865. From the Toronto _Mail_ of November 28th, 1888, I select the following graphic account of the personal experience of a school teacher in 1865:-- "'Yes," said an old teacher to a representative of the _Mail_ yesterday, "education has been wonderfully revolutionized in Ontario during the last twenty-five years. It was in January, 1865, that I first took up the birch, swaying it until I cautiously made up my mind to quit when the new Act requiring higher qualifications came into force in 1871. At that time the school houses in my county were all constructed of logs, and more uninviting buildings than these were not to be found in the country. It did appear that the ratepayers were more led to educate their children out of a feeling of latent and legal compulsion, than out of duty and parental regard. The life of a teacher in those days was not the high-toned one of to-day. Let me give my own experience, and when I have related it you will see how much there is in the complaints and grumblings of the existing generation of school teachers. "'A school became vacant in the neighboring township, and I made up my mind, armed as I was with a first-class certificate awarded me by the County Board of Examaminers, that I would apply for the position. "'I went to two influential men in the neighborhood and succeeded in coaxing them to go with me to the trustees of the school. We arrived at the section in due time, and after making due enquiries proceeded to the house of one of the trustees, who had the reputation of knowing everything worth discovering in the school law of the period. I felt an awful dread and confusion come over me when in the presence of that trustee. I was introduced, and I immediately told my errand. The horny-handed son of toil gave me one of those inscrutable looks that nearly sunk me to the earth. He coughed slightly, jerked his head back, put his two hands in the pockets of his trousers, and immediately proceeded to business.' "'So yous wants the school, does you?' "'I do, sir.' "'Well, I might as well tell ye at once that the teacher we intend hiring must be better than the present one. He is a curse to the children of this section, with his grammar and his jography, and all his other fal da rals. Why, sir; my son Bill comes home the other night and says he, "'Father, what is grammar?' "I says, Bill, I never studied grammar, and you see how I am able to get along without it. Grammar is no good for ploughing or cutting up that slash fornent the house." "Well," says the boy, "would you tell me what our teacher meant by saying that Berlin is on the Spree?" I then got mad, and says I, "Bill, never let me hear ye say anything more about these things. Sure they were never taught to us from the New Testament when I was in school." But that is not all, the boy began to say to himself, orthography, etymology, syntax, and prosody, going over them again and again, until I says to Moriah, "is the child getting mad, wife!" No sooner had he heard that than he began to say, "Noun, adjective, pronoun, adverb, preposition, noun, adjective, pronoun, preposition," as before. I then got afeard the child was clean crazy, and when I was in the act of rising to catch hold of him, says he, "Father, the earth is not flat, it is a round ball and goes round." "Och, och," says I, "that spalpeen of a school master has driven my son mad."... So I calls a meeting, and my two colleages, Thomas Ginty and Edward Crawford, and myself, met at the school house and dismissed the rascal. When the leader of education of school section No. 5 ---- stopped, I turned to my companions, not knowing what qualifications were expected of me. The trustee continued:--"Can you read?" "Yes." "Can you cipher?" "Yes." "Do you know how to count by long division?" "I do." "You don't know grammar?" Here was the crucial test. I resolved, however, to get out of it the best way possible, and replied:--"I don't like grammar, and don't know much about it," which was true. "Good." The trustee smiled sweetly and said:--"The school is yours; but, remember, no grammar or jography, or out you go." I was taken to the other trustees, and in their presence I was put through the same examination as above recorded. The bargain was struck there and then. I was promised fifteen dollars a month board from house to house, with the condition that I should put on the fires in winter, and keep the school house clean--a herculean task in those days. On the morning that I was to assume my pedagogic duties, I arrived at the school house about 8 a.m., and at once proceeded to build a fire. I never can forget the feeling of utter loneliness which came over me, as I stood opposite a fireplace wide enough to accommodate an ox. On the walls of the building were three maps, of what countries I do not now remember, because geography was proscribed during my _regime_. Daylight was seen through the walls. The seats were of the most primitive character, while my own desk resembled more the top of a toboggan slide than the rostrum of one who was teaching the young idea how to shoot. There was no fence round the building, the play ground being illimitable in its dimensions and capacities. In short the whole of the surroundings of this rural academy congealed all literary aspirations, and it was little wonder that the boys and girls meeting there, and pretending to be drinking at the fountain of knowledge, grew up utterly destitute of the first principles of a rational and suitable education. The children arrived, and I immediately began to assert my authority as the head of the institution. I made a short speech, telling the children that nothing would be taught in my school but reading, writing and 'rithmetic, adding that the ten commandments would be included in the curriculum. I got along famously that day with the pupils, and as I was told afterwards, when my charges went home and told their parents the new order of things, I was universally pronounced the greatest teacher of the age. I lodged that night with Trustee Fallis, my examiner. He was delighted with the reports given by Bill of my mode of teaching, and in a moment of confidence told me that the school was mine as long as I liked to keep it. I humbly thanked him, and retired to my room, where I found Bill, the heir of the house, in innocent slumber. Bill did not by any means prove a pleasant bed-fellow. Occasionally his feet were found where his head should be, and he repeatedly called out, "No grammar! Hurrah!" Next morning I rose, and after breakfast majestically strode through two feet of snow to the log school house, and then put in another day's grinding. At four o'clock the trustees met and handed me a badly written and worse spelled manuscript, which on perusal I found to be the list of houses I was to board at during the coming three months.... Now, sir, continued the dominie, I put in a whole year of that kind of work; listened to all the gossip of the neighborhood, slept occasionally on the floor, nursed all the babies of the section, and just as I thought that my position was secure, disaster overcame me. One of the trustees had a daughter of prepossessing appearance, and I could not resist the temptation of falling in love with her. When the news got abroad that I was paying attentions to her, the section began to talk adversely of myself. Complaints were soon heard as to my teaching. Some said that I was teaching grammar on the sly, and that I was partial to some of the children. The result of it all was that a meeting of the board took place, and, despite the protests of Thomas Ginty, I was, in the language of modern times, "fired." "Now," continued the old teacher, "the moral of what I told you is this:--Compare the log school house, its internal arrangements and play grounds, with those of to-day throughout the whole country, and you have the greatest exemplification possible of the progress made by Ontario during the last quarter of a century. There is scarcely a section now but has its brick school house, with surroundings attractive and neat. The teacher is given ample opportunity to cultivate the minds of his pupils to the highest pitch possible, at least as far as requisite for the general affairs of life. The old prejudices against teaching anything else but the three R's are gone. You have the walls of the buildings ornamented with maps, charts and other appliances. Text-books are provided of the most modern character, while a rigid system of examinations acts as an incentive to the teacher and makes him an instructor in fact and reality. Lastly, we have an intelligent and cultured class of teachers, and taking all things into consideration, they are well paid, and still better, their services are year by year becoming more appreciated. A better class of people now act in the capacity of trustees, and as years roll by a still more intelligent class will be found in these positions. REMINISCENCES OF EDUCATION IN THE CITY OF HAMILTON IN 1852. In conversation with a Reporter of the _Hamilton Times_ in 1888, Mr. James Cummings, who, after thirty-seven years service on the City Board of Education, thus related his early educational experience:-- "At the time I first became connected with the board in 1852," said Mr. Cummings, "education was at rather a low ebb, not only in Hamilton, but throughout the country. Dr. Ryerson had just commenced his excellent common school scheme and in 1847, had established a training school for teachers in Toronto. Hamilton had decided to adopt the common school system and the reorganization of the schools was just being effected. Previous to that time the education of the children of the better class was almost wholly in the hands of private school teachers. There were a few small school rooms in the different wards, but they were wretched places, where usually fifty children were crowded into a small room reeking with fetid atmosphere. On the site of the present Cannon street school was a small frame grammar school, at which many of the present leading citizens received the ground-work of their education. A great reform was inaugurated here in the year 1852. Under the new Ryerson Act of 1850 trustees were clothed with new powers, and we immediately proceeded to reorganize the schools here on the new plan. Tenders were let for the erection of the present Central school and for ward schools in different parts of the city. Mr. (now Dr. J. H.) Sangster was appointed head master, and to him was entrusted the appointment of teachers, and he was made responsible for the efficiency of the schools. He had been a teacher in the Ryerson model school in Toronto, and he appointed as his assistants thoroughly trained graduates of that excellent institution. This was the founding of Hamilton's excellent common school system. It kept improving from year to year and soon closed out the private schools. Larger ward schools were erected, and since that day Hamilton has taken a high position educationally in the Province." EDUCATION IN THE COUNTY OF SIMCOE, 1852-1872. Dr. Ryerson was invited to open the new Public School in the town of Barrie in 1872. Before the ceremony was proceeded with a letter was read from Judge (now the Hon. Senator) Gowan, who was unable to be present, referring to his long services in the cause of education in the County of Simcoe. He said:-- "Ever since I came to this country, nearly thirty years ago, I have been connected with the school system, having held the office of Trustee of the Grammar School, and the position of Chairman of the Board of Public Instruction from its first institution till superseded by recent enactment, and, with the exception of my friend, Mr. Dallas, I am the only member of the original Board now living. "I have seen the gradual improvement in the school system, and the improvement in the schools in this country from very small beginnings to the present advanced and most prosperous condition, so you will understand my disappointment in not being able to be present on the interesting occasion of laying the corner-stone of the Public School house of Barrie, by the Chief Superintendent of Education. "My position as Secretary and Treasurer of the Grammar School, and Chairman of the Board of Public Instruction, in this, the largest county in Ontario, brought me in constant communication with the Education Office in Toronto; and I can say that the able, zealous, and wise administration of the school law by Dr. Ryerson and his assistant, Dr. Hodgins, has, here at least, had a happy effect--fostering the increase of schools, securing their better management, giving them efficient teachers, and providing the means, within easy access to all, of securing a good common education to the youth of this country, and a very superior education in the Grammar Schools." Mr. (now Judge) Boys, gave a sketch of the educational history of Barrie as follows: "Twenty years ago there was no Public or Common School, not, however, without school accommodation, as we were then included in what was known as School Section No. 1 of the adjoining Township of Vespra. We had no building specially set apart as a school house, but a rented room then sufficed to carry on the daily teaching embraced within the section.... Twenty years ago one teacher took charge of all our scholars--both male and female--and if there is any doubt as to his labor having been great, there can be none as to his salary having been small, for he subsisted on a sum of £60 per annum. "In January, 1854, Barrie became possessed of a school of its own, and built a school house of frame 24 × 36, just about large enough to fill up one room in the building we are now erecting. It was, no doubt, at the time it was built, amply large, yet I find, from the record of the school, that such was the growth of the town by September, 1854, non-residents were refused admittance to the Barrie school on the ground of its over-crowded state, the average attendance of males being seventy--the females were then taught in another building by a female teacher. This state of things continued for nearly a year, when a separate school was established for Barrie, which brought some relief to the over-crowded building. But it was evident that more school accommodation would have to be supplied, and I see by the minute book of the school, that a new school house was talked of so far back as January, 1855. The new school house, however, never came. The difficulty at last was settled by an enlargement of the old building, which then assumed the appearance it now presents. With the enlarged school house, supplemented by some rented rooms, the schools of Barrie have ever since continued to the present time. It took time to convince our people of the imperative necessity there was for a large outlay in providing a new school house. But the ratepayers became convinced at last, and gave their hearty approval to an expenditure which will enable us, during the next year, to erect a school building suitable to the place, and one worthy of the trouble you, sir, have taken to be present at its official commencement. During the time I refer to, a Grammar School building of brick was erected and enlarged, and a Separate School building put up. "To-day, with your kind assistance, we have inaugurated a system of Public School accommodation which, with our school known as the Barrie School, Separate and High Schools, will ultimately provide for the educational wants of the neighborhood. I use the expression 'inaugurated a system,' because I hope and trust that our efforts in this direction will not be slackened on the completion of this building.... We believe this building will be worthy of the honor you have done us in coming here to-day, we also believe at some future day, we shall have a system of Public School accommodation worthy of the life-long and successful efforts you have made to give to Ontario an almost perfect system of education. It is seldom that public men are asked to assist in building a monument to themselves, but I have asked you to do so on this occasion, for I look upon buildings of this nature as memorials of your well-directed public work during the last thirty years, and when you have gone to your long home, and the envy--aye--and the malice of your enemies are forgotten, your name associated with the noble work you have accomplished, will be handed down from generation to generation, and each school section throughout the country will contain a monument to your memory, as enduring as the foundations of this continent." CHAPTER VI. PERSONAL CHAPTER RELATING TO THE REV. DR. RYERSON. In Dr. Ryerson's personal sketch of his early history he gives the following particulars as to his student and teacher life: I was born on the 24th of March, 1803, in the Township of Charlotteville, near the Village of Vittoria, in the then London District, now the County of Norfolk.... The district grammar-school was then kept within half-a-mile of my father's residence, by Mr. James Mitchell (afterwards Judge Mitchell), an excellent classical scholar; he came from Scotland with the late Rt. Rev. Dr. Strachan, first Bishop of Toronto. He treated me with much kindness. When I recited to him my lessons in English grammar he often said that he had never studied the English grammar himself, that he wrote and spoke English by the Latin grammar. At the age of fourteen I had the opportunity of attending a course of instruction in the English language given by two professors, the one an Englishman, and the other an American, who taught nothing but English grammar. They professed in one course of instruction, by lectures, to enable a diligent pupil to parse any sentence in the English language. I was sent to attend these lectures, the only boarding abroad for school instruction I ever enjoyed. My previous knowledge of the _letter_ of the grammar was of great service to me, and gave me an advantage over other pupils, so that before the end of the course I was generally called up to give visitors an illustration of the success of the system, which was certainly the most effective I have ever since witnessed, having charts, etc., to illustrate the agreement and government of words. This whole course of instruction by two able men, who did nothing but teach grammar from one week's end to another had to me all the attraction of a charm and a new discovery. It gratified both curiosity and ambition, and I pursued it with absorbing interest, until I had gone through Murray's two volumes of "Expositions and Exercises," Lord Kames' "Elements of Criticism," and Blair's "Lectures on Rhetoric," of which I still have the notes which I then made. The same professors obtained sufficient encouragement to give a second course of instruction and lectures at Vittoria, and one of them becoming ill, the other solicited my father to allow me to assist him, as it would be useful to me, while it would enable him to fulfil his engagements. Thus, before I was sixteen, I was inducted as a teacher, by lecturing on my native language. This course of instruction, and exercises in English, have proved of the greatest advantage to me, not less in enabling me to study foreign languages than in using my own. While working on the farm I did more than ordinary day's work, that I might show how industrious, instead of lazy, as some said, religion made a person. I studied between three and six o'clock in the morning, carried a book in my pocket during the day to improve odd moments by reading or learning, and then reviewed my studies of the day aloud while walking out in the evening.... A kind friend offered to give me any book that I would commit to memory, and submit to his examination of the same. In this way I obtained my first Latin grammar, "Watts on the Mind," and "Watts' Logic." My eldest brother, George, after the war, went to Union College, U. S., where he finished his collegiate studies. He was a fellow-student with the late Dr. Wayland, and afterwards succeeded my brother-in-law as Master of the London District Grammar School. His counsels, examinations, and ever kind assistance were a great encouragement and of immense service to me. I felt a strong desire to pursue further my classical studies, and determined, with the kind counsel and aid of my eldest brother, to proceed to Hamilton, and place myself for a year under the tuition of a man of high reputation both as a scholar and a teacher, the late John Law, Esq., then head master of the Gore District Grammar School. I applied myself with such ardour, and prepared such an amount of work in both Latin and Greek, that Mr. Law said it was impossible for him to give the time and hear me read all that I had prepared, and that he would, therefore, examine me on the translation and construction of the more difficult passages, remarking more than once that it was impossible for any human mind to sustain long the strain that I was imposing upon mine.[58] In the course of some six months his apprehensions were realized, as I was seized with a brain fever, and on partially recovering took cold, which resulted in inflammation of the lungs by which I was so reduced that my physician, the late Dr. James Graham, of Norfolk, pronounced my case hopeless, and my death was hourly expected. [58] Having written to the late Hon. Samuel Mills for his recollections of these school days, Mr. Mills replied as follows: "I have a distinct recollection of having had the honor of being at the Hamilton Grammar School with yourself in the years 1823 and 1824, and that the late John Law was head master at the time. He was considered a highly educated and accomplished scholar, and was so well qualified for the position he held, that the school had a provincial reputation and was patronized by many parties living at a great distance by sending their sons to it; and the very fact of your attending the school gave éclat to it, as you were then considered a well educated young man, far in advance of the rest of us. Your studies, if my recollection serves me right, were confined entirely to reading Latin and Greek, and I know Mr. Law and the whole school looked upon you as being a credit to it." After a severe illness Dr. Ryerson happily recovered. His narrative states that, "the next day after my recovery, I left home and became usher in the London District Grammar School, applying myself to my new work with much diligence and earnestness, so that I soon succeeded in gaining the good-will of parents and pupils, and they were quite satisfied with my services,--leaving the head master to his favorite pursuits of gardening and building! In 1872, Dr. Ryerson wrote to Mr. Simpson McCall, of Vittoria and asked: "Will you have the kindness to let me know what is your own recollection as to the attendance at the school, especially in the winter months, and the impression of the neighborhood generally as to its efficiency during the two years that I taught it?" Mr. McCall replied as follows: I can assure you that I have a vivid recollection of the London District School during the winters of 1821 and 1822, being an attendant myself. I also remember several of the scholars with whom I associated, viz: H. V. A. Rapelje, Esq., late Sheriff of the County of Norfolk; Capt. Joseph Bostwick, of Port Stanley; James and Hannah Moore. The number generally attending during the winters of those two years, if I remember correctly, were from forty to fifty. The school while under your charge was well and efficiently conducted, and was so considered and appreciated throughout the neighborhood at the time; and after you left the charge of the London District School it was generally regretted in the neighborhood. I remember hearing this frequently remarked not only by pupils who attended the school under your tuition but also by their parents. "During two years I was thus teacher and student, advancing considerably in classical studies, I took great delight in "Locke on the Human Understanding," Paley's "Moral and Political Philosophy," and "Blackstone's Commentaries," especially the sections of the latter on the Prerogatives of the Crown, the Rights of the subject, and the Province of Parliament." In an address before the Ontario Teachers' Association in 1872, Dr. Ryerson said: "As it has of late been stated, so confidently and largely, that he had yet to learn the elements of his native tongue. Such had been the representations on the subject, that he had begun to suspect his own identity, and to ask himself whether it was not a delusion that he had in boyhood not only studied, but, as he supposed, had mastered Murray's two octavo volumes of English Grammar and Kame's Elements of Criticism and Blair's Rhetoric, of which he still had the notes that he made in early life; and had been called to assist teaching a special class of young persons in English Grammar when he was only fifteen years of age; and whether it was not a fancy that he had taught, as he supposed, with some degree of acceptance and success, what was then known as the London District Grammar School for two years, and had subsequently placed himself for a year under an accomplished scholar in order to read Latin and Greek. Somewhat disturbed by these doubts, he thought he would satisfy himself by writing to the only two gentlemen with whom he was now acquainted, who knew him in these early relations. In reference to these statements he would read the correspondence on the subject." (See the foot notes appended.) THE REV. DR. RYERSON AS A TEACHER. As to Dr. Ryerson's influence as a teacher, Rev. Dr. Ormiston thus referred to it at the Ontario Teacher's Convention in 1872. He said: "The teacher has a reward peculiar to his work--a living, lasting memorial of his worth. The feelings of loving reverence which we entertain for those who have awakened our intellectual life, and guided us in our earliest attempts at the acquisition of knowledge, are as enduring as they are grateful. I shall never forget, as I can never repay, the obligations under which I lie to the venerable and honorable Chief Superintendent, Dr. Ryerson, not only for the kindly paternal greeting with which, as principal, he welcomed me, a raw, timid, untutored lad, on my first entrance into Victoria College, when words of encouragement fell like dew-drops on my heart, and for the many acts of thoughtful generosity which aided me in my early career, and for the faithful friendship and Christian sympathy which has extended over nearly thirty years, unbroken and unclouded, a friendship which, strengthened and intensified by prolonged and endearing intimacy, I now cherish as one of the highest honors and dearest delights of my life; but especially for the quickening, energizing influence of his instructions as professor, when he taught me how to think, to reason and to learn. How I enjoyed the hours spent in his lecture-room--hours of mental and moral growth never to be forgotten! I owe him much, and but for his presence here to-day, I would say more of what I think and feel of his character and worth. He has won for himself a place in the heart of many a young Canadian, and his name will be ever associated with the educational advantages and history of Ontario. May he be spared for many years to see the result of his labors, in the growing prospects and success of the common schools and educational institutions of this noble and prosperous province, whose best interests he has patriotically done so much to promote." In 1882, after Dr. Ryerson's death, Dr. Ormiston thus referred to his experience at Victoria College, then under Dr. Ryerson's presidency. He said:-- "In the autumn of 1843, I went to Victoria College, doubting much whether I was prepared to matriculate as a freshman. Though my attainments in some of the subjects prescribed for examination were far in advance of the requirements, in other subjects I knew I was sadly deficient. On the evening of my arrival, while my mind was burdened with the importance of the step I had taken, and by no means free from anxiety about the issue, Dr. Ryerson, at that time Principal of the College, visited me in my room. I shall never forget that interview. He took me by the hand; and few men could express as much by a mere hand-shake as he. It was a welcome, an encouragement, an inspiration, and an earnest of future fellowship and friendship. It lessened the timid awe I naturally felt towards one in such an elevated position--I had never before seen a Principal of a College--it dissipated all boyish awkwardness and awakened filial confidence. He spoke of Scotland, my native land, and of her noble sons, distinguished in every branch of philosophy and literature; specially of the number, the diligence, the frugality, self-denial and success of her college students. In this way he soon led me to tell him of my parentage, past life and efforts, present hopes and aspirations. His manner was so gracious and paternal--his sympathy so quick and genuine--his counsel so ready and cheering--his assurances so grateful and inspiriting, that not only was my heart _his_ from that hour, but my future career seemed brighter and more certain than it had ever appeared before. "Many times in after years have I been instructed, and guided, and delighted with his conversation, always replete with interest and information; but that first interview I can never forget, it is as fresh and clear to me to-day as it was on the morning after it took place. It has exerted a profound, enduring, moulding influence on my whole life. For what, under God, I am, and have been enabled to achieve, I owe more to that noble, unselfish, kind-hearted man than to any one else. "As a teacher he was earnest and efficient, eloquent and inspiring, but he expected and exacted rather too much work from the average student. His own ready and affluent mind sympathized keenly with the apt, bright scholar, to whom his praise was warmly given, but he scarcely made sufficient allowance for the dullness or lack of previous preparation which failed to keep pace with him in his long and rapid strides; hence his censures were occasionally severe. His methods of examination furnished the very best kind of mental discipline, fitted alike to cultivate the memory and to strengthen the judgment. All the students revered him, but the best of the class appreciated him most. His counsels were faithful and judicious; his admonitions paternal and discriminating; his rebukes seldom administered, but scathingly severe. No student ever left his presence, without resolving to do better, to aim higher, and to win his approval." THE REV. DR. RYERSON AND HIS NATIVE COUNTY OF NORFOLK. Mr. P. K. Olyne, in the _New Dominion Monthly_ for July, 1869, in an article on "Norfolk, or the Long-Point County," thus referrs to its settlement and to the boyhood there of Dr. Ryerson:-- "After undergoing many hardships which were only a foretaste of what they had to endure in the future, a company arrived in the Long Point region about the year 1780. This was then a solitary wilderness. These pioneer Loyalists went to work with zeal unsurpassed in clearing away the forest, in building roads and erecting houses as commodious as it was possible to erect out of rude materials. Among those who first came to the Long Point country, worthy of particular notice, were Colonel Ryerson, Colonel Backhouse, Walsh and Tisdale. In the pioneer home of Joseph Ryerson might have been seen a remarkably bright lad. Being extremely fond of books, he spent his spare moments in studying. So regular was his habits in this respect, that when a neighbour would drop in and ask for Egerton, the answer was sure to be: "You will find him in such a place, with a book." Notwithstanding he was placed in a position where opportunities for gaining an education were very meagre indeed, yet he overcame all obstacles--obstacles that he could not forget in after life, and which, like a true patriot, he set himself to remove. How much Dr. Egerton Ryerson, Chief Superintendent of Education, has done for the educational interests of Canada the reader is left to judge for himself. Of late the Doctor has made a practice of visiting the home of his childhood annually. Not always by rail and stage has he accomplished the journey from Toronto, but still clinging to the sport of his youthful days he would set forward in an open boat, and paddling it himself along the shores of the lakes would finally reach the place so dear to him, and which, no doubt, brought afresh to his memory many recollections both joyous and sad. "A rude log schoolhouse was constructed by the early settlers as soon as they could do so conveniently. A fire-place extended along nearly a whole side of the building. Logs of considerable length were rolled into this in cold weather for fuel, before which rude benches or hewed logs were placed as seats for the instructor and pupils. The close of the teacher's term was denominated "the last day." It was customary on this occasion for the children to turn the pedagogue out of doors by force, and for this purpose some whiskey was generally provided as a stimulant. Such was the state of educational institutions in the days of young Ryerson. What advancement has education made since? We trace it step by step as onward it has advanced, until to-day Norfolk can proudly boast of institutions and teachers second to none of the kind in the world." In 1851, Dr. Ryerson sent to each County Council specimens of maps, charts, natural history, prints, etc., to the value of $30, the Council of the County of Norfolk, acknowledged the gift in a very hearty manner. In reply to the County Council, Dr. Ryerson said:-- From the Municipal Council of my native county, I have never experienced unkind opposition, but have been encouraged by its patriotic co-operation: and it affords me no small satisfaction, that that same Council is the first in Upper Canada to acknowledge the receipt of the documents and maps referred to--that the resolution of the Council was seconded by an old school-fellow,[59] and couched in terms to me the most gratifying and encouraging; and that my first official letter of a new year, relates to topics which call up the earliest associations of my youth, and are calculated to prompt and impel me to renewed exertions for the intellectual and social advancement of my native land. [59] Mr. I. W. Powell, M.P.P., father of Colonel Powell, Adjutant-General of Canada. To the County Board of Public Instruction he said: "I hope the poorest boy in my native County may have access to a better common school than existed there when I was a lad. What I witnessed and felt in my boyhood, gave birth to the strongest impulses of my own mind, to do what I could to place the means and facilities of mental development and culture within the reach of every youth in the land." "I am more than gratified, I am profoundly impressed, that such efforts are made for the interests of the young, and of future generations in the County of Norfolk. That county is dear to me by a thousand tender recollections; and I still seem to hear in the midst of it, a voice issuing from a mother's grave, as was wont formerly from the living tongue, telling me that the only life worthy the name, is that which makes man one with his fellow-men, and with his country." In September, 1864, Dr. Ryerson thus referred to the trip in his frail skiff to his native county of Norfolk in the preceding month: "In my lonely voyage from Toronto to Port Ryerse the scene was often enchanting and the solitude sweet beyond expression. I have witnessed the setting sun amidst the Swiss and Tyrolese Alps from lofty elevations, on the plains of Lombardy, from the highest eminence of the Appenines, between Bologna and Florence, and from the crater summit of Vesuvius, but I was never more delighted and impressed (owing, perhaps, in part to the susceptible state of my feelings) with the beauty, effulgence, and even sublimity of atmospheric phenomena, and the softened magnificence of surrounding objects, than in witnessing the setting sun on the 23rd of June, from the unruffled bosom of Lake Erie, a few miles east of Port Dover, and about a mile from the thickly wooded shore, with its deepening and variously reflected shadows. And when the silent darkness enveloped all this beauty, and grandeur, and magnificence in undistinguishable gloom, my mind experienced that wonderful sense of freedom and relief which come from all that suggests the idea of boundlessness--the deep sky, the dark night, the endless circle, the illimitable waters. The world with its tumult of cares seemed to have retired, and God and His works appeared all in all, suggesting the enquiry which faith and experience promptly answered in the affirmative-- With glorious clouds encompassed round Whom angels dimly see; Will the unsearchable be found; Will God appear to me? "My last remark is the vivifying influence and unspeakable pleasure of visiting scenes endeared to me by many tender, and comparatively few painful recollections. Amid the fields, woods, out-door exercises, and associations of the first twenty years of my life, I have seemed to forget the sorrows, labors and burdens of more than two score years, and be transported back to what was youthful, simple, healthy, active, and happy. I can heartily sympathise with the feelings of Sir Walter Scott when, in reply to Washington Irving, who had expressed disapprobation in the scenery of the Tweed, immortalized by the genius of the border minstrel, he said: "'It may be partiality, but to my eyes these gray hills and all this wild border country have beauties peculiar to themselves. I like the very nakedness of the land. It has something bold, and stern, and solitary about it. When I have been for some time in the rich scenery of Edinburgh, which is ornamented garden land, I begin to wish myself back again among my honest gray hills, and if I did not see the heather at least once a year I think I should die.' "Last autumn I lodged two weeks on the farm on which I was born, with the family of Mr. Joseph Duncan, where the meals were taken daily in a room the wood-work of which I, as an amateur carpenter, had finished more than forty years ago, while recovering from a long and serious illness."[60] [60] The island within Long Point, which Mr. Ryerson's father obtained from the Crown, but which then belonged to him, was marked on old maps as Pottshawk Point, but designated on later maps, and more generally known, as "Ryerson's Island." CLOSING OFFICIAL ACTS AND UTTERANCES OF DR. RYERSON. An entire revision and consolidation of the laws relating to public and high schools took place in 1874, in which Dr. Ryerson took a leading part. But the revision related chiefly to details and to the supply of former omissions in the law. The last important official act of Dr. Ryerson was to arrange for the educational exhibit of the department at the Centennial Exhibition in 1876. That was most successfully carried out; and, at the close of that exhibition, the following highly gratifying "award" was communicated to the then venerable ex-chief, after he had retired from office. The award was made by the American Centennial Commission, and was to the following effect: For a quite complete and admirably arranged exhibition, illustrating the Ontario system of education and its excellent results; also for the efficiency of an administration which has gained for the Ontario Department a most honorable distinction among government educational agencies. This award was quite a gratification to the now retired chief of the Department, then in his seventy-third year, and amply repaid him, as he said, for many years of anxious toil and solicitude, while it was a gratifying and unlooked-for compensation for all of the undeserved opposition which he had encountered while laying the foundations of our educational system. In a letter to a friend toward the close of his official career, Dr. Ryerson thus explained the principles upon which he had conducted the educational affairs of the Province during his long administration of them. He said:-- During these many years I have organized and administered the Education Department upon the broad and impartial principles which I have always advocated. During the long period of my administration of the Department I knew neither religious sect nor political party; I knew no party other than that of the country at large; I never exercised any patronage for personal or party purposes; I never made or recommended one of the numerous appointments of teachers in the Normal or Model Schools, or clerk in the education office, except upon the ground of testimonials as to personal characters and qualifications, and on a probationary trial of six months. * * * * * I believe this is the true method of managing all the public departments, and every branch of the public service. I believe it would contribute immensely to both the efficiency and economy of the public service. * * * It would greatly elevate the standard of action and attainments and stimulate the ambition of the young men of the country, when they know that their selection and advancement in their country's service depended upon their individual merits, irrespective of sect or party, and not as the reward of zeal as political partisans in elections or otherwise, on their own part, or on that of their fathers or relatives. The power of a government in a country is immense for good or ill. It is designed by the Supreme Being to be a "minister of God for good" to a whole people, without partiality, as well as without hypocrisy, like the rays of the sun; and the administration of infinite wisdom and justice and truth and purity. * * * * * I know it has been contended that party patronage * * * is an essential element in the existence of a government. * * * The Education Department has existed--and it is the highest public department in Upper Canada--for more than thirty years without such an element, with increasing efficiency and increasing strength, in the public estimation, during the whole of that period. Justice, and virtue, and patriotism, and intelligence are stronger elements of power and usefulness than those of rewarding partisans; and if the rivalship and competition of public men should consist in devising and promoting measures for the advancement of the country and in exercising the executive power most impartially and intelligently for the best interests of all classes, then the moral standard of government and of public men would be greatly exalted, and the highest civilization of the whole country be advanced. In a series of letters published in defence of his administration of the Education Department in 1872, he thus pointed out the character of his difficult and delicate task. He also gave a brief glance at what had been accomplished by the Department since he took office in 1844. He said:-- The Department of which I have had charge since 1844, and during several administrations of government, is confessedly the most difficult and complicated, if not the most important, of any department of the public service. Since 1844, it has devolved on me to frame laws, and to devise, develop, and administer a system of public instruction for the people of this Province. That system has been more eulogized by both English and American educationists, and more largely adopted in other British colonies, on both sides of the globe, than any other system of public instruction in America. The system of popular education in Ontario has opened a free school to every child in the land, and proclaimed his right to its advantages; it has planted a school house in nearly every neighborhood, and in hundreds of instances, made the school house the best building in the neighborhood; it has superseded the topers and broken-down characters, so common as teachers of a former age, by a class of teachers not excelled in morals by the teachers of any other country, and who, as a whole, compare favorably in qualifications with those of any State in America; it has achieved a uniformity of excellent text-books, earnestly prayed for by educators in the neighboring States, and has spread throughout the land books of useful and entertaining knowledge to the number of nearly a million of volumes; it is the nearest approach to a voluntary system of any public school system in the world; and it has developed larger resources than that of any other State in America, in proportion to the wealth and number of inhabitants. This unparalleled success is due to the Christian feeling, the energy, patriotism and liberality of the people of this Province; but it has been imposed on me to construct the machinery, devise the facilities and agencies by which so great a work has been accomplished, and to do what I could to encourage my fellow-countrymen in its promotion. The administration of laws generally is by learned judges, by the pleadings of learned counsel, and the deliberations of selected juries; but the administration of the school law and system is through the agency of several hundred elected councils, and nearly twenty thousand elected trustees,--thus embodying, not the learned professions, but the intelligence, common sense, feelings and interests of the people at large in the work of school administration and local self-government. REASONS FOR DR. RYERSON'S RETIREMENT AS CHIEF SUPERINTENDENT OF EDUCATION. In "The Story of My Life," I gave the following reasons, amongst others, which induced Dr. Ryerson to propose a change in the headship of the Education Department. I said: "For many years after confederation Dr. Ryerson felt that the new political condition of the Province, which localized, as well as circumscribed, its civil administration of affairs, required a change in the management of the Education Department. He, therefore, (as early as in 1868, and again in 1872) urged upon the Government the desirability of relieving him from the anomalous position in which he found himself placed under the new system. The reasons which he urged for his retirement are given in a pamphlet devoted to a 'defence' of the system of education, which he published in 1872, and are as follows:-- "When political men have made attacks upon the school law, or the school system and myself, and I have answered them, then the cry has been raised by my assailants and their abettors, that I was interfering with politics. They would assail me without stint, in hopes of crushing me, and then gag me against all defence or reply. "So deeply did I feel the disadvantage and growing evil of this state of things to the department and school system itself, that I proposed, four years ago last December, to retire from the department, and recommended the creation and appointment of a Minister of Public Instruction. My resignation was not accepted, nor my recommendation adopted; when, two months later, I proposed that, at the commencement of each session of the legislature, a committee of seven or nine (including the Provincial Secretary for the time being) should be elected by ballot, or by mutual agreement of the leading men of both parties, on the Education Department; which committee should examine into all the operations of the department for the year then ending, consider the school estimates, and any bill or recommendations which might be submitted for the advancement of the school system, and report to the house accordingly. By many thoughtful men, this system has been considered more safe, more likely to secure a competent and working head of the department, and less liable to make the school system a tool of party politics, than for the head of it to have a seat in Parliament, and thus leave the educational interests of the country dependent upon the votes of a majority of electors in one riding. This recommendation, submitted on the 30th of January, 1869, has not yet been adopted; and I am left isolated, responsible in the estimation of legislators and everybody else for the department--the target of every attack, whether in the newspapers or in the Legislative Assembly, yet without any access to it or to its members, except through the press, and no other support than the character of my work and the general confidence of the public." DR. RYERSON'S LETTER OF RESIGNATION IN 1868 AND REPLY TO IT. The salient points of Dr. Ryerson's letter of resignation, dated 7th December, 1868, and addressed to Hon. M. C. Cameron, Provincial Secretary, are as follows:-- "I have the honor to submit to the favourable consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor in Council what, some three weeks since, I submitted to the individual members of the Government, namely, that "The Department of Public Instruction shall be under the management of a member of the Executive Council, to be designated 'Minister of Public Instruction,' who shall be an _ex officio_ member of the Toronto University and of the Council of Public Instruction, and who, in addition to the powers and functions vested in the Chief Superintendent of Education, shall have the oversight of all educational institutions which are or may be, aided by public endowment or legislative grant, to inspect and examine, from time to time, personally or any person appointed by him, into the character and working of such institution; and by him shall all public moneys be paid in support or aid of such institutions, and to him they will report at such times and in such manner as he shall direct.... "Our system of public instruction has acquired such gigantic dimensions, and the network of its operations so pervades every municipality of the land, and is so interwoven with our municipal and judicial systems of government, that I think its administration should now be vested in a responsible Minister of the Crown, with a seat in Parliament; and that I should not stand in the way of the application to our varied educational interests of that ministerial responsibility, which is sound in principle and wise in policy. During the past year I have presented a report on school systems in other countries, with a view of improving my own; and the Legislative Assembly has appointed a Select Committee for the same purpose. I have, therefore, thought this was the proper time to suggest the modification and extension of the Department of Public Instruction.... "While, in addition to the duties imposed upon me by law as Chief Superintendent of Education, I have voluntarily established a system of providing the municipal and school authorities with libraries, text-books and every description of school furniture and school apparatus--devising and developing their domestic manufacture. I have thus saved the country very many thousands of dollars in the prices as well as the quality of the books, maps, etc., etc. I can truly say that I have not derived one farthing's advantage from any of these arrangements, beyond the consciousness of conferring material, intellectual and social benefits upon the country."... To this letter the Government of the Hon. J. Sandfield Macdonald replied, through Provincial Secretary Cameron, on the 30th of January, 1869, as follows:-- "In acknowledging your letter of the 7th December last, placing your resignation of the office of Chief Superintendent of Education in the hands of His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor, and suggesting that the Department of Public Instruction should be placed under the more direct management of the Government, through a Minister, to be designated 'the Minister of Public Instruction,' holding a place in the Executive Council and a seat in the Legislative Assembly, thus bringing this department, in common with all other branches of the Government, within the control of the people through the responsible advisers of the Crown. I am directed by His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor, to thank you for the valuable suggestions contained in your letter, and to request that you will continue to discharge those important duties, which you have performed for a quarter of a century with so much credit to yourself and benefit to the people of this Province, until His Excellency's advisers shall have more fully considered your suggestions, and matured a measure for placing your department under the direct supervision of a member of the Executive Council. "The services that you have rendered your country, and your now advanced age, fully warrant your asking to be relieved from the further discharge of your arduous duties; but knowing your vigor of mind and energy of character, His Excellency ventures to hope that compliance with the request now made will not prove too great a tax upon your energies, or interfere seriously with any other plans you may have formed for the employment of the remaining years of a life devoted to the moral and intellectual improvement of your fellowmen." To this letter Dr. Ryerson replied on the 30th January, 1869, as follows:-- "I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date conveying the most kind expression of his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor in regard to myself and my past humble services, and the request that I would continue in my present office until His Excellency's advisers should be able to mature a measure to give effect to the recommendations of my letter of 7th of December last respecting the direct responsibility of the Education Department to Parliament, and the creation of the office of Minister of Public Instruction to be filled by a responsible Minister of the Crown, having a seat in Parliament. The more than kind reference to myself on the part of His Excellency has deeply affected me, and for which I desire to express my most heartfelt thanks. "I beg to assure you for the satisfaction of His Excellency that I will subordinate every inclination and contemplated engagement, to the great work of the Education Department and the system of Public Instruction, as long as I have strength and may be desired by the constituted authorities to do so. "I have found that the apprehensions first expressed by the Hon. M. C. Cameron, as Chairman of the Education Committee of the Legislative Assembly during the late session, that connecting the Department of Public Instruction with the political Ministry of the day might draw the system of Public Instruction into the arena of party politics and thus impede its progress, is largely shared in by thoughtful men, and that my recommendation has been coldly received generally, and strongly objected to in many quarters. "Under these circumstances I have been led to review the whole question; and aided by the experience which the recent session of the Legislature has afforded, I would respectfully suggest that, until a better system can be devised, a committee of say seven or nine members of the Legislative Assembly (to be presided over by the Provincial Secretary) be elected by ballot, (or if not by ballot, by the mutual agreement of the leaders of both parties in the House,) at the commencement of each session, to examine into the working, and report upon all matters relating to the Education Department and its administration, as well as upon any measures which might be suggested for the promotion of Public Instruction. The Provincial Secretary, being _ex officio_ Chairman of such Committee, would be able to bring before it any thing that had required the interposition of, or had been brought before the Government during the year and meriting the attention of the Committee. The Committee being chosen by ballot, or by mutual agreement on both sides of the House, would preclude the character of party in its mode of appointment, and give weight and influence to its recommendations. In this way the Education Department, necessarily so identified with matters affecting popular progress and enlightenment would, it its whole administration be more directly responsible to Parliament and through it to the people than any other Public Department is now, and that without being identified or connected with any political party, and on the occasion of a vacancy in the Administration of the Department, a selection and appointment could be made free from the exigencies of party or of party elections, upon the simple and sole ground of qualifications for the office and with a view of promoting the interests of public education irrespective of sect or party." DR. RYERSON'S LETTER OF RESIGNATION IN 1872 AND REPLY TO IT. On the 10th of February, 1872, Dr. Ryerson addressed a letter to the Hon. Edward Blake, then Premier of Ontario, in which he said: "After much deliberation, I have thought it advisable to address you in respect to my long desired retirement from the Education Department, of which I have had charge longer than any Judge has ever occupied the Bench in Canada, and to a greater age.... "The infirmities of age must compel me to retire before long; and I have thought my immediate or early retirement would enable the Government to exercise its discretion more freely in regard to the Department, and system of Public Instruction.... "In case you concur in what I have above intimated, I would suggest the creation of the office of Minister of Public Instruction, and the appointment of yourself to it, as is the Premier in Lower Canada, bringing the University, U. C. College, Institutions of Deaf and Blind, as well as the Normal, High and Public Schools, under direct governmental supervision. "In the practical administration of the Education Department an abler, more judicious and reliable man cannot be found than Dr. Hodgins, who has been in the Department twenty-seven years--who was first educated to business in a retail store in Galt, and afterwards in a wholesale establishment in Hamilton with the Stinsons--clerk in the same establishment with Mr. Charles McGill, M.P., and was offered to be set up in business by the Stinsons or admitted as a partner within a year or so if he would remain, but he chose literature and went to Victoria College in 1840, where I found him; and on account of his punctuality, thoroughness, neatness, method, and excellent conduct, I appointed him on trial first clerk in my office in 1844; and having proved his ability, I wrote to him when I was in Europe, to come home to his widowed mother in Dublin, and spend a year in the great education office there, to learn the whole system and management--I having arranged with the late Archbishop Whately and other members of the National Board, to admit Mr. H. into their office to study the principles and details of its management and of the Normal and Model Schools connected with it. Mr. Hodgins did so at his own expense, and losing the salary for the year; at the end of which he returned to my office with the testimonials of the Irish National Board, as to his diligence and the thorough manner in which he had mastered the modes of proceeding in the several branches of that great Education Department. He also brought drawings, of his own make, of the Dublin Education Offices, Normal and Model Schools. Then since you know that Mr. Hodgins having taken his degree of M. A., has proceeded regularly to his degree of law in the Toronto University, and has been admitted to the Bar as Barrister at Law. He is, therefore, the most thoroughly trained man in all Canada for the Education Department; and is the ablest, most thorough administrator of a public department of any man with whom I have met. I think he has not been appreciated according to his merits; but should you create and fill the office of Minister of Public Instruction, you may safely confide the ordinary administration of the Education Department to Dr. Hodgins, with the title of my office. "In the meantime you can make yourself familiar with the principles and branches, and modes of its arrangement. Whatever you may find to approve of in my policy and course of procedure, I have no doubt you will have the fairness to avow and the patriotism to maintain, whatever may be your views and feelings in regard to myself, personally; and if you find defects in, and can improve upon, my plans or proceedings, no one will rejoice at your success more than myself. I enclose a printed paper, which will afford information of the details of the Department.... "I may add that should I retire from my present office, I would have no objections, if desired, to be appointed Member of the Council of Public Instruction and give any assistance I could in its proceedings as the result of my experience." * * * * * In his reply, dated 12th of February, 1872, Mr. Blake said:-- "I have your note of the 10th instant, marked private, proposing your retirement and the reconstruction of the Education Office, and enclosing copies of a former official correspondence on the same subject. At this late stage of the session, and under the present pressure of public business, there is no probability of our giving this matter the consideration which it deserves, and it must therefore be postponed till the recess, when, if you will have the goodness to put yourself in communication with the Provincial Secretary, as on the former occasion, the subject will receive the early and earnest attention of the Government."... * * * * * Nothing further was done in this matter until 1876, when Dr. Ryerson finally retired from office on full salary, after having filled his responsible post for nearly thirty-two years. A FEW WORDS, PERSONAL TO THE WRITER OF THIS RETROSPECT. Having been intimately concerned in all of the events and educational matters to which I have referred in the foregoing Retrospect, it may not be out of place for me to add a few words of a personal character in conclusion. At the end of this year I shall have completed my more than 45 years' service, as chief of the staff of the Education Department of Ontario. For over 40 years I enjoyed the personal friendship of the distinguished man whose memory we honor here to-day--32 years of which were passed in active and pleasant service under him. The day on which he took official leave of the Department was indeed a memorable one. As he bade farewell to each of his assistants in the office, he and they were deeply moved. He could not, however, bring himself to utter a word to me at our official parting, but as soon as he reached home he wrote to me the following tender and loving note:-- 171 VICTORIA STREET, TORONTO, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21ST, 1876. MY DEAR HODGINS,--I felt too deeply to-day when parting with you in the Office to be able to say a word. I was quite overcome with the thought of severing our official connection, which has existed between us for thirty-two years, during the whole of which time, without interruption, we have labored as one mind and heart in two bodies, and I believe with a single eye to promote the best interests of our country, irrespective of religious sect or political party--to devise, develop, and mature a system of instruction which embraces and provides for every child in the land a good education; good teachers to teach; good inspectors to oversee the Schools; good maps, globes, and text-books; good books to read; and every provision whereby Municipal Councils and Trustees can provide suitable accommodation, teachers, and facilities for imparting education and knowledge to the rising generation of the land. While I devoted the year 1845 to visiting educating countries and investigating their system of instruction, in order to devise one for our country, you devoted the same time in Dublin in mastering, under the special auspices of the Board of education there, the several different branches of their Education Office, in administering the system of National Education in Ireland, so that in the details of our Education Office here, as well as in our general school system, we have been enabled to build up the most extensive establishment in the country, leaving nothing, as far as I know, to be devised in the completeness of its arrangements, and in the good character and efficiency of its officers. Whatever credit or satisfaction may attach to the accomplishment of this work, I feel that you are entitled to share equally with myself. Although I know that you have been opposed to the change, yet could I have believed that I might have been of any service to you, or to others with whom I have labored so cordially, or that I could have advanced the school system, I would not have voluntarily retired from office.[61] But all circumstances considered, and entering within a few days upon my 74th year, I have felt that this was the time for me to commit to other hands the reins of the government of the public school system, and labor during the last hours of my day and life, in a more retired sphere. [61] This remark evidently refers to the oft expression of my dissent from Dr. Ryerson's views in regard to the important change which he had proposed to the Government for the future administration of the Education Department. It was one of the very few subjects on which I had occasion to differ from the views of my venerated friend. But my heart is, and ever will be, with you in its sympathies and prayers, and neither you nor yours will more truly rejoice in you success and happiness, than Your old life-long Friend and Fellow-laborer, E. RYERSON. J. GEORGE HODGINS, Esq., LL.D. While in England, in reply to a retrospective letter from me at the close of that eventful year, Dr. Ryerson wrote as follows:-- "LONDON, December 12th, 1876. "DEAR HODGINS,-- . . . . . . . . . . "Had we been enabled to work together, as in former years, we would have done great things for our country, and I could have died in the harness with you. But it was not to be so.... I have no doubt it will be seen that the hand of God is in this, as it has been in all our work together for more than thirty years. "Your ever Affectionate Friend, "E. RYERSON. "J. GEORGE HODGINS, Esq., LL.D." Under these circumstances how can I, therefore, regard without emotion the events of to-day? They bring vividly to my recollection many memorable incidents and interesting events of our educational past known only to myself. They also deeply impress me with the fleeting and transitory nature of all things human. The Chief and sixteen counsellors, appointed and elected to assist him, (besides more than twenty persons connected with various branches of the Department) have all passed away since my first connection with the Department in 1844.[62] His great work remains, however, and his invaluable services to the country we all gratefully recall to-day, while his native land lovingly acknowledges these services in erecting this noble monument to his memory. Truly indeed and faithfully did Egerton Ryerson make good his promise to the people of this Province, when he solemnly pledged himself, on accepting office in 1844-- "To provide for my native country a system of education, and facilities for intellectual improvement not second to those of any country in the world." God grant that the seed sown and the foundations thus laid with such anxious toil and care--and yet in faith--may prove to be one of our richest heritages, so that in the future, wisdom and knowledge, in the highest and truest sense, may be the stability of our times! J. G. H. Toronto, 24th May, 1889. [62] These sixteen were:-- 1. The Right Reverend Michael Power, D.D. 2. Hugh Scobie, Esquire. 3. Hon. Samuel Bealey Harrison, Q.C. 4. The Reverend Adam Lillie, D.D. 5. James Scott Howard, Esquire. 6. The Reverend John Jennings, D.D. 7. The Very Reverend Henry James Grasett, D.D. 8. The Hon. Mr. Justice Morrison. 9. The Reverend John Ambery, M.A. 10. The Right Reverend Thomas Brock Fuller, D.D. 11. The Reverend J. Tabarat, D.D. 12. The Reverend John McCaul, LL.D. 13. The Reverend John Barclay, D.D. 14. The Honorable William McMaster. 15. The Reverend Samuel S. Nelles, D.D., LL.D. 16. The Most Reverend John Joseph Lynch, D.D. * * * * * Transcriber's note: Minor typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed. Mismatched quotes are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where the missing quote should be placed. In the table of contents the page number for the Title and Prefatory note has been changed from i. to iii. to match the book. Page 17: "and the difficultiee with which he had to contend"--changed to "difficulties". Page 22: "this was the ----le gift which Dr. Ryerson devoted"--The dash (----le) has been inserted where there was a blank area in the printed book. Page 64: "the social and religions virtues"--"religions" changed to "religious". 
6970	----	THE HISTORY OF A MOUTHFUL OF BREAD: And Its Effect on the Organization of Men and Animals. BY JEAN MACÉ. Translated Prom the Eighth French Edition, By Mrs. Alfred Gatty. EXTRACTS FROM THE PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. The volume of which the following pages are a translation, has been adopted by the _University Commission at Paris_ among their prize books, and has reached an eighth edition. Perhaps these facts speak sufficiently in its favor; but as translator, and to some extent editor, I wish to add my testimony to the great charm as well as merit of the little work. I sat down to it, I must own, with no special predilection in favor of the subject as a suitable one for young people; but in the course of the labor have become a thorough convert to the author's views that such a study--perhaps I ought to add, so pursued as he has enabled it to be--is likely to prove a most useful and most desirable one. The precise age at which the interest of a young mind can be turned towards this practical branch of natural history is an open question, and not worth disputing about. It may vary even in different individuals. The letters are addressed to a _child_--in the original even to a _little girl_--and most undoubtedly, as the book stands, it is fit for any child's perusal who can find amusement in its pages: while to the rather older readers, of whom I trust there will be a great many, I will venture to say that the advantage they will gain in the subject having been so treated as to be brought within the comprehension and adapted to the tastes of a child, is pretty nearly incalculable. The quaintness and drollery of the illustrations with which difficult scientific facts are set forth will provoke many a smile, no doubt, and in some young people perhaps a tendency to feel themselves treated _babyishly_; but if in the course of the babyish treatment they find themselves almost unexpectedly becoming masters of an amount of valuable information on very difficult subjects, they will have nothing to complain of. Let such young readers refer to even a popular Encyclopaedia for an insight into any of the subjects of the twenty-eight chapters of this volume--"The Heart," "The Lungs," "The Stomach," "Atmospheric Pressure,"--no matter which, and see how much they can understand of it without an amount of preliminary instruction which would require half-a-year's study, and they will then thoroughly appreciate the quite marvellous ingenuity and beautiful skill with which M. Macé has brought the great leading anatomical and physical facts of life out of the depths of scientific learning, and made them literally comprehensible by a child. * * * * * There is one point (independent of the scientific teaching) and that, happily, the only really important one, in which the English translator has had no change to make or desire. The religious teaching of the book is unexceptionable. There is no strained introduction of the subject, but there is throughout the volume an acknowledgment of the Great Creator of this marvellous work of the human frame, of the daily and hourly gratitude we owe to Him, and of the utter impossibility of our tracing out half his wonders, even in the things nearest to our senses, and most constantly subject to observation. M. Macé will help, and not hinder the humility with which the Christian naturalist lifts one veil only to recognise another beyond. It will be satisfactory to any one who may be inclined to wonder how a lady can feel sure of having correctly translated the various scientific and anatomical statements contained in the volume, to know that the whole has been submitted to the careful revision of a medical friend, to whom I have reason to be very grateful for valuable explanations and corrections whenever they were necessary. In the same way the chapter on "Atmospheric Pressure," where, owing to the difference between French and English weights and measures, several alterations of illustrations, etc., had to be made, has received similar kind offices from the hands of a competent mathematician. * * * * * MARGARET GATTY. Ecclesfield, June, 1864. NOTE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. In May '66, the seventeenth edition of this work was on sale in Paris. The date of Mrs. Gatty's preface, it will be observed, is June '64, and at that time, the eighth French edition only had been reached. That it should be a popular book and command large sale wherever it is known, will not surprise any one who reads it: the only remarkable circumstance about it is, that it should not have been republished here long ere this. Even this may probably be accounted for, on the supposition that the title under which the translation was published in England, was so unmeaning--conveying not the slightest idea of the contents of the book--that none of our publishers even ventured to hand it over to their "readers" to examine. The author's title, _The History of a Mouthful of Bread_, while falling far short of giving a clear notion of the entire scope of the work, is shockingly diluted and meaningless, when translated _The History of a Bit of Bread!_ To the translation of Mrs. Gatty, which is in the main an excellent one, for she has generally seized upon the idea of the author and rendered it with singular felicity, it may be very properly objected that she has taken some liberties with the text when there was any conflict of opinion between herself and her author, and has given her own ideas instead of his, which is, probably, what she refers to when she calls herself "to some extent editor." The reader of this edition will, in all these cases, find the thought of the author and not that of his translator; for the reason that a careful examination of the original has convinced the publisher that in every instance the author was to be preferred to the translator, to say nothing of the right an author may have to be faithfully translated. Besides making these restorations, the copy from which this edition was printed has been carefully compared with the last edition of the author and a vast number of corrections made, and in its present shape it is respectfully submitted and dedicated to every one (whose name is legion, of course) who numbers among his young friends a "_my dear child_" to present it to. CONTENTS. I.--INTRODUCTION FIRST PART MAN. II.--THE HAND III.--THE TONGUE IV.--THE TEETH V.--THE TEETH (_continued_) VI.--THE TEETH (_continued_) VII.--THE THROAT VIII.--THE STOMACH IX.--THE STOMACH (_continued_) X.--THE INTESTINAL CANAL XI.--THE LIVER XII.--THE CHYLE XIII.--THE HEART XIV.--THE ARTERIES XV.--THE NOURISHMENT OF THE ORGANS XVI.--THE ORGANS XVII.--ARTERIAL AND VENOUS BLOOD XVIII.--ATMOSPHERIC PRESSURE XIX.--THE ACTION OF THE LUNGS XX.--CARBON AND OXYGEN XXI.--COMBUSTION XXII.--ANIMAL HEAT XXIII.--ACTION OF THE BLOOD UPON THE ORGANS XXIV.--THE WORK OF THE ORGANS XXV.--CARBONIC ACID XXVI.--ALIMENTS OF COMBUSTION XXVII.--ALIMENTS OF NUTRITION (_continued_)--NITROGEN OR AZOTE XXVIII.--COMPOSITION OF THE BLOOD SECOND PART. ANIMALS. XXIX.--CLASSIFICATION OF ANIMALS XXX.--MAMMALIA (_Mammals_) XXXI.--MAMMALIA. (_Mammals_)--_continued_ XXXII.--MAMMALIA--_continued_ XXXIII.--MAMMALIA--_continued_ XXXIV.--AVES. (_Birds_) XXXV.--REPTILIA. (_Reptiles_) XXXVI.--PISCES. (_Fishes_) XXXVII.--INSECTA. (_Insects_) XXXVIII.--CRUSTACEA--MOLLUSKA. (_Crustaceans and Mollusks_) XXXIX.--VERMES--ZOOPHYTA. (_Worms and Zoophytes_) XL.--THE NOURISHMENT OF PLANTS CONCLUSION I. INTRODUCTION. I am going to tell you, my dear child, something of the life and nature of men and animals, believing the information may be of use to you in after-life, besides being an amusement to you now. Of course, I shall have to explain to you a great many particulars which are generally considered very difficult to understand, and which are not always taught even to grown-up people. But if we work together, and between us succeed in getting them clearly into your head, it will be a great triumph to me, and you will find out that the science of learned men is more entertaining for little girls, as well as more comprehensible, than it is sometimes supposed to be. Moreover, you will be in advance of your years, as it were, and one day may be astonished to find that you had mastered in childhood, almost as a mere amusement, some of the first principles of anatomy, chemistry, and several other of the physical sciences, as well as having attained to some knowledge of natural history generally. I begin at once, then, with the _History of a Mouthful of Bread_, although I am aware you may be tempted to exclaim, that if I am going to talk only about that, I may save myself the trouble. You know all about it, you say, as well as I do, and need not surely be told how to chew a bit of bread-and-butter! Well, but you must let me begin at the very beginning with you, and you have no notion what an incredible number of facts will be found to be connected with this chewing of a piece of bread. A big book might be written about them, were all the details to be entered into. First and foremost--Have you ever asked yourself _why_ people eat? You laugh at such a ridiculous question. "Why do people eat? Why, because there are bonbons, and cakes, and gingerbread, and sweetmeats, and fruit, and all manner of things good to eat." Very well, that is a very good reason, no doubt, and you may think that no other is wanted. If there were nothing but soup in the world, indeed, the case would be different. There might be some excuse then for making the inquiry. Now, then, let us suppose for once that there _is_ nothing in the world to eat but soup; and it is true that there are plenty of poor little children for whom there is nothing else, but who go on eating nevertheless, and with a very good appetite, too, I assure you, as their parents know but too well very often. Why do people eat, then, even when they have nothing to eat but soup? This is what I am going to tell you, if you do not already know. The other day, when your mamma said that your frock "had grown" too short, and that you could not go out visiting till we had given you another with longer sleeves and waist, what was the real cause of this necessity? What a droll question, you say, and you answer--"Because I had grown, of course." To which I say "of course," too; for undoubtedly it was you who had outgrown your frock. But then I must push the question further, and ask--How had you grown? Now you are puzzled. Nobody had been to your bed and pulled out your arms or your legs as you lay asleep. Nobody had pieced a bit on at the elbow or the knee, as people slip in a new leaf to a table when there is going to be a larger party than usual at dinner. How was it, then, that the sleeves no longer came down to your wrists, or that the body only reached your knees? Nothing grows larger without being added to, any more than anything gets smaller without having lost something; you may lay that down as a rule, once for all. If, therefore, nothing was added to you from without, something must have been added to you from within. Some sly goblin, as it were, must have been cramming into your frame whatever increase it has made in arms, legs, or anything else. And who, do you think, this sly goblin is? Why, my dear, it is _yourself!_ Ay! Bethink you, now, of all the bread-and-butter, and bonbons, and gingerbread, and cakes, and sweetmeats, and even soup and plain food (the soup and plain food being the most useful of all) which you have been sending, day by day, for some time past, down what we used to call "the red lane," into the little gulf below. What do you think became of them when they got there? Well, they set to work at once, without asking your leave, to transform themselves into something else; and gliding cunningly into all the holes and corners of your body, became there, each as best he might, bones, flesh, blood, etc., etc. Touch yourself where you will, it is upon these things you lay your hand, though, of course, without recognizing them, for the transformation is perfect and complete. And it is the same with everybody. Look at your little pink nails, which push out further and further every morning; examine the tips of your beautiful fair hair, which gets longer and longer by degrees; coming out from your head as grass springs up from the earth; feel the firm corners of your second teeth, which are gradually succeeding those which came to you in infancy; you have _eaten_ all these things, and that no long time ago. Nor are you children the only creatures who are busy in this way. There is your kitten, for instance, who a few months ago was only a tiny bit of fur, but is now turning gradually into a grown-up cat. It is her daily food which is daily becoming a cat inside her--her saucers of milk now, and very soon her mice, all serve to the same end. The large ox, too, of whom you are so much afraid, because you cannot as yet be persuaded what a good-natured beast he really is, and how unlikely to do any harm to children who do none to him--that large ox began life as a small calf, and it is the grass which he has been eating for some time past which has transformed him into the huge mass of flesh you now see, and which by-and-by will be eaten by man, to become man's flesh in the same manner. But, further, still: Even the forest trees, which grow so high and spread so wide, were at first no bigger than your little finger, and all the grandeur and size you now look upon, they have taken in by the process of eating. "What, _do trees eat?_" you ask. Verily, do they; and they are, by no means, the least greedy of eaters, for they eat day and night without ceasing. Not, as you may suppose, that they crunch bonbons, or anything else as you do; nor is the process with them precisely the same as with you. Yet you will be surprised hereafter, I assure you, to find how many points of resemblance exist between them and us in this matter. But we will speak further of this presently. Now, I think you must allow that there are few fairytales more marvellous than this history of bread and meat turning into little boys and girls, milk and mice turning into cats, and grass into oxen! And I call it a _history_, observe, because it is a transformation that never happens suddenly, but by degrees, as time goes on. Now, then, for the explanation. You have heard, I dare say, of those wonderful spinning-machines which take in at one end a mass of raw cotton, very like what you see in wadding, and give out at the other a roll of fine calico, all folded and packed up ready to be delivered to the tradespeople. Well, you have within you, a machine even more ingenious than that, which receives from you all the bread-and-butter and other sorts of food you choose to put into it, and returns it to you changed into the nails, hair, bones and flesh we have been talking about, and many other things besides; for there are quantities of things in your body, all different from each other, which you are manufacturing in this manner all day long, without knowing anything about it. And a very fortunate thing this is for you: for I do not know what would become of you if you had to be thinking from morning to night of all that requires to be done in your body, as your mother has to look after and remember all that has to be done in the house. Just think what a relief it would be to her to possess a machine which should sweep the rooms, cook the dinners, wash the plates, mend torn clothes, and keep watch over everything without giving her any trouble; and, moreover, make no more noise or fuss than yours does, which has been working away ever since you were born without your ever troubling your head about it, or probably even knowing of its existence! Just think of this and be thankful. But do not fancy you are the only possessor of a magical machine of this sort. Your kitten has one also, and the ox we were speaking of, and all other living creatures. And theirs render the same service to them that yours does to you, and much in the same way; for all these machines are made after one model, though with certain variations adapted to the differences in each animal. And, as you will see by-and-by, these variations exactly correspond with the different sort of work that has to be done in each particular case. For instance, where the machine has grass to act upon, as in the ox, it is differently constructed from that in the cat which has to deal with meat and mice. In the same way in our manufactories, though all the spinning-machines are made upon one model, there is one particular arrangement for those which spin cotton, another for those which spin wool, another for flax, and so on. But, further: You have possibly noticed already, without being told, that all animals are not of equal value; or, at least, to use a better expression, they have not all had the same advantages bestowed on them. The dog, for instance, that loving and intelligent companion, who almost reads your thoughts in your eyes, and is as affectionate and obedient to his master as it were to be wished all children were to their parents--this dog is, as you must own, very superior, in all ways, to the frog, with its large goggle eyes and clammy body, hiding itself in the water as soon as you come near it. But again, the frog, which can come and go as it likes, is decidedly superior to the oyster, which has neither head nor limbs, and lives all alone, glued into a shell, in a sort of perpetual imprisonment. Now the machine I have been telling you about is found in the oyster and in the frog as well as in the dog, only it is less complicated, and therefore less perfect in the oyster than in the frog; and less perfect again in the frog than in the dog; for as we descend in the scale of animals we find it becoming less and less elaborate--losing here one of its parts, there another, but nevertheless remaining still the same machine to all intents and purposes; though by the time it has reached its lowest condition of structure we should hardly be able to recognize it again, if we had not watched it through all its gradations of form, and escorted it, as it were, from stage to stage. Let me make this clear to you by a comparison. You know the lamp which is lit every evening on the drawing-room table, and around which you all assemble to work or read. Take off first the shade, which throws the light on your book--then the glass which prevents it smoking--then the little chimney which holds the wick and drives the air into the flame to make it burn brightly. Then take away the screw, which sends the wick up and down; undo the pieces one by one, until none remain but those absolutely necessary to having a light at all--namely, the receptacle for the oil and the floating wick which consumes it. Now if any one should come in and hear you say, "Look at my lamp," what would he reply? He would most likely ask at once, "What lamp?"--for there would be very little resemblance to a lamp in that mere ghost of one before him. But to you, who have seen the different parts removed one after another, that wick soaked in oil (let your friend shake his head about it as he pleases) will still be the lamp to you, however divested of much that made it once so perfect, and however dimly it may shine in consequence. And this is exactly what happens when the machine we are discussing is examined in the different grades of animals. The ignoramus who has not followed it through its changes and reductions cannot recognize it when it is presented to him in its lowest condition; but any one who has carefully observed it throughout, knows that it is, in point of fact, the same machine still. This, then, is what we are now going to look at together, my dear little girl. We will study first, piece by piece, the exquisite machine within ourselves, which is of such unceasing use to us as long as we do not give it more than a proper share of work to perform. Do you understand? We will see what becomes of the mouthful of bread which you place so coolly between your teeth, as if when that was done nothing further remained to be thought about. We will trace it in its passage through every part of the machine, from beginning to end. It will therefore be simply only the _History of a Mouthful of Bread_ I am telling you, even while I seem to be talking of other matters; for to make that comprehensible I shall have to enter into a good many explanations. And when you have thoroughly got to understand the history of what you eat yourself, we will look a little into the history of what other animals eat, beginning by those most like ourselves, and going on to the rest in regular succession downwards. And while we are on the subject, I will say a word or two on the way in which vegetables eat, for, as you remember, I have stated that they do eat also. Do you think this is likely to interest you, and be worth the trouble of some thought and attention? Perhaps you may tell me it sounds very tedious, and like making a great fuss about a trifle; that you have all your life eaten mouthfuls of bread without troubling yourself as to what became of them, and yet have not been stopped growing by your ignorance, any more than the little cat, who knows no more how it happens than you do. True, my dear; but the cat is only a little cat, and you are a little girl. Up to the present moment you and she have known, one as much as the other on this subject, and on that point you have therefore had no superiority over her. But she will never trouble herself about it, and will always remain a little cat. You, on the contrary, are intended by God to become something more in intelligence than you are now, and it is by learning more than the cat that you will rise above her in this respect. To learn, is the duty of all men, not only for the pleasure of curiosity and the vanity of being called learned, but because in proportion to what we learn we approach nearer to the destiny which God has appointed to man, and when we walk obediently in the path which God himself has marked out for us, we necessarily become better. It is sometimes said to grown-up people, that it is never too late to learn. To children one may say that it is never too early to learn. And among the things which they may learn, those which I want now to teach you have the double merit of being, in the first place amusing, and afterwards, and above all, calculated to accustom you to think of God, by causing you to observe the wonders which He has done. Sure am I that when you know them you will not fail to admire them; moreover I promise your mother that you will be all the better, as well as wiser, for the study. FIRST PART.--MAN. LETTER II. THE HAND. At the foot of the mountains, from whence I write to you, my dear child, when we want to show the country to a stranger, we commence by making him climb one of the heights, whence he may take in at a glance the whole landscape below, all the woods and villages scattered over the plain, even up to the blue line of the Rhine, which stretches out to the distant horizon. After this he will easily find his way about. It is to the top of a mountain equally useful that I have just led you. It has cost you some trouble to climb with me. You have had to keep your eyes very wide open that you might see to the end of the road we had to go together. Now then, let us come down and view the country in detail. Then we shall go as if we were on wheels. And now let us begin at the beginning: Well, doubtless, as the subject is eating, you will expect me to begin with the mouth. Wait a moment; there is something else first. But you are so accustomed to make use of it, that you have never given it a thought, I dare say. It is not enough merely that one should have a mouth; we must be able to put what we want within it. What would you do at dinner, for instance, if you had no hands? The hand is then the first thing to be considered. I shall not give you a description of it; you know what it is like. But what, perhaps, you do not know, because you have never thought about it, is, the reason why your hand is a more convenient, and consequently more perfect, instrument than a cat's paw, for instance, which yet answers a similar purpose, for it helps the cat to catch mice. Among your five fingers there is one which is called the thumb, which stands out on one side quite apart from the others. Look at it with respect; it is to these two little bones, covered over with a little flesh, that man owes part of his physical superiority to other animals. It is one of his best servants, one of the noblest of God's gifts to him. Without the thumb three-fourths (at least) of human arts would yet have to be invented; and to begin with, the art not only of carrying the contents of one's plate to one's mouth, but of filling the plate (a very important question in another way) would, but for the thumb, have had difficulties to surmount of which you can form no idea. Have you noticed that when you want to take hold of anything (a piece of bread, we will say, as we are on the subject of eating), have you noticed that it is always the thumb who puts himself forward, and that he is always on one side by himself, whilst the rest of the fingers are on the other? If the thumb is not helping, nothing remains in your hand, and you don't know what to do with it. Try, by way of experiment, to carry your spoon to your mouth without putting your thumb to it, and you will see what a long time it will take you to get through a poor little plateful of broth. The thumb is placed in such a manner on your hand that it can face each of the other fingers one after another, or all together, as you please; and by this we are enabled to grasp, as if with a pair of pincers, whatever object, whether large or small. Our hands owe their perfection of usefulness to this happy arrangement, which has been bestowed on no other animal, except the monkey, our nearest neighbor. I may even add, while we are about it, that it is this which distinguishes the hand from a paw or a foot. Our feet, which have other things to do than to pick up apples or lay hold of a fork, our feet have also each five fingers, but the largest cannot face the others; it is not a thumb, therefore, and it is because of this that our feet are not hands. Now the monkey has thumbs on the four members corresponding to our arms and legs, and thus we may say that he has hands at the end of his legs as well as of his arms. Nevertheless, he is not on that account better off than we are, but quite the contrary. I will explain this to you presently. To return to our subject. You see that it was necessary, before saying anything about the mouth, to consider the hand, which is the mouth's purveyor. Before the cook lights the fires the maid must go to market, must she not? And it is a very valuable maid that we have here: what would become of us without her? If we were in the habit of giving thought to everything, we should never even gather a nut without being grateful to the Providence which has provided us with the thumb, by means of which we are able to do it so easily. But however well I may have expressed it, I am by no means sure, after all, that I have succeeded in showing you clearly, how absolutely necessary our hand is to us in eating, and why it has the honor to stand at the beginning of the history of what we eat. It still appears to you, I suspect, that even if you were to lose the use of your hands you would not, for all that, let yourself die of hunger. This is because you have not attended to another circumstance, which nevertheless demands your notice--namely, that from one end of the world to the other, quantities of hands are being employed in providing you with the wherewithal to eat. To go on further: Have you any idea how many hands have been put in motion merely to enable you to have your coffee and roll in the morning? What a number, to be sure, over this cup of coffee (which is a trifle in comparison with the other food you will consume in the course of the day); from the hand of the negro who gathered the coffee crop to that of the cook who ground the berries, to say nothing of the hand of the sailor who guided the ship which bore them to our shores. Again, from the hand of the laborer who sowed the corn, and that of the miller who ground it into flour, to the hand of the baker who made it into a roll. Then the hand of the farmer's wife who milked the cow, and the hand of the refiner who made the sugar; to say nothing of the many others who prepared his work for him, and I know not how many more. How would it be, then, if I were to amuse myself by counting up all the hands that are wanted to furnish-- The sugar-refiner's manufactory, The milkmaid's shed, The baker's oven, The miller's mill, The laborer's plough, The sailor's ship? And even now is there nothing we have forgotten? Ah, yes! the most important of all the hands to you;--the hand which brings together for your benefit the fruits of the labor of all the others--the hand of your dear mother, always active, always ready, that hand which so often acts as yours when your own is awkward or idle. Now, then, you see how you might really manage to do without those two comparatively helpless little paws of yours (although there is a thumb to each), without suffering too much for want of food. With such an army of hands at work, in every way, to furnish provision for that little mouth, there would not be much danger. But cut off your cat's fore paws--oh dear! what am I saying? Suppose, rather, that she has not got any, and then count how many mice she will catch in a day. The milk you give her is another matter, remember. Like your cup of coffee, that is provided for her by others. Believe me, if you were suddenly left all alone in a wood, like those pretty squirrels who nibble hazel-nuts so daintily, you would soon discover, from being thus thrown upon your own resources, that the mouth is not the only thing required for eating, and that whether it be a paw or a hand, there must always be a servant to go to market for Mr. Mouth, and to provide him with food. Happily, we are not driven to this extremity. We take hold of our coffee-biscuit between the thumb and forefinger, and behold it is on its road--Open the mouth, and it is soon done! But before we begin to chew, let us stop to consider a little. The mouth is the door at which everything enters. Now, to every well-kept door there is a doorkeeper, or porter. And what is the office of a well-instructed porter? Well, he asks the people that present themselves, who they are, and what they have come for; and if he does not like their appearance, he refuses them admittance. We too, then, to be complete, need a porter of this sort in our mouths, and I am happy to say we have one accordingly. I wonder whether you know him? You look at me quite aghast! Oh, ungrateful child, not to know your dearest friend! As a punishment, I shall not tell you who he is to-day. I will give you till to-morrow to think about it. Meanwhile, as I have a little time left, I will say one word more about what we are going to look at together. It would hardly be worth while to tell you this pretty story which we have begun, if from time to time we were not to extract a moral from it. And what is the moral of our history to-day? It has more than one. In the first place it teaches you, if you never knew it before, that you are under great obligations to other people, indeed to almost everybody, and most of all perhaps to people whom you may be tempted to look down upon. This laborer, with his coarse smock-frock and heavy shoes, whom you are so ready to ridicule, is the very person who, with his rough hand, has been the means of procuring for you half the good things you eat. That workman, with turned-up sleeves, whose dirty black fingers you are afraid of touching, has very likely blackened and dirtied them in your service. You owe great respect to all these people, I assure you, for they all work for you. Do not, then, go and fancy yourself of great consequence among them--you who are of no use in any way at present, who want everybody's help yourself, but as yet can help nobody. Not that I mean to reproach you by saying this. Your turn has not come yet, and everybody began like you originally. But I do wish to impress upon you that you must prepare yourself to become some day useful to others, so that you may pay back the debts which you are now contracting. Every time you look at your little hand, remember that you have its education to accomplish, its debts of honor to repay, and that you must make haste and teach it to be very clever, so that it may no longer be said of you, that you are of no use to anybody. And then, my dear child, remember that a day will come, when the revered hands that now take care of your childhood--those hands which to-day are yours, as it were--will become weak and incapacitated by age. You will be strong, then, probably, and the assistance which you receive now, you must then render to her, render it to her as you have received it--that is to say, with your hands. It is the mother's hand which comes and goes without ceasing about her little girl now. It is the daughter's hand which should come and go around the old mother hereafter--her hand and not another's. Here again, my child, the mouth is nothing without the hand. The mouth says, "I love," the hand proves it. LETTER III. THE TONGUE. Now, about this doorkeeper, or porter, as we will call him, of the mouth. I do not suppose you have guessed who he is; so I am going to tell you. The porter who keeps the door of the mouth is _the sense of taste_. It is he who does the honors of the house so agreeably to proper visitors, and gives such an unscrupulous dismissal to unpleasant intruders. In other words, it is by his directions that we welcome so affectionately with tongue and lips whatever is good to eat, and spit out unhesitatingly whatever is unpleasant. I could speak very ill of this porter if I chose; which would not be very pleasant for certain little gourmands that I see here, who think a good deal too much of him. But I would rather begin by praising him. I can make my exceptions afterwards. In the history I am going to give you, my dear child, there is one thing you must never lose sight of, even when I do not allude to it; and that is, that everything we shall examine into, has been expressly arranged by God for the good and accommodation of our being in this world; just as a cradle is arranged by a mother for the comfort of her baby. We must look upon all these things, therefore, as so many presentsfrom the Almighty himself; and abstain from speaking ill of them, were it only out of respect for the hand which has bestowed them. Moreover, there is a very easy plan by which we may satisfy ourselves of the usefulness and propriety of these gifts--namely, by considering what would become of us if we were deprived of any one of them. Suppose, for instance, that you were totally deficient in the sense of taste, and that when you put a piece of cake into your mouth, it should create no more sensation in you than when you held it in your hand? You would not have thought of imagining such a case yourself, I am aware; for it never comes into a child's head to think that things can be otherwise than as God has made them. And in that respect children are sometimes wiser than philosophers. Nevertheless, we will suppose this for once, and consider what would happen in consequence. Well, in the first place, you would eat old mouldy cake with just the same relish as if it were fresh; and this mouldy cake, which now you carefully avoid because it is mouldy, is very unwholesome food, and would poison you were you to eat a great deal of it. I give this merely as an instance, but it is one of a thousand. And although, with regard to eatables, you only know such as have been prepared either in shops or in your mamma's kitchen, still you must be aware there are many we ought to avoid, because they would do no good in our stomachs, and that we should often be puzzled to distinguish these from others, if the sense of taste did not warn us about them. You must admit, therefore, that such warnings are not without their value. In short, it is a marvellous fact that what is unfit for food, is _almost always_ to be recognized as it enters the mouth, by its disagreeable taste; a further proof that God has thought of everything. Medicines, it is true, are unpleasant to the taste, and yet have to be swallowed in certain cases. But we may compare them to chimney-sweepers, who are neither pretty to look at, nor invited into the drawing-room; but who, nevertheless, are from time to time let into the grandest houses by the porters--though possibly with a grimace--because their services are wanted. And in the same way medicines have to be admitted sometimes--despite their unpleasantness--because they, too, have to work in the chimney. Taste does not deceive you about them, however; they are not intended to serve as food. If any one should try to breakfast, dine, and sup upon physic he would soon find this out. Besides, I only said _almost_ always, in speaking of unwholesome food making itself known to us by its nasty taste; for it is an unfortunate truth that men have invented a thousand plans for baffling their natural guardian, and for bringing thieves secretly into the company of honest people. They sometimes put poison, for instance, into sugar--as is too often done in the case of those horrible green and blue sugar plums, against which I have an old grudge, for they poisoned a friend whom I loved dearly in my youth. Such things as these pass imprudently by the porter, who sees nothing of their real character--Mr. Sugar concealing the rogues behind him. Moreover, we are sometimes so foolish as not to leave the porter time to make his examination. We swallow one thing after another greedily, without tasting; and such a crowd of arrivals, coming in with a rush, "forces the sentry," as they say; and whose fault is it, if, after this, we find thieves established in the house? But animals have more sense than we have. Look at your kitten when you give her some tit-bit she is not acquainted with--how cautiously and gently she puts out her nose, so as to give herself time for consideration. Then how delicately she touches the unknown object with the tip of her tongue, once, twice, and perhaps three times. And when the tip of the tongue has thus gone forward several times to make observations (for this is the great post of observation for the cat's porter as well as for ours), she ventures to decide upon swallowing, but not before. If she has the least suspicion, no amount of coaxing makes any difference to her; you may call "puss, puss," for ever; all your tender invitations are useless, and she turns away. Very good; here then is one little animal, at least, who understands for what end she has received the sense of taste, and who makes a reasonable use of it. Very different from some children of my acquaintance, who heedlessly stuff into their mouths whatever comes into their hands, without even taking the trouble to taste it, and who would escape a good many stomach-aches, if nothing else, if they were as sensible as Pussy. This is the really useful side of _the sense of taste_; but its agreeable side, which is sufficiently well known to you, is not to be despised either, even on the grounds of utility. You must know, between ourselves, that eating would be a very tiresome business if we did not taste what we are eating; and I can well imagine what trouble mammas would have in persuading their children to come to dinner or tea, if it were only a question of working their little jaws, and nothing further. What struggles--what tears! And setting aside children, who are by no means always the most disobedient to the will of a good GOD, how few men would care to stop in the midst of their occupations, to go and grind their teeth one against another for half-an-hour, if there were not some pleasure attached to an exercise not naturally amusing in itself? Ay, ay, my dear child, were it not for the reward in pleasure which is given to men when they eat, the human race, who as a whole do not live too well already, would live still worse. And it is necessary that we should be fed, and well fed too, if we would perform properly here below the mission which we have received from above. Yes, "reward" was the word I used. Now it seems absurd to you, perhaps, that it should be necessary to reward a man for eating a good dinner? Well, well, GOD has been more kind to him, then, than you would be. To every duty imposed by Him upon man, He has joined a pleasure as a reward for fulfilling it. How many things should I not have to say to you on this subject, if you were older? For the present, I will content myself with making a comparison. When a mother thinks her child is not reasonable enough to do, of her own accord, something which it is nevertheless important she should do, as learning to read, for instance, or to work with her needle, &c., she comes to the rescue with rewards, and gives her a plaything when she has done well. And thus GOD, who had not confidence enough in man's reason to trust to it alone for supplying the wants of human nature, has placed a plaything in the shape of pleasure after every necessity; and in supplying the want, man finds the reward. You will hardly believe that what I have here explained to you so quietly by a childish comparison, has been, and alas! still is, the subject of terrible disputes among grown-up people. If hereafter they reach your ears, remember what I have told you now, viz., that the pleasure lodged in the tongue and its surroundings, is a plaything, but a plaything given to us by GOD; and that we must use it accordingly. If a little girl has had a plaything given to her by her mother, would she think to please her by breaking it or throwing it into a corner? No, certainly not: she would know that in so doing she would be going directly against her mother's intentions and wishes. Nevertheless she would amuse herself with it in play hours, with an easy conscience, and, if she is amiable, she will remember while she does so, that it comes to her from her mother, and will thank her at the bottom of her heart. It is the same with man, of whose playthings we are speaking. But, moreover, this little girl (it is taken for granted that she is a good little girl) will not make the plaything the business of her whole day, the object of all her thoughts; she will not forget everything for it, she will leave it unhesitatingly when her mamma calls her. Neither will she wish to be alone in her enjoyments, but will gladly see her little friends also enjoy similar playthings, because she thinks that what is good for her must be good for others too. It is thus that man should do with his playthings; but, alas! this is what he does not by any means always do with them, and hence a great deal has been said against them. Little girls, in particular, are apt to fail on this point, and that is how the dreadful word _gluttony_ came to be invented. For the same reason, also, people get punished from time to time; such punishments being the consequence of the misuse I speak of. If people who call to see your mamma were, instead of going straight up stairs to her, to establish themselves at the lodge with the porter, and stay there chatting with him, do you think she would be much flattered by their visits? And yet this is exactly what people do who, when eating, attend only to the porter. He is so pleasant, this porter; he says such pretty things to you, that you go on talking to him just as if he were the master of the house, who, meanwhile, has quite gone out of your head. You heap sugar-plums upon sugar-plums, cakes upon cakes, sweetmeats upon sweetmeats--everything that pleases the porter, but is of no use whatever to the master of the house. And then what happens? The master gets angry sometimes, and no wonder. Mr. Stomach grows weary of these visits, which are of no use to him. He rings all the bells, makes no end of a noise in the house, and forces that traitor of a porter who has engrossed all his company, to do penance. You are ill--your mouth is out of order--you have no appetite for anything. The mamma has taken away the plaything which has been misused, and when she gives it back, there must be great care taken not to do the same thing over again. I have thought it only right, my dear child, in telling you the history of eating, to give to this little detail of its beginning, a place proportioned to your interest in it. You see by what I have said, that you are not altogether wrong in following your taste; but neither must it be forgotten that this part of the business is not in reality the most important; that a plaything is but a plaything, and that the porter is not the master of the house. Now that we have made our good friend's acquaintance, we will wish him farewell, and I will presently introduce you to his companions of the antechamber, who are ranged on the two sides of the door, to make the toilettes for the visitors who present themselves, and to put them in order for being received in the drawing-room. You will see there some jolly little fellows, who are also very useful in their way, and whose history is no less curious. They are called TEETH. LETTER IV. THE TEETH. When you were quite little, my dear child, and still a nursling, you had nothing behind your lips but two little rosy bars, which were of no service for gnawing an apple, as they were not supplied with teeth. You had no need of these then, since nothing but milk passed your lips, neither had your nurse bargained for your having teeth to bite with. You see that God provides for everything, as I have already said, and shall often have occasion to point out to you. But by degrees the little infant grew into a great girl, and it became necessary to think of giving her something more solid than milk to eat; and for this purpose she required teeth. Then some little germs, which had lain dormant, concealed within the jaws, awoke one after another, like faithful workmen when they hear the striking of the clock. Each set to work in his little cell, and with the help of some phosphorus and some lime, it began to make itself a kind of white armour, as hard as a stone, which grew larger from day to day. You know what lime is; that sort of white pulp which you have seen standing in large troughs where the masons are building houses, andwhich they use in making mortar; it is with this that your little masons build your teeth. As to phosphorus, I am afraid you may never have seen any; but you may have heard it spoken of. It is sold at the druggist's in the form of little white sticks, about as thick as your finger; they have a disagreeable, garlicky smell, and are obliged to be kept in jars of water, because they seize every opportunity of taking fire; so I advise you, if ever you do see any phosphorus, not to meddle with it--for in burning, it sticks closely to the skin, and there is the greatest difficulty in the world in extinguishing it, and the burns it makes are fearful. I give you this caution, because phosphorus possesses a very curious property, which might attract little girls. Wherever it is rubbed, in the dark, on a door, or on a wall, it leaves a luminous trail of a very peculiar appearance, which has been called phosphorescent, from the name of the substance which produces it. And in this way one can write on walls in letters of fire, to the terror of cowards. Now, come; if you will promise to be very wise, and only to make the experiment when your mamma is present, I will teach you how to make phosphorescent lights without having to go to the druggist's! There is a small quantity of phosphorus in lucifer matches, which their garlicky smell proves. Rub them gently in the dark on a bit of wood, and you will see a ray of light which will shine for some moments. But mind, you must not play at that game when you are alone; it is a dangerous amusement, and one hears every day of terrible accidents caused by disobedient children playing with lucifer matches. And while we are on the subject, let me warn you against putting them into your mouth. Phosphorus is a poison, and such a powerful one that people poison rats with bread-crumb balls in which it has been introduced. "Oh dear me! and that poison makes part of our teeth?" Exactly so, and it even forms part of all our bones, and of the bones of all animals; the best proof of which is, that the phosphorus of lucifer matches has been procured out of bones from the slaughter-house. One could make it from the teeth of little girls if one could get enough of them. Now I see what puzzles you, and well it may. You are asking yourself how those little tooth-makers, the gums, get hold of this terrible phosphorus, which is set on fire by a mere nothing, and which we dare not put into our mouths; where do they find the lime which I also protest is not fit to eat, and yet of which we have stores from our heads to our feet? It is very surprising, too, to think of its being forthcoming in the jaws just when it is wanted there. You begin to perceive that there are many things to be learnt before we come to the end of our history, and that we find ourselves checked at every step; now listen, for we are coming to something very important. In distant country-seats, where people are thrown entirely upon their own resources, they must be provided beforehand with all that is requisite for repairing the building; and there is, accordingly, a person called a steward, who keeps everything under lock and key, and distributes to the workmen whatever materials they may require. Thus, the steward gives tiles to the slater, planks to the carpenter, colors to the painter, lime and bricks to the mason--the very same lime that we have in our teeth--in fact, he has got everything that can be wanted in his storehouse, and it is to him that every one applies in time of need. Now our body also is a mansion, and has its steward too. But what a steward--how active! what a universal genius I how inefficient by comparison are the stewards of the greatest lords! He goes, he comes, he is everywhere at once; and this really, and not as we use the phrase in speaking of a merely active man: for the _being everywhere at once_ is in this case, a fact. He keeps everything, not in a storehouse, but what is far better, in his very pockets, which he empties by degrees as he goes about, distributing their contents without ever making a mistake, without stopping, without delaying; and returns to replenish his resources in a ceaseless, indefatigable course, which never flags, night nor day. And you can form no idea how many workmen he has under his orders, all laboring without intermission, all requiring different things--not one of them pausing, even for a joke!--not even to say--"Wait a moment;"--they do not understand what waiting means: he must always keep giving, giving, giving. By and by we shall have a long account to give of this wonderful steward, whose name, be it known, if you have not already guessed it, is Blood. It is he who, one fine day when he was making his round of the jaws, found those little germs I spoke of, awake and eager for work; and he began at once to start them with materials. He knew that phosphorus and lime were what they needed: he drew phosphorus and lime therefore out of his pockets,--and, to be very exact, some other little matters too,--but these were the most important; but I cannot stop to tell you everything at once. Now, where did the blood obtain this phosphorus and lime? I expected you to ask this, but if you want everything explained as we go along, we shall not get very far. In fact, if I answer all your questions I shall be letting out my secret too soon, and telling you the end of my story almost before it is begun. So be it, however; perhaps you will feel more courage to go on, when you know where we are going. The steward of a country-house distributes tiles, planks, paint, bricks, lime; but none of these things are his own, as you know; he has received them from his master: and, in the same way, our steward has nothing of his own: everything he distributes comes from the master of the house, and as I have already told you, this master is the stomach. As fast as the steward distributes, therefore, must the master renew the stores--and renew them all, for unless he does this, the work would stop. In proportion as the blood gives out on all sides the contents of his pockets, the stomach must replenish them, and fill them with everything necessary, or there would be a revolution in the house. Now, as there can be nothing in the stomach but what has got into it by the mouth, it behooves us to put into the mouth whatever is needed for the supply of our numerous workmen; and this is why we eat. I perceive that I have plunged here into an explanation out of which I shall not easily extricate myself, for I can guess what you are going to say next. When you began to cut your teeth, you had eaten neither phosphorus nor lime, as nothing but milk had entered your mouth. That is true. Neither then, nor since then, have you eaten those things, and what is more, I hope you never will. And yet both must have got into your mouth, for without them your teeth could never have grown. How are we to get out of this puzzle? Suppose now, for a moment, that instead of phosphorus and lime, thelittle workmen in your jaws had asked the blood for sugar to make the teeth with. Fortunately this is only a supposition; otherwise I should be in great fear for the poor teeth: they would not last very long. Suppose, further, that instead of your eating the lump of sugar which was destined to turn into a tooth, your mamma had melted it in a glass of water, and had given it to you to drink; you could not say you had eaten sugar, and yet the sugar would really have got into your stomach, and there would be nothing very wonderful if the stomach had found it out and given it to the blood, and the blood had carried it off to the place where it was wanted. Now, allowing that the lump of sugar was very small, and the glass of water very large, the sugar might have passed without your perceiving it, and yet the tooth would have grown all the same, and without the help of a miracle. And this is how it was. In the milk which you drank as a baby there were both phosphorus and lime, though in very small quantities. There were many other things besides; everything of course that the blood required for the use of its work-people, because at that time the stomach was only receiving milk, and yet all the work was going on as usual. And therefore, my dear child, whenever in the course of our studies, you hear me describe such and such a thing as being within us, say quietly to yourself, "that also was in the milk which nourished me when I was a baby." Of course, the same things are in what you eat now; only now they come in a form more difficult to deal with, and the labor of detaching them from the surrounding ingredients is much greater. The whole business indeed of this famous machine which we are studying consists in unfastening the links which hold things together, and in laying aside what is useful, to be sent to the blood divested of the refuse. The stomach was too feeble in your infancy to have encountered the work it has to do now. It is for this reason that God devised for the benefit of little children that excellent nourishment--milk--which contains, all ready for use, every ingredient the blood wants; and is almost, in fact, blood ready made. Only think, my child, what you owe to her who gave you this nourishment! It was actually her blood she was giving you; her blood which entered into your veins, and which wrought within you in the wonderful way which I have been describing. Other people gave you sugar-plums, kisses, and toys; but she gave you the teeth which crunched the sugar-plums, the flesh of the rosy cheeks which got the kisses, and of the little hands which handled the toys. If ever you can forget this, you are ungrateful indeed! Now, beware of going on to ask me how we know that there are so many sorts of things in milk, or I shall end by getting angry. Question after question; why, you might drive me in this way to the end of the world, and we should never reach the point we are aiming at. We have already traveled far away from the teeth, concerning which I wanted to talk to you at this time, but our lesson is nearly over and we have scarcely said a word about them! One cannot learn everything at once. Upon the point in question you must take my word; and as you may believe, I would not run the risk of being contradicted before you, by those who have authority on the subject. Let it suffice you, for to-day, to have gained some idea of the manner in which the materials which constitute our bodies are manufactured within us. We have got at this by talking of the teeth; to-morrow, it may be the saliva, the next day something else. What I have now told you will be of use all the way through, and I do not regret the time we have given to the subject. If you have understood that well; the time has not been lost. LETTER V. THE TEETH _(continued.)_ My thoughts return involuntarily to the subject I last explained to you, my dear child, and I find that I have a great deal to say about it still. You see now, I hope, that we have something else to consult besides a dainty taste when we are eating; and that if we are to work to any good purpose we must think a little about this poor blood; who has so much to do, and who often finds himself so much at fault, when we send him nothing but barley-sugar and biscuits for his support. It is not with such stuff as that, as you may well imagine, that he can be enabled to answer satisfactorily to the constant demands of his little workmen, and we expose him to the risk of getting into disgrace with them, if we furnish him with no better provisions. And who is the sufferer? Not I who am giving you this information, most certainly. Now, when children hesitate about eating plain food, and fly from beef to rush at dessert, they act as a man would do who should begin to build by giving his workmen reeds instead of beams, and squares of gingerbread instead of bricks. A pretty house he would have of it;--just think! On the contrary, what your mother asks you to eat, my dear little epicure, is sure to be something which contains the indispensable supplies for which your blood is craving; for people knew all about this by experience long before they could explain the why and the wherefore. But now that you are so much better informed than even the most learned men were a century ago, pouting and wry faces at table are no longer excusable, and I should be sadly ashamed of you if I should hear you continued to make them. And this is what I was more particularly thinking of just now, when I took up my pen again. No doubt it is very amusing to be able to look clearly into one's frame, and see what goes on inside, but the amusement anything affords is the least important part of it; you have begun to find this out already, and you will find it out more and more every day. What seems to me one of the great advantages of the study we have begun together is, that at every step you take you will meet with the most practical and useful instruction, as well as the most unanswerable reasons for doing what your parents ask you to do every day. To obey without knowing why is certainly possible, and may be done happily enough. But we obey more readily and easily when we understand the reason for doing so; and a duty which one can satisfy oneself about, forces itself upon one as a sort of necessity. And what can throw a stronger light on our duties than a thorough acquaintance with ourselves? It is upwards of two thousand two hundred years ago (and that is not yesterday, you must own!) since one of the greatest minds of the world--Socrates--never forget that name--taught his disciples, as a foundation precept, this apparently simple maxim, "Know thyself." He meant this, it is true, in a much higher sense than we are aiming at in these conversations of ours, but his rule is so practical, that although you have only as yet taken a mere peep into one small corner of self-knowledge, you find, if I am not much mistaken, that your heart has beaten once or twice rather faster than it did before. Was I wrong, in saying from the beginning, that we become better as we grow in knowledge? Is it not true that you have felt more tenderly than ever towards her who nourished you with her milk, since I explained to you the value of milk; and that you have kissed your mother's hand all the more lovingly since you heard my history of the hand? To tell you the truth, if you had not done so, I should have been dissatisfied both with you and myself. And wait! While we are talking thus, another thought has come into my head about hands and nurses, which I must tell you of. There is something of the nurse, my child, in those who take the best fruits of their intellect and heart, and transform them, as it were, into milk, in order that your infant soul may receive a nourishment it will be able to digest without too much effort. In this way their very soul enters into you, and it is but fair that you should reward them as they deserve. Young as you are, too, you have a recompense in your power: one more acceptable even than Academic prizes--of which it is indispensable not to be too avaricious--you can give them your love. Besides, it is not only hands but heads that are at work for you, and of these many more than you suppose; and your debt of gratitude is as much due to the one as to the other. Perhaps my first letter may have led you to suppose that I was inclined to laugh at what I called learned men; and they are perhaps a little to blame for not thinking often enough about little girls; but nevertheless these men are of the greatest use to them in an indirect way. You owe them much, therefore, and without them could have known nothing of what I am teaching you. It is very grand for us, is it not, to know that there is phosphorus and lime in our teeth? But it took generations of learned men, and investigations and discoveries without end, and ages of laborious study, to extract from nature this secret which you have learnt in five minutes. And whatever others you may learn hereafter, remember that it is the same story with all. While profiting, therefore, at your ease, by all these conquests of science, I would have you hold in grateful recollection those who have gained them at so much cost to themselves: almost always at the expense of their fortune, sometimes at the peril of their lives. There they are, observe, a little knot of men with no sort of outward pretension. They speak a language which scares children away. They weigh dirty little powders in apothecaries' scales; steep sheets of copper in acid-water; and watch air-bubbles passing through bent glass tubes, some of which are as dangerous as cannon balls. They scrape old bones, and slice scraps no bigger than a pin's head. They keep theireyes fixed for hours upon things they are examining through microscopes of a dozen glasses, and when you go to see what they are looking at, you find nothing at all. To see them at work, in what they call their laboratories, you would say that they were a set of madmen. But at the end, it is found, some fine day, that they have changed the face of the earth; have worked revolutions before which emperors and kings bow in respect; have enriched nations by millions at a time; have revealed to the human race, divine laws of which it had hitherto been ignorant; finally, have furnished the means of teaching little boys and girls some very curious things, which will make them more agreeable as well as reasonable. And this is a benefit not to be despised, since these children are destined one day to become fathers and mothers, and so to govern the next generation; and the better they themselves are instructed, the better this will be done. But now let us go back to the poor teeth, whom we seem to have forgotten altogether. However, we knew very well that they would not run away meantime. I told you before that it was their business to dress and prepare whatever was presented to them, but the reception they bestow is not one which would suit every body's taste, for it consists in being made mince-meat of And in order to do their work in the best way possible they divide their labor; some cut up, others tear, and others pound. First, there are those flat teeth in front of the two jaws, just below the nose. Touch yours with the tip of your finger; you will find that they terminate in sharp-edged blades, like knives. These are called _incisors,_ from the Latin word _incidere,_ which means to cut, and it is with them we bite bread and apples, where the first business is to cut. It is with the same teeth that lazy little girls bite their thread, when they will not take the trouble to find their scissors; and, by the by, this is a very bad trick, because by rubbing them one against another in this manner we wear them out, and, as you will soon discover, worn-out teeth never grow again. The next sort are those little pointed teeth, which come after the _incisors,_ on each side of both jaws. You will easily find them; and if you press against them a little, you will feel their points. If we call the first set the knives of the mouth, we may call these its forks. They serve to pierce whatever requires to be torn, and they are called _canine_ teeth, from the Latin word _canis_, a dog, because dogs make great use of them in tearing their food. They place their paws upon it, and plunging the canine teeth into it, pull off pieces by a jerk of the head. Look into the mouth of papa's dog: you will recognize these teeth by their rather curved points. They are longer than the rest, and are called fangs. I do not know, after all, why they have chosen to name these teeth _canine_, as all carnivorous animals have the same fangs, and in the lion, the tiger, and many other species, they are much more developed and sharper than in the dog. In cats they are like little nails. However, the name is given, and we cannot alter it. The last teeth, which are placed at the back of the jaw, are called molars, from the Latin word _mola_, which means a millstone. You must be prepared to meet with several Latin words as we go on; but never mind; this will give you the opportunity of learning a little Latin, and so of keeping your brother in order, if he ever looks down upon you because he is learning Latin at school. Formerly, all learned men wrote in Latin, and as they ruled supreme in all such subjects as those we are discussing, they gave to everything such names as they pleased, without consulting the public, who did not just then trouble their heads about the matter. Now they give Greek names, which can hardly be called an improvement; but if they ever wish to attract the attention of little girls they must translate their hard words into our own language. To return to our grinders: they perform the same office as a miller's millstone; that is to say, they grind everything that comes in their way. These teeth have flat, square tops, with little inequalities on the surface, which you can feel the moment you lay your finger on them. These are the largest and strongest of the three sets, and with them we even crack nuts, when we prefer the risk of breaking our teeth to the trouble of looking for the nut-crackers! Now, I will answer for it that you cannot explain to me why we always place what is hard to break between the _molars,_ and never employ the _incisors_ in the work? And yet everybody does this alike--from the child to the grown-up man--and all equally without thinking of what they are doing. I will tell you the reason, however, if you will first tell me why, when you are going to snip off the tip of your thread (which offers very little resistance), you do it with the point of your scissors; whereas you put any tough thing which is likely to resist strongly (a match, for instance) close up to their hinge; particularly if you have no scruple about spoiling the scissors, by the way! If you were a grown-up lad, and I were teaching you natural philosophy, I should have here a fine opportunity for explaining what is called _the theory of the lever_. But I think _the theory of the lever_ would frighten you; so we must get out of the difficulty in some other way. I find, however, that I have been joking so much as I went along, that I have but little space left, and feel quite ashamed of myself. We seem quite unlucky over these teeth. I have already been scolded by people who are not altogether wrong in accusing me of losing my time in chattering, first of one thing and then of another. They complain that by thus nibbling at every blade of grass on the way-side we shall never get to the end of our journey; and there is some truth in what they say. Still, I will whisper to you in excuse that I thought we might play truant a little bit while we were on familiar ground, where naturally you were sure to feel a particular interest in everything. The hand, the tongue, the teeth--these are all old friends of yours--and I thought you would like to hear all about them. By-and-bye we shall be in the little black hole, and then we shall get on much more rapidly. LETTER VI. THE TEETH _(continued)._ I left off at the _molars_, which are the teeth one selects to crack nuts with; and if I remember rightly, we talked about different ways of cutting with scissors. Let us look at the subject from a distance, that we may understand it more clearly. Let us imagine a horse drawing a heavy cart slowly along. Ask it to gallop, and it will answer, "With all my heart! but you must give me a lighter carriage to draw." And now fancy another flying over the ground with a gig behind it. Ask it to exchange the gig for the cart, and it will say, "Yes; but then I shall have to go slowly." Whereby you see that with the same amount of strength to work with, one has the choice of two things: either of conquering a great resistance slowly, or a slight one quickly. And it is partly on this account, dear child, that I teach you so gradually; for young heads, fresh to the work, are less easily drawn along than others, and have but a certain amount of strength. Hitherto all has been clear as the day. Now take your scissors in your left hand; hold the lower ring of the handle firmly between your thumb and closed hand, so that the blade shall remain straight and immovable: then with your other hand cause the upper ring to go up and down, and watch the blade as it moves. The whole of it moves at once, and is put in motion by the same power--viz., your right hand. But the point makes a long circuit in the air, while the hinge end makes only a very little one--indeed, moves almost imperceptibly: and, as you may imagine, a different sort of effort is required from the motive power (your hand) according as resistance is made at the point or at the hinge. The point goes full gallop: it is the horse in the gig; the light work is for him. The hinge moves slowly; it is the cart-horse, and takes the heavy labor. I hope I have made you understand this, for it explains the cracking of our nut, though you may not suspect it. Move your scissors once more in the same way. Now, you have before you the pattern of the two jaws on one side of your face, from the ear to the nose; the upper one, which never moves (as you may convince yourself by placing a finger on your upper lip when you either speak or eat), and the lower one which goes up and down. Two pairs of scissors set points to points give you the whole jaw. The _incisors_ are at the points, they gallop up and down, and are worthless for doing hard work; the _molars_ are at the hinges, and move slowly; and if anything tough has to be dealt with, it comes to them as a matter of course; hence they are the nutcrackers. You must own that it is pleasant to reflect thus upon what we are doing every day, and the next time you see a stonemason moving stones of twenty times his own weight with his iron bar, ask your papa to explain to you the principle of the lever. After what I have told you, you will understand it very readily, or at least enough of it to satisfy your mind. But, besides this power of moving up and down, the lower jaw possesses another less obvious one, by means of which it goes from right to left. This is precisely what naughty children make use of when they grind their teeth: not that I mean this remark for you, for I have a better opinion of you than to suppose you do such things. Those who make such bad use of their jaws deserve to lose the power of ever moving them thus, and then they would find themselves sadly at a loss how to chew their bread--for their _molars_ would be of but little service to them in such a case; as it is chiefly by this second action of the jaw that the food is pounded. Try to chew a bit of bread by only moving your jaw up and down, and you will soon tire of the attempt. One word more to complete my description of the teeth: that portion of them which is in the jaw is called the _root_; and the _incisors_, which cannot work hard because, like the gig-horses, they have but little resisting power, possess only small and short roots; whereas the _canines,_ whose duty it is to tear the food sideways, would run the risk of being dragged out and left sticking in the substances they are at work upon, if they were not well secured; these, therefore, have roots which go much deeper into the jaw, and in consequence of this they give us more pain than the others when the dentist extracts them: those famous _eye-teeth_, which so terrify people on such occasions, are the _canines_ of the upper jaw, and lie, in fact, just below the eye. The _molars_ meanwhile would be in danger of being shaken in the sideway movement, while chewing: so they do as you would do if you were pushed aside. Now you would throw out your feet right and left in order to steady yourself, and thus the molars, which have always two roots, throw them out right and left for the same purpose. Some have three, some four, and they require no less for the business they have to do. Above the root comes what is called the crown; that is the part of the tooth which is exposed to the air; the part which does the work, and which bears the brunt of all the rubbing. Now, however hard it may be, it would soon end in being worn out by all this fun if it were not covered by a still harder substance, which is called _enamel_. The _enamel_ which forms the coating of china plates, and which you can easily distinguish by examining a broken plate, will give you a very exact idea of it. It is this enamel which gives the teeth the polish and brilliancy we so much admire, and it is desirable to be very careful of it, not out of vanity, though there is no objection to a little vanity on the subject, but because the enamel is the protector of the teeth, and when that is destroyed, you may say good-bye to the teeth themselves. All acids eat into the enamel, as vinegar or lemon-juice does into marble; and one of the best means of preserving this protecting armor of the teeth is never to eat the unripe windfalls of fruit, which I have seen unreasonable children pick up in orchards and devour so recklessly. They give sufficient warning, by their acidity, that they are not fit for food, and when this warning is neglected, they take their revenge by corroding the enamel of the teeth; not to speak of the disturbance which they afterwards cause in the poor stomach. I said that without this coating of enamel, the teeth would be prematurely worn out, the reason of which is, that the teeth have not the property of growing again, as the nails and hair have. When those little germs of which I spoke when we began to describe the teeth, have finished their work, they perish and fall out, like masons who, when they have built the house, take their departure forever. But the "forever" wants explanation. For such stern conditions would fall hard on very little children, who, not having come to their reason, cannot be expected to understand the great value of their teeth, and take all the care they need of them. So to them _a second_ chance is given. Your first teeth, the _milk-teeth_, as they are called, count for nothing: they are a kind of specimen, just to serve while you are very young. When you are approaching what is called the age of reason, (and this word implies a great deal, my dear child,) the real teeth, the teeth which are to serve you for life, begin to whisper among themselves, "Now, here is a little girl who is becoming reasonable, and who will soon, or else never, be fit to take charge of her teeth." No sooner said than done: other masons set to work in other cells, placed under the first set, and as the permanent teeth keep growing and growing, they gradually push out the milk-teeth, which were only keeping their places ready for them till they came. This is just your case at present, and you now understand your responsibility, and how necessary it is to preserve those good teeth which have placed so generous a confidence in your care of them, and which, once gone, can never be replaced. You have no loss by the exchange; you had twenty-four at first, you will now have twenty-eight. Twenty-eight, did I say? nay, you will have thirty-two; but the last four will come later still. The last _molars_ on each side, above and below, in both jaws, will not make their appearance till you are grown up. They are a fastidious and timid set, and will not run any risks; and they are called _wisdom-teeth_, because they do not appear till we are supposed to have arrived at years of discretion. Some people do not cut them before they are thirty, and you will agree that, if they have not become wise by that time, they have but a very poor chance of ever being so! There is much more still to be said about the teeth; but I think I have told you quite enough to teach you the importance of these little bony possessions of yours, which children do not always value as they deserve, and whose safety they endanger as carelessly as if they had fresh supplies of them ready in their pockets. If so many skilful contrivances have been devised for enabling us to masticate our food properly, it is clear that this process is not an unimportant one. Those, therefore, who swallow a mouthful after two or three turns, forget that they are thereby forcing the stomach to do the work the teeth have neglected to do, and this is very bad economy, I can assure you. You will see hereafter, when we speak about animals, that by a marvellous compensation of nature, the power of the stomach is always great in proportion to the _in_efficiency of the teeth, and that by the same rule, it is weakest when the jaws are best furnished. Now, no jaw is more completely furnished than the human one; it is clear, then, that it should do its own work and not leave it to be done by those who are less able: and the little girl who, in order to finish her dinner more quickly, shirks the use of her teeth, and sends food, half chewed, into her stomach, is like a man who, having two servants, the one strong and vigorous, the other feeble and delicate, allows the first to dawdle at his ease, and puts all the hard work on the other. He would be very unjust in so doing, would he not? And as injustice always meets with its reward, his work is sure to be badly done. Now, the work in question consists in reducing what we eat into a sort of pulp or liquid paste, from which the blood extracts at last whatever it requires. But the teeth may bite and tear the materials as they please, they can make nothing of them but a powder, which would never turn into a pulp, if during their labors they were not assisted by an indispensable auxiliary. To make pap for infants what do we add to the bread after it is cut in little bits? Without being a very clever cook, you will know that it is water which is wanted. And thus, to assist us in making pap for the blood, Providence has furnished us with a number of small spongy organs within the mouth, which are always filled with water. These are called _salivary glands_. This water oozes out from them of itself, on the least movement of the jaw, which presses upon the sponges as it goes up and down. The name of this water, as I need scarcely tell you, is _saliva_. When I call it water, it is not merely from its resemblance; _saliva_ is really pure water with a little _albumen_ added. Do not be afraid of that word--it is not so alarming as it appears to be. It means simply the substance you know as the _white of egg_. There is also a little soda in the water, which you know is one of the ingredients of which soap is made. And this explains why the saliva becomes frothy, when the cheeks and tongue set it in motion in the mouth while we are talking; just as the whites of egg, or soapy water, become frothy when whipped up or beaten in a basin. But the albumen and the soda have not been added to the saliva, in our case, merely to make it frothy; that would have been of very little use. They give to the water a greater power to dissolve the food into paste, and thus to begin that series of transformations by which it gradually becomes the fine red blood which shows itself in little drops at the tip of your finger when you have been using your needle awkwardly. When once minced up by the teeth and moistened by the saliva, the food is reduced to a state of pulp, and having nothing further to do in the mouth, is ready to pass forward. But getting out of the mouth on its journey downwards is not so simple an affair as getting into it by the _front door_, as it did at first. Swallowing is in fact a complicated action, and not to be explained in half a dozen words, and I think we have already chatted enough for to-day. I only wish I may not have tired you out with these interminable teeth! But you may expect something quite new when I begin again. LETTER VII. THE THROAT. You remember a certain door-keeper, or porter, of whom we have already spoken a good deal, who resides in the mouth--the sense of taste, I mean? Well, it is a porter's business to sweep out the entrance to a house, and you may always recognize him in the courtyard by his broom. And accordingly our porter too has a broom specially placed at his service, namely, the tongue; and an unrivalled broom it is--for it is self-acting, never wears out, and makes no dust--qualities we cannot succeed in obtaining in any brooms of our own manufacture. When the time has come for the pounded mouthful (described in the last chapter) to travel forward (the teeth having properly prepared it), the broom begins its work; scouring all along the gums, twisting and turning right and left, backwards and forwards, up and down; picking up the least grains of the pulp which have been manufactured in the mouth; and as the heap increases, it makes itself into a shovel--another accomplishment one would scarcely have expected it to possess. What it gathers together thus, rolls by degrees on its surface into a ball, which at last finds itself fixed between the palate and the tongue in such a manner that it cannot escape; at which moment the tongue presses its tip against the upper front teeth, forms of itself an inclined plane, and--but stop! we are getting on too fast. At the back of the mouth, (which is the antechamber, as we said before,) is a sort of lobby, separated from the mouth by a little fleshy tongue_let_, suspended to the palate, exactly like those tapestry curtains which are sometimes hung between two rooms, under which one is enabled to pass, by just lifting them up. If this lobby led only from the mouth to the stomach, the act of swallowing would be the simplest thing in the world; the tongue would be raised, the pounded ball would glide on, would pass under the curtain, and then good-bye to it. Unfortunately, however, the architect of the house seems to have economized his construction-apparatus here. The lobby serves two purposes; it is the passage from the mouth to the stomach, as well as from the nose to the lungs. The air we breathe has its two separate doors there--one opening towards the nose, the other towards the lungs; through neither of which is any sort of food allowed to pass. But, as you may imagine, the food itself knows nothing of such spiteful restraints, and it is a matter of perfect indifference to it through which of the doors it passes. Not unlike a good many children who, though they are reasonable creatures, will push their way into places where they have been forbidden to go; and who can expect a pulpy food-ball to be more reasonable than a child? It was necessary, therefore, so to arrange matters that there should be no choice on the subject; that when the food-ball got into the lobby it should find no door open but its own, namely, that which led to the stomach. And that is exactly what is done. You have not, perhaps, remarked that in the act of swallowing, something rises and contracts itself at the same moment in your throat, producing a kind of internal convulsion which jerks whatever is inside. People do not think about it when they are eating, because it is an involuntary action, and their attention is otherwise engaged. But try to swallow when there is nothing in your mouth, and you will perceive what I mean at once. Now, imagine our lobby at the back of the throat as a small closet, with a doorway in its wall, half-way up, the doorway being closed by a curtain. In the ceiling is a hole, which leads to the nose; in the floor two large tubes open out; the front one leading to the lungs, the one behind, to the stomach. Now swallow, and I will tell you what happens. The curtain rises up and clings to the ceiling, and thus the passage to the nose is stopped up. The lung-tube rises along the wall, and hides itself under the door, contracting itself, and making itself quite small, as if it wished to leave plenty of room for the mouthful of food which is about to pass over it; and, for still greater security, at the very moment it rises, it pushes against a small trap-door which shuts up its mouth. No other road remains, therefore, but through the tube which leads to the stomach; the pulpy mouthful drops straight therein, without risk of mistake, and when it is once there, everything readjusts itself as before. These are very ingenious contrivances, and I will venture to say that if we would but study the wonders of the marvellous and varied machinery which is constantly at work in our behalf within us, we should be much better employed than in learning things from which no practical good can be derived. Moreover, we should be ashamed to trust, like the lower animals, only to our instinct, (which, after all, is much less developed in us than in them,) for blindly escaping the thousand chances of destruction that beset a structure so fragile and delicate in its contrivances as the human body. Besides, it is not only our own machinery that is entrusted to us, we are liable to be responsible for that of others, whose development it is our duty to guard and watch; and how can we do this with a safe conscience, if we are ignorant of the construction, the action, the laws of all sorts which the great Artificer has, so to speak, made use of in forming our bodies? When you, in your turn, are a mother, you dear little rogue, who sit there opening wide your bright eyes, and not comprehending a word of what I am saying, you will be glad that you were taught when you were little, how your own little girl ought to be managed. You will find a hundred opportunities of making good use, in her behalf, of what you and I are learning together, and in the meantime there is no reason why you should not yourself profit by the knowledge you have gained. I am quite sure, for instance, that in repeating to your child the simple rule of politeness, with which everybody is acquainted, "_Never talk when you are eating_," you will be very careful to add, "_and especially when you are swallowing_," for reasons I am about to detail. When we want to speak we have to drive the air from the lungs into the mouth, and our words are sounds produced by this air as it passes through. This is the reason why I advise you to go on gently, and make the proper stops in reading aloud: to _take breath_, in fact, as it is called; otherwise, breath would all at once fail you, and you would be obliged to stop short in the middle of a sentence and wait like a simpleton till you had refilled the lungs with air by breathing. It was for this purpose, also, and not for mere economy's sake, as you may have thought, that the little cross-road of four doors has been placed at the back of the mouth, enabling it to communicate at pleasure with either the lungs or the stomach. It is a dangerous passage for food-parcels making their way to the stomach; but if you could substitute for it, as it may have occurred to you to do lately, a simple tube going directly to the stomach,--behold! you would find yourself dumb;--a serious misfortune, eh? for a little girl! But come, I am quizzing too much, so console yourself. I know many grown-up people who would be at least as sorry as yourself. To return to our subject. We have said that, in order to guard against accidents, the lung-tube is closed at the moment we are about to swallow. But if by any unlucky chance the air is coming up from the lungs at the same moment, it must have a free passage. Its tube cannot help returning to its place; the little trap-door which shuts up the opening opens whether or no, and then adieu to all the precautions of good Mother Nature! The mouthful when it drops, falls outside of its proper tube--that is to say, into the other, which is exactly in front of it, and we find that we have _swallowed the wrong way_. You know what happens in such a case. You cough and cough till you are torn to pieces, till you grow scarlet, or even blue in the face; till you lose your breath; till your body trembles; till your eyes start out of their sockets. Let who will be there, there is no resource but to hide your face in your handkerchief. The tube, which was only made for the passage of air, on finding an intruder forcing an entrance, does its utmost to drive it back through the door. Then the lungs, which would be destroyed by its getting to them, come to the assistance of the faithful servant who is struggling for their protection: they agitate themselves violently, and send forth gusts of air which drive all before them. Thence arises the cough, and by this means at last the enemy is thrust out of the mouth, like dust before the wind. And it is only when the passages are cleared that the storm subsides. But the commotion is no laughing matter, I assure you; for if one had swallowed a little _too far_ the wrong way, or if the substance swallowed had been too heavy for the air-tube, aided by the lungs, to eject within a certain time, death would have ensued: instances of which are by no means unknown. Nature does nothing in vain; this is no case of a man frightened by a mouse. When you find your whole being concentrating its efforts to one point, and betraying such distress, at an accident apparently so trifling, you may be sure there is danger, and real danger too; and if you doubt it, that makes no difference--happily for you. Now you have learned why little girls should not attempt to talk and swallow at the same time, and, I may add, still less laugh; for laughingis a kind of somersault, performed by the lungs, and is always accompanied by the ejectment of a great deal more breath than is necessary in speaking, so that the jerks it occasions derange still more the wise provisions made to protect life whenever we swallow anything, and therefore we are more apt to swallow the wrong way while laughing than while speaking. Need I say that we ought equally to guard against making others laugh or talk; or exciting, or frightening them, while they are swallowing; in short, avoid doing anything to create a sudden shock which might suddenly force the air out of their lungs, and cause them in the same manner to swallow the wrong way? Politeness requires this from us, and what I have now said will fix the lesson still more strongly on your mind. What would become of you if you were to see a person die in your presence in consequence of some foolish joke, however apparently innocent? Not to conclude with so painful a picture, I will, before we part, give you the right names of the _curtain_, the _lobby_ or _closet_, and the _tubes_ of which we have been speaking. The curtain is called the _Soft Palate_. The lobby, the _Pharynx_. The tube which leads to the stomach, the _Aesophagus_. The tube leading to the lungs, the _Larynx_. The opening of this tube is the _Glottis_, and the little trap-door which closes it when one swallows, is the _Epiglottis_. You must excuse my attempting to explain the meanings of all these names; it would take me too long to do so. After all, the mere names are nothing. If I have succeeded in making you understand how all the different parts act, you may call them what you like. Here we will rest. We are now on our way to where we shall see the large apartments, and be introduced to the master, that head of the house, whom no one can approach without so many ceremonies. LETTER VIII. THE STOMACH. Once in the _oesophagus_ (you remember this is the name of the tube which leads to the stomach), the mouthful of food has nothing to do but to proceed on its way. All along this tube there is a succession of small elastic rings, [Footnote: Properly, _contractile circular fibres_.] which contract behind the food to force it forward, and widen before it to give it free passage. They thus propel it forward, one after another, till it reaches the entrance to the stomach, into which the last ring pushes it, closing upon it at the same time. Have you ever observed a worm or a leech in motion? You see a successive swelling up of the whole surface of its body, as the creature gradually pushes forward, just as if there was something in its inside rolling along from the tail to the head. Such is precisely the appearance which the _oesophagus_ would present to you, as the food passes down it, if you had the opportunity of seeing it in action; and this has been called _the vermicular movement_, in consequence of its resemblance to the movement of a worm. Here I wish to draw your attention to the very important fact, that this movement is in one respect of a quite different nature from that of your thumb when you take hold of a bit of bread, or that of your jaw when you bite with your teeth, or of your tongue, &c., when you swallow. All these actions belong to yourself, to a certain extent; they are voluntary, and under your own guidance; that is, you may perform them or not, as you choose. There is a constant connexion between you and them, and you knew what I meant at once as I named each of them in succession. But in speaking of this other movement we enter upon another world, of which you know nothing. Here is the black hole of which I spoke. The little rings of the _oesophagus_ perform their work by themselves, and you have no power in the matter. Not only do they move independently of you, but were you to take it into your head to stop them, it would be about as wise a proceeding as if you were to talk to them. We will speak hereafter, in another place, of these impertinent servants, who do not recognise your authority, and with whom we shall have constantly to do, throughout what remains to be said on the subject of eating. The truth is, your body is like a little kingdom, of which you have to be the queen, but queen of the frontiers only. The arms, the legs, the lips, the eyelids, all the exterior parts, are your very humble servants; at your slightest bidding they move or keep still: your will is their law. But in the interior you are quite unknown. There, there is a little republic to itself, ruling itself independently of your orders, which it would laugh at, if you attempted to issue them. This republic, to make use of another metaphor, is the kitchen of the body. It is there they make blood, as they know how; putting it to all sorts of uses for your advantage, it is true, but without your consent. You are in the position of the lady of a house whose servants have shut the door of the kitchen in her face that they may carry on their business after their own fashion, leaving only the housemaid and coachman at her command. It may be humiliating, perhaps, to be thus only partially mistress at home; but what can you do, my little demi-queen? I will tell you: make up your mind to govern the subjects under your orders as wisely as possible; and, as to the rest, be content with the only resource left you: viz., that of looking in at the window of the kitchen to see what goes on there! The stomach is the head cook: the president of the internal republic. He has charge of the stoves; the whole weight of affairs is on his hands, and he provides for the interests of all. Aesop taught us this, long ago, in his fable of "The Belly and Members." [Footnote: La Fontaine's translation is quoted in the French original, where the name of the fable is "_Messer Gaster_," a more correct title than our own. _Gaster_ is a Greek word signifying stomach; and it is strictly _the stomach_ which is _meant_ in the fable. From this comes, too, the medical term _gastritis_, the name of a disease of the stomach.--TR.] It is a very good fable, and was wisely appealed to once by a Roman Consul to appease a disturbance in the State. But the application was not quite fair in one respect; and since I have started the subject, I will satisfy myself by explaining to you where it was wrong. The time will not be wasted, for this fable has furnished information to a great many people about the economy of their insides, and possibly to you; and I should like you to know the exact truth of all the particulars alluded to. Whether Aesop understood them all, I cannot pretend to say; but the application by the old Roman to the quarrel between the big-wig senators and the people was on one point decidedly unjust; for there was, as far as facts are concerned, something to be said on behalf of the stomach, which Consul Menenius seems not to have thought of. When you come to this part of the Roman history you will learn that the Roman Senate was a large and fat stomach, which did, it is true, furnish good nourishment to the other members of the State, but kept the best share for itself. We may say this now without risk of offence, it having been dead for so long a time. Our stomach is the leanest, slightest, frailest part of our body. It is master in the sense in which it is said in the Gospel, "Let him that is first among you be the servant of the others." It receives everything, but it gives everything back, and keeps nothing, or almost nothing, for itself. Between ourselves, Consul Menenius, the advocate of the Senate, had no business to talk to the poor wretches at Rome of any comparison between their government and so careful an administrator of the public good as a human stomach. He should have taken his subject of comparison from the families of geese or ducks--animals which have no teeth. These have strong, well-grown stomachs--true Roman senators--whose stoutness is in proportion to the work given them to do. But man provides his with work already prepared by chewing, supposing him to have had the sense to chew it, of course. It was not from a comparison with man, therefore, that Menenius ought to have got his boasted apologue, which was but a poor jest on the subject. You did not expect, my dear, to come in for a lesson on Roman History in a discussion on the stomach. But the study of nature is connected with everything else, though without appearing to be so, and I was not sorry to give you, incidentally, this proof of the unexpected light which it throws, as we go along, upon a thousand questions which appear perfectly foreign to it. Look, for example, at this old fable cited by Menenius. For the two thousand years and upwards that it has been in circulation, troops of historians, poets, orators, and writers of all kinds, have passed it forward from one to the other, without having troubled themselves to investigate the laws of nature in connection with the stomach; therefore, not one, that I am aware of, has observed this small error, so trifling in appearance, so important in reality, which nevertheless is obvious to the first young naturalist who thinks the matter over. But enough of the Romans. Let us return to our master--the head cook, if you choose to call him so. I was telling you just now that he managed the stoves, and you may have thought that I was merely using similes, as I am apt to do. But not so: it is quite true that he cooks; and so now tell me, if you can, whence he gets his fire to cook with, or rather, to speak more correctly, who gives it to him? Now you are quite puzzled, so I must help you out. In the mansion we were talking about some time ago, to whom would anyone who wanted to light a fire, apply for wood? I think you can answer this yourself, for you cannot have forgotten our famous steward, who gives everything to everybody. But, you will wonder, I dare say, how the blood can carry wood in his pockets. Wood? Ay, and real wood too, as we shall soon see: but it is not wood we are talking about now. The blood has something more to the purpose than wood in his pockets, for he has heat ready made. So when the stomach wishes to set to work, it appeals to the blood, which comes running from all parts of the body, and heats it so effectually that everything within is really and actually cooked. This is why one feels a sort of slight shudder down the back when the stomach has a great deal to do at once, for the blood being called for in a hurry, comes rushing along in great gushes, and carries with it the heat from the other parts of the body. It is for this reason, too, that it is so dangerous to bathe when the stomach is at work cooking, because the cold of the water drives suddenly back all the blood which has accumulated around the little saucepan, and this causes such a shock in the body that people often die of it. Do not ask me, to-day, where this heat of the blood comes from; we will speak of that hereafter. But I may tell you at once that our dear steward is not a bit cleverer in this matter than other people, and obtains his heat, like the humblest mortal, by burning his wood. Do not puzzle yourself to find out how. Enough that he burns it as we do, and by a similar process. Well, in one way or another, the master cook has his fire at command. You know also, already, what it is he has to get cooked; namely, the pulpy stew, which has begun in the mouth by chewing, and which it is his business now to finish perfectly. Now see what a cook does who has got her stew over the fire. She turns and turns it again and again, and shakes the saucepan from time to time, that the ingredients may be more thoroughly mixed up together; and this is precisely what is done by the stomach; for all the time that the cooking is going on, he swells and contracts himself alternately, after the fashion of those rings of the _oesophagus_ we were talking about, tossing and tumbling the food from one side to another, so as to knead it, as it were. Again, the cook adds water to her stew from time to time to keep it moist; and so the stomach pours constantly upon his stew a liquid, which contains a great deal of water, and which flows in from a quantity of little holes, sunk in his delicate coats. What more? The cook puts in a little salt: and this the stomach takes care not to forget either, for he is a cook who understands his business. In the liquid of which I am speaking, there is, if not exactly salt as one sees it at table, at all events the most active part of salt, that which possesses in the highest degree the property of reducing everything we eat to a paste; and this is the real reason why we find all food so insipid which has not been seasoned with salt. As salt contains a principle essential to the work to be done by the stomach, some method had to be devised to induce us to provide him with it, and this method the porter up above has hit upon. He makes a face if we offer him anything without a little salt on it, as much as to say--"How can you expect them to cook you properly down below, my good friend, if you don't bring them proper materials?" Upon which hint men have always acted from the beginning; and as far as we can trace history back, we find them mixing salt with their food, though without knowing the real reason why. It is the same, too, with the lower animals. They know nothing of the matter either, but this does not prevent their having a natural relish for salt, as any one will tell you who has the charge of cattle; for their stomachs require for their cooking the very same seasoning as our own, and therefore their porter above has received the same orders. Salt is not the only thing, however, that exists in that liquid in the stomach. Learned men, after making minute researches, have found in it another equally powerful material, which is also found in milk. Therefore cheese, which contains this material as well as salt, is quite in its place at the end of dinner. It furnishes reinforcements for the stomach in cooking, and this is why you so often hear people say that a little cheese helps the digestion. The _digestion_! Yes, that is the word I ought to have begun with. It is the real name of all this cooking; an operation after which I would defy you to recognise the nice little cakes you have eaten, any better than your mamma can trace her pretty rosy-cheeked apples in the jelly which she left on the fire two hours ago. The stomach, as you see, is very busy quite as long a time as that, and if we have to be very careful (as I pointed out before) not to disturb him too suddenly in his work after dinner, it is also important that we should not, while at dinner, give him more work to do than he is capable of doing. Although he is the master, he is but a puny fellow, as I have already pointed out; nevertheless, he works conscientiously, because he knows that the life of the whole body depends upon his exertions. Some people even say that in spite of his leanness he strips himself, at each digestion, of his interior skin, which he sacrifices to his work, and the fragments of which tend to increase and improve the stew which is entrusted to his care. Think of this, my dear, whenever a greedy fit comes over you, and recollect that such a disinterested public functionary deserves some consideration. Besides, there is serious danger, quite apart from any question of injustice, in overwhelming him with work. If your legs are wearied out, you have it in your power to lie in bed. If your arm is in pain, you can keep it at rest. But your stomach is like those poor people who have to support their families by the labor of each day. He, too, labors for others: he has no right to rest, no right to be ill, therefore; and when he begins to fail, woe betide you--you will have enough of it. Children who have learnt nothing may laugh at all this, but you, my dear, are beginning to know something, and "science constrains," _i.e._ it has its claims and requirements. It requires you, to-day, not to be greedy, to-morrow, something else, and so on, continually, until you have become quite reasonable and wise. I am sorry for you if this vexes you, but it was your own wish to learn, and _science constrains_. Indeed, I will whisper to you in confidence that this is the best excuse people who are unwilling to learn have to offer for refusing. They do not know what learning may lead to, and what a pity it would be if they could no longer be greedy, or ill-natured, or selfish. What would become of us all in such a case? LETTER IX. THE STOMACH--_(continued)_. We made a very long story of the stomach last time, my dear child; and, after all, I see that there was one thing I forgot to tell you--viz., what it is like. Have you ever seen a bagpiper, I wonder? A man who carries under his arm a kind of large dark brown bag, which he fills with air by blowing into it, and out of which he presently forces the same air into a musical pipe by pressing it gently with his elbow. If you never saw such a thing, it is a pity; first, because the bagpipe was the national instrument of our ancestors the Gauls, and is religiously preserved as such by the Scotch Highlanders and the peasants of Brittany--(two remnants of that illustrious race, whose history I recommend to your careful perusal some day); secondly, and it is this fact which has the greatest interest for us just now, because that large bag, which is the principal part of the instrument, gives you a very exact idea of your stomach; for in fact it really and truly _is_ a stomach itself, and moreover, the stomach of an animal whose interior formation resembles yours very, very much. And who do you suppose is this audacious animal, which presumes to have an inside so like that of a pretty little girl? Really, I am half ashamed to name him, for fear you should be angry with me for doing so. It is--it is the pig! The resemblance is not exactly a flattering one to you, perhaps, but we are all alike, and it would be worse than foolish to grumble at being created as we are. Moreover, there is one difference; the pig, who thinks of nothing but eating, has a very much larger stomach than we have, which is some consolation, at any rate. Place the palm of your right hand on what is called the pit of the stomach, turning the ends of the fingers towards the heart; your hand will nearly cover the space usually occupied by the stomach, and you may figure it to yourself as a rounded and elongated bag, bigger above than below, making a very decided bend inside as it descends from the heart downward; something like one of those long French pears, called "Bon-chretiens," if it were bent in the middle, and the big end of it were placed next the heart. As for the exact size of the bag, there is no telling it, for it depends upon circumstances. It is a very convenient bag in that respect; just such a one as you would like to have in your frock for a pocket; only there would be a danger of your being tempted to put too many things into it. For as you fill it, it expands, and enlarges itself like an indian-rubber ball, which, though only the size of an egg to begin with, becomes as big as your head if you blow hard into it. Then, as it gets empty, it recovers itself, diminishing gradually in size in plait-like contractions. When people remain too long without eating, they have, as they say, twinges in the stomach. This is because the stomach, becoming by degrees quite empty, and contracting more and more, the surrounding parts which were sustained by it, lose their support, and strain at their ligaments, which now have all the weight to bear. Careless people, who do not think of such things, are reminded by the twinging pains that it is time to eat, just as a careless servant is called to order by the bell of which his master has pulled the string. In your case, my dear child, such warnings are soon attended to, and you have not always even to wait till they come. But there are hundreds of miserable beings who are warned to no purpose, who cannot obey the master when he calls for his rations, because they have nothing to give him; and when this forced disobedience lasts too long, they end by dying of it. In cases like these, when human beings thus cruelly perish, the stomach is found to be contracted till it is scarcely bigger than one's finger. On the other hand, a man once died suffocated from excess of food, after one of those great public dinners, which last four, six, or more hours--one can scarcely say correctly how long--and the doctors who examined him found his stomach so prodigiously enlarged that it alone occupied more than one-half of his inside. As you perceive, therefore, the stomach has, properly speaking, no fixed size. Its size depends upon what there is in it. It is like those men whose manners go up and down with their fortunes; who seem very grand people when their pockets are well filled, but become very small ones when their purses are empty. There is, nevertheless, this difference between them, that such men are fools, because they are men, and not _bags_; whereas the stomach is a sensible bag, fulfilling with intelligence the duties of its character as a bag. It is very fortunate for us that it is ready to change its size, according to the caprices of our appetite; and dressmakers would do well if they could get a hint from it how to improve their style of pockets, which certainly cannot have cost their inventors any very great effort of imagination! The way in which this extraordinary pocket empties itself is not less curious than the rest. As long as digestion is going on, the stomach is firmly closed at each end; at the upper one by the last ring of the _aesophagus_, and at the lower by another ring of the same kind, only stronger; the watchful guardian of the passage which leads to the intestines. This ring is called the _pylorus_. For once, here is a name which agrees with our method of describing the human machine, and I have much pleasure in translating it to you, although it is a Greek word. _Pylorus_ is the Greek for a porter; and our ring is indeed a porter like the one of which we have already said so much, and which I called last time the _porter up above_, in anticipation of his colleague below. The porter up above presides at the entrance; the one below at the exit, and both for the same purpose, namely, to _taste._ [Footnote: It would be absurd to say so in the common acceptation of the term; but according to No. 1 of Mr. Mayo's "Classification of the impressions produced by substances taken into the fauces," viz., _"Where sensations of_ touch _alone are produced, as by rock-crystal, sapphire, or ice,"_ the word taste may be applied to the discriminating faculty of the _Pylorus_.--TR.] It may well astonish you, that you should have in your inside a taster who is not accountable to you; who experiences sensations of which you know nothing, and cannot even form an idea. Yet thus it is. The _pylorus_ actually tastes the paste which is in the stomach, and if it is not to his taste, that is to say, if the work of digestion has not sufficiently transformed it for use, he keeps the door relentlessly closed. The porter up above has a thousand different tastes. He makes his bow to meringues, and admits wings of chickens. Fries, roasts, stews, things tender or crisp, sweet and salt, oily, greasy, or sour; amongall kinds he has friends whom he welcomes in succession; and it is well for us that he does so, for we share in all his pleasures. The porter below, who works for himself alone, obscure and unknown down in his black hole, the porter below, I say, has but one taste, knows but one friend--a gray-looking paste, semi-liquid, with a very peculiar unsavoury smell, disagreeable enough to any one but himself, which is called the _chyme_, I scarcely know why, but it is what everything one eats turns into, without exception, be it delicate or coarse by nature. The great lord's truffle-stuffed pullet makes, as nearly as possible, the same _chyme_ as the charcoal-burner's black bread; and though the palate of the former may be better treated than that of the latter, the _pylori_ can enjoy but one and the selfsame sauce. Equality is soon restored in this case, therefore, as you see. To be free to pass through then, the contents of the stomach must be reduced to the condition of _chyme,_ the only substance which finds favor with the _pylorus:_ and as, in the endless varieties of food which go to form our nutriment, some sorts turn into _chyme_ much more quickly than others, it follows, that by the aid of its discriminating tact (which is not easy to elude) the _pylorus_ allows some to pass, while it turns back others, until all in succession are converted into chyme. For example, in the case of a mouthful of bread and meat swallowed at once, the bread passes away on its travels long before the meat has done dancing attendance in the stomach, awaiting that transformation without which the _pylorus_ will never allow it to slip through. This ought to make you seriously reflect on the danger of carelessly swallowing things, which, by their nature, are not susceptible of being converted into _chyme,_ particularly if they are too large to hide in the general paste, as a cherry-stone will sometimes do, so mixed up with other food as to pass unperceived by the _pylorus,_ over whose decisions we have no control, remember. It bangs the door to, be assured, in the very face of anything obnoxious without hesitation, and the poor stomach would find itself condemned to retain them for an indefinite period, unless by dint of prayers and supplications they should contrive to soften the stern guardian, who may at last get accustomed to their approach, and, perhaps, in a weak moment, allow them to pass as contraband goods; like a custom-house officer on a foreign frontier who will occasionally shut his eyes to a country friend's packet of tobacco. But the poor stomach has had to suffer a martyrdom meantime, while the dispute was pending, and before the intruder has been winked at by the porter. I shall remember all my life the history of a peach-stone, which was related to me in 1831. I was at the time a youngster at the Stanislaus College, and (aided perhaps by the Revolution of July, which had recently occurred), it was just then discovered to be a proper thing to set about teaching the laws of nature to children. Consequently, for the first time in the history of schools, a professor of natural history was added to the instructors of Latin and Greek. I leave you to judge how we opened our ears to his lessons. When we arrived in the course of our new studies at the _pylorus,_ of which we had none of us ever heard before, our professor, in warning us, as I have done you, of the dangers of imprudent gluttony, related, as an instance, the case of a lady who had inadvertently swallowed a peach-stone. For two years she suffered agonies in her stomach without any cessation or relief. The luckless peach-stone, repelled by the walls of the stomach, which its very touch irritated, was incessantly thrown against the entrance of the _pylorus,_ but in vain. As to turning itself into _chyme,_ such a thing was not to be thought of, it was far too hard a substance for that. Round and round it went, causing in its relentless course such renewed suffering to the poor patient, that she was visibly sinking from day to day. The doctors, finding all their treatment of no avail, began to despair of her life, when one fine day she was suddenly, and as if by enchantment, relieved of her tormentor. The peach-stone had bribed the porter, with whom, in the course of the two years, it had scraped up a sort of friendship. It had cleared the terrible barrier, had been allowed to slip out, and the lady was saved; but it was only just in time. I do not know, my dear, that this story, which is certainly well calculated to cure you of any fancy for swallowing peach-stones, willmake as much impression on you as it did on me five-and-twenty years ago. The idea of telling it to you occurred to me quite by chance. It has carried me back to the time when, as is now the case with you, the mysteries which lie hidden in our internal organization were beginning to be revealed to my mind; and you will one day know with what delight one recalls the remembrance of these first dawnings of the intellectual life--that delightful infancy of the growing mind--more rich in recollections, and more interesting a thousand fold than the infancy of the body. I have allowed myself the little treat of this episode, and if I have had the good fortune to amuse you at all during our progress, you must not cavil at this piece of self-indulgence. And now we have done just what the peach-stone did; we, too, have passed the barrier, and are out of the stomach, but still we have not yet come to the end of our tale. LETTER X. THE INTESTINAL CANAL. I venture to hope, my dear child, that more and more light is dawning upon your mind, as we gradually proceed on our little journey. You must by this time have some idea how the food, which has been masticated and softened in the mouth, cooked, kneaded, and decomposed in the stomach, and transformed into a soft, semi-transparent kind of paste, will soon be ready to mix with the blood, in order to repair the waste that the life-stream is continually undergoing in its ceaseless course through all parts of the body. You have perhaps thought it a sad degradation for a truffle-stuffed fowl to turn to _chyme._ But when you consider that by this means it becomes part and parcel of a human body, the change is not to be despised. It was necessary, to begin with, that materials destined to the honor of being incorporated into our frame, should break the links which bound them to the condition of fowl and vegetable, and thus be free to engage in new relations; just as a man who wishes to be naturalized in a new country must first break the ties which hold him to the old one. Those articles of food we were speaking of lately, which are so stiff and ceremonious, and want so much coaxing before they change into _chyme,_ which, moreover, we call _indigestible_ because they tire the stomach so much more than the rest, are merely those whose component parts being held together by more solid ties than usual, continue obstinately in the same state as at first, and will not consent to that dissolution which is the first condition of their glorious transformation. Moreover, the transformation which has been described to you now, you will henceforth meet with everywhere; wherever, that is to say, and as far as, you choose to pursue the study of nature. God works by one grand and simple rule so far as we can discover. He destroys to reconstruct, builds up what is to be, out of the ruins of what has been, creates life by death, if I may so express myself, and thus, what takes place in our stomachs on a small scale goes on on a large one in the universe. Social communities, like everything else, are subject to this universal law, and it is not always an advantage to them when they refuse to be digested in the great stomach of the age! While we are on this subject, and to show you how wonderfully this little history of eating, told in this familiar style, applies right and left, let us reflect on the causes which have produced a great and mighty nation in one country (as in France), while in another (as in. Germany), a far more numerous and even more intellectual population has failed to rise to anything like the same distinction. The explanation is not difficult. In the one case, the petty tribes among which the land was originally divided consented to mix, and dissolve, and be digested as it were together, in order to revive again for a more glorious career; while in the other, the aboriginal societies have adhered stiffly to their distinctive characters, and failing to submit to the regenerating process, cling together in indigested portions, rather than assimilate into one great whole. However, we must return to the _pylorus_ or we shall be getting into a difficulty! What I am now going to offer you though, is rather hard of digestion, but it will not do to provide sweet pastry only for your brain; it will be more wholesome for it to have something a little more solid to bite at from time to time. The _pylorus_, then, as has been shown, makes way for all sorts of aliments when they have been converted into _chyme; i.e._, when they have lost their original form and individuality. They are dead to their first life, therefore; now the question is, how are they to be revived into the new one? Behind the _pylorus_ extends a long conduit or tube--so long as to be sometimes seven times the length of the whole body, but doubled up backwards and forwards a number of times, so as to form a large bundle, which fills the whole cavity of the belly--or as we also call it, the _abdomen_. This bundle or packet is known to everybody as _the intestines_, and it is divided into two portions: the _small intestine_--that is, the slenderer, finer portion which begins at the _pylorus_, and forms all the doublings of the packet, and the _large intestine_, which is shorter and thicker also, as its name implies, and keeps to some extent separate, though it is in reality only a continuation of the other. This starts at the base of the _abdomen_, near the right side, goes up in a straight line to the height of the stomach, below which it passes, making a large bend in front of the small intestine; after which it descends on the left side to the lower part of the trunk, where it terminates. You will perhaps inquire how the _chyme_ continues to make its way through all these manifold twists of the intestines; but do not trouble yourself; it has only to let itself go. That _vermicular movement_ which we noticed in the _oesophagus_ and in the _stomach_ is found here also. It reigns, so to speak, from one end of our internal eating-machine to the other; which eating-machine, by the way, we will now call by its proper scientific name--_the intestinal canal_; and it is by that movement the food is carried forward from the first moment it leaves the mouth, and helped through all its journeyings, till it reaches the termination of the large intestine. If your body were made of glass, so that you could look through it to watch the intestine at work, it would appear to you like an enormous worm coiled up into a bundle, heaving and moving with all its rings at once. You never suspected there was such a movement within you; yet it has been going on there continually ever since you were born, and will not cease till you die. Your internal machinery never goes to sleep, not even when you are sleeping yourself. It is a workshop in constant operation, providing night and day for your necessities; and in this respect the inner man sets a first-rate example to the outer one! You will recollect what I said to you the other day about the internal republic, and the provinces which are under your sole government. It would be very disgraceful for the kingdom to be doing nothing while the republic is working so hard; and a queen who understands her office will make it a point of honor to banish idleness from her household; in the houses of her neighbors this word is unknown. The _chyme_ once launched into this moving tube, is in no danger of remaining stationary there; the fear is, of its passing on too quickly, as you will soon see. But this danger has been provided against. Along the whole course of its journey, though chiefly at the commencement, it encounters at intervals certain elastic fleshy valves which interrupt its progress, and do not allow it to pass till it has accumulated in sufficient force to push them before it, and so escape. In consequence of which it is always being checked in its advance; and during these stoppages a most important work goes on upon it at leisure. You must understand first, that the substances of which our food is composed, and which are afterwards decomposed in the stomach, are not all invited to enter the blood. Our aliments are something like the stones which the gold-seekers of California reduce to powder in order to extract therefrom the hidden particles of gold they contain. The gold of our food is that portion of it which the blood is able to appropriate to his own advantage; the rest he rejects as refuse. And this explains why a small slice of meat nourishes you more than a whole plateful of salad. Meat is a stone absolutely full of gold, while the salad has only a few veins of it here and there, and by far the greater part of the material it sends to the intestines, has, in consequence, to be thrown away. Now it is in the first portion of the small intestine, the part known by the Latin name _duodenum,_ which signifies twelve (because it is about the length of twelve finger-breadths), that the division takes place between the parts which go to nourish the blood, and those which are useless refuse. It is an important operation as you may suppose, and were the _chyme_ to pass rapidly through the small intestine the gold would run the risk of being carried off with the refuse. After the delay in the stomach, the food-substances make another halt in the _duodenum,_ which, being very thin and slender, would have great difficulty in containing them at the time of their grand entry, an hour or two after a meal, were it not that it possesses the property of expanding itself to such an extent, that it swells out on grand occasions to the usual size of the stomach itself, so that it has sometimes been considered as a second stomach. And no doubt the operation which takes place in it gives it a claim to the appellation, for thereby the finishing stroke is put to the work previously begun in the stomach, and one may fairly say that, but for this last touch, very little would be accomplished at all. Above the _duodenum_, and hid behind the stomach, is a kind of sponge, similar in nature to those we have already observed in the mouth. To this has been given the somewhat ridiculous name of _pancreas_; I call it ridiculous because it is derived from two Greek words which signify _all flesh_; whereas the _pancreas_, which is a sponge of the same description as the salivary glands, presents the appearance of a grayish granulous mass which is not fleshy at all. Whatever be its name, however, our sponge communicates with the _duodenum_ through a small tube, by means of which it pours into the _chyme_, as it accumulates, a copious supply of a fluid exactly like the _saliva_ of the mouth. Just by the place where the tube from the _pancreas_ empties itself into the _duodenum_, another tube arrives bringing also a fluid, but of a different sort. This last comes from the liver, where there is a manufactory of _bile_--an unpleasant yellowish-green liquid, the name of which you have no doubt heard before, and which plays a very important part in the transformation of the aliments. These new agents, the bile and the liver, are far too important to be passed over in a few words; I reserve them, therefore, for my next letter. Meantime, not to leave you longer in suspense, I may say that the separation between the gold and the refuse in the _chyme_ takes place as soon as the latter has received the two liquids furnished by the liver and the _pancreas_. If you ask in what manner the division is accomplished, I confess, to my shame, that I am not able to explain it! What takes place there is a chemical process, and hereafter I shall have occasion to explain the meaning of that phrase. But the Great Chemist has not in this instance seen fit to divulge to man the secret of the work. Indeed, you must prepare yourself beforehand, my dear child, to meet with many other mysteries besides this, if we pursue to the end our study of this flesh and bone which constitute the body of man. And here I recall what Camille Desmoulins is reported to have said about St. Just, viz., that he carried his head as high as if it were a consecrated Host. [Footnote: The young Protestant reader who has never lived in a Catholic country, will perhaps need to be told, that what is here called Consecrated Host, is the sacramental wafer, or communion bread of the church. In French called _hostie_, in Italian, _ostia_. In all their religious processions, which are very frequent, the host is carried by the priest highest in authority, in a glass box placed on a staff about four feet long, which he holds before him and so far elevated that he has to look up to it. Over his head a richly embroidered canopy of satin is always carried by several men; and while these are passing, all good Catholics uncover the head and bend the knee, wherever they may be. It is the custom also for the priest to be called to administer the sacrament to any one about to die, on which occasion he always walks under this canopy, dressed in his priestly robes, carrying the host and preceded by some boys, ringing a bell, when the same ceremony is observed. In passing a regiment or company of soldiers, the column is halted, wheeled into line, and with arms presented, the whole line, officers and men, kneel before it, and the priest usually turns and offers a benediction. When he goes in the evening to the house of the dying, it is customary for the people to go out upon the balconies with lighted lamps and kneel while the host is being carried by.] You will read about these two men by-and-by in history. Meantime I will not bid you do exactly the same as St. Just, because you would be laughed at; but in one point of view he was not altogether wrong. The human body is, in very truth, a temple in which the Deity maybe said to reside, not inactively, not veiling his presence, but living and moving unceasingly, watching on our behalf over the mysterious accomplishment of the everlasting laws which equally guide the _chyme_ in its workings through our frames, and direct the sun in its course through the heavens. We mortals eat, but it is God who brings nourishment out of our food. LETTER XI. THE LIVER. I fear you will be getting a little weary, my dear, of dwelling so long on this intestinal tube, where things which looked so well on one's plate become so transformed that they cannot be recognized, and where there is nothing to talk about but _chyme_, and _bile_, and the _pancreas,_ and all sorts of things neither pleasant to the eye nor agreeable to the ear. But what is to be done? It is always the same story with useful things. The people by whose labor you live in this world, are by no means the handsomest to look at, and so it is in the little world we carry about in our bodies. Never mind! Keep up your heart. We are getting to the end. We shall very soon be following the nourishing portion of our food, on its journey to the blood, and you will find yourself in new scenes. First, though, let us say a few words about the liver--the bile-manufacturer; and to begin with, I will describe the place he occupies in our interior. The interior of the human body is divided into two large compartments, placed one above the other; the _chest_ and the _abdomen_. These are two distinct apartments, each containing its own particular class of tenants: the upper one being occupied by the heart and the lungs (the respective offices of which I will presently explain to you); while in the lower are the stomach, the intestines, and all the other machinery which assists in the process of digestion. These two stories of apartments are separated as those of our houses are, by a floor placed just above the pit of the stomach. This floor is a large thin, flat muscle, stretched like canvas, right across the body; and it is called the _diaphragm_--another hard word! Never mind; but do your best to recollect it, for we shall have great need of it when we come to the lungs. If you had been born in Greece, you would have no difficulty with the word, for it is Greek for _separation_. It means, in fact, a _separating partition_, or, as I called it just now, _a floor._ All this is preparatory to telling you that the liver is hooked to the diaphragm in the abdomen. It is a very large mass and fills up, by itself alone, all the right side of the lower compartment, from the top downwards, to where the bones end which protect the abdomen on each side, and which are called _the short ribs._ Place your hand there, and you will find them without difficulty. Large as the liver is, it hangs suspended to a mere point of the diaphragm, and shakes about with even the slightest movement of the body. It is partly on this account that many people do not like to sleep lying on the left side, especially after a good dinner, because in this position the liver weighs upon and oppresses the stomach, like a stout gentleman asleep in a coach who falls upon and crushes his companion at every jolt of the vehicle. The liver within you produces, then, the same effect that a cat, lying on the pit of your stomach would do, and the result is that you have the nightmare. The liver is of a deep-red color. It is an accumulation of excessively minute atoms, which, when united, form a somewhat compact mass, and within each of which there is a little cell, invisible to the naked eye, where an operation of the highest importance to our existence is mysteriously carried on. It appears a very simple one, it is true, yet hitherto it has baffled all attempts at explanation. Listen, however; the subject is well worthy your careful attention, whether it can be explained or not, and we must look back to take it up from thebeginning. I told you about the thousand workmen constantly busied in every part of our bodies, who call on the blood without ceasing for "more, more." You will remember further that it is to enable the blood to supply these constant demands, that we require food. This being understood, it is not difficult to see why we grow; the difficulty is, rather, to explain why we do not continue to grow. Consider, for instance, the quantity of food you have eaten during the last year. Picture to yourself all the bread, meat, vegetables, fruits, cakes, &c., piled upon a table. Put a whole year's milk into a large earthenware pan, all the sweetmeats into a large jar, all the soup into a great tureen, and see what a huge heap you will have collected together. Then try to recollect how much you have increased in size with all this nourishment, which has entered your body. But reckoning in this way--even supposing the little workmen had used only a half or even a third of the materials in question, and rejected the rest as refuse--you would have to stoop in order to get in at the door; and as for your papa, whose heap must have been bigger than yours, his case would be desperate indeed; and yet he has not grown at all! This is very curious, and I dare say you have never thought about it before. Do you know the story of a certain lady called Penelope, who was the wife of Ulysses, a very celebrated king of whom the world has talked for the last 3000 years--thanks to a poet called Homer, who did him the honor of making him his hero! The husband of Penelope had left her for a long time to go to the wars, and as he did not return, people tried to persuade her to marry again. For peace and quiet's sake, she promised to do so when she should have finished a piece of cloth she was weaving, at which she worked all day long. They thought to get hold of her very soon, but her importunate lovers were disappointed; for the faithful wife, determined to await the return of her husband, unwove every night the portion she had woven during the day; and I leave you to judge what progress the web made in the course of a year! Now, every part of our bodies is a kind of Penelope's web, with this difference--that here the web unravels at one end as fast as the work progresses at the other. As the little masons put new bricks to the house on one side, the old ones crumble away on another--in this manner the work might go on forever without the house becoming bigger; while, on the other hand, the house is always being rebuilt. People who are fond of building, as some are, would quite enjoy having such a mansion as this on hand! At your early age, my love, fewer bricks drop out than are added, and this is why you grow from year to year. At your papa's age, just the same number perish and are replaced; and therefore he continues the same size, although in the course of the year he swallows three times his own weight of food. But when I say this, do not suppose it is an offensive remark, or that I think him either too little a man, or too great an eater; seeing that there are 365 days in the year, and that a quart of water weighs two pounds: I need not say more! But the next question is, what becomes of all the refuse which this perpetual destruction produces? What becomes of it? Have you forgotten our steward who looks after everything? He is a more active fellow than I have represented him! To the office of purveyor-general he adds that of universal scavenger. But in the latter department he obtains help. Wherever he passes along, troops of little scavengers press forward, like himself always busy; and while he holds out a new brick to the mason as he hurries by, the little scavenger slips out the old one and conveys it away. The history of these scavengers is a very curious one, and we shall have to speak about it a little further on. They are minute pipes, _i.e. ducts_, spread all over the body, which they envelope as if with fine net work. They all communicate together, and end by emptying the whole of their contents into one large canal, which, in its turn, empties itself into the great stream of the blood. Imagine all the drains of a great town flowing into one large one, which should empty itself into the river on which the town was built, and you will have a fair idea of the whole transaction. What the river would in such a case be to the town, the blood is to the body--the universal scavenger, as I said before. But you will ask further, What does the blood do with all this?--a question which brings us back once more to the liver. You must have seen, just now, that the pockets of our dear steward would be rapidly overloaded, were he to keep constantly filling them with the old worn-out materials which the builders rejected, unless he had some means of emptying them as he went along. Accordingly, a wise Providence has furnished the body, on all sides, with clusters of small chambers or cells, in which the blood deposits, as he goes by, all the refuse he has picked up, and which makes its exit from the body sometimes in one way, sometimes in another. Now, the cells of the liver are among these refuse-chambers. One may even consider them as some of the most important ones. When the blood has run its course through the lower compartment, I mean the _abdomen_, it collects from all directions and rushes into a large canal called the _portal vein_, which conveys it to the liver. As soon as this canal has entered the liver, it divides and subdivides itself in every direction, like the limbs and branches of a tree diverging from the trunk; and very soon the blood finds itself disseminating through an infinity of small canals or pipes, whose ultimate extremities, a thousand times finer than the finest hairs of your head, communicate with the tiny cells of the liver. There, each of the imperceptible little drops, thus carried into these imperceptibly minute cell-chambers, rids itself--but no one knows how--of a part of the sweepings it has carried along with it. Which done, the little drops thread their way back through other canals as fine as the first, and which go on uniting more and more to each other, like the branches of a tree on their way to the trunk--forming at last one large canal, through which the blood escapes from the liver, once more relieved from its weight of rubbish, and ready to recommence its work. You are going to ask me, "What is all this to me--this history of the blood and its sweepings? It was the bile you undertook to tell me about, that liquid you spoke of as so necessary for the transformation of the food: we were to get out of the intestinal tubes by the help of the bile, you promised me." Well, my little impatient minx, it is the history of the bile that I have been relating to you, and what is most remarkable about it is this. You have perhaps heard of those wholesale ragpickers, who makelarge fortunes by collecting out of the mud and dirt of the streets, the many valuable things which have been dropped there? Well, the liver is the master-ragpicker of the body. He fabricates, out of the refuse of the blood, that bile which is so valuable in the economy of the human frame. This bile is neither more nor less than the deposit left by the little drops of blood in the innumerable minute liver-cells. See what an ingenious arrangement, and in what a simple way two objects are effected by one operation! Now you have learnt the genealogy of the bile, and the double office of the liver, which benefits the blood by what it takes from it, benefits the _chyme_ by what it gives it, and is an economist at the same time--since it only gives back what it has received. This was what I particularly wished to explain to you: the rest you will easily learn. The bile does not make a long stay in the little cells, it also escapes, by canals similar to those which carry off the blood, after itspurification; and which in a similar way unite by degrees together, until at length they terminate in a single canal, communicating with a little bag placed close against the liver, where the bile accumulates between the periods of digestion--so forming a stock on hand, ready to pour at once into the _duodenum_ when the latter calls for its assistance. The next time the cook cleans out a fowl, ask her to show you the little greenish bladder which she calls the gall and which she takes such care not to burst, because it contains a bitter liquid which, if spilt upon it, would quite ruin the flavor of the fowl. Such, precisely, is the bag which holds the bile. Moreover, it is close by the liver of the fowl that you will find it placed: and you can convince yourself in a moment by it, that the little provision I tell you of is always stored away therein. We have also within us a multitude of minute electric telegraphs, which transmit intelligence of all that occurs from one part of the body to another, in a more wonderful manner even than the telegraphs of man's making; later we shall see how they work. By their means the little bag by the liver is made aware in the twinkling of an eye of the entrance of the _chyme_ into the _duodenum,_ and forthwith the bile returns for some distance by the canal which brought it, and then branches off into a larger one which opens into the _duodenum._ The liver, on getting this intelligence, sets to work more diligently than ever, and the bile flows in streams into the _duodenum,_ where it mixes as it arrives with the current which comes from the _pancreas._ Thus combined, the two liquids flow over the _chyme,_ which they saturate on all sides; and here, as I have said, the work of the intestinal canal ends. What is serviceable for the blood is separated from the useless refuse, and nothing remains but to get it out of the intestines. It is true that in their character of tubes these are closed on all sides. But do not trouble yourself: a means of escape is prepared. Before we part, however, I must apologize for something. I have not described to you what the bile consists of, or what kind of refuse the blood leaves in the liver; nevertheless, as you take an interest in this much-neglected book of nature, you ought to know these things. It is, however, very difficult to lead you by the hand through so many wonder*, where the secrets of nature are all in operation at once, and to explain each as soon as we meet with it. They combine, and progress together like the waves of the sea, where one breath suffices to agitate the whole mass. When we have talked about the lungs, we will have another word to say about the liver. LETTER XII. THE CHYLE. To-day we have to begin by making acquaintance with a new term. I would willingly have spared you this, if I could, for the word is neither a pretty, nor a well-chosen one, but we cannot get on without it. You are aware now that the learned, unknown sponsors, who gave names to the different parts of the body, bestowed the odd-enough one of _chyme_ on that pasty substance which passes out of the stomach when the cooking is over. We have said quite enough about it, and you know enough of it I am sure. Well! the people seem to have had quite a fancy for the word _chyme_, for they adopted it again, with only a very slight alteration, when they wanted to specify separately the quintessence of the _chyme_ (the useful part that is), which has to unite with the blood, and which we have been speaking of as the _gold_ of the aliments--this then they called _chyle_. I give you the name as I received it, but have no responsibility in the matter. In concluding the last chapter I said we were sure to find there was a plan for extracting the best part of the _chyme_, viz. the _chyle_, from the intestinal canal; and a very simple one it is. A complete regiment of those little scavengers lately described, are drawn up in battle-array along the whole length of the small intestine, but especially round about the _duodenum._ There, a thousand minute pipes pierce in all directions through the coat of the intestine, and suck, like so many constantly open mouths, the drops of _chyle_ as fast as they are formed. They are called _chyliferous vessels_ or chyle-bearers, just as we might call hot-air stoves _caloriferous_ or heat-bearers--from the Latin word _fero,_ which means to carry or bear. I mentioned before that there were, within the intestine, certain elastic valves which obstruct the progress of the _chyme,_ and oblige it to be constantly stopping. There are in fact so many of these, and the skin which lines the intestinal canal is so folded and plaited, that if it were stretched out at full length on a big table, it would cover at least as large a surface as that other skin, with which you are so well acquainted, which entirely clothes the body outside. Now, the _chyliferous vessels_ we have been speaking of insinuate themselves into all the plaits and folds alluded to, and thus they reach at last the very centre of the _chymous_ paste, and not a single drop of _chyle_ can escape them. They do their work so well, that the separation is effected long before the paste reaches the large intestine; and when that has forced its way through the door which guards the entrance, and which prevents its ever returning again, the _chyle_ is already far off on its mission. It has threaded its way along the little pipes, and, always creeping nearer and nearer, is on the high-road to the heart, where it is anxiously expected. And what becomes of the rest? There is nothing further to be said about it, but that it shares the fate of everything else which, having answered its purpose in its place, is no longer wanted and must be got rid of. Thus in works where iron-stone smelting is carried on, the refuse that remains after the ore is extracted, though available for road-making or other purposes, is thrown out of the manufactory as a useless incumbrance there. Our history requires us to follow the fate of that golden aliment the _chyle,_ which is now in a condition to support the life of the body, and every drop of which will turn into blood--the blood which beats at our hearts, nourishes our limbs, and sets at work the fibres of our brain. I ought to tell you first that the _chyle,_ when it leaves the intestine, is very like milk. It is a white, rather fatty juice, having the appearance, when you look closely at it, of a kind of _whey,_ in which a crowd of globules, or little balls if you prefer it, infinitesimally small, are swimming about. Some people, whose curiosity nothing can check, have put the tips of their tongue to it; so I am able to tell you, if you care for the information, that it has rather a saltish taste. At this point it is what may be called new-born blood, and to carry on the metaphor, blood whose education has yet to be completed. All the elements of blood are there already, but in confusion and intermingled, so that they cannot yet be recognised. A wonderful fact, and one of which I have no explanation to offer you, because among the many mysteries which are silently going on within us is this, that the education of the new-born blood begins entirely of itself in the vessels which are carrying it along. During their very journey, the confused elements are setting themselves in order and forming into groups. In short the _chyle,_ when it comes out of the chyliferous vessels, is already much more like blood than when it entered them, and yet one cannot account for the change. It is changed, however; its whiteness has already assumed a rosy tinge, and if it is exposed to the air it may be seen turning slightly red, as if to give notice to the observer of what it is about to become. You know that all our scavengers uniting together deposit their sweepings in one large canal, which is called the _thoracic duct._ The _chyle_ scavengers arrive there just like the rest, and there our poor friend finds himself confounded for a moment with all the dross of the body, as sometimes happens to men who devote themselves to the public good. But the crisis passes in an instant. A little further off, the _thoracic duct_ pours its whole contents together into a large vein situated close to the heart, and the blood has no difficulty in recognising and appropriating what belongs to him. Here, my dear little scholar, we conclude the first part of our story. To eat is to nourish oneself; that is, to furnish all parts of the body with the substances necessary to them for the proper performance of their functions. The mouth receives these substances in their crude condition, the intestinal canal prepares them for use, and the blood distributes them. After the history of the _preparation,_ comes naturally that of the _distribution._ The first is called the DIGESTION. It is the history of the _chyle,_ which begins between the thumb and forefinger while as yet invisible, hid in the thousand prisons of our different sorts of food, and ends in the _thoracic duct_, when, disengaged from all previous bonds, purified and refined by the ordeals of its intestinal life, it leaps into the blood, carrying with it a renewal of life and power. The second history is that of the CIRCULATION. It is the history of the _Blood,_ that indefatigable traveler, who is constantly _circulating_ or describing a circle (the Latins called it _circulus_) through the body; by which I mean that it is continually retracing its steps, coming out of the heart to return to it, re-entering it only to leave it again, and so on without intermission, until the hour of death. The history of the _Digestion_, which we have just gone through, goes on quietly from one end to the other without any complication. That of the _Circulation_, which we are about to begin, is mixed up with another history, from which it cannot be kept separate while the description is going on, although the two histories are in reality quite distinct from each other. The blood describes two circles, to speak correctly: 1st. A wide one, which extends from the extremities of the body to the heart, and back again from the heart to the extremities. 2d. A more contracted one, which goes from the heart to the lungs, and back from the lungs to the heart. Whilst circulating in the lungs, it encounters the air we breathe; and here takes place, between it and the air, one of the most curious transactions imaginable, without which the blood would not be able to nourish the body even for five minutes. This is called RESPIRATION, or the act of breathing. Digestion, circulation, respiration, the three histories together form but one--that of NUTRITION, or the act of nourishing; in other words, of supporting life. This is what I called _eating_ at first, that I might not mystify you at the beginning with hard words. But now that we are growing learned ourselves, we must accustom ourselves to the terms in use among learned people, especially when they are not more formidable than those I have just taught you. Our next subject for consideration, then, Will be the circulation; and we will begin with the heart, since that is to the circulation what the stomach is to the digestion--viz., master of the establishment. He is a very important person, this heart, as I hardly need tell you. Even ignorant people speak respectfully of him, and I am sure beforehand that his history will interest you very much. Do you feel as I do, my dear child? I am quite happy at having brought you thus far on our journey, and at being able to take a rest with you at the gateway of the new country into which we are about to enter, like travelers sitting down upon a boundary frontier. What a distance we have come, since the day when I took you by the hand to conduct you inside this little body, of which you were making use without knowing anything about it! How many things we have learned already, and how many more remain to be learned, of which you have at present no idea! I assure you I should be almost afraid myself of what is before us yet, if I did not rely upon my own strong desire to instruct you, and the tender affection I bear to you. Believe me, the greatest of constraining powers is love; and when I get bewildered in the midst of some difficult explanation which will not come out clearly, I have only to place before me those laughing eyes of yours, where sleeps a soul that must soon awaken to consciousness, in order to make the daylight come into my own! Must I add, too, that I am not working for you only? We are all placed in this world to help each other, and in striving to bring down light into your intellect, and good sentiments into your heart, I am thinking also of those to whom you, in your turn, may render the same good service hereafter, provided I have the happiness of succeeding now with you. This ought to be so, ought it not? You should resolve to be numbered one day among those who have not lived altogether for themselves, but who have given the world something worth having as they passed through it. To-day's labor will have been well employed if, later on, it turns out that this history of the _chyle_ has not been told you in vain! LETTER XIII. THE HEART. There was once upon a time a banker, a millionaire, who could reckon his wealth not by millions only, but by hundreds of millions and more; who was, in fact, so tremendously rich that he did not know what to do with his money--a difficulty in which nobody had ever been before. This man took it into his head to build a palace infinitely superior to anything that had hitherto been seen. Marbles, carpets, gildings, silk hangings, pictures, and statues--in fact, the whole mass of common-place luxuries as one sees them even in the grandest royal abodes, fell short of his magnificent pretensions. He was an intelligent man, and thoroughly understood the respect due to his riches; and the common fate of kings seemed to him far too shabby for the entertainment of his dynasty, which he looked upon as very superior to all the families of crowned heads in the world. In consequence he sent to the four quarters of the globe for the most illustrious professors, the most skilful engineers, the cleverest and most ingenious workmen in every department; and giving them unlimited permission as to expenditure? ordered them to adorn his palace with all the wonders of science and human industry. Science, and human industry, and unlimited means--what will they not accomplish? No wonder that nothing was talked of for a hundred miles around but the magic building--of which, by the way, I do not venture to give you a description, because it would carry me too far away. Let it suffice to say, that never Emperor of China, Caliph of Bagdad, or Great Mogul had such a habitation as our banker, and for a very good reason--he was twenty times as rich as any such gentry as I have named ever were in their lives. When all was finished one trifling flaw was discovered: the place was not supplied with water. A spring-seeker, who was summoned to the premises, could only discover a small subterranean watercourse, a sort of zigzag pipe, formed by nature, between two beds of clay, in which the rain of the neighborhood collected as in a sort of reservoir. The water was neither very clear nor very plentiful, as you may imagine; and the professor appointed to examine it, having begun by tasting it, made a horrible face, and declared there was no use in proceeding any further; for it had a stagnant flavor which would not be agreeable to my lord. To the amazement of every body, my lord jumped for joy when he heard this unpleasant news. It was proposed to him to fetch water from a river which flowed a few miles' distance off; but he would hear of nothing of the sort. What he wanted was something new, unexpected, impossible--that was his object throughout. He took a pen and drew up at a sitting the following programme, which caused our poor professors to open their eyes in dismay:-- 1st. We will use the water on the premises. 2ndly. It shall flow night day and in all parts of the palace at once. 3rdly. There shall be plenty of it, and it shall be good. The professors looked at each other for some time without speaking, and the gravest of them, whose fortunes and characters had been long ago established, suggested that they should simply give my lord and his money the slip, and so teach him to make fools of people another time! But the youngsters, less easily discouraged, cried out against this with one accord. They declared that the honor of science was at stake, and that they ought to return impudence for impudence, by executing to the letter the impertinent programme! At length, after much discussion and many propositions made against all hope, and thrown aside one after the other as impracticable, a sudden inspiration crossed the brain of an engineer who had not yet spoken; and the following is what he proposed:-- What prevented the water from being sweet and fit to drink, was the want of movement and air. What had to be done, therefore, was to erect a pump, but a pump provided with numberless small pipes, extending to the watercourse in all directions, and so arranged that by means of them it should be able to draw up the water from all the corners and windings where it lay stagnating, and then forcing it forward into a pipe terminating in a rose, like that of a watering-pot, whence it should gush out to fall down in fine rain, into a reservoir in the open air. From thence another action of the pump was to bring it back well aerated, to send it once more into a large pipe with numerous lesser ramifications, which should convey it into every corner of the palace. Up to this point all seemed practicable, but the hardest part had not yet come. The great difficulty was how to supply this enormous consumption with so slender a runnel of water as the one at their disposal. But our engineer had provided for this by a stroke of genius. Under each of the taps (always kept open), which were dispersed all over the palace, he would place a small cistern, from the bottom of which should go a pipe communicating with the body of the force-pump which drew up the water from the original watercourse. By which means the water which ran from the taps would be taken up again and go back to feed the reservoir in the open air; whence it would again return to supply the taps; and so on and on, the same water continually keeping the game alive, as people call it. Have you not sometimes seen at a circus or theatre a large army represented by a hundred supernumeraries, who file in close columns before the audience, going out at one side of the stage and coming in at the other, following close at each other's heels indefinitely? By a similar artifice the engineer would change his meagre little runnel into an inexhaustible fountain. The water drawn up from the watercourse by each stroke of the pump would fully compensate for what was used in its passage through the palace by the inhabitants. Lastly, as it might sometimes happen that the said inhabitants washed their hands under the taps, the water on its return to the cisterns, was to pass through a series of small filters, in order to cleanse it from any impurity it might have contracted by the way. Always flowing, always limpid, it would soon lose every trace of its original source, and might defy comparison with the water of any river in the world! A unanimous buzz of congratulations welcomed this plan, at once so simple and so bold, and our professors thought their troubles were over, but they were not at the end of their difficulties yet. When it came to the actual erection of the machine, (naturally a most complicated one, as it had to set a-going a quintuple system of pipes--pipes from the water-course to the pump, pipes from the pump to the reservoir, pipes from the reservoir to the pump, from the pump to the taps, and from the taps to the pump again,)--our banker, who had got amused and excited as they went on, conducted them to a small dark closet, only a few square feet in size, concealed in a corner of the large apartments, and informed them with a laugh that he had no other place to offer them. Besides which, he made them understand that on account of its situation, there could be no question of furnaces or boilers being set up there (he detested equally coal-smoke, fires, and explosions)--nor of workmen employed about the machine (it would not be decent to have them going up and down the front staircase)--nor above all, of the frightful brake-wheels always screeching and grinding, the unwieldy pistons rising and falling with a noise sufficient to give one the headache. He himself slept near the little dark closet, and the slightest noise was fatal to his repose. Having explained all this, the rich man curtly made his bow and retired. For once our professors owned themselves beaten. They had come forward quite proud of their invention, and now they were received, not with ecstasies of delight, but with fresh demands, more ridiculous even than the first. They were decidedly being mystified, and were preparing in consequence to pack up and begone, furious, and swearing by all their gods that they would never again expose science to see itself disgraced by a purse-proud vulgarian's scorn; when, lo! happily, a good fairy, the special friend of learned men, came passing by that way. She raised her enchanted wand with the tip of her finger, and all at once a little girl dressed in rags appeared in the midst of our astonished professors. Without giving them time to recover themselves, the child put her hand into the little patched waist of her dress, and drew forth a rounded object, about the size of her closed fist from which hung a quantity of tubes spreading in all directions. "See!" cried she; "here is the machine your banker demands of you." Picture to yourself a small closed bag, narrowing to a point at the end, and separated within into two very distinct compartments by a fleshy partition which went across the inside from the top to the bottom. Such was the object held up by the little girl. Prom each of these compartments issued a thick tube, ramifying into endless smaller ones; and they were moreover each surmounted by a sort of pouch, into which ran another tube, of the same description as the first. Each of these four portions (the two compartments and their pouches) was in constant but independent motion, distending and contracting alternately; and by carefully examining the noiseless play of this singular machine, (the walls of which were, by the magic power of the fairy, rendered transparent to the bystanders,) the learned assembly were very soon enabled to convince themselves, that it fulfilled all the monstrousconditions exacted of them by the fantastic millionaire. All was in movement together, I told you; but let us begin at one end. The right-hand compartment and its pouch represented the first pump; the pump employed to draw, by the same stroke, the water from the stagnant channel, and that from the taps. It was perfectly easy to distinguish the two systems of pipes, and how they united together at the small pouch on their arrival. When this was distended, a vacuum was created inside, which was instantly filled by the liquid from the tube which ran into it, (do not ask me why or how; I will explain that presently). When it contracted again, the liquid which had just entered was not able to get back, being prevented from so doing by a very ingenious and simple contrivance, which requires a brief explanation. Take off the lock from your chamber-door, which opens inside; then, standing outside, push against it with your shoulder, and you will get in without any difficulty. But when you are in, try to push the door open again with your shoulder in order to get outside into the passage, and you will find that you will not be able to pass through, and this simply because it does not open on that side. Which was exactly what happened to the liquid in the pouch! The door between the tube and the pouch only opened inwardly, and the liquid finding itself pressed on all sides in proportion as the pouch contracted more and more, and unable to return, was obliged at last to make its way through another similar door which led to the large compartment below. Here the same game recommenced. The compartment which had distended itself to receive it, contracted in its turn, and the liquid finding the road again barred behind it, had no choice but to force its way through the tube which led to the air-reservoir. Here commenced the work of the second pump,--the pump of the left compartment. The little pouch, when distended, was filled by the liquid from the reservoir, and then forced it forward into the large compartment below, always by means of the same process. This compartment again drove it, by a powerful contraction, into the large conducting tube charged with the office of its general distribution throughout the body. At the end of all which, it returned once more into the right-hand pump as before, to pursue the same course again, &c., &c. Thus, as you see, the whole mechanism turned upon two little points of detail, of the simplest description possible; namely, first, on the entrance-doors only opening on one side; and secondly, on the elastic covers of the pouches and compartments distending and contracting spontaneously. It was the prettiest thing in the world to see this unpretending-looking little bag working thus, quite naturally, without a suspicion that it was solving a problem which so many men, proud of their science, had given up as hopeless. Certainly here was a machine which made no noise! Once installed in its dark closet, it would have been necessary to place your hand upon it to find out that it moved at all. My lord could certainly sleep beside it without disturbance. "How much do you want for it?" said they to the poor little beggar girl. "Name your price; have no fear; we will pay you anything you wish." "I cannot give it to you," replied the child; "I need it too much myself: IT IS MY HEART. Now that you have seen it, make another like it, if you can." And she disappeared. It is said that the engineer, who longed to see his idea carried out, tried hard to construct a similar machine with gutta-percha and iron wires, and to set it in motion by electricity. But history does not tell us that he succeeded, and we have yet to ask ourselves whether the richest man in the world, aided by the wisest men in the world, could ever provide himself with a miracle of wonder, such as the, ragged child had received as a free gift from the hands of a gracious Creator. LETTER XIV. THE ARTERIES. If you have thoroughly understood the story I last told you, my child, it will have revealed to you the whole mystery of the _circulation of the blood,_ and you are at the present moment wiser than all the learned men of antiquity and the middle ages, for they had none of them the faintest surmise of the truth. It may, perhaps, seem odd to you that men should have existed for upwards of five thousand years without making inquiry into a matter which so closely concerned them, and which was so easy to find out. Is it not almost incredible that so many hearts should have beaten for so long a period without any of their owners having felt a wish to know exactly _why?_ Yet so it is. The action of the heart and the flow of the blood have not been understood for much more than two hundred years, and the man whose name is attached to this great discovery richly deserves that we should say a few words about him. He was called Harvey. He was an Englishman; physician to King Charles I., who was beheaded in 1648; and when he first ventured publicly to teach that the blood was constantly circulating from one end of the human body to the other, perpetually returning and retracing its steps, a great scandal was created in the world. He was called a fool,--an impertinent innovator,--a madman. His words shattered old doctrines, and he only received for his reward all the petty annoyances which men are apt to lavish so freely upon any one who tells them something new; because--do you see?--it is so disagreeable to be disturbed in one's habits and preconceived ideas. Harvey is not the only one in the history of mankind who has committed the sin of being right in defiance of the opinions of his age. It is true posterity takes account afterwards of the labors of genius, and inscribes a fresh name upon her list. But one must pay for this glory in one's lifetime. One cannot have everything at once. This is an old story, my child, but always new nevertheless; and for my own part it is, I own, one of my pleasures to amuse myself by reflecting how much cause for laughter three-fourths of the great men of the present day are providing for the little girls who shall be alive two centuries hence. Time is a great avenger, and puts many things and men in their proper places. Let us pause here a moment while we are speaking of Harvey. I should be curious to know what any one of the courtiers of Charles I., bedecked in feathers, ribbons and laces, would have said to the valet who would have placed the excellent Harvey, with his insane invention, above his most gracious majesty, the lord and king of all Great Britain! And yet what is his most gracious majesty to you to-day? What do you owe to him? in what does he interest you? While you can never hear the name of Harvey pronounced without remembering that you are under many obligations to him! A thousand years hence, when society shall have made the great progress which may reasonably be expected, the name of Harvey will be familiar to every one who owns a heart, while that of Charles I. will be only a vanished shadow; a souvenir lost in the maze of history. Our debt of remembrance paid, let us return to the heart--the little closed bag which labors so prettily. We must now inquire the real names of whatever has figured in our story. The two great compartments are called _ventricles,_ the two small pouches _auricles,_ and they are also distinguished as being on the right or left side;--_right ventricle, left ventricle, right auricle, left auricle._ The inner doors on which depends all the action of the machine, are called _valvelets._ By-and-bye, when the pump and the steam-engine are explained to you, you will meet again with these treacherous doors, which never allow what has once entered to go back again; but then we shall call them _valves._ The air-reservoir, I need scarcely tell you, is the _lung,_ to which the blood goes to put itself in contact with the air. The subterranean watercourse, of which I hope we have talked long enough, is _the small intestine,_ in which the _chyle_ collects; and the tubes which run into it are, of course, the _chyliferous vessels,_ the only channels by which anything reaches the heart which has not previously gone out from it. The tubes of distribution, which run out from the machine in all directions, are called with us _arteries_; the return tubes, which bring back the water to the machine, are called _veins._ Finally, we have not exactly the _filters_ employed to clear the water from the impurities contracted as it goes along, for no such thing exists in us. There are in our case the refuse-chambers of which I have already spoken, in connexion with the liver, where the blood disembarrasses itself of any useless materials, and from which it comes out with clean pockets, so to speak, reverting to the comparison of which we have already availed ourselves. As you see, then, everything comes round again; and the bright idea which our professors hit upon in order to satisfy the caprice of the banker is exactly carried out in your own body, only a thousand times more perfectly than could have been done by them all, even with all their science added to all his money. I mentioned that the shrewdest of the party boasted about making an artificial heart. But, let me tell you, there is one thing I would have defied him to imitate, by any expedient he could devise, and that is the inimitable construction of the _arteries_ and _veins,_ and the incomprehensible delicacy of their innumerable ramifications. Let us talk a little about these marvellous tubes, and begin with the arteries, which have the most important part to play. Did you ever see a doctor try the pulse of his patient? Take hold of your own wrist and search a little above the thumb. You will soon find the place and feel something beating against your finger. There is an artery which passes there, and the little beating you feel is the rebound of the pulsations, of your heart. Every time that the left _ventricle,_ by contracting itself, chases the blood into the arteries, these, of which the tissue is very elastic, become distended all at once, and then contract again, repeating the process whenever a fresh gush of blood arrives, so that their movement is exactly regulated by the movement of the heart. It is true the two movements are in a contrary direction; that is to say, the artery becomes distended, while the heart contracts, and contracts when the heart enlarges itself; but that makes no difference to the doctor. What he wants to know is, with what force and rapidity the heart of the patient beats, and I will explain why. It is an interesting point in the history of circulation. When you were very little--very little indeed, my dear child--your heart beat from 130 to 140 times in a minute. Afterwards the beats sank to 100 per minute; then to fewer still. At present I cannot tell you the precise number: perhaps, about ninety. When you are a grown-up young lady, it will beat about eighty times in the minute; when you are a mother, about seventy-three times; when a grandmother (if such a blessing be granted you), only from fifty to sixty times, perhaps even fewer. People tell of an old man of eighty-four whose heart beat only twenty-nine times in the sixty seconds. Observe that in all my calculations I have taken special care to prefix the word _about_ to the numbers mentioned. And this because, in point of fact, the heart is a capricious creature, which has no exact rules to go by. It changes its pace on every occasion--fear, joy, every emotion which agitates the soul, quickens or retards its movements; and derangements of health may be detected by its pulsations, which are infinitely varied in character. In fever, for instance, which is nothing but a race of the blood at full speed, the hearts of grown-up people beat as quickly as those of little children; sometimes, indeed, more quickly still. In certain maladies it goes with great sudden leaps, like a galloping horse; in others it trots in little jerks; while in some cases it moves slowly and wearily, and its throbs are so weak that one can scarcely feel them. These pulsations, then, afford important revelations to the doctor. The heart is for him a gossiping confidant, who lets out the secrets of illnesses, however closely they may fancy themselves hidden in the remote depths of the body. When the doctor lays his finger on the patient's pulse, it is precisely the same thing to him as if he had laid it on his heart, only with this difference, that the one is much less difficult to do, and much sooner done than the other. The artery of the wrist is in fact a small heart, not only because it follows all the movements of the large one, but because it carries forward the work which the other begins, and assists also in propelling the blood to the furthest extremities of the limbs, driving it on in its turn at each of its own contractions. Imagine a fire-engine, whose pipes should take up and drive forwards along their whole length the water which is thrown upon the fire, and you will have some idea of the marvellous machine which is at work in our behalf within us. Nor are you to suppose that the wrist-artery is a specially privileged one, because it has been chosen to hold intercourse with physicians. All the others are equally serviceable; and if they cannot all be used for "feeling the pulse," it is because they are generally more deeply buried in the flesh, where it is not easy to reach them. Observe your mother when she is packing a trunk, and you will see that whatever she is most afraid maybe spoiled, she is most careful to put in the middle, so that it may be least exposed to accidents. And this is what a kind Providence has done with the arteries, which have the utmost cause to dread accidents; whilst the veins, which are much better able to bear rough usage, are allowed to wander about freely just under the skin. But when the bones happen to take up a great deal of room, and come near the skin themselves, as is the case in the wrist, the artery is forced, whether he likes it or not, to venture to the surface, and then we are able to put our fingers upon him. And there are others in the same sort of situation; the artery of the foot for instance. But only just think how far from agreeable it would be to have to take off your shoe and present your foot to the doctor! The artery which passes to the temple, just by the ear, is another affair. That would answer the purpose very well in fact, and I even advise you to make use of it when you want to feel your own pulse. It is more easily found than the other even, and its pulsations are still more easily perceptible. Nevertheless, when all is said and done, it is better for the doctor to take his patient by the hand than by the head. Merely as a matter of good manners. I will now make you acquainted with the principal arteries, and the manner in which they distribute the blood through the body. The whole of the blood driven out by the left ventricle at each of its contractions, passes into one large canal called the _aorta_. The _aorta_ as it goes away at first ascends; then bends back in a curve; and from this curve, which is called the _arch of the aorta_ (from its shape) diverge right and left, certain branch-pipes which carry the blood into the two arms and on each side of the head; and which are, in fact, the beginning, or upper end, of those whose pulsations we feel with our fingers in the two wrists and at the temples. The supply to the upper part of the body being secured, the _aorta_ begins to descend. But now imagine of what importance it must be, that this head-artery--the foster-father of the whole body--should be sheltered from every accident. The _aorta_ once divided, death is inevitable; you might as well have your head cut off at once; and thus it has been fixed in the best--that is to say, the safest--place. Of course you know what is meant by the _backbone_ or _spine_, called also the _vertebral column_, in consequence of its being made like a sort of column composed of a series of small bones fastened together, which are named _vertebræ_. Touch it and feel how solid it is, and how few dangers there can be for anything placed behind it. Well, that is the rampart which has been given to the _Aorta_. As this descends, it slips behind the heart and takes up its place in front of the _vertebral column_ which it follows all the way down the back, just to the top of the loins. There it is, so to speak, almost unassailable; in fact hardly any cases are known of the _Aorta_ being wounded; to get at it, it would be necessary to bestow one of those blows which used to be given in the time of the Crusades, which cut the body in two. There was an end of the _Aorta_, as of every thing else then; it was unfortunately not worth talking about any longer! The next time you see a fish on the table, ask to be shown the large central bone. It is the fish's _vertebral column_, and it will give you an idea of your own, for it is constructed on the same plan. You will perceive a blackish thread running all along it--that is _the aorta_. As it descends, the _aorta_ sends off on its passage a great number of arteries which carry the blood into all parts of the body. Arrived at the loins it forms a fork; dividing into two great branches, which continue their descent, one on each side the body, down to the very extremities of the two feet. As you perceive, dear child, this is not very difficult to remember. A large fork, whose two points are at the tips of the feet, the handle of which curves at the top like the crook of a crozier; from this curve come four branches, which pass into the two arms and to the two sides of the head--and this is the whole story. But of course, it would be another affair were I to enter into the detail of all the ramifications. Here it is that all engineers, past, present, and future, are baffled, defeated and outdone! Choose any place you please upon your body, and run the finest needle you can find into it what will issue from the puncture? "Thanks for the proposal," you say; "I have no occasion to try the experiment, to discover that blood will come out." You say that very readily, young lady; but have you ever asked yourself, what is implied by your being so sure before hand that you can bring blood from any part of your body if you choose to prick it, though never so slightly? It implies that there is not on your whole frame a spot the size of a needle's point, which has not its own little canal filled with blood; for if there were such a one, there at any rate the needle would pass in without tearing the canal, and causing the blood to flow out. And now count the number of places from the top to the bottom of your dear little self, on which one could put the point of a needle, and even when you have counted them all, do not fancy you have arrived at the number of the tiny tubes of blood. Compared to these, your needle is a coarse stake, and tears not one but a thousand of these little tubes in its passage. That seems to you rather a strong expression, does it not? But let me make good my boldness. A needle's point is very fine, I admit; but a person who could not see it without spectacles must have very poor sight. Whereas the last subdivisions of the blood-tubes are so attenuated, that the best eyes in the world, your own included, cannot distinguish them. You are astonished at this, and yet it is nothing compared to what follows. No doubt you have heard of the microscope,--that wonderful instrument by which you may see objects a thousand, a hundred thousand, a million times, if necessary, larger than they really are. With the microscope, therefore, as a matter of course, we can see a good many of those tiny canals which elude our unaided sight. But, alas! we discover at the same time that these are by no means the last subdivisions. The canals invisible to our naked eyes subdivide themselves again into others, and these into others again, and so it goes on, till at last--the man at the microscope can see no more, but the subdivisions still continue. You were ready to exclaim, at my talking of thousands of canals being torn by a needle in passing through; but had I even said millions, it may be doubted whether I should have spoken the whole truth. Besides, when you consider the office of the blood, you can easily understand that if there were a single atom of the body left unvisited by him, that atom could never be nourished. Do I say nourished? I have made here a supposition altogether inadmissible; it could have no existence at all, since it is the blood only which produces it. These imperceptible canals of blood have been called _capillaries_, from the Latin word, _capillus_, which means a hair; because the old learned men, who had no suspicion of the wonders hereafter to be revealed by the microscope, could think of no better way of expressing their delicacy, than by comparing them to hairs. Very likely they thought even this a great compliment, but your delicate fair hairs, fine as they are, are absolute cables--and coarse cables too, believe me, compared to the _capillary vessels_ which extend to every portion of your body. Observe further, that each of these arterial _capillaries_ is necessarily composed (being the continuation of the large ones) of three coats enclosed one within the other, which can be perfectly distinguished in arteries of a tolerable size; add to this that within these coats there is blood, and in the blood some thirty substances we know of, not to speak of those we do not know; and then you will begin to form some notion of the marvels collected together in each poor little morsel of your body, however minute a one you may picture to yourself. LETTER XV. THE NOURISHMENT OF THE ORGANS. When I said formerly that our dear and wonderful steward the blood, was everywhere at once, you little suspected the prodigies involved in that _everywhere_. But you will have a glimpse of them now, when I tell you it is at the extremities of the _capillary arteries_ that he carries on his distribution of goods, and accomplishes a mysterious act of nutrition; a wonder much greater even than that of which we have just spoken. Here, indeed, the question is no longer mechanical divisions, whose delicacy, surprising as it may be, is yet within our powers of comprehension. What is more surprising still, what moreover we cannot comprehend at all, is the delicate sensitiveness of tact--I would almost say of instinct--with which each one of the million millions of tiny atoms of which our body is composed, draws out of the blood--the common food of all--exactly that aliment which is necessary to it, leaving the rest to his neighbor, and this without ever making a mistake. You have never thought about this; for children go on living at their ease, as if it was the simplest thing in the world to do; never suspecting even that their life is a continued miracle, and never, of course, therefore, feeling bound to be grateful to the Author of that miracle. And alas! how many hundreds of people live and die children in that respect. But what would happen, I should like to know, if the eye took to seizing upon the food of the nail, if the hairs stopped on the way what was intended for the muscles, if the tongue absorbed what ought to go to the teeth, and the teeth what ought to go to the tongue! Yet what prevents their doing so? Can you tell me? They all drink alike out of the same cup. The same blood goes to furnish them all. The substances that it brings to the eye are the same as those which it brings to the nail; and nevertheless the eye takes from it that which makes an eye, and the nail that which makes a nail. How is this done, do you think? that is the question. When the doctors reply to this, that each organ has its peculiar sensibility, which makes it recognize and imbibe from the blood one particular substance and no other, they are strangely mistaken if they flatter themselves that they have really answered anything. They have done nothing but reproduce the question in other words, for it is precisely that sensibility which requires explanation, and to tell us that it exists, does not explain much, you must own. If you were to ask why you had got a headache, and some one were to reply that it was because your head ached, you would not be much the wiser I fancy. Each of our organs, then, may be considered as a distinct being, having its separate life, and its particular likings. These organs behave towards the blood like men who recognize some friend in a crowd, and proceed to seize him by the arm; and when I told you just now that they never made a mistake, I spoke of their regular course of action in ordinary circumstances. Like men, they also make mistakes sometimes, in certain cases; and take one substance for another, or do not recognize the one they are in need of; an unanswerable proof that at other times they exercise a sort of discernment, and do not act by a sort of fatality, as one might be tempted to believe. Look at the bones, for instance. They are composed of _gelatine_ (which cooks serve up under the name of meat-jelly, but which would be more properly called bone-jelly), and of phosphate of lime, a kind of stone of which we have spoken before, if I remember rightly, and from which they get all their solidity. Originally, the substance of the bone is entirely gelatinous, and the phosphate of lime deposits itself therein by degrees, as time goes on, and always in greater abundance as we advance in age. Properly the bones borrow only gelatine and phosphate of lime from the blood. But when they come to be broken, their texture or _tissue_ inflames in the fractured place; and then it changes its tastes, if I may so express myself; and, lo and behold, extracts from the blood that which forms certain little fleshy shoots, which unite together from the two sides of the fracture, and so mend the broken bone. Here is one exception to the rule. Again, in certain diseases, the bones suddenly quarrel with the phosphate of lime; they will not hear of it any longer, they will not accept a fresh supply; and as the old wears out by degrees, by reason of the continual destruction of which I spoke the other day, the bones become more and more enfeebled, and soon can no longer support the body. A second exception this. Finally, when old age comes on, the bones end by being so much encumbered with phosphate of lime, that they have no room to admit the fresh supply which keeps coming to them in the blood. What becomes of it then? It goes to seek its fortune elsewhere; and there are charitable souls, who forgetting their instinctive antipathies, consent to give it hospitality, though much to the prejudice of the poor old man himself, who is no longer served so well as formerly, by the incautious servants who have allowed themselves to be thus fatally beguiled; but no one consults him. It is the arteries especially, and sometimes the muscles, which take this great liberty, and it is not unusual among old people to meet with these fairly _ossified_--that is to say, changed into bone, thanks to the phosphate of lime with which they have consented to burden themselves. This is a third exception, and I will spare you any others. What may we infer from all this, my dear child? Well, two things. First, that we know nothing at all about the whole affair; a fact which at once places us on a footing with the most learned philosophers in the world. Secondly, that our body is a perpetual miracle; a miracle which eats and drinks and walks, and which we must not look down upon for so doing: for God dwells therein. I should have to come back to this at every turn, if I wanted to fathom everything I have to tell you about. Each tip of hair which you grow, is an incomprehensible prodigy which would puzzle us for ever, if we did not call to our aid those eternal laws which have made us what we are, and to which it is very just our spirits should submit, since we could not exist for one second were they to cease from making themselves obeyed in our bodies. Reflect on this, my dear little pupil. Young as you may be, you can already understand from it, that there is above you something which demands your respect. The good God, to whom your mother makes you pray every night, on your knees, with folded hands, is not so far off as you might perhaps suppose. He is not a being of the fancy, secluded in the depths of that unknown space which men call Heaven, in order to give it a name. If His all-powerful hand reaches thus into the innermost recesses of your body, His voice speaks also in your heart, and to what it says you must listen. LETTER XVI. THE ORGANS. Contrary to my custom, my dear child, I made use, in the last chapter, of a new word, without giving an explanation of it. I spoke to you of _our organs_, and we have not yet ascertained what an _organ_ is. You probably knew what I meant, because it is a word which is used in conversation and pretty well understood by everybody. But I am bent upon giving you a more exact idea of it, for the trouble will be well bestowed. If I did not do this at once it was because there is a good deal to tell about, and that would have carried me too far away from my subject. _Organ_, comes from the Greek word _organon_, and means _instrument_. It was used particularly to signify instruments of music, so much so that our word "organ" comes from it. Our bodily organs then, are _instruments_, or _tools_ if you like it better, which have been given to us, wherewith to perform all the acts of life; and as there is not one part of the body which is not of use to us for some purpose or other, our body is, in point of fact, from head to foot a compound of _organs_. Thus the hand is the tool which we make use of to lay hold of anything--so an _organ_; the eye is the instrument of sight--so an _organ_; the heart is the machine which causes the blood to circulate--so an organ; the liver fabricates the bile--it is an organ therefore; the bones are the framework which support the weight of the body--so organs; the muscles are the power which sets the bones in movement--organs also, therefore; the skin is the armor which protects them--so an organ: in fact everything within us is an organ. If there was any corner of our body which was not an organ, it would be useless to us, and we should not, therefore, have received it, because God makes nothing without a use. Here lies the secret of that great miracle which is called life. I do not know whether you will be able to understand me thoroughly, but open your ears, as if some one was going to explain addition to you; this is not more difficult. Life is in reality the total of an addition sum. Each one of our organs is a distinct being which has its particular nature and special office; its separate life consequently; and our individual life is the sum total of all these lesser lives, independent one of the other, but which nevertheless blend together by a mysterious combination, into one common life, which is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. It follows from this, that the more organs a being has, the greater is the sum total; the more, consequently, is life developed in him. Remember this when we begin to study life in the lower animals. In proportion as you find the number of _organs_ diminish, you will find life diminishing in power, until we arrive at beings who have, as it were, only one organ apparent, and whose life is so insignificant, that we have some difficulty in giving an account of it, and are saying the utmost that can be said in calling it life at all. But this comparison of life to the total of an addition sum, is too dry; and, although it has its appropriate side, yet it might give you a false idea of life; which is what always happens when one tries to solve inscrutable questions and hidden mysteries by a matter-of-fact illustration. Let us try for something more to the purpose. I told you that the Greek word _organon_ was applied especially to instruments of music. Well, let us consider our organs as so many musical instruments. You have, probably, sometimes been at a concert. Each of the instruments in the orchestra performs its own part, does it not? The little flute pipes through all its holes; the double-bass pours thunder from its chords: the violin sighs with his; the cymbals clash; the Chinese bells dance to their own tinkling; all go at it in their own fashion, each independently of the other. And yet, when the orchestra is in good tune together, and well played, you hear but one sound; and to you the result of all these various noises, each of which would have no meaning alone, is music composed by some great artist whom you do not see. It is no longer a flute, a double-bass, or a violin which you hoar; it is a symphony of Beethoven's, an oratorio of Haydn's, or Mozart's overture to _Don Juan_. Life is just like this. All the instruments are playing together, and there is but one music; music written by God. But wait! when I say _life is just like this_, let us come to an understanding. Life is _some_thing like it, that is all, for as to telling you what life is, I shall not attempt it. I know nothing about it, do you see, though that is a painful confession to have to make to a pupil; but in this case it does not distress me, and you are welcome to hunt the world through for a master, who in this matter does know anything. I could make a hundred other comparisons, but theywould all fail in some point or other. Shall I tell you where this one fails? In an orchestra there is always a musician by the side of the instrument. Now with us we see the instrument well enough, but we cannot see the musician. You are inclined to ask me, perhaps, why I am wasting so much paper to-day in talking to you about organs, instead of going on tranquilly with our little history of the circulation. But I told you just now that the secret of life lies in the organs, and before entering upon the history of life, I ought to have begun with them. It is there all the books begin which treat of the subject we are studying together, and if you had one in your hands at this moment, it would teach you that all creatures whatsoever are divided into those which have organs and those which have none--that is, into _organic_ and _inorganic_ beings [Footnote: A lump of iron is the same throughout. Each of its parts has the same properties and the same uses. It has no organs, it is an _inorganic_ being. A rose tree has flowers, which are differently made from its leaves, and serve a different use: a root which sucks up the precious food of the earth; a bark which is of a different nature from the wood, and serves a different purpose. It has organs; it is an _organic being_: all animals and vegetables are _organic beings_.] (_in_ stands here for _not_, as _in_complete means not complete). This is, in fact, the starting point for the study of nature, and there are many other things besides which I ought to have told you before I began. But we went straight ahead, without looking at what we were leaving behind, satisfied with turning aside from time to time to pay our debts. And while I am making my confession, I ought to tell you all. You would probably only have listened to me with half an ear, if I had begun at the beginning. There is a proverb which says--"The appetite comes with eating." I do not advise you to follow this proverb too closely at dinner, for it might mislead you sadly. But it is always true when applied to learning; it is what one knows already that gives one a taste for learning more. If I have been making you bite at the organs to-day, which is rather a tough morsel, it was because I fancied that your appetite had begun to come. Was I wrong? Let us now return to the blood which nourishes the organs. LETTER XVII. ARTERIAL AND VENOUS BLOOD. It is at the extremity of the capillary arteries, as we have said, that the incomprehensible prodigy of the nourishment of our organs is accomplished. This done, the next thing is for the blood to return to its starting-point; and here recommence those infinitesimally minute wonders of which we have already spoken. Close upon the capillary _arteries_ follow the capillary _veins_, equally fine and imperceptible as the others. These take possession of the blood everywhere at once, without allowing it a moment's respite, and it is thenceforth on its road of return, travelling back again to the heart. Where do the veins begin? where do the arteries end? No one can say precisely, since the last ramifications of each elude the eye of man, however much it may be aided by the admirable instruments which his genius has invented. Nevertheless, although no one has ever ascertained the fact by sight, there is one thing I can tell you--namely, that our minute veins are a continuation of our minute arteries, and that it is the same canal which as it lengthens out turns from an artery into a vein, without any interruption; the substances destined for the nourishment of the organs passing through its walls, as moisture passes through our skin when we perspire. But if nobody has seen this, say you, how can they know it for a fact? Let me explain. In man, and in the animals which come nearest to man in structure, it has never been seen; but it has been seen elsewhere. This requires a little explanation, and you will not regret my giving it hereafter. It has its interest, I assure you. When you put your hand on your throat, how does it feel to you? _Warm_, does it not? And when you take hold of a kitten or a bird, how do they feel? _warm_ in the same way. Now, then, can you tell me whence comes this warmth? But to save time I will answer the question myself. It comes from their and your _blood_, which is itself warm, and we shall soon see why. You have no idea of all the curious facts wrapt up in that little phrase, "You are warm-blooded;" your blood is warm. But it has not got warm of itself; bear that well in mind. Now if you touch a frog, a lizard, or a fish, how do they feel to you? Cold, of course, you answer. But I ask why? A question you will answer in the same way as the other. Because their blood is cold, they are "cold-blooded." Precisely; and while you are about it you may add that, if their blood be cold, it is because it has not been warmed as yours is. Do not be impatient, we shall make all this clear at the proper time and place. Now in the cold-blooded animals, such as serpents, frogs, tortoises, lizards, fishes, and others, the blood circulates as it does in us, and what is more, it does so, thanks to a machinery very similar to our own. But, as you may imagine, a machine which produces warmth must be constructed in a more perfect manner than a machine which produces no warmth; and to speak truth, without flattering you, there is a little difference between you and a frog, and it seems natural enough that the body of a frog should be more clumsy in structure than yours. It is the old story of the poor man being not so well lodged as the rich; but putting aside rich and poor, who are all human beings alike, let us take one of those lovely dolls who walk, and move their arms and head, and say papa! and mamma! and compare it with a cheap bazaar doll which you can get for a penny. Both are made, in the main, in one way. Each has two arms, two legs, a mouth, a nose, eyes, &c.; but what a difference in the details of the two! and what infinitely more pains have been bestowed on one than on the other! Well, cold-blooded animals are, so to speak, _penny doll_ animals, by comparison with ourselves. Like us they have arteries and veins, but there is not near so much workmanship in them; and that marvellous delicacy of the capillary extremities, which in man and in the warm-blooded animals drives the close observer to despair, does not exist to trouble us in these others. It is true that with the naked eye we are still unable to see everything, even in them; but with the help of the microscope the whole is laid open to us--the extremities of the arteries and the extremities of the veins; and it was here that what I was telling you of, just now, was observed and discovered,--namely, that the end of the artery changes into a vein, without any interruption in the tube. It was these very observations upon fishes and frogs, which eventually gained the day in favor of Harvey's ideas on the circulation of the blood, at which the learned men of his own age had laughed so much. He was dead by that time it is true, as has happened but too often in such cases, but do not let us pity him too much! He who has had the rare good-fortune to lay hold of a new truth, and launch it into the world, is sufficiently recompensed in advance. If he also craves after the flattering voice of man's approbation, and the toylike pleasure of personal triumph, he is after all but a child, unworthy of the great part God has given him the privilege of playing. A child, did I say? Then how rude you must have thought me, dear child! And as a punishment, you are perhaps going to remind me that I have once more fallen into my old bad habit of wandering away from my subject. Never mind, I am going to return to it at once. How can one distinguish--you will ask me--an artery from a vein, so as to be able to determine which is a vein and which an artery? In many ways, I reply. First of all, an artery, as I told you lately, is composed of three coats, of which the principal, _i.e._. the inner one, is tough and elastic, whereby the artery is enabled to force the blood forward in its turn, but which is also the reason of arterial cuts being so dangerous; for in such cases the wounded tube remains wide open; being held so by the stiffer inner coat; and thus the blood is allowed to run out indefinitely. Now this inner coat is wanting in the veins, whose walls sink in together when a cut is made in them, so that it is much easier to stop the flow of the blood in them. Furthermore, the veins are furnished inside at intervals with little doors, similar to those we noticed at the entrance of the _auricles_ and _ventricles_ of the heart. You remember those important _valvelets_, on which depends so much of the mechanism; which permit the blood to pass in one direction, but will not allow it to return back in the other?--well, the little doors of the veins, which are also called _valvelets_, do exactly the same work. They open in the direction of the heart, to allow the blood to pass on, but it finds them fast closed if it wants to go back; so that as soon as it has forced one passage there is no longer any hope of its return, and thus by degrees it gets nearer and nearer to the heart without any possibility of escape. There is nothing similar to this in the arteries, which the blood traverses in a single bound from the impetus it receives from the heart. Finally--and this is most important--the blood which is found in the veins is no longer the same as that which fills the heart. No longer the same? you exclaim--have we then two sorts of blood in our bodies? Most certainly, my dear child; but you would not have suspected it; for when you accidentally prick or cut yourself, or when your nose bleeds, it is always the same sort of blood that comes out--that fine red liquid which everybody knows so well by sight. This is because the blood flows at once from the small arteries and small veins, and what you see is a mixture of the two. The same mixture issues from all wounds, whether small or great, and on this account people are unanimous in declaring that blood is red; a statement which is not true of either arterial or venous blood, separately. The last is black, as you might convince yourself if you had courage enough, and should happen to be in the room with any one who was going to be bled,--a rare event, happily, in these enlightened days. In such a case it is always a vein which is opened, the reason of which you will understand, after what I said of the danger of cutting the arteries. You would there, fore see a reddish black jet of liquid spout from under the lancet; much blacker than red, however--that is _venous_ blood. When, on the other band, an artery has been accidentally cut, what comes out is quite different. It is a rosy, frothy fluid, almost like milk and carmine dissolved in it, which has been whipped up with a stick; this is called _arterial_ blood. Nothing is more simple, as you perceive, than to distinguish an artery from a vein; you have only to ascertain what is inside of it. When the blood goes out to our organs to nourish them, it is _arterial_; when it is returning back after having nourished them, it has become _venous_. But what--you will ask--is it going to do now at the heart, towards which it is on its road? It is going to seek there a fresh impetus which shall send it once more into the lungs, where it will again become _arterial_, _i. e._ and once more capable of affording nourishment to the organs. Therein lies the whole secret, and the why and the wherefore of the CIRCULATION. This is easily said, dear child; but suppose that you do not comprehend it? Well, you need not be ashamed. There is no possibility of comprehending it until one has learnt what RESPIRATION is--so here we are stopped short. To-morrow, then, when we will begin with the study of this third part of the History of Nutrition; and if the first two have amused you, I feel pretty sure you will not find this last one dull. LETTER XVIII. ATMOSPHERIC PRESSURE. When we have been laboring very hard, my dear child, and want to rest for a minute, we say, _Let us take breath_; because breathing is an action which takes place of itself, requiring neither effort nor attention on our part. But, if it takes place of itself, it does not explain itself; consequently, when I say to you, _Now, let us take breath_, this is not a signal for my having a rest, for I have undertaken to explain Respiration to you. If you were a German, I would remind you of what so often happens when you put a fork into a dish of sour-krout. You want to lay hold of a little bit merely, but the strips of cabbage-leaf are twisted one within the other, and hang together in spite of you, so that withoutintending it you get hold of a whole plateful at once. Now this Respiration affair is something like the sour-krout story--begging your pardon for the comparison. I should have liked to give you only a small plateful--a child's plateful--of it; but I feel the explanations coming, hanging one upon the other; and, whether I will or no, I must treat you like a grown-up person, and we must give up for once the nice little doll's dinners with which we began. In my opinion, you will lose nothing by the change if you will but pay attention; for about that soft little breath of yours, which is always coming and going over your pretty lips, there are many more things to be learnt than you have heard of yet. As I said just now, you will find you have got hold of a plateful all at once. A good appetite to you! To prevent confusion we will divide the subject into two parts. I shall explain to you first, _How we breathe?_--a very curious question, as you will see. And afterwards we will examine, _Why we breathe?_--which is still more interesting. First, I must tell you that air is heavy, and very heavy too; a thousand times more so than you may suppose. The air we breathe, through which we move backwards and forwards, that air is _some_thing, remember, although we do not see it; and when there is a wind, that is to say, when the air is in motion, like a stream of water running down a hill, we are forced to acknowledge its being something, for we see it throw down the largest trees and carry along the biggest ships. But without going so far out of the way for examples, try--you who run so well--to run for two minutes against a strong wind: and then you shall tell me whether the air is something or nothing. But if it be something it must have weight, for all substances have; paper as well as lead; with this sole difference, that the weight of lead is greater in proportion to its size than that of paper. Now a sheet of paper is very light, is it not? and you would be puzzled perhaps to say what it weighs. But many sheets of paper placed one upon the other, end by forming a thick book which has its undeniable weight; and if some one were to heap upon your head a pile of large books, like those you see on your papa's shelves, the end might be that you would be crushed to death. In the same way, a small amount of air is by no means heavy; but you can conceive that a great quantity of it gathered together may end by weighing a great deal. Now get well into your head the fact, that we, here, on the surface of the earth, are at the bottom of an immense mass of air, extending to somewhere about forty or fifty miles above our heads. Let us say forty to make more sure, for learned men have not yet been able to calculate the precise height to a nicety; and for my own part, I think we have done wonders to get so near the mark even as this. But can you picture to yourself the distance which forty miles high really is? I will help you to form some idea. One mile contains 5,280 feet, and your papa is six feet high. One mile high would therefore be 880 times as high as your papa, But this is a mere nothing--only one mile's height. In forty miles there would be no less than 211,200 feet; and setting papas aside, of whom it would take 35,200, one on the top of the other, to go so far into the sky, let us think of the height of the tallest buildings you know; church and cathedral towers for instance. Now the towers of many parish churches are 150 feet high; the towers of York Minister not 300. At that rate it would take 1,408 ordinary parish church-towers, or upwards of 704 York Minster towers, piled one above the other, to reach to the end of the forty miles of air above our heads. I leave you to judge what would be the weight of a mass of paper piled up as high as that. You may safely grant then, that this mass or pile, or if you like it better, this _column_ of air (for that is the proper expression), must be of considerable weight; as is still further made certain by the fact of its having been weighed, so that I can even name the weight to you if you wish to hear it. Bear in mind too, that the weight of a column of air will be in proportion to its _superficial extent_--to its breadth and width, that is; for, as you may suppose, a column as large in extent as one of the towers of York Minster will weigh a good deal more than one the size of a single brick. But wait; here is a book on the table which will serve me for a measure, and as you will probably find the same on your mamma's table, you can follow my measurement. It is a French Grammar. The back is seven inches long and four and a quarter wide. That is, there are four and a quarter rows, each seven inches long. In other words, the back contains nearly--and let us call it quite, for convenience' sake--thirty inches side by side. Thirty _square inches_ as it is called. Measure your mamma's copy and you will see. Now, can you guess the weight of the column of air forty miles high which this volume supports? Upwards of four cwt.; 450 lbs., that is to say. If you want to be very exact, here is the rule. Air presses on all bodies at the rate of fifteen pounds to every square inch; so now you can make the calculation for yourself. But I suspect you had no idea you were so strong; for I see you tossing up the book, heavily laden as it is, like a feather. Comfort yourself. There is no magic in the matter. If a very strong man were to push you on one side, could you resist him? Certainly not. But if another man of equal strength were to push you at the same time on the other side, what would happen? Well, you would remain quietly in your place, without troubling yourself more about one than the other, the two forces mutually destroying each other. And this is the case here. While the air above your book is weighing down upon it with a force of 450 lbs., the air below it presses against it underneath with an equal weight, and this destroys the effect of the other. From 450 lbs. take 450 lbs., and nothing remains. Your grammar has nothing to carry after all, and you may toss it about as you please, without deserving much credit for the effort. "What are you telling me?" you inquire. "If I put a stone on the top of my head, I can feel its weight easily enough; but if I put my hand on the top of the stone I no longer feel anything. How can the air below the stone press against it? And talking of columns--how pleasant it would be, for instance, if the people who go up the Monument were to have the weight of it on their heads when they get to the top!" Well said, little one. And your objection reminds me of an argument which distracted my head as a lad, when I first heard the pressure of air explained by a good fellow who did not trouble himself to be quite as exact as you and I are in our discussions. I was told that the surface of the body, or the skin of a large man, measured sixteen feet square, which is equal to the surface of a table four feet long and four broad. Now, you know that in four feet there are forty-eight inches, and on the surface of the table are forty-eight rows, with forty-eight inches in each, or 2,304 square inches; so that a man's surface is 2,304 square inches, and the weight his body supports is 34,560 lbs., or upwards of fifteen tons--always at the rate of fifteen pounds to every square inch, you understand. Now, I was constantly asking myself how it happened that in entering a house one never seemed to get rid of this almost fabulous weight, since the roof of the house must naturally interpose itself between the air-column of forty miles high and the man who would then only have some few feet of air above his head. The roof would support the rest, that was clear. From whence, then, came the 34,560 lbs. which seemed to weigh as heavily as before; since, whether on the threshold of the door, while still under shelter of the roof, or two steps outside in the open air, under the tremendous column forty miles high, one never felt a bit lighter, not even to the extent of the weight of a single sheet of paper? This was a difficulty from which I could never extricate myself. I found out the answer to the riddle afterwards, and a very simple one it is. Air does not, in point of fact, _weigh down_ like a solid fifty pounds' weight, which has no impulse but to descend, and has nothing to do with anything above it. It _presses against_ rather, like a spring, which, having been compressed, tries to resume its natural position with a force equal to that which holds it back. Ask some one to show you the spring of a watch, and you will understand this better. Each atom of air is a spring of matchless elasticity, which nothing can break, which never wears out, which one can always compress, if one employs force sufficient, and which is always ready to expand indefinitely, in proportion as the compressing power is withdrawn. Now, consider the column of air outside the door, where there is a pile of such springs forty miles high. The lower ones have to bear up all their comrades, which press upon them with their united weight, and these make desperate efforts to repulse the tremendous pressure, and to spread out in their turn. They endeavor to escape in every direction--to the right, to the left, above, below; but caught between the earth, which will not give way, and the compact mass of all the columns of air which surrounds the earth in every direction, and of which the lower part is equally compressed everywhere, they struggle unceasingly, but in vain; indefatigable, but powerless. You live in the midst of those little wrestlers, and naturally bear the punishment of the injury done to them. They press against you as against every thing else--before, behind, on all sides--with a force equal to thatwith which they are themselves compressed, or I would say, equal to the weight by which they are so horribly squeezed and contracted: so that, in fact, you bear this weight not only on your head and shoulders, as you might at first suppose, but also all along your body and limbs, under your arms, under your chin, in the hollow of your nostrils, everywhere. Now we will suppose you to enter the house; and what do you find there? Outer air, which on its part has got in by the door, the window, and every little crevice in the wall. The column outside the roof no longer presses upon it, but what is the gain of that? It was compressed when it got in, and the little springs will struggle as a matter of course, quite as much on this side of the door as on the other. The protecting roof has so little power that were it not itself protected by the air outside, the pressure of which keeps it in its place, the air within would shiver it into a thousand fragments in its efforts to get loose. You laugh; but wait till I explain myself further. I will take the case of a miniature house to make the matter pleasanter to you; one fifteen feet long, fifteen feet wide, and with a flat roof, the most economical plan as regards space. Fifteen feet are five yards, and as the multiplication table tells us that five times five make twenty-five, our roof will in this case be twenty-five square yards (_i. e._ 225 square feet) in superficial extent, or _area_; it is not much, and you will find few as small. Would you like to calculate the force with which the millions and thousand millions of little spring imps imprisoned under that poor unfortunate roof would press against it? We settled before that the quantity of them brought to bear upon a square inch had the power to push at the rate of fifteen pounds. Were they to push against a square yard (a surface 1296 times greater than the square inch) it would therefore be 19,440 lbs. This being so for one square yard, calculate for twenty-five square yards, and you will have the amount of pressure against our roof--viz. 486,000 lbs--merely that! And now tell me what cottage roof in the world was ever built so as to be able to stand against such a weight? Perhaps though, you can scarcely appreciate the amount of heaviness, 486,000 lbs. Well, 486,000 lbs. is nearly 217 tons; and one of those railway trucks that you see laden with coals at the stations can carry, perhaps, from eight to ten tons, without breaking down. Say ten tons as an outside estimate, and then think of piling the contents of twenty-one such trucks on your roof, and yet you would still be short of the weight of air which is bearing down upon it. I need scarcely say now that were you to take away the air from within the roof, theair without would smash both it and the whole cottage flat, as a giant at a fair strikes an egg flat with one blow of his fist. To show you how in another way: take a moderate sized column or pillar, such as you see sometimes in a nobleman's grounds, of about the weight of the twenty-one tons, and set it up like a chimney on the roof of our cottage, then walk away to a little distance and watch what will happen! There, little Miss Laugher! have you at last learned to value the weight of the air, or _atmospheric pressure_ as it is more properly called; since it is the force with which the atmosphere presses against rather than weighs upon everything on the surface of the globe? It is no joke, as you perceive, and it affords plenty of subject forreflection. I have still to prove to you that I have not been making fun of you with my calculations, and that the weight of air upon a square inch is really what I have said--viz., fifteen pounds. Now, there is a very simple way by which we might get to know your strength, and tell its amount in figures, if one chose; namely, by putting a weight on your arms--a heap of books, if you please--and keep adding and adding to it, until those poor little arms were unable to bear any more. Then weighing what they had borne, whether we should find it to be ten or thirty pounds--I cannot guess how much it might be at this distance--one might safely say, without fear of mistake, "The strength of this young lady is equal to ten, twenty, or thirty pounds"--in other words, "she represents a weight of ten, twenty, or thirty pounds" and by a similar plan people have ascertained the strength of the air--that is, the weight which it represents. They have weighed what it is capable of carrying. I told you lately that the whole surface of the earth was covered by an immense army of little imps--otherwise called little air-springs, which, compressed by the giant mass of their comrades above, all of whom they have to carry on their backs, are always trying to protect themselves, by pushing back everything which comes across them. Imagine the bottom of a well. Our imps are permanently installed there as a matter of course, and face to face with the water they push against it, each one doing his best, on all points at once. As the pressure is equal everywhere therefore, and always the same, there are no signs of it to be seen. Now insert in the water the end of a tube closed below by a cork which exactly fits the interior, but which can be moved up and down in the tube by means of a bar of iron or wood which runs through it. This is called a _piston_, I may as well tell you as we go on. When the piston rises in the tube, it drives before it, as it goes, the air which was already there; and which cannot slip away down the sides because the piston fits so closely to them all the way along. The result of this is, that just underneath the piston there is a place in the water to which the air cannot reach, and at that place the water has no pressure upon it at all. Now see what happens. Pressed upon heavily by the air in every other part and place, like a mouse hunted by a cat, who finds at last a hole through which to escape, the poor water darts at this and ascends the tube close after the piston. So far so good; but if the tube is very long, and the piston rises rather high;--at thirty-three or thirty-four feet above the level of the water it has to continue its ascent alone. The water parts company, stopping quietly behind, half-way up the tube. "What is the meaning of this?" you will ask. It means that the force which presses on the well-water all round the tube, and thus drives it up, has done all it can, and that our little air-imps refuse to supply any more. The water which rises in the tube has a weight of its own of course, and with this weight it presses, as it is fair it should, on the water below. In proportion as the piston rises, the column of water which follows it gets bigger and bigger, and naturally its weight increases at the same time. At last there comes a moment when this weight becomes such that its pressure on the water below is equal to that with which the air-imps are pressing on the water in the well. Thenceforth they may push as they please; no more water will go up. They are in the same position now that they were before, when their comrades (afterwards driven out by the piston) were pressing upon the same point, which had only a moment's freedom; and this water column of thirty-three or thirty-four feet holds them in check, to exactly the same extent as the gay fellows whose place it has taken. Nothing is easier now than to calculate, even to a few grains almost, the force of the pressure of air. One can get at the weight of water, thank goodness! and it has been ascertained that our water-column will weigh fifteen pounds if the tube is a square inch in size. You will comprehend after this that it might be any size you may please to imagine, without there being the slightest alteration in the height of the column. The larger it is, the heavier will be the column of water on the one hand; but on the other, the greater will be the number of air-imps turned out; so it comes to the same thing in the end. If you should feel any doubt about the correctness of this reasoning, you have only to try the experiment over again, in a well, filled with mercury for instance. Ask to be shown some pure mercury, which is also called _Quicksilver_, because one wants to express melted silver, apt to be constantly on the move; it is often to be met with in houses. Mercury weighs thirteen and a half times more than water: according to our calculations, therefore, it would take thirteen and a half times less of it than of water to bring our little air-imps to reason. And this is just what you will find happens; you will see the column of mercury stop short exactly at the moment when it has attained the orthodox weight of fifteen pounds; that is to say, at a height of twenty-eight inches. On the other hand, take some ether. You know that delicate spirit, which smells so strong, which makes your hand feel cold if it is put upon it, and which we give to sick people to inhale. Ether weighs one-quarter less than water. In a well of ether you would therefore see something quite different, and your column would rise without being asked, to something like forty-three feet, exactly up to the point of weighing--like the others--fifteen pounds to every square inch. Air will not be replaced with less. That, then, is the measure of its strength, or our scales are deceitful. LETTER XIX. THE ACTION OF THE LUNGS. I hope I have told you enough, my dear child, to enable you fully to estimate the force with which air presses upon everything on the surface of the earth, and consequently upon our own bodies among the rest. If you understand this, nothing is easier than to understand how air comes and goes in our lungs. When the cook wants to light her fire with two or three hot coals, what does she do? She takes the bellows and blows it, does she not? But if she has no bellows at hand, what does she do? You answer at once, she blows it herself with all the strength of her lungs. By which it would seem--does it not?--that we are a sort of living bellows, being able, in case of necessity, to act as a substitute for the wood and leather ones of common use. And if we really possess the power of doing the work of a bellows, may not this be because we have within us some little machine of the nature of a bellows? Exactly; and this fact gives me the opportunity of making you understand the action of the lungs by explaining that of the bellows, which is in everybody's hands, but which three-fourths of the people use, without troubling themselves to inquire how it is made or acts. "A bellows, as you know, is composed of two pieces of board, capable of being separated and brought together again at will, and united by a piece of leather so shaped and arranged that it doubles up when the boards close, the intermediate space forming a firmly-closed box, the size of which increases or diminishes at every movement of the boards. "We take the bellows down to use it, and there are the boards, lying flat upon each other, the box between them quite small. Is there anything inside, do you think? "Nothing," you answer; "the bellows is empty." Do you think so really, my child? Do you think a tumbler is empty, then, when you have drunk out its contents; and that jelly pots are empty when all the jelly is eaten? There are not so many empty things in the world, I assure you, as you suppose. You forget the air--that monster who is always wanting to stretch himself out, and pushes against everything he meets. He is an unceremonious gentleman, who takes possession of every vacant place; as fast as you put a spoonful on your plate, he takes up the room of the jelly which has been removed, and at each mouthful you swallow, he slips into the place of the water which goes away. When you think the glass and pot are empty, they are, in reality, full of air. You cannot see it; but it is there, you may rely upon it. There is air, then, in the bellows-box, because there is air in every place where there is nothing else to dispute possession with it. The quantity is small in this case, no doubt, because the box is small and cannot hold much. But now, look! I separate the boards, and the box, which was small, becomes large. For once, then, here is a box which must be partially empty; for it has just, as if by magic, made a space in itself in which positively there cannot be anything, since there was nothing there beforehand. Ay! but look down at the centre of the upper board. You see a little hole there, do you not, and below the little hole a small piece of leather, which seems to close it up? That is a _valve_, one of those doors, such as we noticed before in the heart, and such as are to be found, moreover, in most houses, which let people through on one side but not on the other. This one opens when it is pushed from without, but lets nothing out which has once got in. Now, the air outside, as I said before, is always pushing against everything. He pushes as a matter of course, therefore, against the valve, and as there is nothing behind it to resist the pressure, in proportion as room is made inside the box, he enters and fills it with himself. But presently some one begins to close the bellows, and he finds himself caught between the boards; on which these invite him to begone, with the same sort of politeness displayed by the police, when the hour of departure comes in a place of public exhibition; when, _i.e._, they spread out on all sides, and force the crowd before them till they have found the road to the door. But the air cannot get back by the way it came in, the door being shut. As, however, it must go out somewhere, whether it likes it or not, it passes through the tube at the end of the box (the _nozzle_ of the bellows), and comes out thence with a rush upon the fire. When it is once gone the bellows can be distended again, and the process be repeated as before indefinitely. And this is just what goes on inside ourselves. Your chest, my child, is a box which expands and contracts alternately; making a place for the air by the first effort, and then driving it out by the second. It is neither more nor less than a bellows, but of a simpler construction than that used by the cook. The exit pipe serves also for a door of entrance, and there is but one board instead of two. The _exit pipe_ is the _larynx_, of which we spoke before, when we were talking of swallowing the wrong way, and which communicates with the air outside, through the nose and mouth at the same time, allowing us to breathe through either one or the other as we like. As to the _board_, I said a few words about it when I was describing the liver. It is the _diaphragm_--that separating partition--that floor which is placed between the two stories or divisions of the body--the belly and the chest. But here especially the infinite superiority of the works of God over the miserable inventions of man comes out in all its grandeur. A bellows which was to have the honor of keeping up within us that miraculous fire--the pre-eminently sacred fire--which we call Life, required something more than a common board for its foundation. And accordingly this, of which I am now going to give you a detailed history, is as marvellous as it is admirable. I fancy that when you have read my account, you will no longer turn up your nose at the vile word _diaphragm_. Let us first take a peep at the construction of the bellows. On each side of the _vertebral column_, from the neck to the loins, spring twelve long bones, one below the other, bent in the form of bows; these are called the _ribs_. The first seven pairs of ribs rest, and as it were, unite, in front, upon a bone called the _sternum_, which you can trace with your finger down to the pit of the stomach, at which point the finger sinks in, for there is no more _sternum_, and the last five ribs on each side no longer unite with those of the opposite one. For which reason they are called _false ribs_. On the other hand they are joined to each other at the ends by means of a strip or band of a substance sufficiently strong, but at the same time flexible, and somewhat elastic, which is called _cartilage_ or _gristle_. The next time you see a roasting piece of veal on the table, look well at it, and you will see at the end a white substance which crackles under your teeth; that is _gristle_. This forms the framework of our bellows, which you may picture to yourself as a kind of cage, widening towards the bottom and going to a point at the top, for the arches formed by the upper ribs are smaller than the others. The whole terminates in a sort of ring, through which pass, together, the _oesophagus_ and the _trachea_. The space between the ribs is occupied by muscles which reach from one to the other, and the whole framework or cage is shut in below by the _diaphragm_, that marvellous board whose history I have promised to relate. The _diaphragm_, as I told you some time ago, is a large muscle, thin and flat, stretched like a cloth between the chest and the _abdomen_. It is fastened by an infinity of little threads called _fibres_, to the lower edge of the cage I have just been describing, and it looks at first sight as if it must be incapable of moving, since it is fixed in one invariable manner all round the body. It moves nevertheless, but not in the same way as the boards of our bellows. Ask your brother to hold two corners of your pocket-handkerchief; take hold of the other two yourself, and turn the handkerchief so as to face the wind. The four corners remain in their place, do they not? but the middle, inflated by the wind, curves and swells out in front like a ship's sail, which itself is only an immense hand kerchief after all. Then draw the handkerchief tightly towards you, each to your own side, and it will recover itself and become flat again. Loosen it a little and it will curve and swell out again in the middle, and this maneuver you can go through as often as you choose. Which very maneuver the _diaphragm_ is continually performing, of and by itself. In its natural position it bulges upwards in the middle, like a cloth swollen out by the wind, and thus occupies a portion of the chest at the expense of the lungs. When air has to be admitted, its _fibres_ tighten and bring it flat again, as you and your brother brought the handkerchief flat just now by tightening it. The whole space previously occupied by the arch of the _diaphragm_ is thus given up to the lungs, which, being elastic, instantly stretch themselves out to it; while air, running in through the nose and mouth, fills up in proportion the empty place (_vacuum_) created by the extension of the lungs, exactly as in the case of the bellows. But soon the fibres of the _diaphragm_ relax. It rises up again into its old position, driving back the lungs as it does so; and the air finding there is now no room for it, goes out by the same way the other came in. I say _the other_, observe, because the air that goes out is no longer the same as when it came in; and this is the secret of _why we breathe_; while the up and down movement of the _diaphragm_ is the explanation of _how we breathe_. As you perceive, then, the mechanism of these bellows of ours, is of the most simple, and consequently of the most ingenious character, and leaves far behind it anything we have ever imagined. Are you disappointed? Do you feel inclined to exclaim, "Is this all?" to ask where are the wonders I promised you? to protest that I may talk as I please about the inflating and flattening of a pocket-handkerchief? _you_ can see nothing so marvellous in the matter; nothing worth making your mouth water for. A little patience, Mademoiselle! Hitherto we have talked only of the machine; but there is a goblin inside it, and our fairy tale is going to begin again. There are in some families certain old servants who belong to the house, more, it may be said, than their masters, in some ways. They educate the children, and they serve them till death; they live for them alone, and know so well what they have to do, both by day and night, that there is no need to give them any orders. Nay, not only is it unnecessary to give them directions--it is for the most part labor in vain. They are so completely at home in their business, that they will go nobody's way but their own. If you wish them to alter their habits they may obey you for an instant, but it is only to return into the old groove directly after; for they know better than you do what you want. I was very little when I first read in the story-books of my day, some bitter complaints of the disappearance of this race of old-fashioned servants of the good old times. And you very likely may have seen it said that they are no longer to be met with. Yet there will always be some, depend upon it, in families, who know how to make and to keep them. Good old times or not, they have never been found in any other but these cases. Still, _I_ have just such a one as I have described--even I who am talking to you--and so has your mamma; and what is more, you have one yourself; and what is more still, everybody else has one. This servant of the good old times, who will never disappear (and this is more than one can promise of any other) is the _Diaphragm!_ When you came into the world, my dear child, and were merely a poor little lump of flesh, without strength, intelligence, or will; incapable of giving any orders whatever to those organs of yours, of whose existence you were not even aware, your _diaphragm_ quietly began his duties, without leave or inquiry from you, and with your first _breath_ your life began. Since which he has always gone on, whether you attended to him or not, and his last effort will be your last sigh. When you go to sleep, careless of all that is to happen, until you awake again, that servant of yours, indefatigable at his post, labors for you still, and the light breath which half opens your rosy little lips as it passes through them; that light breath which your happy mother watches with such pleasure, is his work. Midnight strikes--one o'clock--two; all around you are buried in sleep--but he is awake still. Were it otherwise--were he to go to sleep when you do, you would never awake again! This protector of each instant, this faithful guardian of your life, is, nevertheless, subject to you as a servant to his master. Attend to him, and he will obey your orders. You can make him go at a great pace, or slowly, as you choose; or stop him altogether, if the fancy takes you to do so: but this not for long. The servant of the good old times is obstinate in the performance of his duties. He will yield to you in trifles; but do not try to force him over serious matters. I have read somewhere of a desperate young fellow, chained down in a dungeon, who killed himself by holding his breath; but I never quite believed it. Mr. Diaphragm would not allow any one to carry rebellion so far as that. But we have not finished yet, and you do not yet know how appropriate is the comparison I am making. Should any misfortune, any grief, any trifling annoyance even, befall his master, a good servant suffers with him, and as much as he does; sometimes even more. Occasionally the master is comforted, while he remains still disturbed. "And the diaphragm?" you ask. The diaphragm does precisely the same, my dear child. Yours, especially, shares in all your griefs to such an extent that, truth to say, he is not always quite reasonable. The other day when your mamma did not want to take you into the country with her, he was so sorry for you that he went into perfect convulsions, and you sobbed and sobbed till she was obliged to say, "Come, then, you naughty child;" whereupon you embraced your mamma, and were quite happy again, while he remained still unappeased, and your poor little chest was shaken more than once afterwards by his last convulsions. Sobbing, you must know, is merely a convulsion--a great shake of the diaphragm--which is the reason of its causing such a heaving of the chest. It is the same with respect to joy. The joy of the master makes the servant dance, and so the diaphragm too! Its little internal jumps are, then, what we call laughter--a thing you are well acquainted with. Put your hand on your chest next time you laugh (and I hope it will be soon) and you will feel how it dances--thanks to the diaphragm which jumps for joy whenever it finds you in good humor. Please to observe further, that nothing of all this is done to order. He starts of himself, poor fellow, without waiting to ask if you will ever know anything about it; and, in truth, you have known nothing about it up to the present moment. What say you to the diaphragm now, my child? Does not the very name please you? You scarcely expected to find there--under your lungs--so good a servant, one so attached to your person, so strongly resembling in all points the best specimens we know among men. And still we have not done. I have reserved as a finale for you a new point of resemblance which will make you open your eyes very wide indeed. The old servant is sometimes cross and grumbling. If anything is going against his grain in the house he has no scruple in saying so; and his mode of speaking is sometimes rather rude. Nor is it of any use to get impatient and impose silence on him; he will listen to nothing--it is his privilege. But let some unforeseen accident happen to his master, let him see him deeply affected, and in a moment all his anger is over. He sets himself silently to work again, recalled to order twenty times sooner by his master's emotion than by his utmost impatience. You ask what I am coming to now? My dear child, what I have just told you is the history of the _hiccup_--the history of the hiccup, neither more nor less. I must first tell you, however, that the _diaphragm_ keeps up intimate relations with his neighbor below--the stomach. Every time he rises in the breast the stomach rises behind him; and not only the stomach, but also its companions, the intestines. All the officials employed in the business of digestion travel regularly with him; coming down as well as going up in company. Put your hand upon your abdomen and breathe strongly and you will feel the rebound of all the movements of the diaphragm. Now, when matters are going on wrongly inside, when too much work has been imposed on the officials, or work they dislike, or else when they have been disturbed in their labors, it will sometimes happen that the _diaphragm_ takes part with his comrades in the abdomen. He gets angry then, and shakes his master, who cannot help himself a bit. You must be very well acquainted with these attacks, which are very fatiguing when they last long. One begs pardon and resists him in vain; he does as he pleases, without stopping to listen, turning everything upside down; and do you know the only efficacious plan for calming him at once? It was a constant source of wonder to me when I was little. A sudden fright, a start unexpectedly caused by a friendly hand slipping secretly behind, and laying hold of one, was all-sufficient; disarmed by the agitation you have undergone, the naughty, stubborn muscle forgives you, and you are cured. Having dwelt so long on the truly wonderful resemblance between the proceedings of two sorts of beings, whom no one that I know of ever thought of comparing together before, I will now, my dear child, give you the key to all these comparisons, which seem so whimsical at first, but are so striking in reality, and which come to my pen of their own accord, as it were, in the midst of the explanations I have undertaken to give you. Many people who would not themselves care for them, will declare that they are too hard for a little girl to follow. But for my own part, I find that the eye can take in a mountain as easily as a fly, and that it is not more difficult to lay hold of great ideas than of little ones. It is short-sighted people, not children, who cannot see far before them. Who made the heavens and the earth? God, your catechism tells you. The same God made both; did he not? We do not acknowledge two. And if it be the self-same God who made everything, the hand of the universal Maker will be found everywhere; and from the highest to the lowest portion of His work the same mind will manifest itself under a thousand different forms. Not only, either, is each man separately, one by one, the work of God. The whole human race, taken in the mass, is also His creation; and the laws by which human society--that great body of the human race--seeks to regulate itself for the preservation of its existence, are undoubtedly the same as those which overruled the organization of our individual bodies. It is not very astonishing, then, if we find, in the life of human society around us, details corresponding with each detail of the life of the human body, or, at any rate, closely resembling them. What would really be astonishing, would be that mankind as a whole should be differently constituted from man as an individual, and that human society should have other appointed conditions of well-being than those of each of its members. So, while I am on the subject, I should like to advise those who wishto apply themselves to what is called _politics_--that is to say, social life--to begin their studies of the body social, by studying the body human, first. They will learn more from it than from the newspapers! But you have nothing to do with all this. For the present, take notice of one thing only; viz., that the hand of the same God has passed over everything, and that there is neither much presumption nor much merit in tracing points of comparison between the different parts of His work. These comparisons are not a mere play of the mind; they really exist ready made in the very foundations of things. Now let us come down a little from these heights and return to our friends the lungs. I have not spoken about them for some time, and I have not yet told you how they are constructed. I wish I could show you some, but the cook will do so, if you would like to see them. The _lights_ with which she feeds the cat and the dog are the lungs of some animal. Take up a piece in your hand, and you will find you have got hold of something _light_ (cooks have not given it its name without a reason), which is also soft, sinks under your finger if you press it, and rises again afterwards like a sponge. In fact, the lung, like the sponge, is composed of an infinity of minute cells, whose elastic sides can be contracted or expanded at will. They are like so many little chambers, into every one of which blood and air keep running hastily, each on its own side, to bid good day to each other, touch hands, and then hurry out as briskly as they came in. Whether the bit of lights the cat is eating, comes from an ox, a pig, or a sheep, you may look at it with perfect confidence; your own lung is precisely like it. You would see nothing different, could you look into your own chest. So much for the _substance_ of the lungs. As to SHAPE, imagine two large, elongated packets, flat inside, descending right and left, inside the breast, and bearing the heart, suspended between the two, in the middle. The extremity of each packet descends below the heart, and it is in the interval which separates them that the arch of the diaphragm performs its up and down movement. I have already said that air reaches the lungs through the _larynx_. The _larynx_ (of which we shall speak further when I have explained another curious thing very valuable to little girls--the voice), the _larynx_ is a tube composed of five pieces of _cartilage_ (you know now what _cartilage_ or _gristle_ is), the firm resisting texture of which keeps it always open. After these five pieces of _cartilage_, come others, and the tube is continued; but it then takes the name of the _trachea_; the _larynx_ and _trachea_ constituting the _windpipe_. At its entrance into the chest, the _trachea_ divides into two branches, which are called _bronchial tubes_, and which run, one into the right lung, the other into the left. You sometimes hear people talking about _bronchitis_. It is an inflammation of these _bronchial tubes_, which are within an inch or two of the lungs. It is necessary, therefore, to be very careful in such circumstances, and do exactly what the doctor prescribes, because--one step further, and the inflammation extends from the bronchial tubes into the lungs themselves, with which it is not safe to play tricks. Having reached the lungs, the _bronchial tubes_ subdivide into branches, which ramify again in their turn like the boughs of a tree, and the whole ramification terminates in imperceptible little tubes, each of which comes out in one of those little chambers I was talking about just now. And this is the way in which air gets there at all. The venous blood which leaves the heart, arrives on its side by one large canal, which passes out from the right ventricle, and which is called the _pulmonary artery_. And, to tell you the truth, while there is no learned man present to be angry with us, it is a very ill-chosen name, because it is _venous_ blood which flows in this so-called _artery_. But the doctors have decided that all the vessels which run from the heart should be called _arteries_, and all those which go back to it _veins_, whatever may be the nature of the blood which they contain. We cannot help it, because they manage all these matters in their own way; but in that case it was scarcely worth their while to talk about _arterial_ and _venous_ blood. It would have been better to have said simply, red blood and black blood. Be this as it may, _venous blood_ arrives from the right _ventricle_ through the _pulmonary artery_. This divides itself, like the _bronchial tubes_, into thousands of little pipes, whose extremities come creeping along the partitions of the little chambers in question. And here, then, takes place, between the air and the blood, that mysterious intercourse for the account of which I have kept you waiting so long; and at the end of which the black blood becomes red, or, in other words, from venous becomes arterial. I have called it "intercourse," and this is really the proper phrase; for this transformation of the blood is accomplished by means of an exchange. The air gives something to the blood, and the blood gives something to the air--each giving, in exchange, like two people over a bargain in the marketplace. With your permission, my dear child, we will stop here to-day. We have now got to the charcoal market, and it is a little black. LETTER XX. CARBON AND OXYGEN. Here, then, my dear child, we have arrived at the explanation of that great mystery, WHY _we breathe._ Keep on the alert, for we are now entering into a region where everything will be new to you. Here we are at the charcoal market, I said to you just now, and no doubt you concluded that I was beginning another comparison. But no such thing; there is no question of comparison or simile here; I state the fact itself, pure and simple as it stands: it is a _market,_ for commercial intercourse and exchange are carried on there, as I told you before, and it is a _charcoal_ market, because _charcoal_ is, positively, the essential and chief article of commerce. You are astonished, I dare say, and are ready to ask me whether I can possibly mean real charcoal, charcoal such as the cook puts into the furnace. Surely, say you, we have nothing like _that_ in our bodies? Surely we don't eat _that_? But I answer yes; real, true charcoal, and you do not dislike it; you eat of it even daily; nay, you do not swallow a single mouthful of food which does not contain its proportion of charcoal. You laugh; but wait a little and listen. When you are toasting a slice of bread for breakfast, and hold it too near the fire, what happens to it? It turns quite black, does it not? When mutton-chops are left too long unturned on the gridiron, what happens to them? They turn quite black also. When your brother forgets the apples which he has set to roast, what happens to them? They turn quite black, as you have seen more than once. It is always black, then, that these things turn, is it not? and a fine rich _charcoaly_ black, as you may see if you please to observe charcoal closely, for just such is the color of little burnt cakes, over-roasted chestnuts, and potatoes in their skins, which have been dropped into the fire. But there is a common term by which we can express more accurately the misfortune which has befallen all these various things--slices of bread, mutton-chops, apples, cakes, chestnuts, potatoes, and what-not, when "burnt," "over-toasted," "over-roasted," or "over-baked." We may call them _carbonized_, or more simply _charred_ or _charcoaled_; though the word _charred_ is generally used only for burnt _wood_. But _carbon_ being the principal ingredient of _charcoal_, and _charcoal_ being one of the purer forms in which we get at _carbon_, they are almost synonymous terms, and you may call your burnt food _carbonized_, or _charred_, or _charcoaled_, whichever you prefer. The next question is, how did charcoal or carbon get into the food so as to justify our talking of its being _carbonized_ or _charred_? Even when we use charcoal stoves for cooking, the charcoal does not jump out and get into the mutton-chops, etc., you may be sure. Then it is clear it must have been in them before they were brought to the fire to be cooked; and such is indeed the case, only its black face escaped notice because it was in such gay-looking company, and kept itself hid behind the others like a needle lost in a match-box. Set fire to the matches, and you will soon have nothing left but the needle, which will then strike your eye at once. And so with our burnt food; the fire has carried off all the other ingredients, and the charcoal is left behind alone, exposed to everybody's view, as if on purpose to teach them that it was always there; in the apples, i.e., the potatoes, mutton-chops, etc., which seemed so tempting when the black rogue was hid, but from which now, when he is there by himself, they turn away in disgust. Charcoal is, in fact, a much more generally distributed substance than you have been used to suppose, dear child. That which comes from burnt wood is most easily observed, because there is a much larger proportion of charcoal in wood than anywhere else; but there is not a morsel, however small, of any animal or vegetable whatsoever, which does not contain charcoal. In the sugar which you crunch, in the wine which you drink, there is charcoal. I could even find some in the water you wash in if I were to try hard. There is charcoal in the goose-quill which I hold in my hand at this moment, and in the paper on which I am writing, and in the handkerchief on my knee. If I hold them all three in the light of my wax taper, I shall soon see them turn black and betray the presence of our friend. It exists in the wax taper itself, as also in the candle, as also in the oil lamp. If I were to hold a piece of flat glass above their flame, I should collect enough of it to blacken the tip of anybody's nose who presumed to doubt the fact. There is a portion of it in the air; a portion of it in the earth. Where is it not? In short, all the stones of all the buildings in the world are filled with it from top to bottom. _Charcoal,_ under his more scientific and important name of _carbon,_ may be called one of the great lords of the world. His domain is so extensive that one might go round the world without getting out of it; he is even worse than the Marquis of Carabas. After this you will never, I hope, want to persuade me you do not eatcharcoal; for, indeed, you would be puzzled to escape doing so. Of all the things you see on the dinner-table there is but one in which you will not find it--viz., the salt-cellar; and even while saying this, I mean only, in the _salt_ itself, for as to the salt-cellar, clear and transparent as its glass may be, there is charcoal in it! Our bodies, therefore, are full of charcoal. Everything that we eat supplies them with enormous quantities of it, which take up their quarters in every corner of our organs. It is one of the principal materials of the vast collection of structures of which I spoke to you in the early part of these letters, and of which the blood, the steward of the body, is the universal master-builder. If you remember, I told you then that these structures fell to pieces of themselves, in proportion as the workmen went on building, and that the blood, which brings fresh materials on its arrival from the lungs and heart, carries away the refuse ones on its return. And, of all these refuse materials, old charcoal is one of those which takes up the most room, as fresh charcoal took up a great deal of room in the new materials. The blood, as he goes back again, has his pockets quite crammed with it, and if he did not try hard to get rid of it as fast as possible, he would be disabled from being of any further use. Now it is in the lungs that he clears himself of it. He gives it up to the air, which has need of it for a very interesting operation, of which I shall tell you more by and bye; and in return the air gives him something which is quite indispensable to him, for without it he would not dare to return to the organs, as his authority would no longer be recognised. In the same way, the charcoal-seller goes to market with his charcoal and receives silver in exchange. If he were to go home without money his wife would receive him with abuse. But what is the indispensable thing which the blood obtains in his marketing? Remember its name well: it is OXYGEN. And we must speak of it with respect, for we are talking here of a very great and powerful personage, very superior even to CARBON. If CARBON be one of the great lords of the world, OXYGEN is its king. There is a certain substance, my dear child, of which many people, especially little girls, do not even know the name, but which yet constitutes of itself alone a good half of everything we are acquainted with in the world. And this substance is the very thing I have just named to you. It is OXYGEN. Ascend into the air as high as you can go, viz., to forty miles or so from the ground, as we said before; _oxygen_ forms the fifth part of that vast aerial ocean which surrounds the globe on every side. There it is free--is _itself_--if I may use the expression; it is in the condition of _gas_; that is to say, it eludes our sight, though there is no difficulty in ascertaining its presence, when one knows how to set about it. Go down into the depths of the sea. People think they have good reasons for believing this to be two and a half miles deep on an average, which would give a pretty little sum total of tons for its whole weight, as you will be convinced, if you take the trouble of observing the space it covers on a map of the world;--to say nothing of lakes, rivers, streams, the water in the clouds, the water scattered throughout the interior or on the surface of continents, including that with which you wash your face every morning. Oxygen enters in the proportion of eight-ninths into the composition of this incalculable mass. _Eight-ninths_, you understand, which is very near being the whole nine; in every nine pounds of water there are eight pounds of oxygen, the remainder being left for another substance, of which we shall have occasion to speak presently, and which is called _hydrogen_. The earth on which you tread is full of oxygen. So far as we have penetrated hitherto into the interior of the globe, we have found king Oxygen everywhere: hidden under a thousand forms, connected with a heap of substances, not one of which could exist without him; imprisoned in a thousand combinations, and always ready to resume his natural condition if his prison-house be destroyed. The whole surface of the earth, plains, hills, mountains, towns, deserts, cultivated fields, everything you would look down upon, if on a clear day you could be carried high enough in a balloon to take in the whole earth at a glance:--all that may be considered as an immense reservoir of oxygen, out of which we should see it escaping in gigantic waves, if some superhuman chemist were to take it into his head to put our poor little globe into a retort of the same kind as chemists use among us. To give you an example; the stones of our fine buildings, in which we have already discovered the presence of _carbon_, are almost half made up of _oxygen_. In a stone which weighs 100 lbs. there are 48 lbs. of oxygen, and the first chemist who passes by could make them come out of it if he chose, if he were to use a little trouble and skill. I enumerated to you last time many of the substances in which _carbon_ is to be found; but as regards _oxygen_ we must give up all attempt at making a list; it would comprehend the whole dictionary. Touch whatever lies under your hand--in your room--in the house--wherever you may go--I will almost defy you to put your finger upon anything--metals excepted--which is not crammed with oxygen. Your very body, to conclude with, would become so small a thing, were the oxygen it contains extracted from it, that you would be perfectly amazed. So when I told you oxygen was king of the world, I did not say too much, did I? Between ourselves too, it is a great misfortune that people live on so complacently in total ignorance of this all-important material, which is connected with everything, which insinuates itself everywhere, which we make use of every instant of our lives, which may almost be said to be in some sort our very selves, since it constitutes three-fourths of our body, but whose name nevertheless would, I am certain, make many pretty little mouths pout, if one were to utter it in a drawing-room. This is really the case. Many young ladies who are proud to know who Caractacus was, would be ashamed to know anything about oxygen. There is a foolish notion that women have no business with such subjects, probably because children are supposed not to breathe and mothers are not required to watch over them? This reminds me that we are on the road to explain _respiration,_ which I had almost forgotten in lifting up this corner of the veil behind which Nature hides her most valuable secrets from the idle and ignorant. It is _oxygen_ then, which the blood carries off triumphantly from his interview with the air in the cells of the lungs; and, by the way, it is, thanks to this oxygen that it returns from the lungs to the heart, and so from the heart to the organs, with that beautiful rosy tint which distinguishes _arterial_ from _venous_ blood. Now the blood gives out this oxygen on its road every time it performs the journey, and the perpetual course it performs from the lungs to the organs, and from the organs to the lungs, has for its chief object the perpetual renovation of this previous provision, which is as perpetually consumed. Do you ask of what use it is? Does the blood leave it at random in our organs, and is it one of the materials with which our steward is constantly providing the little workmen of the body for their various constructions? No, my dear child. The proverb _"One cannot live upon air,"_ is a very true one, although it is equally true that we cannot live without air. Air does not nourish our organs; on the contrary, it consumes them, and what we eat, serves to supply in precisely the same proportion its insatiable appetite. When we leave off eating, from whatever cause, the air does not leave off too. He goes on always just the same, and that is the reason why people who are starved to death are so thin. (The air has consumed the vital parts.) You did not expect this; but now prepare yourself to go on from one surprise to another. To begin with, I shall have to stop here and explain to you before we go any further--can you guess what? Nay, I am sure you cannot; FIRE. There is not much connection, you will say, between _fire_ and _breathing_. But there you are mistaken. It is precisely the same thing, as I will prove to you next time. LETTER XXI. COMBUSTION. Have you never, my dear child, whilst warming your little feet on the hearth in winter-time, asked yourself, _What is fire?_ that great benefactor of man; fire, without which part of the world would be uninhabitable by us during at least a third of the year; fire, without which we could not bake a morsel of bread, and would have to eat our meat raw; fire, which lights up the night for us, and without which we should have to go to bed when the hens go to roost; fire, which subdues metals, and without which we should have neither iron, nor copper, nor silver, nor anything that is manufactured from those materials; fire, without which, in short, human industry could not rise to much higher results than that of the monkey and of the beaver? We are all of us, it is true, so much accustomed to fire that we do not pay much attention to it, and have a sort of persuasion that lucifer matches have existed from all eternity. But the first men, who were nearer neighbors to that great discovery whence all others have originated--the first men treated fire with more respect than we do. It was to them one of the mighty things of the world. The ancient Persians made a god of it, and told how Zoroaster, their prophet, went to seek it in heaven, passing thither from the top of the Himalayas, the highest chain of mountains in the known world. The old Greeks pretended that Prometheus stole it from the gods, to make a present of it to man, which came to nearly the same thing as the Persian account. The Romans had their _sacred fire_, which the celebrated Vestals were bound to keep lighted, on pain of death to whoever should let it go out. At the present day we do not stand upon such ceremonies, but warm our feet at it quite familiarly, without wishing for anything further. But you would see a terrible revolution in the world if some Prometheus reversed were, some fine morning, to steal it from us, and carry it back to its ancient owners. Every branch of human industry would suddenly stop, as if by enchantment, and in the course of a very few years the poor little framework of human society, of which we are now so proud, would totally change its aspect, and the whole world would be turned topsy-turvy. But do not be alarmed; there is no danger of the sort. Fire is not a present once made to man, but liable to be taken away from him at will. It is a law of nature which existed before the human race came into being, and which will doubtless continue to exist when the human race shall have disappeared. The existence of fire is connected in the most intimate way with that of that great king of the world of whom we spoke last time--Oxygen. Fire is the wedding-feast of Oxygen with other substances! When kings are married, what rejoicings there are! what a commotion! what illuminations! It is only right and proper, then, that the king of the world should have rejoicings and illuminations at his weddings also. And they have never been wanting. The rejoicings are the warmth which rejoices us; the illuminations, the flame which gives us light. But man, in his dealings with nature, is an imperious subject, such as few earthly kings are troubled with--happily for them! Whenever he wants warmth and light he forces the king of the world to get married, and then takes advantage of the feast; nothing worse than that. "How so?" you exclaim. "If I want to make a fire with stones or iron, I should never succeed. Is this because oxygen never unites himself with those substances, nor with heaps of others which are equally useless in lighting a fire? Yet you told me that oxygen was to be met with almost everywhere." It is a fair question, my dear child; but my answer is, that what you said last is precisely the reason why all substances are not fit for making fire of. When oxygen is already there, as he is in stones, for instance, the marriage is over--the feast cannot begin again. Kings are like other people in this respect; their weddings are only celebrated once. If you had happened to be present at the moment when oxygen was united to the materials of which stones are composed, you would have seen a feast of which I should like to have heard some news. I was not there myself either; but learned men in these latter days have succeeded in breaking the bonds which united oxygen with the primitive substances in certain fragments of stone, and with these substances thus freed, and consequently able to remarry, they have been enabled to give us, in miniature, the spectacle of the festivities of a fresh wedding. And I can assure you it is enough to make one shudder, to think of the time when such a marriage must have taken place on a large scale. With regard to _iron_ the case is quite different. You have without doubt heard tell of Louis XIV. (of France), that proud king who was called _le Grand_, and who is said to have heard himself compared to the sun, without smiling. It seems that he one day took it into his head to marry, it is difficult to say why, with Madame de Maintenon, the old wife of a poor paralytic poet named Scarron, who, as such, however, was only known by some few farces. Do you suppose that the palace of Versailles was illuminated in honor of this marriage? Not a bit of it. It was a disgraceful marriage, which they were bound to keep secret. The ceremony was conducted mysteriously and without lighting a single candle more than ordinary. I do not pretend to say that oxygen has any of these weaknesses, nor that he is any more partial to marrying with one body more than with another. In the good God's great world, outside of the family of man, they know nothing of our foolish pride, of our little weaknesses. It is nevertheless a fact that this dear monarch has his preferences, and that all his marriages are not made in this fashion. Leave those pretty little scissors of yours, with which you would try in vain to make a fire, outside your window for two or three days, and then observe the dreadful, scaly, red stain which you are sure to find on them afterwards, and which is called _rust._ Have you any idea whence it proceeds? I will tell you. It comes from the oxygen, which has been making one of those cheerless secret marriages with the iron of your scissors. So there have been no pretty sights nor sounds, no lights nor cheerful noises to entertain anybody, and though people may have wished for them ever so much, they have had to do without them. I will tell you the true reason of these marriages _incognito._ It is because oxygen is but feebly attracted by iron, who does not stand so high in his good graces as many other bodies, and so (to continue the joke) he unites slowly and languidly with him, as we may say. Now tell me, when you set fire to a bit of paper, how long does it take to burn? Half a minute, at the utmost, you answer. Very good. And how long does it take to produce that rust-stain, even though it is probably not a hundredth part the size of the paper? Two or three days, is your reply, for so I told you my self. Here is a strange difference indeed; but from it you may discover why you have not seen any signs of rejoicing or illuminations at the iron wedding. These are always in proportion to the quantity of oxygen which is being married at once--and this was--oh, such a slow affair! When the quantity is very small indeed, the festal illuminations are very small indeed too, and in fact escape observation altogether. In the same way that you would not be conscious of little bits of thread laid delicately one after another on your back, whereas you would plainly feel a large sheet, were it to fall on your shoulders. Yet what is the large sheet but a great quantity of little bits of thread? Only in that case they would all come upon you at once, like the marriage illuminations of burning paper. Wait a little longer and we shall finish. What is there, then, in the paper which pleases the oxygen so much that he unites himself to it so readily, and in such large quantities? What is there? Two substances of high degree, who have actually risen to the dignity of a royal alliance, by the important part they play in the world; one of these, charcoal or _carbon_, we know quite well already; the other I have only mentioned to you in connection with water, HYDROGEN. Thanks to gas companies, everybody in these days knows _hydrogen,_ at least by name. But before proceeding, I will just tell you that it is by far the lightest body that is known. It is forty and a half times lighter than air, which is not very heavy itself, although in the mass it has its weight, as we have seen. The true province of hydrogen is water, where it keeps house with oxygen, in proportion of one to eight pounds, as you may remember I stated in my last letter. But beside this, _hydrogen_ and _carbon_ are in a manner inseparable friends, whom one invariably meets side by side in all animal and vegetable substances. In wood, coal, oil, tallow, and spirits of wine; in everything in short that we call _combustibles,_ because the name of _combustion_ has been given to this marriage of oxygen with other bodies, hydrogen and carbon keep themselves shut up very discreetly and very quietly; like two children playing at hide-and-seek. You have sometimes played at hide-and-seek yourself, no doubt? Now, if some naughty child had come behind you with a lighted candle, what would you have done? You would have had to turn out, whether you liked it or not, and be caught. Well! this is what happens to our two friends, when you bring the paper to the fire. The heat forces them out, and the oxygen, which is always at hand, seizes upon them. In a twinkling they are married, and a beautiful flame springs up into the air, which lasts till everything has disappeared. Hydrogen and carbon! These, then, are the two great combustibles, the two parents of fire; and as nature has lavished them upon us in what we may call inexhaustible quantities; when you hear people lamenting and saying that wood is disappearing, that coal is diminishing, and that the human race will end by not knowing how to warm themselves, do not disturb yourself in the least. There is more hydrogen in a bucket of water than is wanted to cook a large dinner. There is as much and more carbon in our stone quarries than in our coal pits, and when all the woods in the world are cut down (which I trust will never be!) do you know what we shall do? Why, we shall take to burning the mountains. The Jura mountains in Switzerland, for instance, (to take the most favorable case) are great masses of carbon, without its ever being visible. Everything depends upon knowing how to make it come out of its hiding place; but that will de done when it is wanted: more difficult matters have been accomplished already. As to oxygen, whether carbon comes to him from a log of wood or from a building stone; whether the hydrogen comes from a candle or a glass of water, is a matter of perfect indifference to him. He only considers persons, not their origin, and marries as willingly in one case as in the other. So we have returned to the subject of _respiration_, on which I always seem to be turning my back; but now the question is, what brings us to it again? And this is the explanation. When the oxygen picked up in the lungs by the blood has traveled with it to the organs, he finds there two well-known friends--hydrogen and carbon. You smile, and exclaim at once, "Then he marries them, does he?" Yes, my dear child; and it is only for that purpose he enters our bodies at all. And this is why I could not make you understand the nature of respiration until I had explained that of fire to you. As I have told you before, it is the same thing. Invite air into your body by the bellows of your chest, or drive it into the fire by the kitchen bellows--it is always king Oxygen whom you are sending to his wedding. LETTER XXII. ANIMAL HEAT. Now, then, we have got hold of the secret of respiration; the _oxygen_ within us unites itself to the _hydrogen_ and _carbon._ And for what purpose, do you suppose? Unquestionably it must be to make a fire, since they never come together without doing so. But what do people make fires for? I ask next. Well! surely to warm themselves, do they not? And this is the history of your body being warm exactly like a dining-room stove, where the oxygen in the air forms an alliance with the hydrogen and carbon of the wood. Nature warms little girls inside, on precisely the same plan by which men warm their houses in winter. Imagine, then, a little stove, furnished with little arms for helping itself out of the wood-basket as it is wanted, and with little legs to run and refill it when it is empty; the fire must be always burning there, and the stove must be always warm. Just such a little stove is your body; your mouth being the little door, by which there constantly enter--not wood, that would hardly be pleasant--but--hydrogen and carbon under the forms of bread, mutton broth, cakes, sweetmeats, and all the good things people have learnt to make with sugar, fat, and flour. There is hydrogen and carbon in everything we eat, as I have already told you; but sugar, fat, flour, and _wine_ are the substances which contain them in the greatest quantities, and consequently they are our best _combustibles._ You are surprised, perhaps, at _wine_ being a combustible; wine, which you think would put out rather than make a fire. And it would. But that is only because in it, what is good for burning is mixed with a great deal of water, which prevents our being able to set it on fire. But if part of this water is withdrawn, you have _brandy,_ which lights easily enough; and if part of the remaining water is withdrawn from the brandy, you have _spirits of wine_, which takes fire more easily still. If you have ever seen a _spirit-of-wine_ lamp, you must know something about this. Judge from that what a fire spirits of wine must make in the body, even when it has a good deal of water with it; for it is right to tell you that your little stove is very superior to the one in the dining-room, and that it hunts out for consumption the smallest portions of combustible matter, in places where the other would be a good deal puzzled to find them. This is not all, however. I have much greater wonders to tell you yet. What should you say to a stove, which, summer or winter, night or day, in rain or sunshine, amid the ice of the pole, or under the sun of the equator, was able to keep itself constantly in the same condition; neither hotter nor colder one minute than another, whether you gave it much or little fuel, at a given moment, and sometimes when you gave it nothing for whole days together? It would be worthy of a fairy tale, would it not? Yet the human body is a stove of this description. But this requires a little explanation. It is rather bold in me, you may think, to assert so freely, that all the year round, from one end of the earth to the other, the human body is never colder nor hotter than mine is, for instance, at this present moment. "Hot" and "cold" is soon said, you argue: but the exact varieties of _more_ or _less_ are not so easy to measure, and especially not easy to remember, with reference to so many bodies, scattered over the face of the whole earth. What may be warmth for one in one case, may not be equal warmth for another; and even supposing that the same individual learned man could go and inspect every part of the globe in succession, how could he possibly recall, while touching the body of a negro in Senegal, in July, the exact amount of animal heat he had found in a Greenland Esquimaux in January? Be content. I should not have settled the question so cavalierly, if people had not discovered an infallible method of estimating accurately, and always in the same manner, the degree of warmth, in other words, the _temperature_ of the body. Let us first see, then, what this method is, though it will oblige us to digress a little; but you are accustomed to that now, surely; and besides, if I were to go straight ahead, you would not be able to follow me. Do you ever recollect being very cold? Let mammas look after their little girls as much as they please, to prevent it, it is sure to happen to every one some day or other. Now does it not seem at those times as if the whole body were contracting itself--and when people are shivering with cold, have they not a shrunk, shrivelled look? When the weather is very hot, on the contrary, our bodies feel as if they were swelling and stretching, and one seems to take up more room than before. This is the case with all bodies. Heat swells, or, as learned people call it, expands, them: cold shrinks or contracts them. Furthermore, _mercury_ is one of the things most susceptible of this action of heat and cold, and we have had recourse to it accordingly, in the construction of the _thermometer_, [Footnote: _Thermometer_ comes from two Greek words: _thermos_, heat; and _metron_, measure. The degrees in the Thermometer about to be described are marked on the _Centigrade_ principle. [Not the one (Fahrenheit) in general use in the United States.]] a very useful instrument, which you will hear spoken of all your life. The _thermometer_, or _heat-measure_, consists of a little hollow ball filled with mercury, out of which rises a small tube of very thin glass, in which the mercury can move up and down. When the thermometer is exposed to heat, the heat causes the mercury to expand, so it goes up the tube; when the thermometer is exposed to cold, the mercury contracts and sinks again. Now suppose you were to melt some ice in the palm of one hand, and try to dip a finger-tip of the other in a saucepan of boiling water; you would find a great difference of temperature between the two, would you not? Which difference of temperature people have succeeded in measuring with the thermometer, as accurately as your mamma measures a piece of cloth with her yard measure. This is how it is done: You surround the ball of mercury with pounded ice, and while it is melting make a mark at that point in the tube where the mercury has stopped in its descent. Then plunge the thermometer into boiling water. Whereupon the mercury goes up, up, up, till at last it reaches a point beyond which it will not pass. Here a second mark is made, and the space between the two marks is divided into a hundred perfectly equal parts, indicated by so many small lines, which are called _degrees_. But this word _degrees_ has a double meaning in some languages. It means _steps_ as well as the degrees of measurement we are talking about; steps being, as you know, the perfectly equal parts into which a staircase is divided. Fancy the mercury-tube a staircase, then, rising from the cellar where the melting ice is, up to the garret where the boiling water is, and let it consist of 100 steps. The mercury goes up and down this staircase, according as the temperature it encounters approaches that of the boiling water or of the melting ice; and if you wish to know exactly how far it is from the cellar or from the garret, you have only to count the _steps_. Hence arise those expressions which you so often hear--high temperature and low temperature. These mean, temperature according to which the mercury goes up or down this staircase. On the actual floor of the cellar where the ice melts, there are yet no degrees (a floor is not a _step_, you know), so there you find the word _zero_, which means a cipher or nought. Then you begin to count 1, 2, 3, 4 degrees, marked by lines up to 100, where you reach the garret, _i.e._ the boiling-water height. Of course, if the thermometer be exposed to an amount of cold greater than that of melting ice, the mercury will sink below the cellar. Accordingly the staircase is carried below it, with steps (so to speak) of precisely the same size as those above, and you count as before, 1, 2, 3, &c., as it descends; adding however, to distinguish these degrees from the others, "_below zero_." You may go on in that way as far as 40; but there you must stop. At that point the mercury freezes. He sits down there on his last step, and will not go any further! In the same way if the thermometer is exposed to a heat greater than that of boiling water, the mercury will rise higher than the garret. So the staircase is made to go up higher, and always with steps of the same size, counting from 101 upwards, as far as 350 if you choose; but no further, observe! If the temperature were raised beyond that, the mercury would begin to boil, and then, indeed, good-bye to steps and measured degrees! The gentleman would dance so fast that there would be no possibility of seeing anything, to say nothing of his flying away! Now nothing is easier than to use the thermometer. You place it in the situation where you want to measure the heat, and the mercury goes up or down of itself until it reaches the degree which corresponds with the temperature of the place. It is much more convenient than your mamma's yard measure, which has to be moved about over the stuff, and which is very apt to slip if you do not hold it carefully. Dressmakers would be delighted to have a measure which only wanted laying upon the material, and which would unroll itself and stop short just at the proper point. And this kind of office the thermometer really performs. We will suppose to-day to be the 30th of November. I have just carried the thermometer out of doors; the mercury has fixed itself at the second degree _below zero_. This tells me that it is freezing cold. My fingers have told me so already; but exactly to what extent they could not say. Just now in the room, the mercury was at the 15th degree _above_ zero, thanks to the stove in which we have a good fire. In summer-time it rises to 25, 26, or 28 degrees. I once saw it climb as high as 33 degrees: in the shade of course, you understand; in the sun it would have been quite another affair. Well! there was a universal outcry against the heat. Grown-up young ladies whom I try to teach all sorts of things as I do you, pretended that it was impossible to work. Yet I should find a still greater heat inside my body, if I could get the thermometer there. Have no fears, however; I am not going to make a hole in it: luckily there is one already. I put the ball of mercury into my mouth. And now I can almost tell without looking. The mercury was on its way up the staircase as soon as I took the ball in my hand--and now it has reached the 37th step. You can try the experiment on yourself, but I forewarn you that it ought to be rather hotter with you than with me: the mercury will probably rise a degree higher. I will not promise that in your grandpapa's mouth it may not sink a degree--but that will be all. In different mouths it has, between the 38th and 36th degree, room for the play of a little variation, but it can no more go beyond these than a tethered cow can get beyond the circle made by her cord as she turns round the stake. Go round the world with your thermometer, pop it into everybody's mouth, wiping it if you choose as you proceed, you will always find the mercury on guard. Its tethering cord is somewhat elastic, like everything else about us; but if by any accident it should exceed its limit by even one degree above or below, it would be quite as extraordinary as meeting a giant of eight feet, or a dwarf of three--which one does see occasionally, although the standard of human height varies generally round the centre of five feet. Since there is a fire always kept burning within us, there is no difficulty in comprehending why our bodies always keep warm. Of course, however, the fire must be kept brighter in winter than in summer, but people have no need to be told so. Nature provides for the necessity. She gives us more appetite in cold than in hot weather; not that we can perceive much difference in ourselves in this respect from winter to summer; for our bodies stick to their accustomed habits, and call out pretty loudly for the same daily rations, though without having the same need of them. In order to estimate fairly the connexion which exists between the internal need of food--_i.e.,_ of combustible matter--and the external temperature, we must compare the Hindoo, who lives on a pinch of rice a day, between the tropic and the equator, with the Esquimaux, who, to keep up his 37 degrees of heat, beyond the polar circle, in a country where European travellers have seen mercury freeze, sometimes swallows from ten to fifteen pints of whale-oil at a sitting! Just fancy _whale-oil!_ which is much nastier than even cod-liver oil, if you ever tasted that; but, on the other hand, it is a thorough _combustible_, and the poor people are not so very particular: come what will, the fire must be kept up, and that briskly. But without going thus into extremes, a friend of mine once told me that in Portugal, the land of oranges, it is not uncommon to see gentlemen and ladies (that is to say, those who can eat and drink what they please) dine standing, in five minutes, on a bit of bread and whatever else may be handy. Propose this system to the inhabitants of our colder and damper climate, whose very young ladies, fair and delicate-looking as they are, need a helping of good roast-beef for dinner to keep life in them, and they would only laugh at you. But those who were well instructed could go on to inform you that the chilly atmosphere of northern countries creates the necessity for a more active internal fire than is ever needed under the burning sun of Portugal, and that a mouthful of bread per day will not, in their case, suffice to maintain the appointed thirty-seven degrees of heat. For the same reason, Spaniards drink water, and are satisfied; whereas English wine-merchants add brandy to a good many foreign wines, or they would be quite unacceptable from being deficient in combustible. It is for the same reason, also, that Russians can swallow, without wincing, bumpers of brandy which would kill a Provençal outright: and that the Swedish Government has no end of trouble to keep the country people from converting into brandy the corn that ought to go to the miller; whilst the Mohammedan Arabs accept without difficulty that precept of the Koran which forbids the use of wine and spirituous liquors. It is easy for the Arabs, who are kept warm by their climate, to do without brandy. It is less easy for the Swedes, who are surrounded by cold. All this comes as a matter of course, and we do the same thing ourselves, without being unusually sagacious. In January, when the thermometer goes down to twelve or fifteen degrees below zero, I put more fuel into my stove than I am doing to-day, with only two degrees of cold to bear with. There is nothing surprising in all this. The wonderful thing is, that when an Englishman goes to India, he takes his roast beef and his spirits with him, and in a temperature of more than thirty degrees of heat, quietly heaps up fuel in his stove, just as if he was in England, or nearly so. You think he will set fire to the house, perhaps. But no. Send the thermometer to his mouth for information, and it will only mark down thirty-seven degrees; neither more nor less than in the mouth of a rice-eater! The stove has more sense than its owner. It only burns just what hydrogen and carbon it wants, and takes no more trouble about the remainder than if it had not been eaten. How about the remainder, then? you ask; if it is not consumed for use, what becomes of it? Do you remember, my dear child, that long ago, after explaining the office of the bile and the liver, I put off telling you what the bile _consisted of_, until we had talked about the lungs and respiration? Well, the time has come now; so listen. The hydrogen and carbon which is not consumed by the oxygen in the blood, is seized upon by the liver, who employs it in the manufacture of bile. Therefore the greater the amount of unemployed hydrogen and carbon there is in the blood, the greater is the quantity of bile manufactured by the liver--that is all. When once the body has attained to its proper degree of heat, it is in vain you load it with combustibles; it will not get any warmer, do what you will. Only you will have cut out so much extra work for the liver, and the poor wretch will have to get through it as he can. Accordingly, what happens in the long run to our great eaters and drinkers, whether in India or elsewhere? The bile-manufacturer, overwhelmed with work, gets worn out at last, and kicks; and people come home with that miserable disease, which is called the "liver-complaint." This is one explanation of that wonderful uniformity of temperature which, happily, human imprudence cannot disturb. But the blood has a second resource for getting rid of its superfluity of hydrogen and carbon, and herein especially is displayed the beautiful foresight with which everything about us has been prearranged. We are told that wolves, when they get hold of a larger piece of meat than they care to eat at the moment, carry off what they do not want to some corner and bury it in the ground, whence they get it again when their hunger returns. Dogs sometimes do the same; and the blood has a similar instinct. Listen attentively, for this is very interesting. I light a candle and you see a bright flame, which will last as long as there is any tallow below the wick. Can you tell me what it proceeds from? Nay, do not laugh at the question; it is quite to the purpose, I assure you. We know, do we not, that the substances which burn best are those which are full of hydrogen and carbon? Tallow, then, is one of those substances. But tell me further, if you please, what is tallow? Tallow is _mutton fat_, allow me to say, if you never heard it before. Now comes the question, who provided the sheep's fat with such a quantity of hydrogen and carbon as to qualify it for making candles? The sheep's blood undoubtedly, since blood is the purveyor-general of living bodies--of the sheep's body as well as of our own. But how came it that the sheep's blood had so large a stock of these materials? Undoubtedly, again, because there was more of them in the food the sheep had eaten than the oxygen was able to consume or the liver to employ. In short, the sheep has lungs and a bile-manufactory, as we have; oxygen performs the same office for it as for us. What takes place in its body in the matter of respiration is an exact counterpart of what happens in ours, and the history of its fat is simply the history of our own. Now do you think it is for our sakes that the sheep's blood deposits its fat in little pellet-like morsels throughout the body; do you suppose the poor creature works in this manner merely to have the honor of providing us with candles? It is not likely. I was talking about the wolf just now; but there is no need to look beyond ourselves. In many poor people's cottages there is somewhere an old earthen pot in which the savings of each day are carefully put by, penny by penny, as a last resource in time of need. Should a wicked thief succeed in murdering the owner and laying hold of the treasure, he will squander in a few hours of brilliant revelry the precious hoard so slowly got together as a provision for possible needs. And this is what man does, when he kills the sheep and takes its fat to make candles of! The poor animal's blood knew well that bad times might come, that grass might fail, and the combustible matter conveyed into the body become insufficient to maintain its thirty-nine or forty degrees of heat (which is the sheep's measure, who is rather hotter than we are). So it quietly laid up its surplus stock of combustible so conveniently brought to hand, and destined to be burnt little by little in the depths of the organs, should times of scarcity arise. But here steps in man, the universal thief of Nature, and turns it into a beautiful flame, regardless of cost, and burns in one evening what his victim had been economizing for so long. To burn for burning's sake, however, has always been the fate of tallow, the only difference being in the way it is done. Like the poor man's clumsy pence, which were put by to be spent some day or other, only in another manner. It is worth noting here, that some of the Russian soldiers who were in France in 1815 had a very good idea of restoring candles to their original destiny. As children of the north, driven to get fire wherever they could, they ate all the candle-ends they could lay hold of, preferring to burn the tallow, sheep's fashion, inside rather than out! Fat is, then, the savings' bank of the blood; there it deposits its savings, and there it can always find them again in time of need. Witness the fat pig described by Liebig, the great German chemist, which having been swallowed up by a landslip, was found alive at the end of 160 days. Fat was out of the question there, of course; the animal weighed ten stone less than before. We will take the illustrious professor's word on trust, but were a few days subtracted from the account the case would still be a splendid example of the resource which blood finds in fat when other nourishment fails; for the pig had certainly been breathing during the whole 160 days, and as, in all probability, he moved about much slower than usual, his hydrogen and carbon fire was never extinguished for a single instant; of that I am perfectly certain, and you shall soon know why. It was well for the poor fellow himself that he had put by his provisions in time of plenty. And who suffered? Why, the pig's master, who had looked forward with pleasure to the rashers of bacon he should cut by and by from the stores of combustibles in his larder. For once Master Piggy ate his own bacon himself! You understand now, I hope, by what ingenious management that marvellous stove, called an animal, never burns too much fuel, whatever be the quantity it is supplied with, and how, on the other hand, it has always as much as it wants. I have now to explain how important it is that it _should_ always have enough, and that this is not merely a question of heat and cold, as with dining-room stoves, but one of life and death! Cheer up! I have only one more word to say about Respiration, and when you have heard it you will appreciate still better the lesson of economy which you have learnt from Nature to-day. LETTER XXIII. ACTION OF THE BLOOD UPON THE ORGANS. The first time we talked about the Blood, my dear little pupil, I introduced him to you as the steward of your body, and what a steward to be sure! Always awake, as you may remember, always in motion; his pockets ever full of the materials unceasingly required by the indefatigable builders of that human edifice in which it has pleased God to house your dear little self. If you wish really to understand what follows now, we must carry on the simile a little further. A steward not only provides the workmen with materials, but gives them orders as well, and this is part of the blood's business also. He is not only commissary-general, but _whipper-in_ of the whole household, and besides the care of giving out all the stores, has the charge to see that everything is properly done. The unhappy men who purchase prosperity at the dreadful cost of maintaining slavery, pretend that their slaves would do no work worth looking at, were there not always some one behind them with a whip in his hand. Well, our organs are slaves, and slaves of the worst sort. They would never do anything at all, if the blood were not everlastingly whipping them up in his ceaseless rounds. Let him come to a stand-still for one minute, for a second even, and everything stops short; then we are at once in the castle of the Sleeping Beauty in the wood. But perhaps I cannot do better than to compare our bodily machine to a violin--to hit upon something less dismal than slaves--a violin with blood for its bow. As long as the bow runs over the strings the violin makes music and lives; when the bow stops, it is silent and dies. You have never yet had a fainting fit, my dear child; it rarely happens at your age. But you may possibly have seen somebody faint; or, at any rate, you have heard it talked about. Do you know what takes place in such cases? Now and then, in consequence of some violent emotion, but how or why I cannot tell you, all the blood rushes suddenly back towards the heart, as during an earthquake a river will sometimes flow back towards its source, leaving its bed dry. Thereupon the face turns white, as if to give notice that there is no longer anything red below the skin. The organs, no longer stimulated by the blood, leave off work altogether. The brain goes to sleep, the muscles relax, consciousness ceases, and you behold the poor body, from which the soul seems to have departed, give way on all sides, and fall to the ground like a corpse. This is not exactly death, but it is yet an interruption of life. It would be death if nature did not get the upper hand again, and send back the deserter to his post. I may remark here that it was partly on this account that some of the ancients thought the soul was seated in the blood; not a bad idea for people who were determined to pronounce where the soul was, when it is so easy to say one knows nothing about it. But those who placed it in the breath, and who have bequeathed to us those beautiful expressions--_yielding up the last breath--giving up the ghost_--were not wrong neither. In point of fact the blood is not the soul of the body; in other words, does not keep the body alive, otherwise than by keeping up unceasingly and everywhere that magic fire of which we were talking last time. The French people, in their picturesque language, have found an expression, full of energy, to express the action exercised by the master workman, who knows how to make his people work: "_Il vous met le feu sous le ventre._" [Footnote: Literally, _he puts fire under their bellies;_ but here signifying that he makes it so hot that the organs are compelled to continue in motion.] This is, to the letter, the process employed by the blood to make the organs work. It makes a fire under the belly. Unhappily their work only lasts as long as the fire which causes the heat, and which is so necessary to life that it is almost confounded with it. It is the sacred fire of the Roman Vestals, which must be fed night and day under pain of death should it go out. Now, if to feed the sacred fire of life, it be necessary that the blood should everywhere find hydrogen and carbon _unattached_, that is to say, free and ready to unite themselves to oxygen, it is no less necessary that he should bring oxygen with him everywhere. Else there would be no marriage, and therefore no fire. Oxygen is, then, the talisman which brings the organs to obedience. Without oxygen he would be a slave-driver without his whip; his orders would be despised. If the organs were to be deluged with _venous_ blood--with that black blood which has lost its oxygen, they would not stir any more than if they had received so much water. They acknowledge nothing but _arterial_ blood--red blood--blood rich in oxygen. That is what they respect, and which has authority over them; the other is a bankrupt who has lost his credit with his cash; those whom he fed but lately now laugh in his face. And as our good steward spends all his oxygen every time he goes his rounds, it would soon be over with him, and, consequently, with us, too, if he had not some method of replenishing his purse after each journey. Happily the lungs are the inexhaustible chest to which he always returns to renew his right of authority; that is, his power of preserving life. When it comes to the _last sigh_, the last effort of the diaphragm by which the chest is closed forever, we must bid adieu to life. In yielding up that, we have in very truth yielded up the ghost. This is no joke, as you see, and it would not do to be caught unprepared, with an inexorable necessity hanging over one, which never allows a moment's respite. The blood acts like a reasonable being, therefore, in laying up his stores of combustible in reserve. Moreover, whether he has done so or not, the fire must go on all the same; that is absolutely necessary; and if he has no spare fat to feed it with, when, from any cause, the stomach leaves off working, he makes use of anything he can lay his hands upon. I know a story on this subject which will amuse you. There lived, in the reign of Francis I. of France, an honest countryman, of Périgord, named Bernard Palissy. At that time everybody could not afford to have earthenware plates, as they have now. It was a manufacture of which only the Italians had the secret, and Bernard, who knew something of the matter, from being a glass-worker, took it into his head to try and find it out entirely by himself. So, without asking anybody's advice, he turned potter, built ovens, picked up wood as he could, manufactured his first pots, whether well or ill, made a beginning, and waited. He had fifteen or sixteen years of it before he succeeded; fifteen or sixteen years of ruinous experiments, which would have discouraged a less sturdy heart than his. But he, after he had succeeded in picking up some money by his church windows, returned to his work with unconquerable perseverance, insensible to poverty, deaf to the ridicule of neighbors, and unmoved by the abuse of his wife, who was furious, as you may suppose, at being forced to play the heroine without having the least turn for it. And one fine day there was a grand uproar in La Chapelle-Biron (that was the name of his village). "Bernard Palissy has gone mad," said everybody; "he is burning up his house to bake his pots." And upon my word it was true! Wood happened to be wanting while a batch was in the oven, and Bernard having begun by using up the garden palisades, took next the large tables, and at last the floor of the house! What his wife had to say, I leave you to judge; as for him he listened to nothing; but, fixing his eyes on the insatiable furnace, threw in one thing after another, caring only for the risk to his handiwork. The ceiling would have followed the floor had not his pots been sufficiently baked without. And thus, and thus, does the blood, when combustible matter fails him! He demolishes the house, and throws it, bit by bit, into the fire. The fat goes into it naturally enough, as I have already explained to you. It is the fuel-store of the house. It was put by on purpose, and may be used up without injury. Then comes the turn of the muscles; more useful without being indispensable. Those are Bernard Palissy's palisades one may contrive to do without them. They melt away, so to speak, after a few days' fast, and you find yourself what people call "nothing but skin and bone." But then, if this condition is prolonged, and the exhausted flesh cannot supply the demand, the blood does not hesitate a moment. He boldly falls upon the most important organs, without stopping to consider; he, too, is devoted solely to his work, and that, like the baking of pots, never comes to an end by being completed; if external help does not arrive in time, the house soon becomes uninhabitable, and life slips away. The man dies of hunger. But in the same way that poor Bernard Palissy was in reality working, all the time, for his wife and children, whose future well-being he strove for as the final end of all his efforts, though at the risk of letting them sleep under the bare heavens; so the blood was laboring up to the last moment for that very life which he at last turned out of doors; and the work of destruction which caused its final departure has had in reality the effect of prolonging its stay. Without it, all would have been over long before. LETTER XXIV. THE WORK OP THE ORGANS. Thus much is settled, then. It is the blood which sets everything in motion throughout the body. The organs are idlers who would do nothing but for him; they only work when goaded on, if I may use the expression, by that fire--always on the point of going out--which he is perpetually coming back to rekindle, thanks to the oxygen he carries with him from the lungs. This will enable me to explain many things, which, although not new to you, you have probably never tried to account for before. To begin with: do you remember what happened to you the other day, when you tried to overtake your mischievous brother in running, and he, taking advantage of his school-boy legs, led you mercilessly through all the garden walks, without having the grace even to let you catch him at the end? You were quite out of breath; your heart beat so rapidly it almost hurt you; and you were so hot that the perspiration poured in great drops down your face, so that your mamma, quite frightened, took you up in her arms and carried you to the fire; for the coolness of evening was coming on, and a little girl drenched with perspiration is soon chilled. Tell me now, what connection was there between your overrunning yourself in a race and the extraordinary degree of heat which came over you so soon? Your cheeks were cool and fresh when you began to run; what made them so red all at once, and especially at a moment when the air was cool and fresh in the garden? You open your eyes in surprise; you had never thought of this. No! that is just the way with little girls. They run; they get hot; it seems as natural as warming oneself in the sun, and they never ask why it is so. Yet you could almost tell me the "why" yourself, if you stopped to think about it, now that you are what your school-boy brother would say "_up to a thing or two;_" but to save time, I will help you. You run as a bird flies, without thinking about it. Nevertheless, if you could see with a magic glass all that takes place in your body while those active little feet are carrying it like a feather across the garden, you would be perfectly amazed. One of these days, when we have finished our present history, I will tell you that other one, which is equally worth the trouble. It is enough for the present to know, that a very complicated piece of work is being carried on there, in which almost all the muscles of the body take part at the same time, contracting and relaxing in turn, like so many springs, of which each either drives forward or holds back a part of the machine. In fact, while your eyes and thoughts are fixed on the butterfly which is flitting away from you through the air, there is going on within you such an unheard-of outlay of efforts as could never be got out of our idlers if the terrible steward did not lash them severely. Now, his lash, as we have said often enough, is that eternal fire, the materials of which he conveys to all parts of the body. On those special occasions, therefore, he is obliged to make his fire burn much more briskly than usual--exactly like railway engine-drivers, who increase the heat of their fire to get up steam in proportion to the speed they wish to go. From this you will understand that it is no great wonder that your small frame should get heated from such work as racing and chasing; and that if you pursue it too long, the perspiration which comes out all over you is sufficiently explained. This is not all, however. The fire, whose strength has to be increased, naturally requires a larger amount of combustible matter than before, and forasmuch as there is only a certain fixed quantity in each drop of blood, whenever the muscles want more than usual, the blood itself must flow to them in greater abundance. Now if it were a question of supplying only one part of the body (as it is, you may remember, of supplying the stomach during the progress of digestion), he might contrive to accomplish his task there by neglecting it elsewhere, and overflow one organ at his ease, at the expense of all the rest. But in this case he is wanted everywhere in the same abundance. It is not a question of taking one muscle's share for the benefit of another. From one end of the body to the other, all want to be deluged at once. And remember that these exigencies do not bring a drop more blood into the body. How is he to get out of his difficulty then, this overwhelmed steward of ours? Well! just as your mamma manages, my dear, when there is more to do than usual in the house;--by running quicker than ever from the cellar to the garret, and from your room to your papa's! That is called doubling oneself; and this gallant blood doubles itself to some purpose. He runs and runs and runs, arrives in hurried streams, and returns full gallop, passing and repassing through the heart, which empties and fills itself in sudden jerks. Unluckily, the poor heart is a delicate sort of person, who does not like having his habits disarranged, and this forced work soon makes him desperate. The other day, in his despair, he knocked with all his strength against the walls of his little chamber, to warn his young mistress that he could bear no more, and that they were both of them in danger. In fact, you ought to know that if one was infatuated enough to go on running too long, one might die of it. When you learn ancient history, you will probably be told of what happened to the soldier of Marathon, who flew like an arrow from the field of battle to the gates of Athens, that he might tell his fellow-citizens a quarter of an hour earlier, that his country was saved; and he fell dead on his arrival. But it is not the heart only which suffers by this mad career of the blood. During each journey it performs it passes through the lungs, which in their turn are forced to play with hasty jerks. And this is well for our good steward; for the lungs, filling with air at each descent of the diaphragm (if you remember what we have said before), more air, and consequently more oxygen, comes in, and the blood has by this means a larger stock on hand, ready to help him out in the unusual waste which is just then going on in the muscles. I spoke just now of railway steam-engines. See how self-supporting ours is! The greater the amount of fire wanted, the faster the blood flows; and the faster the blood flows, the oftener does the coffer re-fill itself, whence comes the supply of oxygen requisite for keeping up the fire. All this goes on at once, by one impulse, and the balance between the receipts and expenditure settles itself of its own accord. How thankful many families would be if their money-chest would but fill itself in the same way--in exact proportion as they spend the cash! There is only one slight drawback, which is, that the diaphragm gets tired with the unaccustomed gallop it is thus forced into. It falls into convulsions, therefore, like its neighbor the heart, and the breathing is stopped, from having been driven too rapidly. An excellent example for people who want to spend too much at once; showing that Nature herself cries out against it, even when the only thing wanted is atmospheric air. Now, run if you dare! And, to tell you the truth, it would be a great pity if you did _not_ dare; for our good God has made little children for running. They have nimbler blood than we older grandfathers, more elastic lungs, and consequently more oxygen to spend at a time. But you must confess that it is a great pity we should run all our lives as many people do, without having the slightest idea of these admirable contrivances, thanks to which we are enabled to do it. We can run all the same, it is true, without the knowledge, the little child as easily as the little roebuck, which sets a similar machine in motion. But it is no use talking about the little roebuck; it cannot learn what God has done for it, but the little child can, if he will. Furthermore, there is nothing to be really alarmed about, for those great commotions only occur when we have committed excess; and it is a very good thing, in a general way, for the blood to give us a stroke of his lash from time to time. I told you lately that the fire which sets the organs to work is life; and it is no misfortune to be a little more alive than usual. Besides which, this increased activity of the internal fire does not serve us in running only. Every time that a man makes an effort; every time he lifts a weight, or handles a tool, the blood rushes forward to deluge the muscles that are thus called into play; the heart beats more quickly, and the air streams in greater abundance into the lungs. Look at a man chopping wood. If the log resists too much, if for a minute or two the man has to strike blow after blow without stopping, you will soon see him panting for breath, just as if he had been running a race. On the other hand, he will have gained something from chopping his log besides the right of warming himself before it at the fire. Blood does not carry fire only into the muscles; he supplies them with nourishment also, does he not? Every drop of blood deposits its little offering as it goes by, and consequently the greater the number that pass along, the richer is the harvest for the muscle. Look, accordingly, at the laboring classes. How much healthier and stronger they are than those who do not work! I speak, of course, of working with one's limbs generally; for those poor girls who work from morning to night, sitting on their chairs, are none the better for it, but, on the contrary, worse. There are also certain worthy fellows who, like myself at the present moment, drive a pen over sheets of paper for half a day at a time, whose muscles never get any bigger for it, that is quite clear. Moreover, one condition has to be fulfilled, which unhappily is not always done. The more people labor, the more they ought to eat. To you, who have just been looking at the drama that is performed in the body every time a muscle is set in motion, this is obvious enough. There is no fire without smoke, says the proverb. It would have been much better to have said,--there is no fire without fuel;--and the fuel for our fire is, as you know, what we eat. Try if you can get one stove to burn more brightly than another, if you have put less fuel into it. Yet, alas! this is what many poor wretches are obliged to do but too often; and then the blood, instead of feeding their muscles, consumes them, for the reasons I gave, in telling you the story of Bernard Palissy. Think of this, oh my dear child, when you are grown up, and never grudge those who work for you their proper share of food. Here I see many other lessons crowding up, out of what you have just learnt. And first Nature herself, taken as you find her, shows you that manual labor is, for us, a most beneficial condition of existence; that it brings about a re-doubling, an exaltation of life; and that consequently, we have no need to look down upon those who gain their bread, as we word it, by the sweat of their brows. I told you this before, in speaking of the hand, which is of so much more use to those people than to you; and I repeat it now for another reason, viz.: because labor elevates him who undertakes it, and creates a real physical nobility. Barbarians in old times, who knew nothing noble nor grand but war, despised labor, and left it to their slaves; so much so, that the name _servile labor_, _i.e._ the labor of slaves, has stuck to it in some places. As for war, the lot of the ancient nobility, I scarcely dare to say much against it, however much I should like to do so on some accounts. For, after all, so long as there are ruffians to trample on the weak, one is only too glad to find brave men ready to risk their lives in keeping such rascals down: so long as there are wolves, we must needs keep shepherds' dogs. But in spite of everything, the best that can be said in favor of war is, that it remains a sad but inevitable necessity, and that to get rid of it, more is wanting than the wish. What a contrast to labor--that contest of Man with Nature;--that merciful and fruitful war, where victories are not estimated like other victories, by the number of the slain, but which, on the contrary, scatters fresh life around it as it spreads; fresh life in the laborer himself, by the very act of work, fresh life around him without, by the fruits that work produces! Between the man who dies in slaying others, and the man who keeps others alive by living longer himself, it seems cruel to make invidious comparisons; but if it be just to honor the first out of respect for the cause he has defended, whenever that cause is respectable--it is, to say the least of it, not less just to do equal honor to the second. But let us come down from these philosophic heights, and return to you, dear child; to you, who have nothing to do with war, its massacres or its laurels. It is true, however, that you have nothing to do either, with chopping wood, and I am not asking you to undertake any such thing. But in the life of a woman, from the time of her childhood upwards, a thousand things arise for the hands to do, and the question is, how often you are likely to feel ashamed of not sending for the servants to do them? Avoid this false and fatal idea as much as possible. The work of the hands dishonors no one; it is honorable. To cast it aside altogether is to make yourself smaller instead of greater; to deprive yourself of one of the glories and the joys of life. If a good thing is set before you at dinner, do you send for the servants to eat it? If an occasion arises for making the blood circulate more rapidly in your veins, and of increasing the strength and life with, in you into the bargain, why make _them_ a present of it? Especially when it cannot be an agreeable present considering that good servants have plenty of such opportunities from morning to night every day. There was once upon a time a Persian prince staying in Paris, who was taken to a very fashionable ball, that he might see a specimen of European civilization. I am not talking about a prince in the "Arabian Nights;" mine lived, I believe, in the time of Louis Philippe. The beautiful dancers wheeled round, their eyes brilliant with pleasure, in the arms of elegant cavaliers; one would have said that the whole of this airy troop, swaying to and fro in time to the lively flourishes of the music, was animated by one soul; everything seemed full of joy in that large and splendidly lit hall, and mothers secretly envied their daughters as they passed and re-passed before them. Our oriental alone scanned with a disdainful eye this youthful enjoyment. When it was ended,--"How is this?" said he to his conductor; "did you not tell me that I was to see here the most distinguished families of Paris?" "Certainly," replied the other; "among those young ladies who were just now dancing before you, there were at least twenty of the grandest heiresses of France." "Young ladies who dance! Come, come! In my country we have dancers, but they are paid for it. Our wives are never permitted to dance themselves. That is all very well for the common people!" Remember, when needful, the contempt of this Persian prince, my dear child; and let me beg of you, work for yourself. The dance of labor is worth quite as much as that of the ball-room, when you give your heart to it. It is even worth more, very often; and next time I will tell you why. LETTER XXV. CARBONIC ACID. We are going to make acquaintance to-day with a new personage, who well deserves our attention. It is the child of oxygen and carbon, [Footnote: This is the name learned men have given to Charcoal.] though not in the same way that you are the child of your parents. To tell you how it is made is more than I am able. It is a _gas_, or if you like the word better, it is an _air_; for when we say "gas," we mean "air;" only it is always a different sort of air from the air of the atmosphere, which learned people are not in the habit of calling _gas_. I cannot, therefore, show you _carbonic acid_ itself, for it cannot be seen any more than the air which fills an empty glass. But I can tell you where there is some, and you even probably know it by its effects, although you have never heard its name. Do you remember, on your aunt's wedding-day, that there was a sparkling wine called champagne, at the grand breakfast? You smile, so I conclude somebody gave you a little to taste; and if so, you will remember how sharp it felt to your tongue. Do you remember, too, how the cork flew out when they were opening the bottle, and how the noise of the "pop!" startled more little girls than one? It was _carbonic acid_ which sent the cork flying in that wild way; the carbonic acid which was imprisoned in the bottle, in desperately close quarters with the wine, and which accordingly flew out, like a regular goblin, the moment the iron wire which held down the cork was removed. What sparkled in the glass, making that pretty white froth which phizzed so gently, as if inviting you to drink, was the carbonic acid in the wine, making its escape in thousands of tiny bubbles. What felt so sharp to your tongue was the same carbonic acid, in its quality of acidity, for thence it has its name; the word _acid_ being borrowed from a Latin word signifying the sharp pungent taste, almost _fine-pointed_ as it were, peculiar to all substances which we call _acids_. It is carbonic acid also which causes the froth in beer and in new wine when bottled. It is he who makes soda-water sparkle and sting the tongue, and ginger-beer the same, if you happen to like it; and so far you have no particular reason for thinking ill of him. But beware. It is with him as with a good many others who have sparkling spirits, who make conversation effervesce with gayety, and who are very seductive in society when you have nothing else to do but to laugh over your glass, but whose society is fatal to the soul which delivers itself up to them. This charming carbonic acid is a mortal poison to any one who allows it to get into his lungs. You remember what a violent headache your servant suffered from the other day after ironing all those clothes you had in the wash? She owed that headache entirely to this work which she did for you. She had remained too long standing over the coals over which her flat-irons were being heated. You know already that when charcoal burns, it is from the carbon uniting with the oxygen of the air; from this union proceeds that mischievous child, carbonic acid gas, in torrents, and the poor girl was ill, because she had breathed more of this than was good for her health. Observe well, that the room-door was open to let in the fresh air, and that there was a chimney, to allow the carbonic acid to escape. It was on this account that she got off with only a headache. Unhappily, there have sometimes been miserable people who, weary of life, and knowing this, but not knowing or thinking about the God who overrules every sorrow for good, have shut themselves up in a room with a brazier of burning charcoal, after taking the fatal precaution of stopping up every opening by which air could possibly get in; and when at last, in such a case, uneasy friends have forced open the well-closed door, they have found nothing within but a corpse. Then, too, there are those frightful accidents of which we hear so often, of workmen groping their way down into long disused wells, who have died as they reached the bottom; or of sudden deaths in coal-pits. In general these have been owing to the poor victims encountering the long pent-up carbonic acid gas, whose poisonous breath blasted and destroyed them at once. You may well ask why I am telling you such horrible stories, and what I am coming to with my carbonic acid? But you have more to do with it than you think, dear child. You, and I, and everybody we meet, nay, and the very animals themselves, since their machines are of the same sort as ours, are all little manufactories of carbonic acid. The thing is quite clear. Since there is a charcoal fire lit in every part of our body, there always arises from the union of the oxygen brought by the blood with the carbon it meets in our organs, that mischievous child we have been talking about; and our throat is the chimney by which he gets away. He would kill us outright were he to stop in the house. This is how it comes about: In proportion as the blood loses its oxygen, it picks up in exchange the carbonic acid produced by combustion, so that it is quite loaded with it by the time it returns to the lungs. There it takes in a fresh supply of oxygen, and discharges at the same time its overplus of carbonic acid, which is driven out of the body by the contractions of the chest, pell-mell with the air which has just been made use of in breathing. You are aware that this air is not the same at its exit as at its entrance to the body, and that if you try and breathe it over again it will no longer be of the same use to you. That is because it has lost part of its oxygen and brings back to you the carbonic acid which it had just carried off. If you take it in a third time, it will be still worse for you; and in case you should continue to persist--the oxygen always diminishing, and the carbonic acid always increasing in quantity--the air which was at first the means of your life will at last become the cause of your death. Try, as an experiment, to shut yourself up in a small trunk, where no fresh air can get in; or even in a narrow closely-shut closet, and you will soon tell me strange news. There will be no occasion to light a charcoal fire for you in there. Enough is kept burning in your own little stove, and you will poison yourself. You see now that the dreadful stories I was telling a short time ago have something to do with you, and that it is a good thing to be warned beforehand. And now tell me, when a hundred people--or I ought to say, a hundred manufactories of carbonic acid--are crowded together for a whole evening, sometimes for a whole night, in a space just big enough to allow them to go in and come out; tell me, I say, if that is a sort of thing which can be beneficial to the health of little girls whose blood flows so fast, and who require so much oxygen; and whether, on the contrary, it is not one's duty to keep them away from such scenes? There may be amusement there, I know; but the best pleasures are those for which one does not pay too dearly. I have seen the very wax lights faint and turn pale all at once, in the very midst of those murderous assemblies, as if to warn the imprudent guests that there was only just time to open the windows. And this reminds me of a point I had nearly forgotten. Wax-candles arc like ourselves. In order to burn, they must have oxygen, and, like us, they are extinguished by carbonic acid. But like us also--and indeed to a greater extent, because they consume much more charcoal at once--they manufacture carbonic acid. Hence that very illumination which affords the company so much pleasure and pride is plainly an additional cause of danger. Each of those wax-lights which is spread around with such a prodigal hand, the only fear being that there may not be enough of them, is a hungry intruder employed in devouring with all his might the scanty amount of oxygen provided for the consumption of the guests. From each of those cheerful flames--the suns, as it were, of the festive assembly--shoots out a strong jet of carbonic acid, contributing by so much to swell out the already formidable streams of poisoned gas, exhaled to the utmost extent by the dancers. And wait--there is still something else I was forgetting. You dance. And I told you last time at what cost you have to dance. You have to make the fire burn much quicker than usual, that is, to consume a great deal more oxygen at once, and so you double and treble the activity of the carbonic acid manufacture: and this just at the moment when it would be so convenient that it should go on as slowly as possible! After this, you need not be surprised that people should look fagged and exhausted next morning. What astonishes me is that they are not obliged to lie in bed altogether, after treating their poor lungs to such an entertainment. And even if you have spared your legs, you are not much better off, as you are sure to find out in time, especially if the thing is repeated too often. When I told you just now that the dance of labor was worth as much as the dance of the ball-room, was I right or wrong? What do you say yourself? I could repeat the same of theatres--places of entertainment specially adapted for impoverishing the blood, and ruining the health of the happy mortals who go there, evening after evening, to purchase at the door the right of filling their lungs with carbonic acid, not to speak of other poisons. You must see clearly that such places as those are not fit for little lungs as dainty as yours; and this may help you to submit with a good grace when you see people going there without you. Grown-up people escape moreover, because the human machine possesses a strange elasticity, which enables it to accommodate itself--one scarcely knows how--to the sometimes very critical positions in which its lords and masters place it without a thought. But to do this, it is well that it should be thoroughly formed and established; for you run a risk of injuring it for ever, if you misuse it too early in life. Tell this to your dear schoolboy brother, when he wants to smoke his cigar like a man. If his lungs could speak, they would call out to him that it was very hard upon them, at their age, to be so treated, and that he ought at any rate to wait till they had passed their examinations! But I must not get into a dispute with so important an individual, by throwing stones into a garden which is not under my care. For you, my dear child, the moral of this day's lesson--which to my mind is much more alarming than a hobgoblin tale, since it concerns the realities of every-day life--is clear; and it is this: Seek your amusements as far as possible in the fresh air. In the summer, when the lamp is lit, bid your mamma a sweet good-night, and go to bed. In the winter do not wait till there is a great quantity of carbonic acid in the room where the grown-up people are sitting, before you retire to your own like a reasonable girl, anxious not to do mischief to that valuable and indefatigable servant, the poor blood! Not to mention that if she were to injure him too much, she would have to bear his grumbling for the rest of her life. We cannot change him as we change other servants. LETTER XXVI. ALIMENTS OF COMBUSTION. We have spent a very long time, my dear child, over the little fire, which goes on burning secretly in every one of us, quietly devouring what little girls eat with such a good appetite, quite unsuspicious of what they are doing it for. However, if I mean to finish the history of our mouthful of bread, I must push on to its last chapter. The _whole_ of what we eat is not burnt, as you may easily suppose; for, if it were, what would the blood have left to feed the body with, and to repair in due proportion the continual destruction or waste which goes on in our organs? Our food, or "_aliments_" as the general collection of different sorts of food is called, are divided into two very distinct sets: some, which are destined to be burnt, and which are called _aliments of combustion_; others, which are destined to nourish the body, and which are called _aliments of nutrition_. I have to tell you now about these last, and you will find their history by no means uninteresting. Learned men having detected, beyond the possibility of a doubt, the existence of these two sorts of aliments, one is tempted to think they ought to have made it known to the cooks, and that ever since so important a discovery, the dishes on all well-regulated tables should have been arranged accordingly; aliments of combustion on one side, aliments of nutrition on the other. It cannot be enough merely to give your guests a treat; you ought to provide them with everything necessary for the proper fulfilment of the claims within; and if you give some nothing but combustibles, leaving the others no share of fuel, how will they be able to manage? Nobody thinks about this, however; not even cooks, to begin with, who, as far as fire is concerned, find they have had quite enough to do with it in their cooking; and as for the guests, when they have had their dinner they go away satisfied, as a matter of course, quite as well provided for as if the mistress of the house had made her calculations, pen in hand, while writing out the bill of fare, with a view to combustion and nutrition. Now, how is that? It is because the two sorts of aliments are, for the most part, met with together in everything we eat, so that we swallow them at once in one mouthful; and have therefore no need to trouble ourselves further on the subject. There is our bit of bread, for instance. What is bread made of? Of flour. Bread, then, must contain all that was previously in the flour. Very good. Now I will teach you how to discover in flour the aliment of combustion on the one hand, and the aliment of nutrition on the other. Take a handful of flour, and hold it under a small stream of water; knead it lightly between your fingers. The water will be quite white as it leaves it, carrying away with it a fine powder, which you could easily collect if you were to let the water run into a vase, where the powder would soon settle to the bottom. That powder is starch--the same starch as washerwomen use for starching linen, and which our grandfathers employed in powdering their wigs. You had some put on your own hair one day when you were dressed up as a court-lady of olden time. Now, starch is an excellent combustible. People have succeeded, by means which I will not offer to detail here, in ascertaining almost exactly what it is made of, and they have found in it three of our old acquaintances, oxygen, hydrogen, and carbon, combined together in such proportions that 100 ounces of starch contain as follows: Ounces. Carbon 45 Hydrogen 6 Oxygen 49 --- 100 I give you the calculation in round numbers, so as not to burden your memory with fractions; and I will do the same with the other sums I shall have to go through to-day, this being, let me tell you, an arithmetical day. Besides, I could scarcely take upon myself to warrant the absolute correctness of those very precise fractions people sometimes go into. Even our learned friends squabble now and then as to which is right or wrong over the 100th part of a grain, more or less, in making out their balance, and you and I will not offer to decide between them. I always think we have accomplished wonders in getting even _near_ the mark, and with their permission we will stop there. Starch, then, of whose weight carbon constitutes nearly one-half, is of course a first-rate combustible. Indeed, one may almost consider it the parent, as it were, of at least half our aliments of combustion, for if (in consequence of a certain operation, which nature has the power of performing for herself, in certain circumstances) it loses a portion of its carbon, so that there remain but 36 ounces of it in the 100 of starch, our starch is turned into something else; now can you guess what that something is? Neither more nor less than _sugar_! Witness the grand manufactories at Colmar, in France, where bags of starch are converted into casks of syrup by a process of nature alone; so that the inhabitants of the neighborhood sweeten their coffee at breakfast with what might have been made into rolls, had it been left alone. And this is not all. Give back this starch-sugar into the hands of Nature once more by putting it into certain other conditions, and a new process begins in it. About a third of its carbon will unite itself, of its own accord, with the two-thirds of its oxygen, so as to make carbonic acid, (you are acquainted with that gentleman now) which shall fly off and away, and there will remain--what do you think?--_Alcohol_, that other combustible we talked about, and which burns even better than sugar and starch, since in a hundred ounces it contains as follows:-- Ounces. Carbon 53 Hydrogen 13 Oxygen 34 --- 100 All this astonishes you. What would you say then if I were to tell you that your pocket-handkerchief is composed of entirely the same materials as starch, and in the same proportions too, and that if a chemist were to take a fancy, by way of a joke, to make you a tumbler of sugar and water, or a small glass of brandy out of it, he could do so if he chose. Wonders are found, you see, in other places besides fairy tales; and since I have begun this subject I will go on to the end. Know then that from the log on the fire, to the back of your chair, everything made of wood, is in pretty nearly the same predicament as your pocket-handkerchief; and if people are not in the habit of making casks of syrup and kegs of brandy out of the trees they cut down in the woods, it is only, I assure you, because such sugar and brandy would cost more to make than other sorts, and would not be so good in the end. Should some one ever invent and bring to perfection an economical process for doing it thoroughly well, sugar-makers and spirit-distillers will have to be on their guard! But we are wandering from our subject. If I have allowed myself to make this digression, however, it is because I am not sorry to accustom your mind early to the idea of those wonderful transformations which nature accomplishes, and of which I could give you many other instances. To return to our flour. As soon as all the starch is gone out of it, there remains in your hand a whitish, elastic substance, which is also sticky or _glutinous_, so that it makes a very good glue if you choose; and hence its name of _gluten_, which is the Latin word for glue. When dried, this _gluten_ becomes brittle and semi-transparent. It keeps for an unlimited time in _alcohol_, putrefies very soon in water exposed to the air, and is easily dissolved in a wash of soda or potash. Finally 100 ounces of it contain as follows:-- Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen 7 Oxygen 13 Nitrogen 17 --- 100 Observe the last material named. It is a new arrival, of which I shall soon have something to say. But where am I leading you? you will ask, with all these uninteresting details about glue. Wait a little and you shall hear. You have probably never seen any one bled, which is a pity, as it happens; for if you had, you might have noticed (provided you had had the courage to look into the basin), that after a few seconds, the blood which had been taken away separated itself of its own accord into two portions; the one a yellowish transparent liquid, the other an opaque red mass floating on the top, and which is called the _coagulum_ of the blood or _clot_. This _coagulum_ owes its color to an infinity of minute red bodies of which we will speak more fully by and by, and which are retained as if in a net, in the meshes of a peculiar substance to which I am now going to call your attention. That substance is whitish, elastic and sticky; and when dried becomes brittle and semi-transparent. It keeps for an unlimited time in alcohol, putrefies very soon in water exposed to the air, and is easily dissolved in a wash of soda or potash. Finally 100 ounces of it contain as follows:-- Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen 7 Oxygen 13 Nitrogen 17 --- 100 This substance is called _fibrine_. It goes to form the fibres of those muscles which are contained in a half formed state in the blood. You are laughing by this time I know, and I also know the reason why. I have told you the same story twice over. You have not forgotten my wearisome description of _gluten_, and here I am, saying exactly the same thing of _fibrine_! You conclude I am dreaming, and have made a mistake! But no, I am wide awake, I assure you, and mean what I say. And if these details are the same in the two cases, it is for the simple reason that the two bodies are one and the same thing; _gluten_ and _fibrine_ being in reality but one substance, so that were the most skilful professor to see the two together dried, he would be puzzled to say which came from the flour, and which from the blood. I mentioned that our muscles existed in a half-formed state in the blood. Here is something further. The _fibres_ of muscles exist previously in full perfection, in the bread we eat; and when you make little round pills of the crumbs at your side, it is composed of fibres stolen from your muscles which enable the particles to stick together; and I say _stolen from your muscles_, because they are the _gluten_ which you ought to have eaten. I hope the thought of this may cure you of a foolish habit, which is sometimes far from agreeable to those who sit by you. This, then, is the first great _aliment of nutrition_, and you may make yourself perfectly easy about the fate of those who eat bread. If little girls should now and then have to lunch on dry bread, I do not see that they are much to be pitied. There is the starch to keep up their fire, and the gluten for their nourishment, and that is all they require. The porter above is the only one who finds fault. And in these days porters have become more difficult to please than the masters themselves. Then as to babies who drink nothing but milk, you perhaps wish to know where they get their share of fibrine. And I am obliged to own there is none in the milk itself; but, I daresay, you know curdled milk or _rennet_? The same separation into two portions has taken place there which occurs in the blood when drawn from the arm; underneath is a yellowish transparent liquid,--that is the _whey_; above a white curd of which cheese is made, and which contains a great part of what would have made butter. By carefully clearing the curd from all its buttery particles you obtain a kind of white powder which is the essential principle of cheese, and to which the pretty name of _casein_ is given because _caseus_ is the Latin for cheese. I shall not trouble you now with details about _casein_; but there is one thing you ought to know. A hundred ounces of _casein_ contain as follows:-- Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen 7 Oxygen 13 Nitrogen 17 --- 100 Exactly like gluten and fibrine! Now, then, you can understand that no particular credit is due to the blood for manufacturing muscles out of the cheese of the milk which a little baby sucks. He has much less trouble than the manufacturers at Colmar have in turning their starch into sugar; because in his case the new substance is not only composed of the same materials as the old one, but contains them in exactly the same proportion also. We have a second aliment of nutrition, you see, and I must warn you that it is not found in milk only. It exists in large quantities in peas, beans, lentils, and kidney-beans, which are actually full of cheese, however strange this may seem to you. It would not surprise you so much, however, if you had been in China and had tasted those delicious little cheeses which are sold in the streets of Canton. They cannot be distinguished from our own. Only the Chinese (from whom we shall learn a great many things when we have beaten them so that they will conclude to be friends with us)--the Chinese, I say, do without milk altogether. They stew down peas into a thin pulp. They curdle this pulp just as we do milk, and in the same way they squeeze the curd well, salt it, and put it into moulds--just as we do--and out comes a cheese at last--a real cheese, composed of real _casein_! Put it into the hands of a chemist, and ask him the component parts of a hundred grains of it, and he will tell you as follows:-- Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen 7, etc. I stop there; for you surely know the list by this time! Only the third aliment of nutrition remains to be considered, for there are but three; and I will tell you in confidence, what is stranger still, viz., that there is in reality but one! But we have had enough food for one day, and I do not wish to spoil your appetite. We will reserve the rest for another meal. LETTER XXVII. ALIMENTS OF NUTRITION (_continued_). NITROGEN OR AZOTE. There is a favorite conjuring trick, which always amuses people, though it deceives no one. The conjuror shows you an egg, holds it up to the light that you may see it is quite fresh, then breaks it; and--crack--out comes a poor little wet bird, who flies away as well as he can. This trick is repeated in earnest by nature every day, under our very eyes, without our paying any attention to it. She brings a chicken out of the egg, which we place under the hen for twenty-two days, instead of eating it in the shell as we might have done, and we view it as a matter of course. Yet we do not say here that the bird may not have come down the conjuror's sleeve, or the hen may not have brought it from under her wing. It was really in the egg, and its own beak tapped against the shell from within and cracked it. How has this come about? No one can have put that beak, those feathers, those feet, the whole little body, in short, into the egg while the hen was sitting upon it, that is certain. It is equally certain, then, that the liquid inside the egg must have contained materials for all those things beforehand; and if Nature could manufacture the bones, muscles, eyes, etc., of the chicken, out of that liquid while in the egg, she would probably have found no more difficulty in manufacturing your bones, muscles, eyes, etc., from it had you swallowed the egg yourself. Here, then, is an undeniable _aliment of nutrition_. It is called _albumen_, which is the Latin word for _white of egg_. It is easily recognized by a very obvious characteristic. When exposed to a temperature varying from sixty to seventy-five degrees of heat, according to the quantity of water with which it is mixed, _albumen_ hardens, and changes from a colorless transparent liquid, into that opaque white substance, which everybody who has eaten "hard-boiled eggs" is perfectly well acquainted with. I will only add one trifling detail. 100 ounces of albumen contain as follows: Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen -- You can fill up this number yourself, can you not? And knowing the 7 of hydrogen, you may guess what follows! After what we have talked of last time, here is already an explanation of the chicken's growth. But let us go on. You recollect that yellowish liquid I spoke about, which lies underneath the _clot_, or _coagulum_ of the blood? I will tell you its name, that we may get on more easily afterward. It is called the _serum_, a Latin word, which, for once, people have not taken the trouble of translating, and which also means _whey_. Put this _serum_ on the fire, and in scarcely longer time than it takes to boil an egg hard, it will be full of an opaque white substance, which is the very _albumen_ we are speaking of. Our blood, then, contains _white of egg_; it contains in fact--if you care to know it--sixty-five times more white of egg than fibrine, for in 1,000 ounces of blood, you will find 195 of _albumen_, and only three of _fibrine_; of _casein_, none. Nevertheless we eat cheese from time to time. And we generally eat more meat than eggs, and meat is principally composed of fibrine! I should be a good deal puzzled to make you understand this, if we had not our grand list to refer to. Ounces. Carbon 63 Hydrogen 7, etc. _Fibrine_, casein_, _albumen_, they are all the same thing in the main. It is one substance assuming different appearances, according to the occasion; like actors who play several parts in a piece, and go behind the scenes from time to time to change their dresses. The usual appearance of the aliment of nutrition in the blood is _albumen_; and in the stomach, which is the dressing-room of our actors, _fibrine_ and _casein_ disguise themselves ingeniously as _albumen_; trusting to _albumen_ to come forward afterwards as _fibrine_ or _casein_, when there is either a muscle to be formed, or milk to be produced. Know, moreover, that _albumen_ very often comes to us ready dressed, and it is not only from eggs we get it. As we have already found the _fibrine_ of the muscle and the _casein_ of milk in vegetables, so we shall also find there, and that without looking far, the albumen of the egg. It exists in grass, in salad, and in all the soft parts of vegetables. The juice of root-vegetables in particular contains remarkable quantities of it. Boil, for instance, the juice of a turnip, after straining it quite clear, and you will see a white, opaque substance produced, exactly like that which you would observe under similar circumstances in the _serum_ of the blood; real _white of egg_, that is to say--to call it by the name you are most familiar with--with all its due proportions of carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen. I wonder whether you feel as I do, dear child; for I own that I turn giddy almost when I look too long into these depths of the mysteries of nature. Here, for instance, is the substance which is found everywhere, and everywhere the same--in the grass as in the egg, in your blood as in turnip-juice! And with this one sole substance which it has pleased the great Creator to throw broadcast into everything you eat, He has fashioned all the thousand portions of your frame, diverse and delicate as they are; never once undoing it, so to speak, to re-arrange differently the elements of which it is composed. From time to time it receives some slight impulse which alters its appearance but not its nature, and that is all. As the chemist found it in the bit of salad, so he will find it again in the tip of your nose, if you will trust him with that for examination. We are proud of our personal appearance sometimes, and smile at ourselves in the looking-glass; we think the body a very precious thing; but yet when we look deeply into it we find it merely so much charcoal, water and air. This reminds me that we have not yet made acquaintance with the new personage who was lately introduced upon the scene. _Nitrogen_ or _azote_, I mean. He plays too important a part to be allowed to remain in obscurity. You have already learnt that oxygen united with hydrogen produces water. Combined with nitrogen it produces air; but in that case there is no union of the two. They are merely neighbors, occupying between them the whole space extending from the earth's surface to forty or fifty miles above our heads; together everywhere, but everywhere as entire strangers to each other as two Englishmen who have never been introduced! I should be a good deal puzzled to say what nitrogen does in the air: he is there as an inert body, and leaves all the business to the oxygen. When we breathe, for instance, the nitrogen enters our lungs together with its inseparable companion, but it goes out as it went in, without leaving a trace of its passage. Nevertheless, as sometimes happens among men, the one who does nothing takes up the most room. Nitrogen alone occupies four-fifths of the atmosphere, where it is of no other use than to moderate the ardent activity of king oxygen, who would consume everything were he alone. I can compare it to nothing better than to the water you mix with wine, which would be too fiery for your inside if you drank it by itself. This is what nitrogen does. It puts the drag on the car of combustion; as in society, the large proportion of quiet people put the drag on the car of progress (let us for once indulge ourselves in talking like the newspapers!); and such people are of definite use, however irritating their interference may appear in some cases. The world would go on too rapidly if there were nothing but oxygen among men. We have quite enough in having a fifth of it! But what in the world am I talking about? Let us get back to nitrogen as fast as we can! We must not imagine there is no energy in this quiet moderator of oxygen. Like those calm people who become terrible when once roused, our nitrogen becomes extremely violent in his actions when he is excited by another substance, and is bent on forming alliances. Sometimes the usually cold neighbor unites itself to oxygen in the closest bonds; in which case the two together form that powerful liquid, _aqua-fortis_, of which you may have heard, and which corrodes copper, burns the skin, and devours indiscriminately almost everything it comes in contact with. Combined with hydrogen, nitrogen forms _ammonia_, which is still often called by its old name _volatile alkali_; one of the most powerful bodies in existence, and one for which you would very soon learn to entertain a proper respect, if somebody were to uncork a bottle of it under your nose. Finally, nitrogen and carbon combined, produce a quite foreign substance (_cyanogen_), resembling neither father nor mother in its actions and powers, to the confusion of all preconceived ideas, when Gay-Lussac, a Frenchman, introduced it to the world, where it fell like a bombshell upon the theory of chemical combinations. This impertinent fellow, combining with hydrogen in his turn, produces _prussic acid_, the most frightful of poisons; one drop of which placed on the tongue of a horse strikes it dead as if by lightning. You perceive that you must not trust our worthy friend too far. You have learnt, however, elsewhere, that it is not equally formidable in all its combinations. Those very substances which, when paired off into small separate groups, destroy all before them, constitute, all four together, that precious aliment of nutrition of which we are formed. Moreover, its real name is "_azotized aliment_" because it is the presence of nitrogen or azote in it, which, above all, determines its quality, so that people are in the habit of estimating the nourishing power of our food by the amount of nitrogen it contains. In fact, nitrogen seems to be a substance especially inclined towards everything that has life. His three comrades wander in mighty streams, so to speak, through every part of creation; but he, except in the vast domain of the atmosphere, where he reigns in such majestic repose, is rarely met with, except in animals, or in such portions of plants as are destined for the support of animal life. On this point I will tell you the history of his original name, _azote_, which you will find curious enough. A short time before the French Revolution, in 1789, the principal properties of this gas were made known to the world by a learned Frenchman, who may be almost considered the father of modern chemistry, and whose name I must beg you to recollect. [Footnote: Dr. Daniel Rutherford (Edinburgh) discovered the existence of _Nitrogen_, A. D. 1772; but he never investigated its character.] He was called _Lavoisier_. While endeavoring to account satisfactorily for _combustion_, which before his time people explained any way they could, Lavoisier succeeded in separating our two friends, the neighbors in the atmosphere, one from the other, and was the first man in the world who managed to secure in two bottles--on the one hand, the bubbling oxygen freed from his tiresome mentor; on the other, the sober *azote, snatched away from his giddy pupil. What he did with the bottle of oxygen matters but little to us; but in the bottle of _azote_ he plunged, by way of experiment, an unfortunate mouse, and subsequently a little bird, both of whom, finding no oxygen to breathe, died one after the other. Nothing could live in it, as you may suppose; and Lavoisier thought it must be right to give so destructive a gas the name of _azote_, which in Greek means "_opposed to life_." Meantime, science went on progressing by the gleam of the lamp he had lit, and then followed the discoveries of his successors, who forced their way into the obscure laboratory where the elements of living bodies are prepared. And at last it was ascertained that this _azote_, opposed to life as it was thought to be, was actually an essential property of life; that it accompanied it everywhere, and that without it the whole framework of the animal machine would fall to pieces. It is still known by its old name, which custom had sanctioned; but I imagine no learned man can ever utter it now without a feeling of humility, and without the thought that the future has possibly many contradictions in store for him also. Besides, nitrogen has to pass through many fine-drawing processes before it attains that post of honor which has been assigned to it in the animal kingdom. The animal himself can do nothing with it, unless it has been previously absorbed and digested by the vegetable, and the vegetable in its turn could get no good from it, were it to remain isolated and indifferent in the bosom of the atmosphere. It is only when it has formed one of those combinations I have been telling you about, and more particularly the second, which produces _ammonia_, that it fairly enters upon the round of life. And then, in the mysterious depths of vegetable existence is organized that wonderful _quadrille_ of the _aliments of nutrition_, the history of which has now been sufficiently explained to you. The vegetable kingdom, therefore, is simply the great kitchen in which the dinner of the animal kingdom is being constantly made ready; and when we eat beef, it is, in fact, the grass which the ox has eaten, which nourishes us. The animal is only a medium which transmits intact to us the _albumen_ extracted in his own stomach from the juices furnished to him in the fields. He is the waiter of the eating-house; the dishes which he brings us have been given him already cooked in the kitchen. But to appreciate properly the service he renders us we must remember that the dishes to be obtained from grass are very, very small, and that it would be a great fatigue to the stomach if it could only get at such tiny scraps at a time; as, alas! has sometimes happened to the famine-stricken poor, who have tried in vain to support life from the grass in the field. But these minute dishes are brought to us in the mass whenever we eat beef, and our stomachs benefit accordingly. Do not forget this, my child; and when mamma asks you to eat meat, obey her with a good grace; if, that is to say, you wish to grow up to be a woman. LETTER XXVIII. COMPOSITION OF THE BLOOD. One word more before we finish. We must not leave off without bidding a last farewell to the good servant of whom we have spoken so much; the model steward so exact in giving back everything he receives--the factotum of the house in short. We have watched him at work long enough, but I have not yet described him personally to you, nor told you exactly what he is composed of. And here I shall be obliged to begin again with figures and calculations, although I am told young people are not very fond of them. Nevertheless, none of us can manage our affairs properly without them. Hereafter, when you are at the head of a family, you will be obliged to practise arithmetic, if you want to know what is going on in your house. Never allow yourself to look upon what is necessary as wearisome; the true secret of being punctual in our duties is to throw our heart and interest into them. I choose, therefore, to suppose that you will be interested to know that 1000 ounces of blood generally contain, (for there are shades of difference between one sort of blood and another) 870 ounces of the _serum_ I have been talking about, and 130 ounces of _clot_. At first sight one would take the quantity of _clot_ to be much greater than it really is; but in the state you see it, in the basin, it contains a considerable amount of water, which belongs by right to its companion _serum_, and which has to be drained away from it before it can be weighed. Now, in our 870 ounces of serum, we shall find, to begin with, 790 of water; do not be astonished at the quantity. Most of the weight of all animals is produced by water; they weigh comparatively nothing after being thoroughly dried in a stove--when they are dead of course--for neither animal nor plant can live unless saturated with water. This, by the way, may serve to explain the ease with which we can keep ourselves floating in water; we are not much more than water ourselves! Were it not for those abominable bones which are a little bit heavier than the rest, we should never sink unless a stone were hung round our necks. I repeat then; 790 ounces of water in 870 of _serum_, which leaves 80. Of this, _albumen_ furnishes seventy, and the ten others, with the exception of a small portion of fat which floats here and there ready-made, are _salts_. It would take too long to explain what _salts_ are here, but there is one sort of salt you know perfectly well; viz., that which is put on the dinner-table in a salt-cellar. And it is the most important of all. More than half the ten ounces of salts consist of it alone, which will make you understand better than before, what I explained with reference to the stomach; that is, why we put salt in our food. The porter above is quite up to his business when he asks everyone who enters to produce his little bit of salt. It is an attention which the blood appreciates very highly, although table-salt is of no great use to him in his building operations; but it evidently keeps him in good humor, and he would work badly without it. It is the same with all the animals man makes use of, and even the plants he cultivates, find that salt gives them an appetite. And it would almost seem as if nature had purposely dealt with us in this matter on a magnificent scale. She has made salt-magazines of the sea and the bosom of the earth, where it exists in prodigious masses which cost nothing but the labor of stooping to pick up, except in countries where a gentleman called a tax-gatherer, stands by to count the lumps and allow them to pass on by paying a duty. For my part, if I were the government--this is a secret between you and me, mind--I would look out for something else to stand in the place of the salt-tax. It is not well to interpose between man and the gratuities of Dame Nature, and to make him pay more heavily for the blood's chosen friend than she meant him to be charged. But to proceed, the kitchen-salt being deducted from the ten ounces of salts-in-general, there remain altogether from four to five ounces, which contain----. But here I stop, for it puzzles me very much how to go on! Enough, that to enable you to follow me, you would require at least as much knowledge of chemistry as will be expected of a young man who has to pass an examination in medicine. Fancy the contents of a whole druggist's shop! I will tell you a few names, that you may have a specimen of the style in use, but I forewarn you that they are not inviting: _hydrochlorate of ammonia; hydrochlorate of potash; carbonate of lime; sulphate of potash; phosphate of lime; phosphate of magnesia; lactate of soda._ I spare you the others, for many others there are, without counting those which have not yet been discovered I All these things are to be found, I must tell you, in fibrine and albumen, but in such minute quantities that it is scarcely possible to recognize them. In the serum, for instance, the gentlemen are so very small, and so completely entangled one with the other, that it is startling to think of the skill and patience requisite for making them all out, to say nothing of affixing the right name--uncouth as it may seem--to each grain of this almost imperceptible dust! He who first called man an epitome of creation, scarcely knew how truly he was speaking, for man bears about in his veins, ascertained samples of at least half the primitive substances from which all others are made, and if the whole of them should some day be found to be there, I for one should not be surprised. This is well worth knowing, is it not? and I have not come to the end of my story yet. We have still the 130 ounces of _clot_ to speak about. But their contents are easily reckoned. Three ounces of fibrine and 127 of _globules_. Here, however, we enter upon such a world of wonders, that I am quite delighted to be able to finish with it. It will be the masterpiece of our exhibition! You feel quite sure blood is red, do you not? Well! it is no more red than the water of a stream would be, if you were to fill it with little red fishes. Suppose the fishes to be very very small, as small as a grain of sand; and closely crowded together through the whole depth of the stream: the water would look quite red, would it not? And this is the way in which blood looks red: only observe one thing; a grain of sand is a mountain in comparison with the little red fishes in the blood. If I were to tell you they measured about the 3,200th part of an inch in diameter, you would not be much the wiser, so I prefer saying (by way of giving you a more striking idea of their minuteness) that there would be about a million in such a drop of blood as would hang on the point of a needle. I say so on the authority of a scientific Frenchman--M. Bouillet. Not that he ever counted them, as you may suppose, any more than I have done; but this is as near an approach as can be made by calculation to the size of those fabulous blood-fishes, which are the 3,200th part of an inch in diameter. These littlest fishes are called _globules_; but they are not exactly shaped like _little globes_, as the word would lead you to suppose. They are more like little plates slightly hollowed out on both sides. The central nucleus is surrounded by a flattened margin rather bladdery in appearance, of a beautiful red color, formed of a sort of very soft and very elastic jelly. I scarcely need tell you that all this was discovered through the microscope, and moreover, by examining the blood of frogs, in which the globules are much larger than in ours. [Footnote: Authentic portraits of these globules drawn--so to speak--by Nature herself, are to be seen on the admirable Photographs obtained by Bertsch, with the aid of the solar microscope, invented by himself and Arnaud. There you see them magnified 250,000 times, and may study them at your ease, and verify my description for yourself without any fear of being deceived. You must persuade your father to procure one. This result of photography is among the wonders of modern science.] It was in 1661--rather more than two hundred years ago--that an Italian and a Dutchman discovered, each by himself in his own country, the microscopic population of the blood. The name of the Italian is not very difficult--_Malpighi_. As to the Dutchman's, you must pronounce it in the best way you can--he was called _Leeuwenhock_. You smile, but he was nevertheless one of the first men who really comprehended what a wonderful auxiliary human science had just got hold of in the microscope, and he has helped to open the eyes of the world to the marvels of miniature creation. So content yourself, young lady, with mis-pronouncing his name, and beware of laughing at it! Names are something like faces, one may live to be ashamed of ridiculing the wrong one. This discovery of the globules of the blood, was destined to throw great light upon the way in which the _nutrition of the organs_ was carried on. Modern chemists, who are always fond of investigation, have examined what they are made of, and can find little else in them but _albumen_. Out of our 127 ounces of globules, 125 are albumen; and these, with the 70 ounces which we found before in the serum, make up the 195 ounces (of albumen) which I told you were contained in the 1,000 ounces of blood. Forgive me all these ounces and figures. Exact accounts give exact information. These globules, then, are composed almost entirely of albumen. Nearly two-thirds of all the albumen in the blood is concentrated in them; and you know now the use of albumen, viz., that it is the foundation of all the buildings of which the blood is the architect. Everything leads us to believe that the formation of globules in the blood is the last touch given by nature to that magical provision begun in thevegetable, continued in the stomach, and finished in the veins, to which, in combination with carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen, we are indebted for the subsistence of every portion of our body. Thus the blood-globules may be considered as albumen which has finished its education, and is ready to go into the world; while the albumen of the serum is, like our young friends, the generations in reserve, who are still at school awaiting their turn. This is more than a mere supposition. Scientific men have taken to themselves, on their own authority, all sorts of rights over animals, and we profit basely enough by their crimes--I will not withdraw the word--in order to increase our knowledge. Accordingly, they conceived the idea of opening the veins of animals, and allowing the blood to flow until the victim was prostrate and motionless as a corpse. This done, they proceeded to fill the exhausted veins with blood, similar to that which had been withdrawn, and with the blood, life was seen gradually to return, till the animal rose from the ground, walked, and resumed its disturbed existence, as if nothing had happened. The interesting part of the experiment to us is, that if serum only, without globules, be restored to the unfortunate animal, it is of no use whatever, and the corpse does not revive. It is evident, then, that all the power and virtue of the blood lies in the globules; and according as their number is great or small it is "rich" or "poor," as it is called; and where their number is not up to the mark, the blood acts more feebly on the organs, life is calmer, and people are no longer troubled with emotions--in other words, with violent heats of the blood. Hence the impassible character of _lymphatic_ people, who often get on in the struggle of life better than others, because they are never in a hurry, and know how to wait for opportunities. You will occasionally hear the word _lymphatic_, for it has become the fashion, and it is time for me to explain it; but unluckily the explanation is not in its favor. You remember those little scavengers we spoke about formerly, who came from the depths of all the organs, carrying away with them the worn-out building materials, and covering the surface of the body with an inextricable net work of tiny canals. These canals are called _lymphatic vessels_, in consequence of being filled with a liquid which is called _lymph_ (_water_, in Latin), but why I cannot tell you, for it is, in fact, simple _serum_. There was a very simple way of ascertaining this by making out an inventory of the contents of the _lymph_ liquid, and when this was done, they were found to consist of water, albumen, and the salts of serum; there was even a little fibrine; the only thing wanting was _globules_. How the truant serum finds its way into the lymphatic vessels is probably as follows:--I have already mentioned the inconceivable delicacy of the capillary vessels, those last ramifications of our arteries and veins. It needs all the impulsive power of the heart to enable the blood to force its way through these narrow passages; and minute as are the globules, it would seem that they have but just room to pass, for in examining under the microscope a corner of the tongue of a live frog, the globules have been seen doubling themselves up to pass through the capillaries, resuming their natural form afterwards. It was this, indeed, which made me tell you just now that their margins were elastic. During this momentary crush, part of the serum being forced on too fast, oozes through the wall of the over-filled capillaries, as water oozes through the leathern pipes of a fire-engine, and hence probably the appearance of serum or _lymph_ in the organs, where it is immediately sucked up (i. e., _absorbed_) by the lymphatic vessels. Now, you will easily understand that the larger the proportion of serum in the blood, the greater will be the quantity to be expelled in passing through the capillaries, and the more will the lymphatic vessels swell. In such cases the temperament or constitution is said to be _lymphatic_. If, on the contrary, the globules are in excess, the lymphatic vessels receive less serum, and diminish in size. The temperament is then called _sanguine_, as if there were no serum in the blood. You shall be judge yourself, knowing what you now do, whether it would not be more reasonable to call such temperaments _serous_ and _globulous_. At any rate those names would give people an idea of the real state of things, and teach them that there were such things as globules in the blood. [Footnote: Here is a summary of the contents of 1000 oz. of blood:-- Ounces. Water................... 790 Serum. Albumen...................70 870 Salts.................... 10 Fibrine................... 3 Clot. Globules Albumen.. 125 130 Coloring matter...... 2 127 ---- 1000 ----] To conclude, I must give you an account of the two ounces which still remain of the 127 of globules, albumen taking up only 125, as you know. Those two poor little ounces--the remainder of the thousand with which we started--would you believe it?--they alone have the honor of conferring upon the blood its beautiful red color. They constitute the coloring matter of the globules, and you will never guess its chief element. It is iron; ay, actually iron, young lady--the iron of swords and bayonets. We often accuse it of tingeing the earth with blood; and you may now know further, that it reddens blood itself by way of compensation. Do not trouble yourself as to where it comes from. Our fields are full of it, our very plants have stores of it. It sometimes happens that our digestive apparatus, put out of order by other occupations, fails to make use of the amount of iron offered to it; in which case the blood is discolored, and the face turns pallid as wax: this is an illness requiring great care. If it should ever befall you, you will not be surprised, after to-day's lesson, to hear the doctor say that you must have some iron. But be easy--you will not have to swallow it whole! If you will take my advice, you will obey the doctor's orders as soon as you can. Not that looking pale signifies any thing: indeed, some young ladies think it an advantage. But it is no advantage to any body when the blood-globules are distressed for want of their proper supply of iron, and do their work grudgingly, like ill-fed laborers. Nothing can go on without them, you know, and they are people whom it is not well to leave too long out of sorts. Else languor comes on; languor which is the beginning of death: and pray remember that iron, which so often causes death, is equally useful for keeping it at bay. By sending it to the discolored globules, you give them back their energy and brilliancy together. I have come here to the end of all that is known with any certainty about these wonderful globules which are to us the medium of life. Shall I go further, is the question, and take you with me into the fields of supposition, so full of noxious weeds? And yet why not? Science owes its present position to the praiseworthy rule of never adopting any theory which is not supported by well-established facts; and I would be the last to advise a change. Were I to tell you, what I am now going to say to you, at a meeting of the British Association of Science, they would turn me out of the room, and with very good reason. Nothing ought to be taught there but what can be proved. But this is of no consequence to you and me, and we have a right to amuse ourselves a little, after having worked so hard. Well, there is an idea which nothing shall ever drive out of my head, however imperfectly it may be proved as yet; namely, that each of our globules is an animated being; and that our life is the mysterious result of these millions of lesser lives, each of them insignificant in itself; in the same way that the mighty existence of a nation, is a compound of crowds of existences, each, for the most part, without individual importance. Take our own or any other country as an instance; where millions of brains, many of them by no means first-rate in power, go to form a national character, the highest (as each _nation_ is apt to think of itself) in the world. According to this idea, you must be a sort of nation yourself, my dear child, which is gratifying to think of on the whole. This is much more extraordinary than what I told you some time ago, of the individual life of the organs, each of which on this new system would be a province in itself! Do not exclaim too hastily. Whether the globules are animated or not, it is very certain, let me tell you, that your life depends entirely upon them; that it is weakened if they are weakened; that it revives with them; and that whether you attribute individual life to them or not, makes no alteration in the fact: their action upon you remains the same. And he must be a very clever man who can show me the exact difference between action and life. Hereafter, when we have descended the scale of the animal world together, and are arrived at the study of what are called microscopic animals, you will better understand the words which appear so strange to you now. What little our feeble instruments have revealed to us so far, of the history of those globules, places them almost on a level with those strange creatures, inexplicable to us, which are found in innumerable multitudes, in a variety of liquids. We trace in them the beginning of organization; their form and size are alike in all individuals of the same species; and species vary enough to induce one to believe, that there is a necessary relation between an animal's way of life and that of its globules. If the microscope has not yet caught them in any overt living act, who can be surprised? it is only dead blood which has been submitted to the test. They ought to be observed in the exercise of their functions, in the living animal itself, as has been done to some extent in the frog; and if our foolish chat could influence scientific observers, I would say to them what M. Leverrier said years ago to the astonished astronomers: "Look yonder; you ought to see a light there with which you are not yet acquainted!" I am carrying you a long way on the wings of my fancy, my dear child; but have no fears; I will not let you fall. This life of our globules, which would, after all, be only one mystery the more among many, opens before our eyes a magnificent vista of the uniformity in the scheme of creation; which goes on repeating itself, while enlarging its circles to infinity. We may, all of us, be only so many globules of the great invisible fabric of humanity, in which we go up and down one after another; and those vast globes which our telescopes follow through celestial space, may be but globules of one, as yet unknown, to which the Almighty alone can give a name. Take this page to your father, my dear child, if you do not understand it rightly; and now, shake hands, my history is ended! PART SECOND--ANIMALS. LETTER XXIX. CLASSIFICATION OF ANIMALS. 'It is dangerous to show man how much he resembles the beasts, without at the same time pointing out to him his own greatness. It is also dangerous to show him his greatness, without pointing out his baseness. It is more dangerous still to leave him in ignorance of both. But it is greatly for his advantage to have both set before him.'--_Pensées de Pascal_. The man who wrote that, my dear child, did not trouble himself much about children. He was one of the gravest specimens of literary genius--a man who can scarcely be said to have ever been a child himself; for as the story goes, he was found one day, when only twelve years old, inventing geometry, and his father only saved him from trouble, by putting the great book of Euclid into his hands; and, at sixteen, he wrote a treatise on _Conic Sections_, which was the wonder of all the learned men of the day. I have not a very clear idea of what Conic Sections are myself; but I tell you this to show that Pascal was a very profound and learned man, under whose authority, therefore, I am very glad to take shelter, now that I am going to set before you the very startling points of resemblance which exist between you and the beasts. As to your greatness, it delights me to explain it to you. It is not due to the handsome clothes you wear when you are going out, nor to the luxurious furniture of mamma's drawing-room, but to the possession of that young soul which is beginning to dawn within you, as the sun rises in the morning sky, and pierces through the early mists; in that growing intelligence which has enabled you to understand so far all the pretty stories I have told you; in that fresh unsullied conscience, which congratulates you when you have been good, and reproves you when you have done wrong: all of them gifts which are not bestowed on the lower animals, or certainly not to the same extent as upon you--gifts by which you rise more and more above them, the more they are developed in yourself. Your baseness--but, begging Pascal's pardon, I cannot call it baseness--your connecting link with the brute creation lies in those other gifts of God which you and they share in common--in those wonders of your organization, which we shall now meet with in them again, in full perfection at first, and that in every respect; by which fact you may learn, if you never thought of it before, that the lower animals come from the same creating hand as yourself, and ought to be looked upon to some extent as younger brothers, however distasteful such a notion may seem at first. Societies have been established of late, both in France and England, for the protection of animals; and a noble and honorable task they have undertaken, in spite of the jokes that have been made at their expense. It is a mischievous cavil to tell people who are doing good in one direction, that more might have been done somewhere else. Everything hangs together in the progress of public morality, and you cannot strike a blow at cruelty to animals without at the same time making a hit at cruelty to man. And the best argument in favor of the rights of beasts to protection, will be found in the tour you and I are now going to make together through the different classes of the animal creation. Let us begin with the horse--one of the beasts which oftenest needs our protection. Give him the mouthful of bread whose history we have just finished. He accepts it as a treat, and needs no pressing to eat it. And if it could tell you all its adventures afterwards, you would find that you were listening to precisely the same story as your own over again; that nothing was different, nothing wanting. First of all--teeth to grind it, and a tongue to swallow it with, as a matter of course. Next a _larynx_, which hides itself to avoid it, and an oesophagus,* which receives it, just as in your case; a stomach with its _gastric juices_, the same as yours, in bagpipe form, and its _pylorus_, like your own; a _lesser intestine_, into which bile pours from a liver like yours; _chyliferous vessels_ which suck up a milky chyle, as with you; farther on a _large intestine_; and so on to the end. Nor is this all:--the horse has also a heart, with its two _ventricles_, and its double play of valves; a heart which the little girl in our tale might confidently have exhibited to the engineers as her own, but that it would have been somewhat too big, of course; into which heart, as into ours, comes _venous_ blood, to be changed afterwards to _arterial_; in lungs to which the air keeps rushing, forced thither by the see-saw action of a _diaphragm_, as faithful a servant to him as to you. And those lungs like our own, are a charcoal market: the same exchange takes place there, of carbonic acid for oxygen, as in ours, an unanswerable proof that the stove inside the horse burns fuel in the same way as our own: and if you were to place the thermometer inside his mouth (for we are polite enough to call it his mouth), it would mark 37 1-2 degrees of heat (centigrade)--a difference from ourselves not worth mentioning. Finally, if you examine his blood, you will meet with the same _serum_ and _clot_, the whole company of _hydroclorates, phosphates, carbonates, &c._, from which we shrank before, and globules made like your own; having the same construction, and the same life, or action, if you like it better. I need scarcely add that 100 oz. of its _fibrine_ and _albumen_ contain: Of carbon......... 63 oz. Of hydrogen........ 7 This is understood all along as being the case everywhere, from man down to the turnip; so that, like you, this noble animal, as the horse is called, is in point of fact only so much carbon, so much water, and so much air, joined to a handful of salt, which represents the earth's share in the bodies of animals. You must confess that, if we cannot quite call the horse a fellow-creature, he is nevertheless very like us. And it is the same with all those animals which man makes use of as his servants, and which have really a sort of right to the protection of society, since they form, to a certain extent, a portion of the human family. I do not speak here of the dog, who pays his taxes, poor fellow, in his quality of friend to man. When I think of the almost identical organization of man and his next-door neighbors, I am astonished how it could possibly have come into the head of a certain learned individual (I will not mention his name), when drawing up a plan of natural history, to give to man a separate kingdom, as a sequel to the three kingdoms already established--the mineral, vegetable, and animal. One might have forgiven Pascal if such an idea had got into his head after writing his treatise on Conic Sections; there being nothing in them to throw light on such a subject. But in a naturalist, an observer who had spent his life in the study of living creatures, the thing seems almost incredible. Possibly he had reasons for what he did, but he certainly did not find them in the subjects of his studies. Forgive me, my dear child, for forgetting you in this fit of indignation upon a point you cannot care much about. It leads me naturally enough to my present business, which is none of the easiest, but you must help me by paying attention. I am going to describe the _classification of the animal kingdom_. There are a terrible number of animals, as you know; and if we wish to study them to any real purpose, we must begin by introducing some sort of order into the innumerable crowds which throng, pell-mell, around us for observation. We should otherwise never know where to begin, or when we had come to an end. There are many ways of setting a crowd in order, but they all go upon the same plan. The individuals composing the crowd are parcelled off into companies, each company having a distinguishing mark peculiar to those who compose it. Thus the first division is into a few large companies, which are afterwards subdivided into smaller ones, and those into others still less, until the divisions have gone far enough. And this is what is called a _classification_. Let us imagine, as an example, a large crowd in a public garden; I will soon classify it for you. I shall put the men on one side and the women on the other. Then--to begin with the women--I shall subdivide them into married and single. Then among married women I shall make a company of mammas, and another of those who have no children. Among the unmarried I shall have a group of those who have never been married--girls, that is--and another of widows--those who were once married, but are so no longer. Then, following the girls, I shall separate them into tall and short. And among the short ones I shall divide the brunettes from the blondes, and so I shall get at last to a little blonde girl, whose classification (were she a soldier) in military rank would be as follows:--_squadron_ of blondes; _company_ of shorts; _battalion_ of girls; _regiment_ of unmarried women; _division_ of women. The division of men could be carried out in the same manner; and thus we should classify our mob into complete military order. This is easy enough, however; but the classifying of animals is a very different affair, and I will tell you why. We ourselves require a classification to study them by, though none was needed for their creation. The Almighty has formed them all on one uniform plan, around which He has, if I may so express it, lavished an infinity of modifications separating species from species, yet without placing between the different species those fixed barriers which we should require now to enable us to classify them strictly. You who are learning the pianoforte have perhaps been told the meaning of a _theme_ of music--the first idea of the composer who follows it throughout the piece from one end to the other, embroidering on it, as on a bit of canvas, a thousand variations melting one into another. Such is pretty nearly, if we may venture the comparison, the way in which we can picture to ourselves the Almighty moving through the work of animal creation. Step in afterwards and divide away into regiments and battalions, if you please. Nature permits it, but she will never, to accommodate your classifications, separate what in her is really united. There is still a way, however, and that is to do as I did just now in the case of the crowd. To take, viz., only one _character_ (as we call a distinguishing mark in natural history), and to throw together all the individuals which possess it, the blondes, the shorts, the girls, &c. In this way it may soon be done; but what is the result? You are in one class, your eldest sister is in another, your mamma in a third, and your brother in a different division altogether, a long way from you all. Such a classification is called _artificial_, and you can see at once that it is worthless. The most natural plan is to put together those that are of the same family; and the classifications made on this principle are called _natural_ classifications. It is a classification of this sort which has been adopted for the animal kingdom. People have taken all the animals which possess in common not one character only, but a collection of characters of the most important kind, _dominant characters_, as they are called; and of these animals they have formed, to begin with, large primary groups; subdividing these afterwards according to the secondary differences, which distinguish different species in the same group from each other. In this manner all the different sorts of animals are included in different systematic divisions of one vast whole, through which it is easy to find one's way, because there is a beginning and an end; and in which animals of the same family are always grouped side by side. Were I to mention all the divisions of this immense classification at once, you would find the account a little long, and not very amusing. We will go through them by degrees therefore, and, to simplify matters, will, throughout the whole, only consider those particular characters which are connected with our special study, the nourishment of life, that is to say: so that you will always find yourself on well-known ground. I must tell you once for all, however, that it is with this as it is with grammar. Here and there are--and it cannot be avoided--certain exceptional cases which keep protesting timidly against the arbitrariness of rules; but no matter; we must be contented with what we can get, and be grateful into the bargain to those who have given us this skillful classification, at once so ingenious and useful, in spite of its inevitable imperfections. What is impossible is expected of nobody. You could not understand, even if I wished to explain it to you, the amount of science, labor and genius requisite for making out that long list, which, tiresome as it may seem to children, is absolutely beautiful in the eyes of learned men; too beautiful, perhaps, and I will tell you why when we have finished. Meantime, as the best reward we can give to those who have done us some great service is to teach their names to children, I will tell you, before bidding you good-bye, to whom we owe this classification, the details of which I do not enter upon to-day. In the first place, we owe the method employed in its establishment, the method of _natural classification, i.e._, to a learned man of the last century--a learned Frenchman, Bernard de Jussieu--who tried it upon plants; another large flock by no means very easy to put in order, as you may convince yourself any day by studying botany. The man who applied this system to animals was also a learned Frenchman, the clearness of the French mind adapting them peculiarly for that sort of work. And he, too, is one of the glories of that nation. His labors and discoveries gave a perfectly new impulse to the study of nature. It was George Cuvier, whose statue you may see at Montbéliard, if you should ever go there. Not that Cuvier carried through this gigantic work alone, though the credit of it is justly his due, he having directed and inspired it. He was assisted by many. But among his assistants there was one, Laurillard, the most modest, yet the most active of all, whose name I will mention also, because, like the others, more or less celebrated, he has never had his reward. [Footnote: In the earlier editions of this work, there was, in this place, a severe reproach upon Cuvier for not having given proper credit to Laurillard. This reproach I have since learned was unjust. M. Valenciennes himself, one of the most illustrious of the collaborators of the great Cuvier, has written me a letter in which he defends the reputation of his friend with a warm indignation which does honor to both of them; and cites passages in which Cuvier has spoken of Laurillard, and among others, in the third volume of the _Ossements Fossiles_, p. 32, ed. of 1822.] It only remains for me, therefore, to let the lash, which I was laying upon the shoulders of another, fall now upon my own, and to deplore the too great facility with which I had credited, without sufficient proofs, an assertion which I had otherwise good reason to believe to be exact--coming to me, as it did, from Montbéliard himself, on the testimony, it is said, of the family of Laurillard. From this avowal, a little painful, I confess, my young readers may learn the inconvenience of rashly condemning others! As I said in the concluding passage, which truth, only too late, now compels me to suppress--"The truth is sure to come out at last." LETTER XXX. MAMMALIA. (_Mammals_.) Do you remember of my talking of the _vertebral column_ when I was describing that great artery, the _aorta_, to which it forms a rampart of defence? I should not have named it without explanation, but that you had only to pass your hand down your back to find out what it was. Now the _vertebral column_, or backbone, is one of those _dominant characters_ which always carries along with it a train of other points of resemblance in the animals where it is found. It has been chosen, therefore, as the rallying-point of the first great group. I must tell you beforehand that there are four of these groups, four large companies, _i.e._, which naturalists have called by various names; as Groups, Sections, Primary Divisions and even Branches; in this case comparing them to four great branches of a tree, going off in different directions from the same trunk. And, first of all, we have to begin with the group of the _Vertebrata_--vertebrata animals--vertebrata being a word which explains itself. Of course we ourselves belong to this group. In fact, we are at the head of it; but it descends far below us. It goes on to the frog and the fish, and includes the monkey, the ox, the fowl and the lizard; for all these creatures possess the vertebral column. The frog does not appear to be very much like us at first sight; and yet, by virtue of its vertebra, it has its points of resemblance to us, which are worth the trouble of considering. Vertebrated animals are all furnished with a head, containing a brain, which gives its orders to the whole body; they have all an internal skeleton, that is to say, a system of bones linked together, forming a solid base by which all the organs are supported. I was going to add that they have all four limbs; but here the serpent glides in to call me to order, and to hiss at our childish craving for fine-drawn divisions, in perfect order, where there is an exactly proper place for everything. However, each has, without exception, a heart, with its network of blood-vessels; red blood, under its two conditions of arterial and venous; and also a digestive tube, acting, on the whole, pretty much like our own. I do not insist, mind, upon this last point, viz., that of the digestive tube; for we shall see, by-and-by, that it is a character beyond the pale of the primary groups. It is the fundamental character of the trunk itself, which necessarily exists, therefore, in all the groups; and, as I told you in my first letter, you will find it everywhere. This is--to let you into the secret at once--the theme on which the Great Composer has based all His infinite varieties of animal life; and herein lies the uniformity of the animal creation, that startling uniformity which has given so much offence to many learned men, and which is so obvious that it will strike you of itself, I feel sure. But I reserve this subject to the end of my letters, when you will have heard all, and be able to judge for yourself. It would be plunging back into confusion to attempt to examine all the vertebrated classes at once. After making a division you must go on. The groups have, therefore, been subdivided into _five classes_, which we will study in succession, only naming each now: viz. _mammals_, _birds_, _reptiles_, _fish_, and _batrachians_. Do not alarm yourself at this last name: it is a Greek word, meaning simply frogs. The mammals are our immediate neighbors. Mammalia are the animals which produce milk. They bring forth their young alive, and give suck to them as soon as they are born. This was your first nourishment, my dear child, so you yourself are a little mammal. What I said to you in the last letter about the horse, applies pretty nearly as well to all mammals. We shall not, therefore, have any great variations to notice here. Nevertheless, as these are the animals which interest us most nearly, as they are in fact our nearest of kin, so to speak, and those with whom we have the most to do, we will now pass in review the different orders of which their class is composed. I must explain to you that the _classes_ are subdivided into _orders_, the orders into _families_, the families into _genera_, the genera into _species_; as in armies divisions subdivide into regiments, regiments into battalions, &c. It became necessary, moreover, to make use of special names, in order to make these subdivisions comprehensible, and the following are those which have been adopted. ORDER 1. _Bimana (two-handed)_. Here we may pass on at once, for we have discussed this order enough already. We are _bimane_ ourselves, since we have the distinction of possessing two hands. Yes; that is the pretty title which the professors have been so polite as to give us, instead of leaving us simply our proper name of man. Yet it would have been very easy to do this, seeing that we are the only family, the only genus, and the only species of the order. In railway travelling, people of distinction have a reserved carriage to themselves: so we decidedly deserve an order to ourselves; but that is not quite the same as a separate kingdom. In short, you are a _bimane_; so make the best you can of it. ORDER 2. _Quadrumana (four-handed)_. These, as their name indicates, have four hands: two at the end of the arms, and two at the end of the legs; such are the monkeys. There is nothing to remark; they are all alike. Stay; I am wrong, though: there is something, insignificant it is true, but still pointing to deviation. In some the canine teeth are set forward, _i.e._ project, and are longer than the rest, and some species, as the ape, for instance, have just under their cheeks convenient little pockets, which open into the mouth, and in which they can deposit a reserve of nuts to be devoured at leisure; these are called _pouches_. It is a trifle in itself, but we have here a first example of the eccentricities of nature in the construction of animals. At one time she adds a detail; at another she suppresses one. Sometimes she is pleased to enlarge an organ, as in the canine teeth of the monkey; sometimes she reduces it; or perhaps here she makes its construction more simple; there again more complicated: but still it is always the same organ. So the dressmaker shapes the sleeves of a dress, sometimes open, sometimes closed, flat or puffed, plain or ornamented, pagoda-shaped or gigot-formed: but still they are all of them sleeves. ORDER 3. _Cheiroptera (wing-handed)_. I am quite ashamed of offering you such a word as this, my dear child. It was a Greek fancy of the learned men, who would not condescend to use the vulgar name Bats. In the Greek, _cheir_ means hand, and _pteron_ wing. The Cheiroptera are animals with winged hands; in fact, the fingers which terminate the fore-limbs of the bat lengthen as they spread out to an extravagant extent; and are connected together by a membrane springing from the body, with which they beat the air as with a wing, and which enables them to fly with such ease that theyare often taken for birds. But, so far from really being a bird, this curious little creature has the same internal organization as ours, and indeed comes so near us, though without looking as if it did, that a scientific man, and a very distinguished one too, placed the bat in the first family of the animal kingdom, with the monkey, and, you will hardly believe it, with man. It is found that the bat, like man and the monkey, suckles its young at the breast; and it was this very character which Linnæus, the leader of artificial classification, thought of selecting as the distinguishing mark of his first family in the animal kingdom. It is true that in honor of the human race he had given that first family a much more sonorous name than our usual one of _man_--viz. _primates_, the first in rank--that is, the princes. But, alas! we were to be princes on an equality with bats; and, for my own part, I prefer being a _bimane_, and alone. I really believe that it was to put this saucy little creature back into its proper place that, at the time of the great revolution in favor of natural classification, the conclave of professors assembled at the Botanical Gardens in Paris inflicted this horrid name of Cheiroptera on the bat, ejecting it contemptuously from the overthrown dynasty of the _primates_. I have not been sorry to make you acquainted as we went along, with this little trait in the history of classification; but beyond it there is really nothing particular to say about the apparatus for the nourishment of the deposed bat-princes, which is a plain proof how nearly it must be like our own. By-the-by, there is one trifling remark to be made with regard to her teeth. The bats we have in our country (France), for there are many varieties of species in the world, live on insects, which they catch in their flight by night. These insects are often enveloped in a very hard outer case, which molars like ours would have some difficulty in chewing properly; consequently the molars of our little friend are fringed with conical points, and with these she grinds down her prey without difficulty. In America there is a large bat, the vampire, which lives on the blood of animals, and nature has armed it accordingly. It has at the extremityof its muzzle two sharp beak-like incisors, like the lancets of a surgeon. The vampire bat, which roams by night like other bats, goes straight at the large animals it sees asleep, delicately opens a vein in the throat without waking them, and sucks their blood in long draughts, taking care, by fanning them with its wings, to lull them into a cool and balmy slumber. It does not, as you see, make a savage attack on its victim: it merely inflicts a bite like that of the leech, but the result may be death. This is the best emblem I know of the sycophant, who undermines your soul while he fans your vanity; and observe, while we are on the subject, that this species has always had the art of insinuating itself among princes. ORDER 4. _Carnivora (flesh-eaters)_. When translated into English, this word needs no explanation. And here we have the tribe of bears, wolves, foxes, weasels, dogs, cats, tigers, lions, of all the fighting animals, _i.e._, those which steep their muzzles in blood, and live by devouring others. These have a similar apparatus for nutrition to our own; especially the bear, who, with the monkey, is the animal most nearly resembling man, seeing that he has feet like ours, with scarcely any tail, while the monkey has our hands, without specifying any other points of resemblance. Like ourselves, too, the bear is omnivorous; that is to say, it eats everything, vegetables and fruit as well as meat; and nature, which has given it our diet, has furnished it with molars almost exactly like our own. Its canine teeth alone differ from ours: they are more prominent even than those of the _quadrumana_; and this is the case with all the members of the order, in whom we find them sometimes developed into actual daggers. But those of them which are purely carnivorous have molars peculiar to themselves. The lion, for example, who does not share the bear's taste for carrots, and who would die of hunger surrounded by the honey and grapes of which the bear is so fond--the lion, who never takes anything but raw meat between his teeth, has molars furnished with sharp cutting edges, intended to slice the meat like the chopping knives used by cooks for making a hash. The lion offers another peculiarity, which is common to him with all the _Carnivora_. Place your finger close to the lower end of your ear, and work your jaw; you will feel something hard moving backward and forward against your finger. This is where the lower jaw is set into a bone of the skull, called the _temporal_, if you care to know its name; in other words, the bone of the temple. The extremity of the jaw bends, and forms a kind of little knob, called _condyle_, which fits into a cavity of the temporal bone. With us the cavity is not very deep, nor the knob very large, so that it can play very freely; and it is this which allows us that second movement from side to side, of which I spoke to you formerly, and thanks to which, our little mills reduce a mouthful of bread into paste. But this freedom of action has also its inconveniences. You must never attempt to force too large an article into your mouth at once--an apple, for instance--the efforts you would then be obliged to make might easily cause the _condyle_ to slip out of its little cavity, where its hold is but slight, and to get under the _temporal bone_; and there you would be with your mouth wide open until the doctor arrived. The lion, whose voracious jaw opens like the door of an oven, so that the tamers of wild beasts have no scruple in thrusting in their whole heads, a mouthful a good deal larger than an apple; the lion, who has no doctors, would often be liable to this accident--an irremediable one in his case--if nature had not made a special provision for him. In order to secure greater firmness and strength, the second movement is in his case sacrificed by embedding the _condyles_ deeply in their cavities, where they are fastened in such a fashion that they can only move up and down, like the handles of a pair of pincers. This is a restraint which enables the jaw to be safely thrown open as wide as the fiery impulse of its terrible proprietor impels it. Less freedom, in exchange for more power, is a bargain which any one would gladly accept who plays the part of a lion! I have here a remark to make. We have now passed in review three orders besides our own, and have only had to point out a change in the fastenings of the jaws and in the teeth; and you will find that the same sort of modifications take place in the whole class of mammals. This is in fact the essentially movable and variable point in their apparatus for nutrition. The jaw and its weapons vary their character from one species to another, according to the nature of their food; but the modifications generally terminate there, _i.e._ on the threshold, as it were. The interior arrangements of the house remain otherwise much the same in all. Here, however, in the lion, there is an interior change to be described; but not in the arrangement of the parts, only in their size; the stomach in this species being even smaller and weaker in proportion than ours, and the digestive tube more than twice as short. The digestive tube of an ordinary sized man is about seven times the length of his body, whilst that of the lion only measures three times the length of the animal. This is a natural consequence of the kind of nourishment he takes. Flesh and blood, on which he lives entirely, is concentrated _albumen_, prepared beforehand in the bodies of his victims; so that no great preparation is needed here to convert it into lion's blood. A professor of chemistry, who has a good assistant, does not need a very large laboratory. This is the case with the lion; and nature, which makes nothing in vain, has here economised space. Tame the monarch of the forest into a domestic animal, and change his food, and I will wager anything you please that, in the course of a few generations, his digestive tube will lengthen itself. Examine the inside of the cat, his little cousin, formed originally on the same pattern as himself, and, without having ascertained the fact myself, I am sure that, by dint of feeding it daily on sops and milk from generation to generation, its digestive tube has become more than three times the length of its body. Here you ought to be told at once a very important fact relative to the organization of the lower animals, one which places them all very far below the order of _Bimana_, since there is such an order. In bestowing intelligence and freedom of action on man, the Almighty has given him the unspeakable privilege of working in His footsteps--if I may presume to use the expression--of following up His work of creation as it came from His hand. Now especially that man begins to see a little more clearly into the laws of life, he has entered more directly into the possession of this almost divine privilege, which the Almighty has graciously vouchsafed him. You can even now have an ox or a sheep made to order in England, giving your dimensions, as if you were ordering a cabinet; and in a few years, if you have not asked actual impossibilities, your commission will be executed to within an inch. This is not said in reference to the _Carnivora_. But in bidding you good-bye, my dear little mammal, I could not bear to leave you under the weight of that debasing title: I wanted also to show you your greatness. LETTER XXXI. MAMMALIA. _(Mammals)--continued_. Let us continue to pass in review the different orders of the class Mammalia. We may meet elsewhere with facts more important to science, but nowhere with any so personally interesting to ourselves. ORDER 5. _Insectivora (insect-eaters)_. This order devours insects, as their name tells you plainly enough. They feed in the same manner as the bats; consequently they have molars like theirs, as was necessary. It is an unimportant little family, and we will not waste much time upon it. The chief of the order is the hedgehog, a native of our country--not very large, about nine inches long--which lives in the woods, and which when rolled up into a ball, with all its quills standing out, looks very much like an enormous horse-chestnut in its shell. Its canines have not much work to do, consequently they are very small; but, on the other hand, its two front incisors are prolonged beyond the others, the better to seize its prey, which creeps upon the ground. Internally there is nothing to remark upon. Next to the hedgehog I will mention as a curiosity the shrew or sand-mouse, which, in spite of its name, is no mouse at all, but has the honor, if honor it be, of being the smallest animal known of the class Mammalia. It is about two inches in length altogether; and if you carefully examine its little body, you will find that it contains all the organs you possess yourself--oesophagus, stomach, liver, intestines, veins, arteries, heart, lungs--nothing is wanting: the machinery is absolutely the same. ORDER 6. _Rodentia (rodents)_. Were we to translate this word into its meaning, namely, the _Gnawers_, there would be some comfort in it, for we would at once know what it means: but no matter. Rodents, or Gnawers, are rats, hares, rabbits, beavers, marmosets, squirrels, in fact all the creatures which _nibble_. To _nibble_, if you do not exactly understand the word, means to chew with the points of the teeth. The rodents have no other way of eating but by filing, if one may so say, their food with the points of two incisors with which both the jaws are provided; these incisors are very long, much longer even than those of the hedgehog. The next time you see a rabbit at table, ask to see the head; and you will find that it has four pretty little teeth, very sharp, shaped like a joiner's chisel; that is to say, with a "bevelled edge," to use the received expression; in other words, with one edge thinner than the other. Here, then, we begin to diverge from the old model. First, there is a different fastening, or _articulation_, as it is called, of the jaw. Its _condyles_, which we saw just now in the _Carnivora_ enlarged transversely and deeply embedded in the _fossae_ or cavity of the temporal bone, extend here longitudinally; an arrangement which enables the jaw to move backward and forward at pleasure, like the arm of the locksmith when using the file. Furthermore, those little teeth, which are constantly rubbing against each other, would be very soon worn out, if, like our own, they were made once for all; accordingly their germ, or _pulp_, to use the proper term, instead of perishing, as with us, when the tooth has once come, retains its life, and works on throughout the life of the animal. They sometimes say of a man who has not eaten for a long while, that his teeth have grown long. This is a joke with us; but in the case of a _rodent_ would be too serious a matter to be a joke; for, as their incisors are always growing, like our nails, they would soon become too long if the animal ceased for any length of time to wear them down by eating. It is for this reason that rats and mice have such incessant appetites, and that with them "all is fish that comes to the net;" old books, rags, and even planks of wood, which they will gnaw for want of something better. Come what may, they must keep up at an equal rate the wear and tear of the incisors, and the internal growth of the pulp beneath, which is always pushing the tooth forward. This dull continuous work might otherwise have a terrible result, which you would never suspect. It is very disastrous for a young lady to lose a front tooth, as it is called, for it sadly spoils a pretty face; but for a _rodent_ such a loss is much worse; in fact, it is a death-warrant. The corresponding tooth, having no longer anything to rub against, ceases to wear out; and as it does not stop growing on this account, it lengthens indefinitely, until at last it pushes out beyond the mouth, and places itself like a bar between the two Remaining teeth and the food of the animal, who, poor beast, being unable to eat, ceases to live. The canines, whose duty it is to pierce the food, have, of course, no use in a jaw that grinds, nor are they to be found there. Between the incisors and the molars there is a large vacant space, which you will easily detect if you examine a rabbit's head. Finally, animals which can fall back in time of need on a plank for their dinner, require a very different-sized cooking apparatus to that of the _Carnivora_. Thus the rat, the most perfect sample of the rodent order, possesses a digestive tube of a prodigious length, through which the scrapings of wood have plenty of time for travelling, while the minute nutritive particles they contain are being thoroughly disengaged; and as every part of the animal organization tends towards keeping our insatiable rodents in the constant state of voracity required by its inexorable pulps, nature has given it an enormous heart whose size exceeds even that of its stomach. Perhaps you do not catch at once the connection which exists between the size of the heart and of the appetite; yet it is very simple. Large barrels are requisite for those who brew a great deal of beer, and large hearts for those who make a great deal of blood. Now, it is the blood, as you know, which carries heat; in other words, life, throughout the body; when it pours in in torrents, the fire goes twice as fast, and, consequently, the feeding must be kept up. A medical friend of mine told me that he once had some rats sent to him--a boxful in fact--for one of those scientific experiments which one would venture to condemn more earnestly if their results were not sometimes beneficial. Next morning there were only two or three animals to be found, and these had eaten up the others. See the consequence of having too much heart! ORDER 7. _Pachydermata (thick-skinned)_. In Greek _pachus_ means thick, and _derma_ skin. _Pachyderms_, therefore, are thick-skinned animals. It is rather a vague denomination, as you perceive, and does not tell us much about them; but it appears that it was not very easy to find a better term. For my own part I should be very much puzzled to find a name really suitable for such an irregular company as this, in which all the huge beasts of the earth--the elephant, the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus--are heaped one upon the other, side by side with the horse, the ass, and the hog; begging your pardon for an ugly word. All these creatures live on vegetables, with the exception of the hog, to whom nothing comes amiss; or who, in other words, is _omnivorous_, like the bear, and also another member of the class _Mammalia_, which I do not name for fear of making you blush at your companionship. This assures you that, in the order of the _Pachydermata_, the digestive apparatus is very fully developed. The horse, for instance, has a very voluminous stomach, which extends much farther back than the point at which the oesophagus empties itself; and in which, on close examination, a sort of contraction is observed which appears to divide it in half, producing the false effect of there being two stomachs. But, after all, we do not find, even in this case, any essential difference to remark upon in the internal arrangements; it is always the teeth we must look at if we want to have something to say. There, indeed, we have only to choose; nature has indulged herself in all manner of fantastic freaks. To begin with the elephant, the grand master of the order, he presents us with one of the most oddly-furnished jaws in existence. Every one knows those two enormous tusks which protrude from his mouth, and which furnish human industry with nearly the whole store of ivory it has need of. Those two teeth are the largest, beyond comparison, of any in the animal kingdom; yet they are two merely ornamental teeth, perfectly useless in the operation of eating, and very ruinous into the bargain to the proprietor. All those stores of the blood which furnish the materials for ivory pass into these tusks, and, as often happens to people who give way to a taste for luxuries, there is nothing left wherewith to provide the animal with serviceable teeth. Those tusks of the elephant are nothing but his upper incisors, the only ones, observe, which curve in coming out of his jaw. In the lower jaw he has no incisors at all; canine teeth are entirely wanting; and by way of dental apparatus, this meagerly-furnished mouth possesses on each side of either jaw one or two molars, enormous in size, but not of ivory. They are composed of a number of enamelled upright layers of tooth-substance (_dentine_), soldered together with a bony cement; and these are our giant's only resource for chewing the grass, young shoots, and leaves of trees, which are his natural food. [Footnote: These teeth are nevertheless very efficient grindstones.] As a consolation, he has the glory of knowing that he possesses the very finest teeth in the world, the terror of all who approach him; and I can compare him to nothing so well as to a vain woman, who is contented to live on potatoes that she may wear fine clothes and excite the envy of her neighbors. The hippopotamus also has incisors in the upper jaw, which curve as they come out of the mouth; but these never attain anything like the size of the elephant's tusks, neither do they hinder the development of the other teeth, of which this animal has a very respectable collection. The upper incisors bend downward; those in the lower jaw stand out horizontally, and terminate in sharp points like plough-shares; and indeed the hippopotamus uses them for tearing up the ground in order to get at the roots which form its nutriment. These are, besides, formidable weapons, with which when enraged the animal can tear even boats in pieces; for, as you are aware, the hippopotamus is almost amphibious, and browses on water-plants, and lives in the great rivers of Africa, its native country. Its name alone would have told you this had you understood Greek; [Footnote: _Ippos_, a horse, and _potamos_, a river. The Greeks, who had seen the hippopotamus in the Nile, in Egypt, named it the river-horse; as afterwards the Romans called the elephant the ox of Lucania, because they first saw it in Lucania during the war with Pyrrhus.] but I have no complaint to make this time, for it was the Greeks themselves who gave it. You would find it very awkward, would you not? if you had to breakfast at the bottom of the Thames, and could not swallow a morsel without having your nose filled with water? But the hippopotamus labors under no such inconvenience. Its nostrils are provided with two little doors, which it closes at will, and behind this screen the lungs keep quite quiet while the animal goes backwards and forwards in the water. There is generally a hippopotamus in every large menagerie. The next time you visit one look at him. You will see him with a large stomach almost trailing on the ground: and no wonder; he needs plenty of room in which to stow away all the canes, reeds, and water-plants from the bottoms of rivers, which are not very nutritious food. Accordingly the stomach of the river-horse presents the appearance not only of two compartments, like that of the true horse, but looks as if it were divided into three or four. To conclude my account of this animal, I must add that the ivory of its teeth is even more beautiful than that of the elephant's tusks, and that dentists carve it into very magnificent teeth for their patients. This is not a matter to interest you much at present, but we never know what may happen. I advise you, however, never to make use of hippopotamus's teeth; they turn yellow very quickly, and, when people are driven to buy teeth, the least they can try for, is to get good-looking ones for their money. I should like to say something about the rhinoceros while we are on the colossal tribes, but it is a very unsatisfactory subject. The animal has no canines, sometimes no incisors even; sometimes it has as many as thirty-six teeth, according to the species, as naturalists aver; and this is all I have to say about this great lump of flesh, so misshapen outside, yet so regularly formed within. He it is who especially deserves the title _pachydermata_, his skin being so hard and thick that bullets glance off its surface. But this has nothing to do with our present subject, any more than the horn upon his nose, whose turn for description may come if I ever give you the history of the skin and all connected with it. The hog also has canines, and very strong ones; but it is in the wild state, when it is called a boar, that these appear in their real form. There we find them projecting out of the mouth with a curve, as is so commonly seen among the _pachydermata_, forming those terrible, sharp, and pointed tusks which have been so often fatal to the hunter. The wild boar of the forest is supposed to be the original ancestor of the domestic pig; and if, as is probable, this is really the case, we have here a remarkable instance of the effect of man's treatment upon the organisation of the animals he collects around him. The wild boar lives only on fruits and roots, which, like the hippopotamus, he tears up with his tusks, those safeguards of his, amid the many perils of his life in the woods. In the service of man, on the contrary, he becomes lazy, cowardly, and greedy; unlearns his energy and combativeness, eats all that is offered to him in the trough, even meat, when it happens to be thrown in; and, in order to do this moreeasily, has recalled toward his mouth those formidable war-tusks of his, so tremendous as weapons, so useless as teeth; has, in fact, turned his sword into a fork. It is the case of a Tartar degenerated into a Chinaman. [Footnote: China, about which we have heard a great deal of late years, has been several times invaded by the warrior hordes of Tartary. But at each time, unto the second and third generations, the vanquishers have taken the effeminate manners, the costume and the usages of the vanquished, and so many conquests have only resulted in converting millions of Tartars into Chinese.] This suggests to me an idea relative to the horse, the last important member of the _pachydermata_ which remains to be spoken of. It also has its canines, but very small ones; they disappear, so to speak, in a large vacancy between the incisors and the molars, where man inserts the bit, by means of which the animal has been subdued. Small as these are, however, these canines indicate that the horse might eat flesh, canine teeth being the distinctive attribute of the carnivorous mammals. I have read somewhere, but I do not remember where, that an unusual development of strength could be produced in the horse by feeding it on flesh; and the old Greek poets write of a king [Footnote: Diomed, King of Thrace] in the barbarous ages who gave his horses, men for food. If I knew some rich professor who was inclined to spend money in the investigation of a curious fact, I would advise him to set apart a sum for putting horses on a meat diet, from sire to son, gradually increasing the quantity; and I would boldly warrant that in the course of successive generations the canines would become so large as to impede the entrance of the bit into the mouth, and, moreover, would make it rather a ticklish office for the groom to place it there. But let us set aside the teeth the horse might possibly have, in order to examine those it has already. There are six incisors in each jaw; these are long and rather projecting teeth, by examining which, the age of the horse can be detected from certain marks which appear in them from year to year. The molars are flat, square, furrowed with bars of enamel, marking out more or less distinct crescents; perfectly constructed, in short, for chewing hay and oats. Nevertheless, I should never be surprised to see the enamel crescents become sharp-cutting in our rich professor's stable; so skillful is the unseen Architect who created animals, in altering the house when the tenant changes his habits. ORDER 8. _Ruminantia (ruminants)._ I shall retain through life a pleasant recollection of the _ruminants_. Through them I obtained the first prize for natural history which was ever given in France to the pupils of the learned university. It is thirty years ago since this happened, and I own, without any false modesty, that even now the word _ruminant_ rings very agreeably in my ear. It reminds me of one of the proudest moments of my life, of the honor done to me by the illustrious Geoffroy St. Hilaire, when he called me, a little college urchin, up to him, that he might have a nearer view, as he said, of the baby-professor who had spoken so well on ruminants. Yes, it is more than thirty years ago, for alas! it was in 1831. There needed no less an event, as I have told you before, than the revolution of 1830 in France to induce the big-wigs of education to sacrifice two hours per week in one class to the study of natural history. Yes, my dear child, it is only that short time ago since natural history became one of the subjects of study in French colleges; and the gray-haired men of the present day finished their education, as it is called, without having learnt a single word of what I am now taking the trouble to teach you, a mere child. You see you have come into the world just at the right time, and will be able to instruct others in your turn. But before giving lessons to other people you must first finish learning your own. Forgive me this involuntary reference to a happy time when I was not much more rational than you are. And now, let us return to our ruminants--those dear, good beasts, the nourishing fathers of the human race. LETTER XXXII. MAMMALIA--_continued_. ORDER 8. _Ruminants--continued_. Every created thing has an appointed part to perform; but there are some mysterious parts of which we cannot understand the drift. That of the ruminants, however, is so clearly marked out, that we detect it at a glance. To qualify myself for supplying your young mind with the food I am going to offer it to-day, I have been obliged, my dear child, to browse in a good many books of which you could have understood but little yourself; and I have been forced to ruminate a long time upon what I have read, and to digest it slowly in my head, which I may say, without vanity, is of larger capacity than yours; no great wonder at my age. Now, if I have succeeded in my undertaking, you will benefit by all the work which has been going on in my mind for the purpose of feeding yours without over-fatigue to it; and I shall almost have the right to say that its nourishment has been derived from me. My lamp could tell you what it has sometimes cost me to supply a single page which might instruct, without repelling you. Now, this is precisely what the _ruminant_ does. The part he has to perform is to collect in the meadows a sort of food, which would disgust less well-organized stomachs than his own, to work it well up within him, and to give it back in a more palatable and less indigestible form. The little flesh-eaters (_carnivora_) come afterwards to the feast, and the feast is himself! The whole history, then, of the ruminant is to be read in his stomach. His real office is to digest, and in fact he devotes the best hours of his days to the perfecting of that beneficent labor, on which the life of so many weak stomachs depends. Have you ever amused yourself by watching a large ox lying down in a meadow? Long after he has finished grazing, his jaw continues to work, turning round and round like the grindstone of a painter when he is rubbing down his colors. Look, and you will see that he will remain there for hours together, motionless and contemplative, absorbed in this incomprehensible mastication, rolling about in his throat from time to time some invisible food. Do not laugh at him, however. As you sec him there he is performing his part in life, he is _ruminating_. To ruminate is to chew over again what has been already swallowed; and, however droll this may seem to you, it is the business which all ruminants are born to. You remember the monkey's pouch, which serves him as a larder, whence he takes out his provisions as he wants to eat. The ruminant has an immense pouch of the same kind, into which, while he is grazing, he hastily conveys large masses of half-bitten grass. You probably think he is eating when he has his head down in the grass; but you are mistaken. This is only a preparatory work; he is hastily heaping up in his larder the food he intends to eat by-and-by; only his larder, instead of being, like the monkey's, in his cheeks, where, indeed, there would not have been half room enough for those great bundles he tucks in, is in the middle of his body, close to the extremity of the oesophagus, whose lower wall, being slit at that part, becomes an imperfectly secure tube, ready to burst open under pressure, and allow the food to escape between the edges of the slit; these, otherwise, remaining naturally closed. As soon as the large bundles of grass come to this part, they press against the walls of the tube, which they by this means separate, and fall into the provision-pouch, which bears the name of paunch, or grass-pocket, in fact. As soon as the paunch is well filled, and the animal sure of his dinner, he lies down in some quiet corner, where he proceeds gravely with the important act, which is the real object of his existence. A little below the entrance to the paunch, and communicating both with it and the canal of the oesophagus, is a second receptacle, which old French naturalists, not being much acquainted with Greek, named the _cap_, on account of its fancied resemblance to the caps worn on the head, and which we call 'king's hood' or 'honey-comb bag.' This second stomach now contracts (at least so it is supposed), and thus retains, as if with a closed fist, a portion of the grass accumulated in the paunch: of this it forms a pellet, which it sends back into the oesophagus, and the oesophagus, by continued contractions from below upwards, returns it to the mouth, where at last the grassy lump is chewed in good earnest, and to some purpose. There is no necessity for hurry; the ruminant has no other business on the face of the earth but this, and thus hour after hour passes away, the food pellets rising one after another to the onslaught of the teeth. Nor do they go back again until they have been reduced by long mastication into an almost liquid paste, which glides through the oesophagus without forcing open the slit, and falls straight into a third pouch, called by old Frenchmen the _leaf_, on account of certain large folds, some what like the leaves of a book, which line the interior; and known to us as the _manyplies_. From this stomach, No. 3, this grass-pap passes into a fourth and last bag, which is the real stomach, and where the final work of digestion is accomplished. This fourth pouch also has a pretty little name of the old-fashioned sort, like the three others; it is called the _reed_ or _rennet-bag_, from the property it possesses, in the calf, of turning milk into curds: and of his four stomachs this is the only one which the ruminant makes use of at first. As long as the young animal is nursed by its mother, the other compartments remain inactive and small in size; they neither grow nor exercise their functions until it begins to eat grass. Indeed, they would probably entirely disappear, if any one would go to the expense of keeping the animal on milk all its life. If it ceased to have anything to ruminate, nature would certainly lose no time in relieving it of its useless workshop of rumination. As it is right to give every one his due, I will mention that we owe our accurate knowledge of this simple and ingenious mechanism of _rumination_ to the labors of Flourens, a scientific Frenchman, who is still alive, and who has made a great many interesting inquiries into the subject we are now considering, _i. e._, the life of animals. He is a very clever man into the bargain--so perfect a master of his own language, that the French Academy has felt itself justified in opening its doors to him--an unheard-of honor for a member of the Academy of Sciences. And yet, in spite of all this, I heartily congratulate you that the discovery of the _paunch_, the _cap_, the _leaf_, and the _rennet-bag_, was not delayed for his arrival. He is just the man who might have been tempted, in his capacity of profound scholar, to have hunted up for them in the _Jardin des racines grecques_ [Footnote: Your brother can tell you about the _Jardin des racines grecques_. It is a charming little book, of which every generation of collegians has learnt, by heart, the commencement; but I have never known one, even among the most intrepid, who had ever been to the end of it.], four magnificent names, which would only have bewildered you. Beyond the rennet-bag there is no change of conformation to note, except that the intestinal tube is naturally much longer than ours, on account of the difference of food: as a general rule, it is ten or twelve times the length of the body. The sheep, who is able to pick up a living in the poorest pastures, is indebted for this inestimable power, which makes him the special blessing of dry and barren countries, to a still further peculiarity of organization; with him the intestinal tube is twenty-eight times the length of the body. We have seen among the _Carnivora_, whose jaws have so much work to do, that the condyles of the jawbone are sunk deeply into the fossa of the temporal bone. The ruminant, whose peaceful mouth is formed for contending only with grass, is organized quite differently. Here the condyle is flattened, and the fossa of the temporal bone very shallow, presenting to the condyle an almost flat surface, so that the jawbone is enabled to revolve with ease for the better mastication of the pellets of grass. This conformation is also to be seen in the _pachydermata_ who feed upon vegetables. In the horse, especially, whose food is almost the same as that of the ox, the _articulation_ (as this joining of the condyle to the temporal bone is called) of the jaw, is also nearly identical; and it is the same with the teeth, with very trifling variations, those of all ruminants are constructed on the same plan as in the horse. The canines only require a separate notice. But first I must tell you that, by some special privilege, the reason for which I do not undertake to explain, the order of ruminants is the only one containing animals with horns on their foreheads. Stags, goats, reindeer, chamois, gazelles, roebucks, oxen, buffaloes, all the beasts with horned foreheads, belong to the ruminants. Indeed, this fact would form a very convenient mark of distinction between them and other animals, were there not exceptions to it. Some ruminants have no horns; and then, as if in compensation for the deficiency, we find them provided with canines in the upper jaw, in addition to those below. The ruminant which has the most beautiful canines is the musk-deer, a pretty little animal inhabiting the highlands of Central Asia, like the chamois of the Alps. But now that you know who he is, you will probably often be tempted to wish he had never existed; for it is from a small pouch below his belly that people obtain that odious musk of which Oriental beauties are so fond, and which even certain strong-nerved ladies of our own country are guilty of using in public, to the great detriment of general health. But enough of this; our business is with the canines of the musk-deer. They project with a descending curve from the upper jaw, and would give the animal the very false appearance of a small wild boar, but for the great delicacy of its legs, which are more slender than even those of our roebuck, to whom, with the exception of the horns, it bears a close resemblance, as its name implies. After the musk-deer comes the large family of camels and llamas, which represent--the former in Asia and Africa, the latter in America--the irregular groups of ruminants which have canines instead of horns, and which seem to be placed as intermediates between true ruminants and the pachydermata. They form the connecting link between the horse and the ox, and men prefer employing them as beasts of burden to using them as butcher's meat; though one could eat them in their own country with less disgust than Europeans feel in making a meal of horseflesh; so that they might be a very acceptable resource in many cases. The real fact is, that ruminants with horns and without upper canines have more delicate flesh than the others, and seem more especially destined to be eaten. Yet if one had only to look at the stomach, which is, after all, the distinctive characteristic of the order, camels and llamas would stand in the first rank as ruminants. Besides the usual character of four stomachs, their paunch and honeycomb-bag are furnished with large cells which act as reservoirs, and fill with water whenever the animal has the chance of drinking freely, and from whence in time of drought he draws it up into his mouth and swallows it. This is what makes the camel so valuable to the wandering tribes in the great deserts of Africa and Asia. He is the only animal who can pass several days under the burning sun of Sahara without drinking--or rather without appearing to do so--for he carries his provision of water concealed from all eyes in the recesses of his body. I dare say you have often heard stories of Arabs dying of thirst who have opened the stomachs of their camels in search of a last draught of water. It must be a terrible thirst to drive a man to such an extremity; for, as you may imagine, one could not expect the water there to be either fresh or clear, to say nothing of the great risk there would generally be of finding the reservoir empty. Such an extreme is never resorted to till water has failed for a long time, and all the goatskin bottles have been emptied; and in such a ease it is but too likely that the camel has followed his master's example, and emptied his water-skins for his own use. But this is only half the internal fittings of the "ship of the desert," as the Arabs call him. In the desert it is often as difficult to find food as water; and nature has equally provided for this. The hump you see rising upon the camel's back in your picture-books is his safeguard against starvation. It is a huge mass of fat. I need say no more. You will remember Mr. Liebeg's pig, which lived 160 days upon its own bacon. Without going quite such lengths as that, the camel can keep up his fire for a long time upon the fuel which the blood obtains from this blessed hump. Since we are talking of this animal, and he takes a remarkable place in a history of nutrition, I ought to tell you that camels are classed into two families by their hump: there is the camel, properly so called, which has two humps, and the dromedary, which has but one. This latter did not require such a supply of provisions as the other, for he is very much swifter of foot, and consequently his journeys are more speedily performed. I have nothing particular to say to you about the other ruminants, in the matter of their organs of nutrition; but I will not quit the subject without reminding you of one thing which concerns nutrition, not theirs, however, but ours. It was by the taming of the domestic ruminants--that unfailing dinner-material which now follows everywhere at the heels of his master--that human civilisation began. Before that event, man, driven to depend for his living upon the hazards of the chase, spent his whole time in seeking for food, and had none to spare for the pursuit of any other branch of industry. Far as we may ascend in the history of ages we shall find shepherd races. Beyond them there is no history at all, nor could there be. The first leisure hours of man, and, consequently, his first efforts in art and literature, date from the period when the ruminant animals, those special fabricators of nutritive aliments, were gathered around mankind, and worked out their destiny under the shadow of his tent, by his direction, and for his benefit. But all this is so distant from us now, that it is scarcely worth the trouble of thinking about. The human race is somewhat like those old people who have lost all recollection of their childhood; and young people are not required to know what their elders have forgotten. It is well, however, that they should not be quite ignorant on the subject. When you hear that the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals has taken up the cause of some barbarously-used ox or sheep, do not turn it into ridicule. Those humble species have supported ours from the first; and you should recollect, now and then, that human society made its first step forward when it began to keep flocks and herds. LETTER XXXIII. MAMMALIA--_continued_. We come now to animals less familiar to you, and none of which inhabit Europe. We shall therefore pass more quickly over them. ORDER 9. _Marsupialia (pouched)_. _Marsupium_ is Latin for purse, pouch, or pocket. The marsupials are distinguished from other animals by a pouch which the mother has under her belly, and in which the little ones take refuge at the slightest alarm. You would be very much interested with their whole story; but it has nothing to do with our present subject, which we should soon lose sight of if we once began to wander away. This order, so easily distinguished otherwise by that singular pouch, unfortunately for us, offers nothing new for observation. It includes several species, differing entirely from one another on the subject of nutrition, and closely resembling some already described. Some are both carnivorous and insectivorous, and are therefore armed with powerful canines, and with molars like those of the hedgehog. Others are herbivorous, like hares, and have almost the jaws of a rodent. Among the former we have the opossum, celebrated by Florian in one of his prettiest fables. The opossum inhabits South America. Charming little marsupials are to be found in the Molucca Isles, whence come the nutmeg and the clove; these are very like our squirrels, and live as they do, in trees, hunting after fruit and insects. But the greatest number of marsupials belong to Australia, the real native land of the order. They form by far the larger portion of the mammalia with which that country is enriched; the most celebrated amongst them being the kangaroo; an animal which is now becoming common in European menageries, and which, excepting in the matter of its pouch, is nothing but a magnified rabbit, as tall as a man, and with a tail almost as long as itself. As a rabbit, you know what its eating apparatus must be; and some day, no doubt, the French Acclimatisation Society will enable us to judge of its flavor. It is a kind of meat very likely to be seen on our dinner-tables by-and-by; and, as you have plenty of time before you, probably you may eat of it before you die. ORDER 10. _Edentata (toothless)_. These come more directly within our limits. They are classed according to their teeth; yet if their name were to be trusted, they ought to have no teeth at all. Whereas, alas! almost all of them have some, and I am heartily ashamed of their scientific designation; but how can we help it? The only really _Edentata, i. e_. toothless animals, amongst them are the ant-eaters, who, considering the nature of their food, are not much in want of teeth. They feed among the ant-hills, whence they get their name; and as they are a tolerable size (from two to three feet in length), it would really have been quite a hardship upon them to have been forced to crunch the ants one by one at every meal. To get on rapidly they catch them with their tongue; but what a tongue! Imagine a kind of long earthworm, lodged in a snout which is elongated like a bird's beak, and has a very small opening at the extremity. The ant eater inserts this long, string-like tongue into the crowded ranks of its victims, and, as its surface is glutinous, they stick to it by hundreds at a time, and are swallowed at one gulp without a chance of escape. This tongue, perfectly unique in its character, stretches out in its murderous exertions to nearly three times the length of the animal's long head. What a distance there seems between such a tongue as this and your own little doorkeeper! But no wonder: we have now reached the confines of the kingdom of _Mammalia,_ and the face of nature is beginning to change. The Armadillo, for instance, which comes next to the ant-eater, looks far more like the tortoise or lizard than its noble mammalian brethren. It is covered with scales; and, to look at it, you would say it was a reptile, in spite of its higher internal organization. As for teeth, it has certainly enough of them to give the lie to its name of _edentata;_ but they are not very serviceable ones. They are called molars, however, because they are situated in that part of the mouth which is always assigned to molars; but they are miserable grindstones, very unlike any of which we have hitherto treated. They are all of them flattened cylinders, with no enamel bars to strengthen them; are small and poor, and are placed at rather wide intervals from one another. The poor armadillo munches with these, as best he can, slugs, tender roots, and other prey of the same sort, with which he is obliged to content himself, and which do not require very formidable tools. The most questionable member of this class is the Unau, or Two-toed Sloth. It only wants incisors to be as toothless as ourselves! and the first time I saw it I took it for a little bear. It is true I was then younger than you are now; for the bear, who is one of our nearest neighbors, ought not to have been confounded with the unhappy being before us, one of the drudges of the animal creation; though M. de Blainville (who had not my excuse) proposed placing it still nearer to us, namely, amongst the _Quadrumana_. Observe that instead of hands it has at the end of its fore-limbs only two enormously curved claws, which have somewhat the appearance of a gigantic fork accidentally twisted. Accordingly its illustrious sponsor offered it to the world as an _irregular quadrumane_. I believe so, indeed! This _quadrumane_ without hands--this _edentate_ whose molars are preceded by magnificent canines--this enigma of nature, created for the confusion and despair of all classification--does, I must in all humility confess, completely upset the rule I laid down so stringently when speaking of the horse, as to the objects for which canine teeth were framed. The canine teeth of the sloth are more developed than its molars, and yet I cannot tell you what they are there for at all. It feeds upon the leaves of trees; and old travellers in South America, where it inhabits, have told us that, when it has once hoisted itself up a tree, it will strip it to its last leaf, and afterwards drop to the ground to avoid the trouble of crawling down. This was what first obtained for it the villanous name of sloth, a title which is certainly justified by its gait when on the ground; for it is so ill-made that it cannot stand upright on its legs, but moves clumsily forward by dragging itself on its elbows. It seems, however, that when once in a tree it is a different creature altogether, and can scramble lightly from branch to branch. Moreover, if its claws cannot reasonably be reckoned as hands, they are at all events excellent hooks; and when it is springing about thus in the forest, suspended to the branches by its long arms, one might be tempted, while watching it from below, to decide in favor of M. de Blainville's opinion. I saw it originally myself in a cage. As to the sloth's relationship to the armadillo, this rests upon a detail which bears directly upon our subject. The molars in both animals are cylindrical and smooth, this is a trifle, but what would you have? The animal had to be classed somehow; since naturalists have not had the wit to make detached companies, as they do in regiments of soldiers. ORDER 11. _Amphibia (two-lived)_. We are going farther and farther away. Here are animals who are nearly half fishes (_amphis_, _double_, and _bios_,_life_). The _Amphibia_ have two lives: one in the water, which is their true life, and where they are in their element; the other upon land, where they can only crawl; for their paws, which are but half developed, are destined to perform the office of fins, and the hinder ones are extended flatly behind them, and act like a fish's tail. They are divided into two families, the seal and the walrus. The first feed on fish, and have the same internal organization as the _Carnivora_, as well as the same dental conformation. Some species have even exactly thirty-two teeth, as we have. The jaw of the walrus is the least regular, and the incisors are generally wanting, especially in the full-grown animal; for it appears they lose them very young, as you lost your milk teeth, only, unluckily for the walrus, his never grow again. On the other hand, he has two canines in his upper jaw, which, next to the elephant's tusks, are the largest we have yet met with. They are sometimes as much as two feet long, and incline downwards with a curve, like the two bars of a pick-axe. They would play the walrus the same trick that the incisors of rodents are apt to do when they have not work enough to wear them down; that is, stop up the entrance of its mouth, were it not that the lower jaw is contracted in front, in order to fit into the space between the two canines, which thus form a sort of passage in which it manoeuvres freely. As you may suppose, the walrus cannot insert prey of any great size into this contracted passage; but that is no matter, as he lives partly on seaweeds, and partly--indeed principally--on shell-fish; his molars being specially adapted for breaking shells. They are short massive cylinders--the upper ones fitting into the lower as a pestle into a mortar. After the walrus comes a strange animal which has been ranked among Cetaceans (we shall see why presently), but which it would be better not to separate from the Amphibians, since an Amphibian order has been made, for it crawls from time to time upon land: this is the Manatee, or Sea-cow. It comes still nearer a fish than the others. Its forelimbs are absolute fins, with mere vestiges of nails at their edges; it has no hind ones, and its body, which is quite cylindrical, ends in a fin tail in the shape of a shovel. The sea-cow feeds on plants and herbage, and lives at the mouths of great rivers, going up them occasionally to great distances, their banks serving it for pasture ground. In some respects it is half brother to the hippopotamus and the great grass eating _Pachydermata_, to whom it comes so near in internal organization, and above all in the structure of its molars, that M. de Blainville seriously proposed ranking it among the elephants, though as an _irregular elephant_, as you may suppose. But then Cuvier had even placed the seal among the _Carnivora_, by the side of the cat, whose whiskers it possessed, and of the dog, whom it resembled in the formation of its head. A naturalist's office is sometimes very perplexing, I assure you; and as we are touching on this subject, I cannot resist telling you that the sea-cow laid claim to, on so many sides, had by right a free admission to the celebrated order of _Primates_, although it looks exactly like a large barrel elongated at the two ends. It suckles its young at the breast like man and the monkey; and if Linnæus flinched from this rather too absurd parentage, old navigators were less scrupulous. Observing this creature in the distance, sporting on the waves, the upper part of its body quite out of the sea, the sailors, whose eye is not of the most refined, and who have no objections generally to the marvellous, imagined they saw a new species of human beings; and hence arose those stories of mermaids and sirens which have been told from the days of Homer downwards, and the traditions of which have not yet quite died out in seaport towns. To have been passed from man to the whale, touching the elephant on the road, is a long way to travel, especially when, after all, one is only a huge barrel of amphibious fat; and you may judge from this that it is not always an easy thing to classify animals. ORDER 12. _Cetacea (whale-kind)_. Cetaceans are whales; and if I had been consulted on the matter, I should have joined this order and the last together, under whatever name was thought most appropriate. The passage from the seal to the whale through the walrus and the sea-cow is an easy and natural one, the two latter being obviously the connecting links; and in spite of certain diversities of food, they form in reality one family-party, as do the marsupials. But it is too late in the day to talk of this, my dear child, and you and I cannot pretend to alter what is taught in the schools. But you are astonished, are you not? to hear that the whale is not a fish: and no wonder. It is with it, however, as with the armadillo; it is a fish with a higher organisation inside. The interior of this enormous mass is a faithful reproduction, as a whole, of that of the shrew-mouse; and when we come to talk of fishes you will have some faint idea of the prodigious distance which this places between the whale and his countrymen of the ocean. As far as we are concerned, the chief difference is in their way of breathing. The cetaceans breathe like ourselves, and are obliged to come to the surface of the water to take air; while fishes have a special apparatus, which I will explain to you presently, which enables them to breathe in the water. This is a disadvantage to the cetacean in his fish life; nevertheless, of all the mammals (as may easily be imagined) he is the one who can remain longest under the water. With us, for instance, the best divers one ever heard of, those who go to the bottom of the sea after the pearl-oyster, can scarcely stay below longer than two minutes; and even during that short time the veins of the head become so overcharged with the blood, which cannot return to the lungs owing to its forced inactivity, that when the diver comes back to the surface it is by no means unusual to see him streaming with blood from both nose and ears. The cetaceans remain under water for half an hour at a time without seeming to suffer in the least; and Breschet, a clever French naturalist, has given a very satisfactory explanation of this wonderful faculty. In dissecting a cetacean, he discovered all along the vertebral column an extensive network of large veins, which are not found in other mammals, and which seemed designed to serve as a refuge place for the blood during the time the animal remains submerged. According to him, this network would act as a reservoir, to which any overplus in the head or important organs would flow through vessels communicating therewith, and which might swell out as it pleased, without any risk to the inert bed of fat against which it lies. From thence the blood rushes to the lungs, as soon as the animal's return to the air enables them to play as usual. It must be admitted, at the same time, that all this involves the necessity of a much less active life than that of land mammals, that is to say, a consumption of oxygen much smaller in proportion than theirs; for were you to be furnished down your back with the finest network reservoir in the world for venous blood, it would still not enable you to remain half an hour without breathing. There is nothing remarkable in the digestive apparatus of the cetaceans except about the mouth, which is, as you know, the essentially variable point among animals. To begin with, the cetacean tongue has the most original appearance possible. Indeed, it is not a tongue, but a large carpet, spread over the floor of the animal's mouth, and bears not the faintest trace of resemblance to that nimble delicate porter, who does you such good service. Imagine a thick soft lump absolutely crammed with fat, and completely immovable, because it is glued down along its whole length to the bottom of the mouth, and you will have a good idea of this strange tongue, which in the whale, the largest of the cetaceans, attains to the length of twenty-five feet and the width of twelve, and of itself alone furnishes the whale-fishers with from five to six tons of oil. This is a great deal farther from us than even the long string which serves as a tongue to the ant-eater; and you feel at once that we are getting among strangers. With respect to teeth, I have now a melancholy piece of news to tell you. We have done with them; we have seen the last of incisors, canines, and molars, henceforth you will hear no more about those valuable instruments. The teeth of the cetaceans, with whom this painful falling-off begins, are no more teeth than his tongue is a tongue. They are like so many nails set in a row in the jaw, and can only be of use in retaining prey, not in grinding it; so that of the many processes your bit of bread has to go through before it becomes a part of yourself, there is one which is dispensed with here altogether, namely, mastication. Cetaceans swallow their food without chewing it. Besides, they have not got a whole set even of these unmasticating teeth. Dolphins and porpoises, those faithful companions of the sailor, around whose vessel they come playing and tumbling in the seas of all countries, are the only ones who have them in both jaws. And these are the small fry of the order; they do not usually exceed six or ten feet in length. The Cachalot, or Spermaceti Whale, an enormous cetacean, which rivals the true whale in size, and whose head alone forms nearly the half of its body, has teeth in the lower jaw only. This lower jaw, whose two sides are joined together for half their length (a new deviation, very unlike anything we have found before), is so little proportioned to the gigantic head which contains it, that it is almost lost to sight, and seems like a small plank slipped under a great square block. Such as it is, however, it possesses many very respectable teeth, of which some weigh as much as two pounds; and with these the cachalot, whose ferocity is tremendous, tears in pieces everything that comes near it, sometimes even the boats of the fishermen who risk their lives in the dangerous pursuit of capturing them. By a singular arrangement, of which this is the only known instance, there is, opposite each of the cachalot's teeth, a corresponding cavity in the upper jaw, into which they fit closely, turning the monster's muzzle into the most formidable pair of pincers to be found in the animal kingdom. Another curiosity in the order is the tooth of the Narwhal, a modest cetacean, who is not much more than twenty feet long! I speak of _the tooth_, because the creature has commonly but one; a cylindrical-pointed tooth, spirally furrowed, whose length varies from six to ten feet, and which comes straight out from the extreme front of the upper jaw, like a soldier's pike. There are two sockets at this extremity of the jaw, each furnished with a tooth-germ; but as a general rule the germ on the left side is the only one which develops, the other lying asleep in its socket, where it is choked up and never appears. Behind this long pike, which, like the tusk of the elephant, attracts to itself all the ivory in the body, lies a completely unfurnished mouth; so that the owner of this magnificent weapon, invaluable as a war-tool, but quite inapplicable to the purpose of supporting life, is obliged to feed on small fishes and _mollusks_. We have not yet spoken about these latter, but if you have ever seen slugs and snails you will know what a _mollusk_ is. The same wretched food falls to the lot of the whale also, that giant of the ocean, whose open mouth forms an aperture twenty feet in extent. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, in his indefatigable endeavors to trace out points of resemblance connecting together animals the most unlike in outward appearance, discovered, along the lower jaw of a young whale, certain traces of teeth, indicating a last effort on the part of nature to carry out her usual plan in furnishing the jaws of mammals; but, like the right-hand tooth of the narwhal, these vain attempts soon disappear, overgrown and lost in the tissue of the bone, so that the whale offers us a true type of an _edentate_, classable with the ant-eater, if one dared, and some people have dared, which by this time will not surprise you. A classifying professor is utterly merciless, whether he gets hold of the poor beasts by the mouth or by the paw: they may protest with all the rest of their body against the peg on which they are hung; so much the worse for them! If one were to listen to what they have all got to say, it would be impossible to classify even one. To return to the whale. As a compensation for the teeth which she found herself unable to give him, nature has manufactured on the two sides of his upper jaw the most extraordinary apparatus without exception to be found in the mammal mouth. You know what is called the _whalebone_ used in stay-making, &c. The name is quite correct; for those little flexible black strips, which support the figure so nicely, began life in wandering over the polar or Australasian seas, fastened to the palate of some monstrous whale. On the two sides of the upper jaw the membrane which covers the palate sends out rows of broad, thin, horny plates, which are from eight to ten feet long (they have sometimes been seen twenty-five feet) in the centre of each side, but which decrease gradually towards the extremities. These are plates of whalebone (sometimes called whale's whiskers), and the industry of man has turned them to a thousand different uses; and you will open your eyes in astonishment when I tell you that 800 or 900 of them have been sometimes counted on each side of one mouth. Think of the number of stays that could be furnished from the whalebone plates of one whale! It is true, they were not exactly designed for this purpose originally. At the tips and on the edges of these plates, the elastic fibres of which they are composed unravel and peel off, and hang down from the lip like tufts of horsehair. The Arctic seas, which the whale inhabits, are, like other seas, full of innumerable troops of various little sea-animals, and it is these which are destined to the honor of nourishing this gigantic mass of flesh. When the colossus wishes to take a meal, he stretches his mouth to its utmost width, and the salt water rushing in as into a gulf, carries with it the imprudent little fry, who disappear then and there for ever, being retained by the fringe-like sieve of the whalebone. But as, in this way of eating, the stomach of the whale, however large, would be terribly overgorged with water, he is furnished with another apparatus for preventing the inconvenience. All the superfluous water is rejected by the _pharynx_, and springs up in spouts of fifteen or twenty feet high, through the nostrils, _i.e._ the nasal openings, sometimes called "vents," sometimes "blow-holes," which are pierced exactly at the top of the head. This is a peculiarity common to all cetaceans, who have thence received the name of "blowers," alluding to the powerful blast which is necessary to send those majestic columns of water into the air; but it takes a much milder form with the lesser cetaceans, such as dolphins and porpoises. There is but a slight jet with them: the water escapes comparatively quite quietly from the nostril-vents, trickling away down the animal's sides. I hope you consider that I have told you something new this time, my dear child, and that our machine is beginning to change its appearance very materially. I told you before that we had reached the outskirts of the mammal kingdom. When we got to the armadillo we were within a stone's throw of the reptiles, and here, one step more would take us to the fishes. But we must first consider the birds, who are a very superior set of animals to either of the latter; and we have accordingly an order of mammals (Monotremes) which, as you will now find, opens the road on that side also. There are but two sorts, and both of them are natives of Australia, which is, as you may have heard, the land of the wonderful in natural history, and their existence was unknown to the learned men of Europe till within the last sixty years. The most extraordinary of the two is the _Ornithorhynchus_, or, to translate the hard Greek word into English, the _Duck-bill_. Its mouth is a true duck's bill, a downright horny beak, and its short paws sprawling sideways with a membrane joining the toes together below, and coming a good deal beyond them in front, seem intermediate between the flippers of the seal and the webbed feet of a water-bird. The first naturalist who had anything to do with the ornithorhynchus, Blumenbach the German, who gave it its pretty name, did not think it was able to suckle its young, so much did it differ from mammals in some respects, though looking so like them on the whole. And presently a report arose in the learned world that the new animal which had been classed at all risks among mammals (it having the close fur and almost the body of the otter), a report arose, I say, that this ornithorhynchus of Blumenbach laid eggs like a real duck. The uproar in the Academies was tremendous. As early as 1829, indeed, a learned Englishman, Sir Everard Home had sent over to France an authenticated drawing, as he said, of an ornithorhynchian egg, to the delight of the hunters after analogies among animal races; while Cuvier looked sadly askance at the intruder, whose arrival threw his animal outlines into confusion, there being no place in them for such a beast. Happily for the poor animal, he has ended by almost settling the matter for himself. The ornithorhynchian egg has never turned up. But in the animal's nest have been found baby ornithorhynchuses, newly born, under two inches long (the full-grown animal being more than a foot and a half), and not a trace of eggshells near. Further investigations showed that the mother ornithorhynchus nursed her young with milk, for curdled milk was found in their stomachs; so the Australian phenomenon has been restored triumphantly to the Mammalian order, whence Geoffroy St. Hilaire had excluded both it and its companion, the _echidna_, a sort of hedgehog, provided like the ornithorhynchus with a bird-like bill, only more of the canary-bird sort; and like it, also, approximating to the bird tribe by other details which do not belong to our subject. And so the matter stands at present; and all we venture to say is that classification had a very lucky escape. And now, my dear child, that I have made you acquainted in detail with your nearest neighbors, the last of whom, nevertheless, are strangely unlike you outside, however they may resemble you within, I shall take the liberty of going more quickly over the ground, and shall point out in the mass only the more important changes which lead from one class of animals to another. I should be found fault with if I tried to make you too learned, and you yourself might be tempted to tell me, to my sorrow, that you had heard about enough. LETTER XXXIV. AVES. (_Birds._) Tell me, my dear child, when you have seen birds taking their flight into the air, and going boldly to their object, without a thought of all the barriers, ditches, rivers, and mountains, which hinder man at every step in his travels, did it never strike you to wish for their wings, and imagine how you would fly off if you had them? If you ever dreamt this dream, do not apologise for it; it is one as old as the world. 'Oh that I had wings like a dove!' cried the Prophet, nearly 3,000 years ago; and the dialogue of the swallow and the prisoner, so often sung by poets, has been repeated in prose behind all the prison-bars on the globe since prisons were first invented. Now you will not think it kind on my part, but I must undeceive you about this fancy, as you will be undeceived some day about many others. The wings of a dove or swallow would be of no use to you if you had them, any more than the formidable swords of the middle ages would be to our modern gentlemen, were any one to put such into their hands. We are not adapted for them, nor they for us. You saw, some time ago, what an amount of muscular exertion was required for running--what a violent flow of blood, what hurried play of the lungs. Now in flying it is still worse; for the earth, at any rate, holds us up quite naturally, whereas the air will not hold up the bird unless it is beaten vigorously and unremittingly by an untiring wing. If we men, constructed as we are, had to do such work, we should be out of breath at once; the heart would cry out immediately for quarter, and the diaphragm turn red with anger. And only just imagine in what a critical position a poor wretch launched into the air on the wings of a swallow would find himself when, at the end of five minutes, his servants should refuse point-blank to go on working at a height of 500 feet above the ground! But a bird has not these internal rebellions to fear. In the first place, it has no diaphragm; so here is another friend to whom we must say good-bye. We shall not meet with him again anywhere. The journey we are taking together, my dear, is somewhat like the journey of life. One sets off, surrounded by friends and acquaintances, but whoever travels on to the end is apt to find himself alone at last; this is what is happening to the digestive tube, which we shall see losing all its accessories, one by one, as we gradually advance in our study. Even now here is one essential fundamental difference in the internal machinery. The body has only one compartment instead of two; and the lungs, masters of the whole space, extend freely to its utmost depths. When a fowl is cut up at table, look along the body, and you will find lodged in the cavity of the ribs, a long, blackish, and spongy mass: this is the lungs. There is not, therefore, the same danger of a bird's getting out of breath as with us; that delicate board which is found in our bellows is wanting in his. His is set in action solely by the to-and-fro movement of the ribs, which is produced by muscular exertions, which are greatly increased during the action of the wings. From which it follows, that the rapidity of flight itself regulates the arrival of air, and consequently the expenditure of strength, or, if you like better, the activity of the fire, since the energy of the muscles depends, as we have seen, upon the quantity of oxygen that feeds the internal stove. This is not all. These elongated lungs are still not sufficient to furnish the blood with all the oxygen demanded by this excessive labor of flight. They are pierced with holes, through which issue pipes which carry the air all over the body. You know what is said of spendthrifts?-that they burn the candle at both ends. It is so with the blood of birds. That fillip which in our case it receives in the lungs, and which sends it back full of vigor into the arteries, is repeated in the bird at the other end of the arteries as well. The capillaries, those delicate vessels at the end of the arteries, plunge from all sides into little reservoirs of air-lungs, therefore-where the blood renews its provision of oxygen, and relights its half-extinguished fire, so that it sends the combustion afresh into the muscles on its return back to the heart, and sets them going a second time. The natural consequence of this prodigality of combustion is, that there must be, in proportion, much more oxygen in birds than in us; and that of all animals a bird is the one most quickly poisoned by his own carbonic acid when the air is not renewed around him. Therefore, let me beg you never to think of putting a poor little bird under a wine-glass, as a child of my acquaintance once did, that she might examine her little friend more closely. In the twinkling of an eye he would consume all the oxygen inside his prison, and you would soon see him fall upon his side and die. On the other hand, the temperature of these flying machines, which consume so much oxygen, is very much higher than ours. It rises to 41°, 42° (centigrade), and sometimes to 44°, 7° higher than with us. If ever you have taken hold of a little bird, you will have remarked how warm it makes your hand: this is quite natural, since there is always a double fire going on within him, to meet the extraordinary expenditure of strength that is required of him whenever he takes wing. Besides, do but look at the poor little creature when you have imprisoned it in a cage! How it goes up! How it comes down! How it hops from one perch to another, with a quick sudden movement, like that of a spring when it unbends. There is no apparent cause for this state of continual agitation; and yet there is a cause, and only too serious a one. Its fire is not slackened because you have put it into a cage, and its muscles, lashed furiously on by the double-oxygenized blood, drive it hap-hazard into a thousand movements, in which it expends, as best it can, a superabundance of power, which no longer finds natural employment. Little children, who are the real singing-birds of our homes, and whose blood also drives much more energetically along than ours--little children I say--often fare no better than caged birds in those larger cages we call schools; and schoolmasters and governesses would scold rather less if they thought rather more about this. It is right, I do not deny it, that the rebellious young rogues should be taught in good time not to abandon themselves, like wild birds, to the mere animal impulses of the blood: but, in dealing with them, one must also make allowances, as they say, for the fire within, and know how to open the cage now and then. It is not for you, however, that I say this, young lady: you are no longer a little child; but it may happen that you may have some to take care of some day. Believe me, then, you must not expect too much wisdom from them, and you must allow them to change their perch every now and then. It is a law of our Almighty Father that little children, and little birds, should not stay too long in one place. The mechanism of the circulation is here the same as with us, and does not offer any important peculiarity. Only the left ventricle of the heart has walls of extreme thickness, which enable it to launch the blood into the members with greater vigor and rapidity; and the blood itself, although it is composed of precisely the same materials as that of the mammals, differs from it nevertheless as regards the globules. In the first place, they are more numerous; secondly, they are larger; and finally, instead of being round like a plate, they are drawn out ovally, and are almost shaped like those long dishes on which fish is usually served. I shall not attempt to give you the reason of their size and form. This is hidden from us in the same mystery which envelopes all the microscopic population of the blood; but is it not a curious thing, this strange persistency of form in the globules ofall animals of one class? In all birds they are oval; in all mammals they are round. In all? Nay, I am wrong. As if the better to hide from us the key to this riddle, nature has amused herself by making an exception. Camels and llamas, I forgot to tell you, have also globules in the form of long dishes, like the hen and the chaffinch. Find out why, if you can. As to the reason of the number, it is a very simple one. Since the energy of the blood resides in the globules, it follows that the most energetic blood will contain the largest amount of globules. Looking at you, for instance, little monkey, running and jumping about the garden, I would lay a wager, without counting first, that there are, in one drop of your blood, some millions more globules than in one of mine. Let us now go on to the digestion, with which, properly, we ought to have begun; but I preferred pointing out to you, first, the particular character which is the chief mark of distinction in the organization of the bird. 'When hens grow teeth,' says a shrewd proverb, meaning of course, _never_. Birds have no teeth, and in this respect there is no variety among them. All, from the first to the last, have uniformly the same tool to eat with--the bill, that is--which is, in all cases, composed of the same elements, two jawbones elongated to a point, and clothed in a horny armour, which makes their edges sharp and cutting. At the same time were we to review the birds in detail, as we have done the mammals, you would see that there are almost more modifications to be observed in this one single instrument than in our thirty-two teeth. All birds have a beak, but each has his own, organized expressly with reference to the kind of food needed by its owner. The eagle's beak, which mangles living prey, is pointed, bent, and hard as steel; the bill of the duck, which laps up water from ponds and puddles, in order to get worms and half-decomposed refuse out of it, is soft, and flattened like a shovel. The woodpecker's, which has to pierce the trunks of trees, is like a pickaxe; that of the humming-bird, which has to suck up the juice of flowers from the bottom of their corollas, is slender as a needle. The swallow feeds on flies, which it snaps up on the wing, and has a soft bill, which opens like a little oven. The stork picks up reptiles in the mud of the marshes; its beak is straight-pointed, cutting as a knife, and resembles a long pair of pincers. The sparrow feeds especially on hard grains, difficult to break; accordingly its beak is stumpy, short, and thick, and is arched on the upper side for still further solidity. But I should never end if I began to enumerate all the thousand varieties in the bills of birds. Each variety, too, corresponds with some peculiar sort of life, and consequently with a general conformation (easily ascertained) of the animal in which it appears. Give a naturalist the bill of a bird--only its bill remember--and he will tell you half its history without fear of being mistaken. On the other hand, we must not deceive ourselves as to the real value of this complaisant bill. Let it transform itself as it pleases into all manner of forms for the better fulfilment of its task, it makes, at the best, but a very poor instrument for mastication; nay, to say the truth, it breaks, cuts, and tears, but it never masticates at all. Thus the bird's mouthful is far from undergoing as perfect a preparation as ours does. It is no sooner taken in than it is swallowed, and the salivary glands, which are still to be found under the tongue, seem only to be there as a matter of form; what little saliva they produce is thick and sticky, and has none of the qualities necessary for making that liquid paste which our tongue sweeps up from every corner of the mouth. Besides, it must be owned that a bird's tongue would be a very awkward implement in such a task. Open a hen's bill and you will see therein a very inferior sort of porter. It is merely a dry hard lance, as it were, armed with prickles at the point, as ill-qualified for tasting as for sweeping. So the hen does not waste her time in finding out the flavor of what is thrown to her. She picks up and swallows over and over again, without appearing to experience any other pleasure than that of satisfying her appetite. Birds of prey, it is true, have rather more convenient tongues, capable, moreover, of tasting up to a certain point; and the parrot, who is a complete epicure, and chews his food philosophically, has a charming-little black one, thick, fleshy, and susceptible--a true porter, in fact-who enables Polly thoroughly to enjoy her breakfast. But certain birds who live on insects surpass even the hen in the dryness and hardness of their tongues. That of the woodpecker, especially, is a model of the kind, and deserves a few words more than the others. Picture to yourselves a long pin, terminated by an iron point with barbs like those of fish-hooks. An ingenious mechanism enables the bird to dart it out with the rapidity of lightning, far beyond his bill, upon the insects to which he gives chase. The point pierces them, and the hooks retain them, without any need of assistance from the bill. I have just told you that this bill pierces the bark of trees; but it only plays the part of gamekeepers on grand sporting occasions, who beat the bushes to make the game rise. The woodpecker's bill routs up the insects by destroying their shelter; but the real sportsman is the tongue. Good-bye to any notion of a cosy little chat in such a porter's lodge as that! What could a harpoon have to say for itself? Do not, however, let this miserable entrance-hall alarm you, at the same time, for the fate of the mouthful thus presented half-dressed to the �sophagus. You will find it only so much the better treated within. In the first place, the �sophagus, when half-way down to the stomach, swells out suddenly and forms a pocket, which is generally particularly well developed in birds who feed on grain; this is called the _crop_ in English, in French _jabot_; whence comes the application of that word to those full shirt-frills which have sometimes been the fashion. It is the pigeon's _crop_ that gives him the rounded chest over which he bridles so prettily. The crop is a receptacle where the food makes a halt: it is something between the pouch of the monkey and the paunch of the ox; a preparatory stomach, which does not, it is true, send back the grain to the bill, for the bill could do it no good, but in which that grain lies until there is room for it further on. Prom thence it resumes its journey; but, before reaching the true stomach, it passes through a second enlargement of the oesophagus, whose walls are pitted with numberless little cavities, from which pour over it the juices destined to supply the place of the saliva that was wanting above. It reaches its destination at last, but still hard, and generally whole. No matter, however. The stomach which receives it, and which is called the gizzard, is quite a different sort of thing from a useless membrane, thin and delicate like ours. It is a thick muscle of enormous power, lined inside with a kind of horny skin, so tough that nothing can break through it. You may form some idea of the prodigious strength of this organ, when I tell you that turkey-fowls have been made to swallow hollow balls of glass, so thick as not to break when dropped to the ground, and that at the end of a few days they have been found reduced almost to powder in the uninjured stomach. No fear of indigestion with such an apparatus as that. Though the grain may not have been masticated in the bill, what does it signify? There is a power here, as you see, quite equal to carrying the whole work through. Thanks, indeed, to the invaluable horn which lines it, fowls which have no teeth of their own can safely present themselves with as many and as hard ones as they please. They swallow small pebbles, which rub against the grain, during the contractions of the gizzard, and act just as effectually as if they were fixed in the jawbone. Well, this terrible gizzard performs its crushing work with such energy, that not only the grain but the pebbles themselves are ground down there, and end by being pounded into fine sand. When you rear fowls, do not forget, if you keep them shut up, to put within their reach a store of small pebbles, so that they may have teeth to run to in time of need. You remember the _pylorus_--the porter down below, who keeps the door of egress from our stomach? He is as badly provided for here as his fellow-workmen up above; worse in fact. It is a gaping hole, and we cannot expect a very strict supervision from it. Birds who feed on fruits profit by this fact to carry vegetables from one country to another. With such an easy opening, seeds have a good many chances of passing from the stomach unaltered; and then they drop from the clouds, as is supposed, hap-hazard, and germinate afterwards, when circumstances prove favorable, to grow up before the astonished eyes of the natives into plants of which they have never even heard. The French Acclimatization Society, which I spoke of lately, and which, though so modern, has correspondents all over the globe, is at this moment laboring to effect an exchange between all countries of the natural productions of their soil. But here you see that nature had thought of this before, and established her acclimatization society long ago. To complete the internal work of digestion, so feebly begun in the bill, an extremely large liver pours torrents of bile into the duodenum, and the manufacture of chyle proceeds with that wild rapidity which characterizes all the living actions of birds. But speaking of this liver, I think I ought to give you an account of a celebrated dish, considered a great dainty by epicures, called _pâtés de foies gras_--_fat liver patties_, to translate it into its meaning. Very likely you will not care to eat them after hearing my story; but that will be no great loss to you, for it is a very indigestible sort of food, and not at all good for children. You remember my telling you about Englishmen going to India and coming back with a liver-complaint, from having eaten and drunk more than the climate allowed? By an imitation of this process, human ingenuity--occasionally so cruel--has created the _pâtés de foies gras_, the glory of Strasburg. I have been in the country, and can tell you how it is managed. They shut a goose up in a square box, where there is just room for his body. They open his bill at feeding-time, and cram down with the finger as much food as can be got in. This is throttling rather than feeding it. The poor beast, who can use no resistance, since it cannot move, and who is kept in the dark to prevent excitement; the poor beast is quite unable to burn all the mass of combustibles with which the blood soon finds itself loaded. This carries them to the liver to be turned into bile; but the liver is not equal to the work, becomes loaded in its turn by unemployed materials, and grows and grows, till at last, having filled up all the space around it, it stops the play of the heart and lungs. When the animal is nearly suffocated they kill it; and this is how we come to have _pâtés de foies gras_ to eat! If they give us a fit of indigestion afterwards, it is a vengeance we richly deserve. At Toulouse, where the same trade is carried on on a large scale, they used formerly to go even beyond this. They fastened the goose by the feet before the fire-place, after having put out its eyes. The imitation of the Englishman's proceeding was still more perfect here, for the fire acted the part of the Indian sun to perfection. I do not know that part of the country well enough to tell you whether they have quite given up this piece of wicked ingenuity; all I can say is, I devoutly hope so. The intestine of birds is much shorter than that of mammals. Here everything is done at full gallop, and the chyle has not to go far before it is absorbed. I have before me a book, in which I am told that the wagtails eaten in France can be fattened in twenty-four hours, if you only know how to set about it, and these birds are not rare; they belong to the same family as the red-breasts, the tomtits, and the nightingale. Thrushes and wheatears (ortolans) require, for the same purpose, four or five days in the same country, left to themselves to roam about, when the vine keeps open table for them. This incredible quickness, not only in digesting, but, what is much more, in transforming food into fresh living material (_assimilating_ it, as it is called), has often a fatal result for the bird. He is prohibited from fasting; his life is a fire of straw, which must be replenished unceasingly, or it will die out in the twinkling of an eye. Our own little birds--children--eat oftener than grown-up people, and if by any accident they are kept waiting awhile, they soon cry out with hunger. You know this, do you not? Well, then, if any one should give you a bird to keep in a cage, remember that you have undertaken a great responsibility, and that it will not do to be careless with him. To neglect feeding him for one day is to run the risk of finding him starved to death next morning. With this warning, I will conclude my chapter on birds. I hope I have not spoken in vain in behalf of those poor little captive songsters, whose fragile lives are at the mercy of their young masters and mistresses. LETTER XXXV. REPTILIA. (_Reptiles_.) Passing from birds to reptiles is like falling from a torrent into still water. Life drags on as sluggishly with the second as it dashes furiously forward with the first. I spoke to you just now about a fire of straw: now we have a fire such as Frenchwomen make in their _chaufferettes_, or foot-stoves. A handful of charcoal-dust, and a few live embers between two layers of ashes, is enough for the whole day; which is economical, is it not? but then it throws out only just warmth enough to keep one's feet comfortable. And so it is with reptiles. They live at very small expense. If you feed them once a month they will not complain, for so slow a fire does not often need replenishing with combustibles. It is even said that the experiment has been carried so far with tortoises that they have been made to fast for more than a year, and still the charcoal fire kept up its languid pace. Of course, on the other hand, there is not nearly so much oxygen consumed at once upon such a diet as this. Where a bird would perish twenty times over in five minutes for want of oxygen, a lizard can remain whole hours with impunity. Moreover, the animal heat of reptiles is in proportion to their expenditure of it. Graceful as is the snake (that living jewel so often copied by bracelet-makers), you feel on touching it an instinctive horror, caused by the thrill of cold it produces. All the animals we have considered hitherto have warm blood, and bear within themselves the source of their heat, which is pretty nearly always the same. But reptiles are cold-blooded, and heat comes to them chiefly from without. If, at the end of a cold winter, we go to some favorable corner to catch the first rays of spring sunshine, we feel ourselves almost re-born, as it were, as if a new life had come into us with the sunbeams. Look at the little lizard you see frisking on the white stones of the wall; upon him decidedly the sun is darting actual life from its rays. While the cold lasted he staid squatting in his hiding-place--not asleep, but annihilated--congealed, so to speak, like water caught by the frost; no longer digesting, and hardly breathing, he had ceased to live in reality: and it is no imaginary regeneration which the return of warmth brings to him. Like those helpless people who have not the power to carve out their own destinies, reptiles have within them only an insufficient source of animation; their life is at the mercy of the sun, and is high or low, according as that rises or sets in the heavens. At Martinique, where at noonday it darts its devouring rays perpendicularly upon the cane-fields, and every one flies into the shade to escape its scorching heat, the rattlesnake traverses the country, monarch of all he surveys; he strikes rapidly with a vigorous tail upon the calcined ground; and woe then to any one who receives his bite! All the fire of the atmosphere has passed into his frame. Now go to the Zoological Gardens, and see him there: he crawls languidly under the coverings that shelter him; if by chance he bites any one, it is with an idle tooth that no longer knows how to kill; his life was left behind with the sun of the tropics, and it is little more than a corpse that you are looking at. And so among ourselves, my dear child: we meet with people whose whole power comes from without, who are brilliant and haughty in the sunshine of good fortune, but crest-fallen, cowardly, and cringing in the cold days of adversity. Nevertheless, they are constituted originally like other people: they are neither greater fools as a general rule, nor less gifted than their neighbors; where they fail is in the heart, but that is enough to spoil everything. And so with reptiles: the heart is their weak point also. Like us, they have lungs into which the air pours without any difficulty, and a heart to send the blood to them; so it seems at first sight as if there could be nothing to prevent their resisting the changes of external temperature just as well as ourselves. There is only one small trifle wanting, and that is a partition in the middle of the heart; but this one defect is enough to disorder the whole machinery. You know that, with us, the heart is divided into two compartments: the right ventricle, which receives the venous blood from the organs and sends it to the lungs; the left ventricle, which receives it (now become arterial) from the lungs and returns it to the organs. Hence the double system of veins and arteries, the one going from the heart to the lungs, the other from the heart to the organs. All this is found the same in reptiles: except that the partition, which separates our two ventricles from each other, does not exist in them; and the heart has only one common room, in which, therefore, arterial and venous blood become mixed together. It follows from this that, at each contraction of the heart, it is a mixture of arterial and venous blood which is sent in the two opposite directions at the same time, and that the organs receive some which has been used before, while the lungs have some returned to them which has been regenerated already. Now, on the one hand, this mixed blood can only keep up an imperfect combustion in the body (like the live embers between two layers of ashes that we spoke of lately), and, on the other hand, the air in the lungs can only act upon a part of the blood it meets with there, the rest having already undergone the regenerating process. And this accounts for both the feeble animal heat and the small consumption of oxygen in reptiles. Added to which the lungs of a reptile are coarsely constructed, and composed of cells enormous in comparison with ours, so that the blood does not find nearly as many little chambers to rush into for a taste of air as with us. Moreover, you must understand that there is no such thing as a diaphragm here: the lungs float loosely in the form of elongated bags in the one only cavity of the body, and the slight movement of the ribs does not allow them to dilate sufficiently to take in much air at a time. All these things, taken together, make the reptile a very poor stove, and render him incapable of any prolonged exertion. The serpent darts like an arrow upon his prey; but he could not pursue it for half a mile without stopping, not even over the burning soil of the equator. The lizard is very nimble, is it not? and the quickness of its movements rather reminds one of the agility of a bird. But watch it, and you will see it only moves in jerks, and keeps stopping every minute; it cannot escape you if there is no hole near into which it can disappear. In France there is a large green lizard that runs among the vine trees. If you pursue him he is off like lightning for a second; then he stops suddenly short. You return to the charge, and he starts afresh, but only to stop again. At the fourth or fifth attack he is quite out of breath; you poke him with the stick with which you have been hunting him, but in vain; there he lies motionless, in spite of his alarm. A few steps have brought him to the end of his powers, like a man whose heart is diseased and who cannot go far. This, however, is a peculiarity common to all reptiles. Each of the three orders of which this third class of Vertebrata is composed has its own particular history besides. You must excuse my mentioning the barbarous names that have been given them, and allow me to call them _tortoises_, _lizards_, and _serpents_, like other people. The hard names mean no more than these; but they are Greek, which is always more imposing. The slowness of the tortoise has passed into a proverb, which is not to be wondered at; for they cannot inhale the air, because their ribs (which are a reptile's only resource for breathing) are condemned to absolute immobility. The _carapace_, or shell, which the tortoise carries on his back, and under which it retreats upon the least alarm, as under a shield, is really formed of its ribs, each of which has widened itself so as to join on to its neighbor, like the boards of an inlaid floor, which run one into another. Of course there is no question of moving up and down with such ribs, and the poor bellows cannot work at all. How does the tortoise get out of this difficulty then, you will ask? I answer, it swallows air, as we should swallow a glass of water. You see its mouth open and then shut again, thereby taking in an actual mouthful of air, which the sides of the mouth, by contracting themselves, send straight to the lungs. These, which are very large, get filled in this way by degrees, and, when they are quite inflated, they expel the overplus by collapsing, like an over-stretched spring. You may imagine that this does not produce a very active respiration, and that a tortoise would be puzzled to run at even a moderate trot. To be sure, when he has once filled his great lungs with air, he has enough for a long time. Most tortoises are aquatic, and, as divers, leave the cetaceans far behind. Méry, an obscure French naturalist of the days of the Empire, pretended that he had kept in his house, _for a month_, some tortoises, whose breathing he had completely stopped. Only imagine from this how far their life must be below ours, although it is the result of similar actions, performed by organs which after all are copies (imperfect ones, it is true) of our own. Some tortoises feed on vegetable substances, and some upon fish or small soft-bodied animals. Like birds, they mash their food with difficulty, by means of a real bill. Their jawbones are generally arched forward toward the front, and are furnished with sharp horny plates, in which a fairly-marked denticulation or notching may sometimes be traced, as in the bills of birds of prey. Indeed there is one, the _caretta_, whose hooked and notched beak so completely recalls the warlike bill of a hawk, that it is usually known by the name of the "Hawk's-bill Turtle." You ought to know about this tortoise, for it is the one which furnishes tortoise-shell, that nice material which is so smooth to the touch, so pretty to look at, and so very fragile, that it seems only fit for the use of ladies' hands. I could hardly speak of tortoises without saying something of this one, out of whose back was carved the handle of your own pretty little penknife. Behind this bill of the hawk's-bill there is a tongue, but of the character of a whale's tongue, and it is fastened underneath to the bottom of the mouth. At the base of it there is a sort of fleshy pad or cushion, which serves instead of a soft palate, that being another detail which is about to disappear from our history. We are now really entering upon the simplification of the digestive tube, which will, I forewarn you, end by being nothing more than a perfectly straight pipe, without any appendages whatever. In tortoises the intestine is still tolerably long, and is doubled up backwards and forwards many times in the abdomen; but it is already beginning to lose that variety of form which its different parts assumed in the higher animals. The large intestine can no longer be clearly distinguished from the smaller one, nor this from the stomach, which itself seems to be a continuation of the oesophagus, without any very distinct boundary line between them. The porter, who with us keeps the door of the stomach, does his duty here so badly, that there are certain kinds of tortoises whose oesophagus is covered with spines, the points inclined backward, to prevent the food from rising up into the mouth whilst the oesophagus is driving it down by its contractions. In the gray lizards of our walls we find teeth again, but very different from any that we have hitherto seen. In the first place, they are not content with their usual place on the edge of the jaws, but encroach upon the surface of the palate, where they stretch out in close lines. Besides, they are even still less like teeth than the great nails in the jaws of the cetaceans. They are little ivory prongs, with the points turned inwards, analogous to the thorns of the oesophagus in the tortoise, and serve the lizard solely to retain and bruise his prey. He lives on insects, especially flies, which he seizes on the wing with the greatest skill, hastily catching and engulphing them in his open jaw; they pierce themselves on the little prongs, and are swallowed promiscuously. The tongue of the lizard has also a curious peculiarity, which is shared by that of the serpent: it is divided at the end into two threads, which dart in and out of its mouth, and by means of which it laps, like a dog, the few drops of water it requires to satisfy its thirst. I have seen lizards which had been tamed by children greedily sucking up the saliva from their lips by drawing across them those little forked tongues of theirs, which, after all, are very soft, and perfectly inoffensive. The tongue of the chameleon, another species of lizard, is still more curious. You must know that the chameleon is a lumbering lazy animal, who feeds on flies and other swift insects, and who would, therefore, be constantly liable to go without his dinner but that his tongue serves him for a hunting weapon, like those of the wood-pecker and the ant-eater. When at rest, it is an oval spongy mass, lying comfortably in the mouth, with nothing formidable in its appearance; but let the prey come frisking round the chameleon, as if despising so helpless an enemy, and this great soft tongue is transformed into an active dart. It shoots forth like an arrow, and will sometimes seize the rash intruder at half a foot's distance, transferring it with equal rapidity to the motionless mouth. The blow is so soon struck, that it is very difficult to see how it all happens. Some say that the chameleon curves the tip of his tongue by a sudden effort, and then catches his flies with it, just as you would catch them with your hand. Others maintain (and this is the general opinion) that the tongue of the chameleon is terminated by a sort of sticky cushion, on which the flies are caught, like birds with birdlime. This singular dart is always out-jerked with such force that, if it strikes against a glass (the experiment has been tried with chameleons in captivity), it makes a sound as loud as that of a pea from a pea-shooter; so you may judge if it is not strong enough to stun a fly. Besides this, too, the chameleon (who is by-the-by, a hideous little beast) has given endless trouble to naturalists on another and very different point. It is he who is so celebrated for his faculty of changing color when any emotion agitates him; and ever since the days of Aristotle, who lived more than two thousand years ago, people have been trying to explain this, without any one being able to flatter himself that he has found out the exact answer to the riddle. But there is a lizard more interesting still, and that is the crocodile. He stands alone among reptiles. His heart has two ventricles, and you would think that he ought to be included in the class of warm-blooded animals. But, no. The separation of the two kinds of blood takes place in the heart, it is true, and it is really true arterial blood which the aorta carries away from the left ventricle. But the right ventricle has two doors of exit. One communicates with the lungs, the other with the aorta; and the latter has hardly performed its distribution in the upper part of the body when it meets, as it descends, with a treacherous tube bringing to it a current of venous blood. In this way only half the blood that comes from the veins passes on to be regenerated by contact with the air, and all the hinder part of the body receives nothing but the mixed blood common to reptiles, while the head and fore members enjoy the privilege of the superior orders. After this go and lay down your laws of classification! Nature, while maintaining amongst all animals the same principle of life--the regeneration of the blood by oxygen--has in their construction followed many systems leading to the same result by different combinations, and which seem to permit the establishment of essential distinctions among them. Here is an animal who, if I may so express myself, is climbing up from one system to the other, and you would have to cut him in two before you could classify him properly, since his fore-quarters have risen to the warm-blooded animals, while his hind ones are left behind among the cold-blooded reptiles! But there is something which even outdoes this. On dry land the crocodile is timid, faltering, a bad walker, incapable of regular combat, and a man can manage him with a stick. One feels that he is betrayed by the hinder half of his body, through which circulates the only half-oxygenized blood. But when once he has plunged into the water his whole behavior suddenly alters; he is a ferocious being, high-mettled, indomitable, a savage enemy, redoubling his exertions, as if the entire mass of his blood had suddenly become arterial. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, who followed Bonaparte as a scientific explorer when he set out for the conquest of Egypt, the country of crocodiles, was deeply struck by studying on the spot this double life, which seems in a way to maintain two beings in the same body. He afterwards gave an extremely curious explanation of it in his work on the crocodiles of Egypt. Here it is; but I forewarn you that you will not understand it: "The crocodile, when it is under water, receives by two canals into the cavity of the abdomen, a considerable quantity of water, which the animal can renew at will." You are not much the wiser, are you? But wait a moment. We are soon coming to the fishes, and you will then see what an unlimited scope nature has allowed herself here. Not satisfied with two systems in one animal, she appears to have got hold of three. If we continue the examination of this privileged reptile, we shall find many other infractions of the usual rules of his class. His tongue, certainly, is fastened to his mouth like that of the tortoise, so much so that the ancient Egyptians told the Greeks he had not got one; but his set of teeth clearly approach those of the lower mammals. You have probably heard a great deal of the strength of the crocodile's formidable teeth. Travellers have given them this reputation; but we have nothing to do with that now. They stand in battle array, in a single line, along the whole length of the jaws, into which they are sunk with genuine fangs, whilst the prongs of our little lizard are merely fastened to the surface of the bones which support them. Indeed, in one way, the crocodile is even better provided than the mammals. He possesses under each tooth one or two germs, the life of which lasts as long as that of the animal, and which are always there ready toreplace the previous one should it chance to fall out. There are many ladies, and (not to be rude) gentlemen as well, who would, I am sure, give a great deal to have as many teeth at their service. Indeed, they may possibly think Dame Nature very unjust to have selected this great villanous beast rather than us as the object of a gift which they would have been so well able to appreciate. But we must not blame nature too quickly: she had her reasons. We, during our infancy, have teeth in reserve. Now, a reptile may be considered as an imperfect rough draft of a mammal; and the crocodile gives one thoroughly the idea of a mammal half-finished and fixed for life in a state of childhood. I am sorry that I cannot enter into full details, that you might see how far the idea is a just one. Moreover, in his character of a perpetual child, he is always growing bigger all his life long, and never seems able to die but by accident, hardly ever, I may really say, from old age. By specimens kept in captivity, it has been ascertained that their growth is very slow. Well, imagine their being only from seven to eight inches long when they come out of the shell, and that full-grown crocodiles have been found thirty feet in length, and calculate accordingly. You will not account for it under a century; and I should like to know what would become of this venerable child of more than a hundred years old if kind Mother Nature had not left him our system of milk-teeth to the end? A curious peculiarity of these persistent teeth is, that they are hollow inside, so much so, that the bowls of tobacco-pipes are said to be made from them in Europe. I mention the fact, although of no great interest to you, for the benefit of any pipe-merchants who have not yet thought of sending for such things to Cairo. But let us return to the efforts perceptible in the organization of the crocodile to raise itself to a higher level. The soft palate, as we called it (Letter VII.), is wanting in other reptiles; but here there is one which completely closes the entrance of the windpipe (the larynx). I announced, too, the disappearance of the diaphragm; and we bewailed together the loss of that servant of the good old times, whose touching history you must, I am sure, remember. But I reckoned without this wretched crocodile, who seems determined to give the lie to all we have been saying. He has a diaphragm, and one which acts well enough in the main, although it is pierced right through the middle, as if it were rather ashamed of being there, and wished to make up for dividing the body into two compartments, against all proper reptile regulations, by opening a door of communication between them. What shall I tell you besides? The lungs, not to be behind the rest of this aristocratic reptile's organization, are hollowed into cells much more complicated than those of his fellows. You find here no end of nooks and corners, which multiply opportunities of contact between the air and the blood, and so give the crocodile almost the respiration of the mammals, as he has already got pretty nearly their system of circulation. With serpents, again, we fall very low. When we were speaking of the tortoises I told you that, in proportion as we come down in the scale, the digestive tube has a tendency to get rid of its accessories, and to assume the appearance of a perfectly straight tube. If any one were to cut open a serpent before you, you would see this final condition almost reached already. In the first place, the soft palate is entirely suppressed, and the mouth extends straight into the oesophagus, whose tube seems to run through the whole length of the body without interruption, with just four or five doublings towards the base, in that part which represents the intestines. An imperceptible swelling indicates the place where the real stomach lies within; but in another sense one may call the oesophagus, and I might almost add the mouth itself, its stomach. You shall see how. The jaws of serpents are even in a more unfinished state than those of other reptiles. Nature has not taken the time to weld the different parts of them together; but these begin by not being very firmly joined, remember, in young mammals. The bones of the head, which support the jaws, are themselves movable, and can be detached from the skull if necessary, so as to allow the throat to open extraordinarily wide; thus it is not uncommon to see a serpent swallow animals much larger than itself. You will be horrified when I tell you that the anaconda, one of the giants of the family, swallows large quadrupeds at a single mouthful. What are our mouthfuls in comparison with his? however, it must be confessed, that his often take several days to go down. When the animal has rolled up his prey in his terrible folds, he pounds and kneads it till it is reduced to a kind of long roll, which he moistens with a copious slaver to make it slip down more easily. Then, attacking it at one end, he fastens this very expansive jaw upon it, and the gigantic mouthful slowly begins its journey; what was left outside the mouth, advancing little by little, in proportion as the digestion reduces what has entered to pulp, and sends it farther down. This is on great occasions; but in the case of more modest prey--a rabbit, for instance--the mouthful goes in whole at one gulp and remains stationary, partly in the oesophagus, partly in the stomach, while the powerful juices distilled by the walls of the latter are dissolving it. You can see that a soft palate would have been quite useless here, and that the serpent has not much need of teeth to chew his food. Accordingly, his are nothing but simple prongs, like those of the lizard, and, like his, they extend over the palate, the more effectually to cut off the return of the swallowed masses of food. About a hundred and twenty have been counted in the throat of the boa-constrictor; but their number varies considerably in the different species. They are not organs of the highest order, and nature is not very particular about the quantity. There is only one tooth among serpents of which she takes any particular care, and that is the venomous tooth which she has bestowed on certain species, and which serves them for striking down, as it were, the animals on which they feed. Let us study it in the rattlesnake, the most celebrated of this odious race. On each side of the upper jaw you may see, isolated from the others, and exceeding them all in length, a very sharp fang pierced through by a tiny canal, which opens into a gland placed at the root of the tooth. The bone which supports this little apparatus is very flexible, and when at rest, the fang, falling back, hides itself in a fold of the gum. When the animal wishes to bite, it springs up again, and the gland, compressed by the action of biting, sends into the little canal a jet of poison, which runs through it into the wound. As far as can be ascertained, this poison paralyses the victim and disorders the blood, which at once loses its power, and no longer acts upon the organs as before; still it is only injurious when it has been carried by the current of circulation into the mass of the blood; if swallowed, it has no effect whatever on the stomach. Now do not look at me with such incredulous eyes, as if it were quite impossible any one should think of swallowing such a thing. You have no idea what a scientific man is capable of when he comes to close quarters with nature, for the purpose of extracting one of her secrets. He has his own fields of battle, where very often as much courage is displayed as on any other. These two fangs, in which lie all the power of the animal, are of the greatest importance to him, and their want of solidity makes them liable to remain in the wounds which they have made. In consequence of this, they enjoy the same privilege as the teeth of the crocodile, and in a still greater degree even. Behind each poison fang lie in wait, not one nor two, but several sentinel germs, ready at the first alarm of a loss to set to work and re-supply the disarmed serpent with his venomous needle. So the serpent also lives in a state of perpetual childhood: he is always growing; and I could not tell you the exact natural limits of his life any more than of that of the crocodile. They are gentlemen who do not allow themselves to be very closely studied in a state of freedom. But these also grow very slowly, and some have been met with whose size had extended quite enormously from their first start. I ought to tell you, once for all, that this indefinite growth, joined to extreme longevity, is found in many of the inferior species whom we have yet to consider. It seems the portion of these unfinished creatures, in which nature has only as it were sketched in her work, and who seem vowed to endless youth, in testimony of the state of childhood they represent, a state transitory among the superior animals, but permanent with them. It belonged of right, therefore, to the serpent, which is the most unfinished animal we have yet met with, and who, at the first glance, seems almost reduced to a mere digestive tube, lodged between a vertebral column and a series of small ribs, whose number sometimes reaches three hundred. The liver, which, with us, presents such a distinct and bulky mass, is here elongated into a thin cord, which runs the whole length of the oesophagus and intestine, to the walls of which it is, to some extent, attached. It is the same with the lungs. There is rarely room for the full development of two in this narrow conduit, where everything has to follow the shape of the master of the house: one, therefore, is often merely indicated by a very slight protuberance; the other, presenting the appearance of a long tube, which extends nearly half-way down the body, and whose feeble action halts periodically at each of those monstrous repasts, after which the torpid animal becomes nothing but a huge digesting machine. We have now reached the extreme limits of that organization, the most perfect model of which we find in man, and which is no longer to be recognized in fishes. LETTER XXXVI. PISCES. (_Fishes._) We are becoming terribly learned, my poor child, and I am half afraid you will be getting tired of me. When I was little myself, I had rather a fancy for breaking open those barking pasteboard dogs you know so well; to see what was inside them. Why should you not, then, feel a certain amount of interest in looking with me into the insides of real animals? Still I cannot conceal from myself that the subject grows very serious at last, and that while I am busied in struggling to make myself intelligible through the endless crowd of facts which surround me, I am apt to neglect chatting with you as we go along. Happily, however, here is an opportunity for so doing. Up to the present time we have lived, as it were, upon the explanations I gave you whilst studying the action of life in yourself, and all the organs we have met with since, have been only, properly speaking, reproductions, more or less exact, of those which you yourself possess. But, in passing over into the kingdom of fishes, we find ourselves in the presence of something altogether new, and I must go back to our old familiar style of talking to open the subject. Take a water-bottle half-filled with water, and shake it well, and you will see a quantity of white froth come to the surface of the liquid. This is the air which having been drawn in by the water, as it went up and down in the bottle, is now struggling to fly off again in bubbles as fast as it can. But the whole of it does not get away; a small portion remains behind, and melts, as it were, into the water, as a morsel of sugar would do, taking up its abode therein. This seems odd to you, but I will tell you how you may convince yourself of the fact. Get a small white glass bottle, slightly rounded, and thin at the bottom, if possible; fill it with water, and hold it for a short time over a lighted taper. If you do this carefully there is no danger. You will soon see tiny little balls, looking like drops of silver, rise from the bottom of the bottle, come up to the surface, and burst. This is the air which was installed in the water, as I described above, and which is now running away from the heat of the candle, as the inhabitants run away from a house on fire. After a time the whole will have passed off, and the little balls will cease to rise. But what has all this to do with fishes? you ask. A very great deal, I assure you, dear child. If there had been a little fish in your bottle, before it was exposed to the flame, it would have found means to make use of that air, whose original presence in the water you cannot refuse to believe after having seen it come out. It is with this air that fishes breathe in the water. They do so rather feebly, I admit; but, as if to make up to them for the small amount of the air placed at their disposal, it contains more oxygen than that we breathe ourselves, because oxygen, dissolving more readily in water than nitrogen, is there in greater proportion. Of course, you do not suppose that fishes have lungs like ours? I dare say you know the two large openings on each side of their head, called _gills_, by which the fishermen string them together to carry them away more easily? It is there you will find their lungs, to which the name of _branchiae_, or gills, has been given, because they are so different from other organs of respiration that it was impossible to use one word for the two. The arrangement of the gills varies considerably in the different species, but their general form is the same everywhere. They are composed of a number of plates, consisting of an infinitude of leaflets, arranged like a fringe, and suspended by bony arches, into which plates and leaflets the blood pours from a thousand invisible canals. First of all, then, we must see how blood circulates in fishes. Like reptiles, their heart has only one ventricle, and yet the arterial and venous blood go each its separate way without the slightest risk of being mixed; but this is because fishes have not that double system of veins and arteries which hitherto we have always met with. The venous blood goes to the heart, which drives it into the gills, from whence it passes forward of its own accord, as arterial blood into the organs, under the remote influence of the original impetus from the heart, the newly-arrived blood incessantly driving the other before it into the vessels of circulation. It does not flow very quickly, as you may suppose; and as the heart is close to the head, its action is but very feebly felt at the extremity of the body, when this happens to be very long. Nature has, in consequence, taken pity on the eel, whose tail is so far from its heart, and provided accordingly. Dr. Marshall Hall has discovered near the tip a second, reinforcing heart, so to speak, which has its own pulsations, independent of the pulsations of the one above, and gives a fresh impetus to the sluggish blood, [Footnote: Many observers refer this to the lymphatic system.--TR.] which otherwise, as it would seem, would scarcely be able to accomplish the long return journey. Finally, even with an additional heart in thetail, the circulation among fishes is quite on a par with their respiration. They have a melancholy steward, whose legs are very heavy, and his pockets very light, and their life comes down a peg lower in consequence. It is always the same life nevertheless--you must never lose sight of that fact: it gets low in consequence of the imperfection of the machine, but without changing its nature, any more than the light in our different sorts of lighting apparatus. You remember that comparison of the lamp with which I began my story, and which you could not at the time see the full value of? From a dungeon lamp up to a candle, you have always grease burning in the air at the end of the threads of a wick. It does not burn equally well everywhere, and does not always give the same amount of light; but that is all the difference. From the mammal to the fish, it is always hydrogen and carbon (as we have said of the grease) which oxygen sets on fire in the human body at the fine-drawn extremities of the blood-vessels; only the fire is lower in some than others, and the life with it. Let us now look at the circulation of water in the fish's body. The gills communicate with the mouth by a sort of grating, formed by the bony arches to which the gill-plates are suspended. The fish begins by swallowing water, which then passes through the grating and circulates round the innumerable leaflets of which each plate is composed, and among which creep the blood-vessels. It is through the thin coats of these leaflets that the mysterious exchange is made of the unemployed oxygen in the water and the carbonic acid in the blood. When this is over, the cover which closes the gills opens to let out the water, and a fresh gulp takes its place; and so on continually. When the fish is out of the water its gills fall together and dry up; the course of the blood, already so weak, is interrupted by the breaking down and shrinking of the vessels, and the animal can no longer breathe; so that we have here the curious instance of a creature breathing oxygen like ourselves, who is drowned, if we may use the expression, in the air in which we find life, and lives in the water in which we are drowned. While he is in the water matters take another course, and his gills, moistened and supported, accommodate themselves perfectly to the contact of the air, which desires nothing better than to give up its oxygen to the blood, through the coats of the capillaries. Accordingly you will often see fishes--carps, for example--come to the surface of the water to inhale the air like a mammal or a reptile. This is a valuable resource, which supplements the parsimonious allowance of air given out to them by the water. There are even certain fishes whose gills, more firmly closed than those of others, have, in addition, a number of cells, which retain for a considerable time a sufficient quantity of water to preserve the gills in their natural state. These fishes can easily take an airing on land, where they breathe the air as you or I do, and are downright amphibians. The most celebrated of these is the _Anabas_, or "climbing-fish." an Indian fish, which not only can remain many days out of the water, but also amuses itself by climbing up the palm trees--it is hard to say how--and establishing itself in the little pools of water left by the rain at the roots of the leaves. But we need not go to India to find those wandering fishes. There is one of them living among ourselves who can walk about in the grass, and I was talking to you about him only just now--that is the eel. If you ever put eels in a fish-pond you must, I assure you, try to make it agreeable to them, otherwise they will have no scruple in setting politeness at defiance and moving off to seek their fortune elsewhere. In a country walk, when the dew is on the ground, you yourself may chance to come across one or two of these gentlemen, who have had their reasons for changing their residence, and whom you will see gliding so briskly along that they will deceive you into taking them for snakes if you have not a very experienced eye; so much so, that in certain parts of France where the peasants ate snakes formerly, they reconciled themselves to the sickly idea by christening them _hedgerow-eels_. On the other hand, fishes may be drowned in water just as easily as ourselves if it does not contain air. The little fish who could have lived very well in the bottle we were just now talking about before you exposed it to the flame of the taper, would have died in it after all the air-bubbles had gone off; and I hope I need not tell you why. In the same way, if you leave fishes too long in a small quantity of water without renewing it, they suffer exactly as we do if the air which we breathe is not changed often enough. As soon as they have consumed what oxygen is in the water, it can no longer keep them alive. It is then, especially, you will see them come gasping to the surface to call upon the air for help. Those who keep gold fish in a glass bowl ought to know this, and to change their water oftener than is generally done. When we take poor little creatures from their natural way of life, and set a human providence over them in the place of the Divine one which has hitherto been their safeguard, the least we can do is to acquaint ourselves with the laws of their existence, so that we may not expose them to the risk of suffering by our ignorance. Finally, there are fishes whose gills, still more greedy of oxygen, will not act well except in thoroughly aerated water, and who would soon die in our tanks. This is the case with the trout, who is only happy in the waters of hilly countries; rich with all the air they have carried along with them as they fell from rock to rock. Now that people are beginning to do with fishes what has long since been done with sheep and oxen--keep them in flocks to have them always ready for use--you may perhaps hear a good deal said about vessels made expressly for the carriage of trout, with a thousand inventions besides for sending air into the water, and you will not have to ask the meaning of this now. I promised last time that I would revert in the chapter of fishes to that marvellous transformation of the crocodile which has been explained by the torrent of water he draws into his stomach. You could understand nothing about it the other day; but after what we have just seen the explanation suggests itself. Just as the extraordinary activity of life in birds is explained by that double oxygenization of blood, of which part takes place in the lungs and part in the reservoirs of air placed everywhere in the way of the capillaries, so this sudden increase of energy in the crocodile the moment it plunges into water may be explained by a second respiration suddenly established in the vast cavity of the abdomen, by the contact of the capillaries with the water which penetrates there. Hence the crocodile would then have, like the bird, a double respiration: only with him the one would be permanent and from the lungs, the other temporary and from the stomach. By this, on the one hand, he would rise up to the birds, since the blood encounters air twice over in its course, while, at the same time, he would plunge into the world of fishes, since the blood has to seek air in the water. The above, be it remembered, is only a supposition, and I ought to add that in this case there would be a good deal of danger in observing nature at work, for in front of the laboratory, where she is toiling in secret, stands on guard a row of teeth, by no means encouraging to indiscreet intruders. At the same time, if there ever were a legitimate conjecture, this is it. Everything seems to confirm it; and if it be true, we should have in the crocodile a specimen of each of the four systems adopted by nature for the mammal, the bird, the reptile and the fish. At first I spoke of two, then of three; so that even in my addition I was modestly below the mark, and had really some grounds for recommending our friends the classifiers to beware what they asserted in this case. Talking of puzzling classifications, this is just the place for mentioning the _batrachians_, who have been made into a class by themselves, but who most distinctly belong to two classes at the same time; not like the crocodile by details borrowed from each, but by a fundamental change which takes place at a certain period in their organization. The batrachians are in reality reptiles, but they are reptiles which begin by being fishes, and real fishes too. If you have ever strolled about in the country, you must have often come across those great pools of water which collect at rainy seasons in the ruts of deep lanes. Amuse yourself by looking into them in early summer, and unless the land is too parched and dry, the chances are that you will see quantities of little black fishes, almost entirely composed of a long tail joined to a large head, playing jovially in the muddy waters, and looking as if they had dropped there from the skies. These are young frogs--_tadpoles_, as we call them--and they are beginning their apprenticeship of life. Enclosed in each side of those great heads, they have gills, and they breathe in the same manner as fishes. Presently the two hind feet begin to bud out and grow, little by little; then the fore feet; finally, the tail wastes away till it disappears; and thus insensibly the tadpole is transformed into a frog. Observe here that the tadpole's gills share the same fate as his fish-tail; they wither and disappear by slow degrees, and gradually as they do so, his lungs are developed. The animal changes his class very quietly, and without ceasing to be genuinely the same, although it would be impossible at last to recognize the old individual in the new if you had not heard its history beforehand. This is one of the most striking exemplifications I know of the mysterious process by which nature has insensibly raised animals from one class to another, always improving upon her original plan without ever abandoning it. On the shores of certain subterranean lakes which exist in Carniola, a country subject at this time to Austria, there are to be found batrachians far more ambitious than our frog--namely, the _proteans_. These cumulate rather than change: they become reptiles without ceasing to be fishes, if I may so express it; they develop lungs as they grow up, and yet keep their gills. I could tell you a thousand other particulars about these batrachians if I were to examine them all in succession; for it is a very motley family, in the bosom of which the transition from reptiles to fishes is in some imperceptible manner accomplished; from the frog, which the unanimous consent of mankind has always ranked among reptiles, to the axolotl or siren, who lives in Mexican lakes; and who, feature for feature, is exactly like a carp, with four little feet fastened under him. To be quite in order, the batrachians ought to have followed the reptiles, for their interior organization is the same; but how could I tell you about their gills without explaining that there was air in the water? and I did not want, for the sake of these intruders, whose babyhood-gills only just appear and disappear, to rob the history of the fishes of its most interesting points. Let us be satisfied, then, with this passing glance at a dubious class, whose history is only a repetition of two others, and let us return to our friends the fishes. We have seen how they breathe, now let us look how they eat. The modifications of the digestive apparatus are endless among fishes. The lampreys, who are placed in the lower ranks of the class, carry out to its fullest extent the type which we have already seen indicated in the serpent. The digestive tube is quite straight, without any perceptible swelling, and does not even go the whole length of the body. It comes to an end at some distance from the tail. Among some fishes an odd tendency begins to display itself, which we shall meet with again farther on. The digestive tube, after going downwards towards the bottom of the body, as we have seen it do so constantly hitherto, doubles back, and comes up again to the throat, under which it empties itself. In most cases the stomach is distinct; but it assumes a thousand different forms; as if nature had wished to try her hand in all sorts of ways in the construction of these imperfect vertebrates, before adopting the definite model which was to serve for the others. The liver is enormous, and generally contains a great quantity of oil, the taste of which you will know if you have ever swallowed a spoonful of cod-liver oil; but in most fishes its old companion, the _pancreas_, has disappeared. In its stead you will find, close by the outlet of the pylorus, the open ends of certain small tubes, which are shut in at their upper extremity like a "blind alley," and through which descends into the interstices a thick glairy fluid, given out from their sides or walls. The result is the same, you see, although the organ is different; and, remarkably enough, these little tubes are wanting among fishes, which, like carp, have a species of salivary glands in their mouths, of which the others show no trace; from which one may fairly conclude that these glands and tubes mutually supply each other's places. Here, then, you see an instance of the light which different animal organisations throw upon each other when they are compared together. In fact, this one establishes pretty clearly the real office of the pancreas in the higher races, exhibiting it to us as an internal salivary gland, intended to complete the work only begun by those in the mouth, in the case of lazy people who swallow their food too quickly. There is the same diversity in the mouth as in the intestine. Some fishes, like the skate, have no tongue at all. Others, instead of a tongue, have a hard dry filament, very nearly immovable, and which one would think was put there like a stake, to show the place where the tongue is to be found in the more perfect organisations. There are even fishes, like the perch and the pike, whose tongue is furnished with teeth, or rather fangs; an evident sign that it has forfeited the confidential position occupied by your own good little porter. You must know also that the perch and the pike, like many other of their fellows, have teeth all over the mouth. This invasion of the palate by teeth, which began in the lizard and the serpent, assumes alarming proportions here. It is not merely the roof of the palate which is spiked with teeth: above, below, at the sides, everywhere to the very limits of the oesophagus, the little fangs triumphantly stick out their slender points. It is impossible, therefore, to state their number. Nature has scattered them broadcast without counting, just as she has done with the hairs of the beard round the human mouth; and the comparison is not so impertinent as you may think. They sometimes form an actual internal beard, even thicker than our outer one, and which sprouts from the skin into the bargain. There is one fish whose teeth are so delicate and so close together that, in passing your finger over them, you would think you were touching velvet. This does not refer to the shark, mind. His teeth are sharp-cutting notched blades, hard as steel, arranged in threatening rows round the entrance of his mouth, and cut a man in two as easily as your incisors do a piece of apple. Others, such as the skate, have their mouths paved--that is the proper term--with perfectly flat teeth. The first time your mamma is sending to buy fish beg her to let you have a skate's head to look at. You will be interested to see the small square ivory plates laid close adjoining each other, like the tiles of a church floor. It is in fact a regular hall-pavement, over which the visitors glide untouched, and are then swallowed down in the lump; thus entering straight into the house without having been stopped by the inscription nature has placed over your door and mine--"Speak to the Porter." But all this is nothing compared to the lamprey's entrance-hall, which differs from ours in quite another way. The lamprey, as I have already told you, ranks almost lowest among fishes, and consequently among vertebrate animals, of which fishes form the rear-guard. Indeed, it is almost stretching a point to consider her worthy to bear the proud title of a vertebrate at all; for the vertebral column, so clearly marked in other fishes, where it forms the large central bone, is only faintly indicated in certain species of lampreys, by a soft thread (or filament), which is rather a membrane than a bony chaplet, and at the top of this mockery of a vertebral column is the creature's mouth. If you ever had leeches on, you will remember the sharp sting you felt when the little beasts bit you. Well, the lamprey feeds herself just in the same way as the leech does. Her mouth forms a completely circular ring, which sticks to the prey, and through which runs backward and forward a small tongue armed with lancets. This darts out to pierce the skin, and draws in the blood as it retreats. Round your lips well; dip them so into a glass of water, and draw back your tongue, and you will at once feel the water rise into your mouth. It is by a similar sort of proceeding that leeches relieve people of the blood they want to get rid of; and in the same way the lamprey draws out the blood of the animals upon which she fastens. What a long way we have come already! How very far we find ourselves here from the little mouths we first talked about as chewing their eatables so prettily! With the lamprey we bid adieu to the class Vertebrata--the nobility of the animal kingdom--among whom nevertheless we must distinguish between the peer, who approaches nearest the person of his sovereign, and the inferior provincial lords who live at a hundred miles' distance. There is only one step from the lamprey to the _mollusks_ or soft-bodied animals, and this is the course which animal organisation seems really to have taken in its progress. But nature never moves forward in a single straight line. In passing from the mollusk to the fish to get thence to the higher vertebrates, she turned aside in another direction toward a class of animals which rises far above mollusks, but which leads to nothing beyond. One would think there had been a check here, as if the creative power, having discovered that it was going in a wrong direction, had retraced its steps; if it be allowable to apply common ideas and expressions to our conceptions of that Great Intelligence which has arranged the plan of the mysterious ladder of animal life. The animals we must examine next, on account of their superiority to the rest, are insects. Small as the ant is, it would not be right to let her be preceded by the oyster. LETTER XXXVII. INSECTA. (_Insects._) Before speaking of insects, my dear child, it will be necessary, in the first place, to tell you to what primary division they belong and on what characters this division has been established. And here I find myself in a difficulty. We have been but too learned already, and now we run the risk of becoming still more so, if we commence an attack on the three primary divisions which follow the vertebrates. We shall have to encounter terrible names and tedious details, besides having to take into account a thousand things of which we have not yet spoken. We are going on quietly with the history of the feeding machine which occupies the middle of the body, and learned men never looked in that direction for the establishment of their divisions; between ourselves, it was not accommodating enough. They have fallen back upon the locomotive apparatus (_movement machine_) which affects the body all over, and which they have proclaimed to be the leading feature of the animal organization, without noticing however that it is, after all, but the servant of the other. It is true that the great divisions are more easily established upon this point than the other, because the differences are more decided. It separates what the other unites, and thus it is that nature carries on that beautiful combination which the Germans have so accurately named "_Unity in Variety_" that is to say, she is always at work, as I have already told you, on the same canvas, but always embroidering it with a different pattern. Wait! I have something to promise, if you are very good, and if this history (that of the feeding machine) should have given you a taste for inquiry. I will tell you another time the history of the movement machine, and there the classification of our learned men will come in naturally very well. In the meantime we will do as they do, and just shut our eyes to their divisions, in which the feeding machine can have no interest, because they were established without reference to it. We will content ourselves, then, without further pretension to science, with modestly examining the last transformations of our pet machine in the principal groups of the inferior animals; of which groups I will now tell you the names in their proper order. They are as follows: Insects, Crustaceans, Mollusks, Worms, and Zoophytes. You must take these names on trust; those which you do not understand will be explained in their places. 1. _Insects._--I know not where it was I once read that there are said to be something like a hundred thousand different species of insects; and I verily believe this is not all. Of course we shall not attempt to review the whole of this formidable battalion. Let us take one of those you are most familiar with--the cockchafer, for instance--and examine what goes on in his inside. The history is nearly that of all the others. "Fly away, cockchafer, fly!" says the song; and surely it is a bird that we have here, and a bird which will appear to you even more wonderful than those of which I have already spoken, when you have considered the simplicity, and at the same time the strength, of his organization. His mode of flight is rather lumbering, it is true; he is, in comparison with the large flies, what the ox is to the deer; but when you contrast the weight of his thick body with the delicacy and narrow dimensions of the two membranes which sustain him in the air, you may well ask yourself how those little morsels of wings, thin as gold-beater's skin, can carry such a mass along. In fact, they only accomplish this feat of strength by dint of an excess of activity almost startling to think of. When you run as fast as you can, how many times, think you, do you move your legs in one second? You would be somewhat puzzled to say; and so should I: but I defy you to count ten. Now the bird makes his wing move much oftener when he beats the air with rapid blows as he flies; but even he does not strike a hundred strokes in a second: and what is this to the feats of the cockchafer's wing? It is not hundreds but thousands of times that he flaps his wings in a second; and here let me hint, by-the-by, that when people seriously wish to find out a method of travelling in the air, they will lay aside balloons, of which they can make nothing in their present condition, and will set to work to fabricate machines with wings which shall beat the air as fast as those of the cockchafer. This sounds extravagant, but I have seen an electric pile fixed in a stand with glass feet, which caused a little hammer to beat thousands of times in a second: and surely the hammer could have been made to communicate its movement to a small wing! Forgive me this little castle in the air! The idea came into my head a long while ago, and the cockchafer has just reminded me of it. I will not, however, pursue the subject, neither will I offer to explain the method used for counting the beats of an insect's wing. That would carry us farther than would be desirable. To return to our little animal. I leave you to imagine the enormous amount of strength required for such precipitate motion. We have spoken of the rapid course of the blood in birds during flight: who shall calculate its comparative rate in this fabulously wonderful locomotive, the cockchafer? And if we lift up the cuirass which encases it, what do we behold? Not a single trace of all the complicated circulation-apparatus you have learnt to know so well; neither heart nor veins nor arteries; only a quantity of whitish liquid, equally distributed throughout the whole internal cavity. Not a trace of lungs, nor any apparent means of renovation for this seemingly motionless blood; for blood it is, in spite of its color, or, at any rate, blood in its first stage of formation. It also has its globules--ill-formed, it is true, and altogether in balls--like those found in the chyle with us; which chyle, be it observed, is the same color as the blood of insects, and may also be considered blood in its apprenticeship. By what magic, then, is this raw, imperfectly-formed steward, who seems altogether stationary, enabled to accomplish exploits which would stagger his higher-bred compeers, agile and perfected as they are? Where does he pick up the oxygen necessary for such repeated movements, it being an established fact that no animal can move at all without consuming oxygen, and that the quantity consumed is in proportion to the rate of motion? Look under his wings for an answer. There, all along his body, you will observe a number of small holes, pierced in a line, at regular distances, and furnished with shutters of two kinds. They are the mouths of what are called _tracheæ_, or breathing tubes: and from them branch out a multitude of little canals, which, spreading in endless ramifications through every part of the body, convey to the whole mass of the blood, from all directions, the air which makes its way into them through the tracheal holes. In this case, you see, it is not the blood which seeks the air, but the air which seeks the blood; whence arises a new system of circulation, whose action is all the more energetic because it is unintermitting, and makes itself felt everywhere at the same time. A little while ago we were wondering at the twofold respiration of birds; yet this is far less surprising than the universally-diffused respiration of insects, who may well be able to do without lungs, seeing that their whole body is one vast lung in itself. For the rest, do not trust to appearances, nor imagine that the blood of our friend the cockchafer in reality remains motionless around the air-tubes, idly drinking in the oxygen which is brought to it. Though not flowing in enclosed canals, it is not the less continually displaced by regular currents, which sweep through and renew this apparently stagnant pool. Nor is this the only instance of such a current presented to us by nature. Guess, however, if you can, where you will have to look for the counterpart to the circulation of the cockchafer. In ocean itself! But, remember, nothing is absolutely little or great in nature, who applies her laws indifferently to a world as to an atom. The blood of our world is water, which contains in itself all the germs of fertility, and without which, as I have already told you, life is impossible either in the animal or vegetable kingdom. The water of brooks, streams, and rivers, flows along in channels, which, when figured in a map, present to the eye of the beholder an exact picture of the system of circulation found in the vertebrated animals. But the waters of the sea are borne along, like the blood of insects, by a secret circulation, which cannot be represented on the map; _i.e._ by immense currents everlastingly in action, some on the surface, some in the mid-heart of the ocean, which drive it in ceaseless course from the equator to the poles, from the poles to the equator; so that the Supreme Intelligence, in His overruling providence, has ordained the same law to set in movement the immensity of ocean, and to effect circulation in the cockchafer's few drops of blood. In the latter we find the moving agent to be a long tube, which runs the whole length of the back, and is called the dorsal vessel (from the Latin _dorsum_, back). I told you that the cockchafer had no heart under his cuirass, but I spoke too hastily. The dorsal vessel is a _true heart_, but a heart devoid of veins or arteries, and thrown into the midst of the blood. It dilates and contracts like ours, sucks in the blood by means of side-valves, which act as our own do, and drives it back again into the mass by that valve at its extremities, which opens near the head. From thence arises a continued to-and-fro movement, which sends the blood from the head to the tail, and brings it back again from the tail to the head. But who would recognise, in this simple primitive organisation, where all seems to go on of its own accord, as it were, the same machine, with all its complicated movements, that we have been so long considering? Well, in this apparently universal shipwreck of all the organs we know so well, there is yet one which survives, and remains the same as ever, namely, the digestive tube. I began by saying the insect is a bird. His digestive tube is formed upon the same pattern as that of birds, so that naturalists have bestowed the same names on the various parts in each of them. After the oesophagus comes a crop (_jabot_), very distinctly indicated; then a gizzard with thick coats, in which the food is ground down. The hen, if you remember, swallows small pebbles, which perform in her gizzard the office of the teeth in our mouths. The cockchafer has no need to swallow anything. His gizzard is furnished with little pieces of horn; real teeth, fixed in their places, which have a great advantage over the chance teeth picked up at random by the hen. I pointed out to you in birds, between the crop and the gizzard, a swelling or enlargement of the digestive tube, pitted with small holes, where the food is moistened by juices. The same enlargement is found here, covered all over with a multitude of small tubes, which might easily be mistaken for hairs, from which also falls a perfect shower of juices. The only difference is, that it comes after the gizzard, instead of before it, as in birds. Some naturalists, considering that the manufacture of chyle takes place here, have called it the _chylific ventricle;_ [Footnote: The corresponding protuberance of the birds bears a name, somewhat similar, but stillmore barbarous. I had passed it over in silence, because, I make the confession in all humility, I do not understand it; but a remorse now seizes me: it is called the _Ventricule succenturie._] a somewhat barbarous name, but one which explains itself, and might with truth be applied to the _duodenum_ of the higher animals. Bile is poured in close to the hinder end of it, but you must not look for the liver; it has disappeared, or rather its form is entirely changed. You remember what the _pancreas_ had become in fishes; _i.e._ a row of tubes giving out a _salivary fluid._ Such is exactly the appearance of the liver in the cockchafer. Instead of that fleshy substance on which hitherto the office of preparing the bile had devolved, you see nothing but a floating bundle of long loose tubes, which, opening into the intestines, pour in their bile. The organ is transformed, but we recognise it again by the office it performs, which continues the same. As to the _pancreas_ it is wanting here, as in the fish with salivary glands; but in its place in many insects other tubes, acting also as glands, pour saliva into the _pharynx; i. e._, the cavity at the back of the throat. As you see, therefore, everything is found complete in this tube of a few inches long; and you can also distinguish there a small and a large intestine. We are speaking of the cockchafer, which feeds on the leaves of trees; and it is for this reason I name some inches as the length of the digestive tube. This would not be longer than the body itself, had it been destined, as in the case of many other insects, to receive animal food. In fact, the law which we have shown to exist with regard to the ox and the lion, rules also over the insect-world; and whilst a radical change seems to have been made in the rest of the organisation, here everything is in its place, and we find ourselves in the same system. Was I not justified in asserting that the unity of the animal plan is to be found in the digestive tube? and that this is the unchanging basis upon which the Creator of the animal world had raised his varied constructions? How would it be, then, if we were to take the insect from its starting-point when it is only a worm, that is to say, merely and simply a digestive tube? for I am only telling you a small portion of its history here; a history you must know, which reveals a miracle still more wonderful than the transformation of the little tadpole into the frog! There is a brilliant-colored fly which comes buzzing about the meat-safe--the bluebottle--do you know her? It is on her account that we put large covers of iron wire over the dishes of meat; but, perhaps, you never troubled yourself to think why. But the truth is, she only comes there to deposit her eggs in the good roast-meat; and if she could get near enough to do so, you would soon afterwards see it swarming with little white worms, which would entirely take away all your appetite. These worms are only flies out at nurse, and they will find their wings by-and-by if you only give them time enough. Disgusting as they may appear on a dining-table, I assure you they deserve more interest than you may think. When we come to speak of worms, we will ask of them to let out the secret of the mysterious transformations of animals. In the meantime, let us finish the observations we were making on the _perfect insect_, as this little creature is called when he has passed through the intermediate stages which separate him from the undeveloped condition. Forgive me, my dear child, here I am speaking to you as if you were a grown-up woman! This is because it is so difficult to explain things of this sort in any other way. And now that you have been introduced into the midst of the wonders of creation, you ought to familiarise yourself with the ideas and terms they have suggested to mankind. I began with you as a child, and great would be my triumph if I could leave you a grown-up girl! And I flatter myself that I have so far set your brain, to work, under pretence of amusing you, that this hope is not altogether unfounded. I found it necessary to say this to you in confidence, because I have just read over our first conversations, and perceive that I have insensibly put you on a different diet from the one I began with. I am obliged to comfort myself by remembering that you have grown older since, and that you are now acquainted with a great many things which you had never heard spoken of then. And this is the secret of all transformations. We crept on at first over ground that was quite unknown to us; but as we went along, our wings must have begun to grow, and we are now able to fly a little! Do not be afraid, however; I will exercise your tiny butterfly-wings very carefully just at present. We have only to examine what becomes of the _chyle_ of the cockchafer after it has been prepared in the pretty little tube so finely wrought. We men have _chyliferous_ vessels which draw up chyle from the intestines and throw it within a short distance of the heart, into the torrent of blood, where its education is completed. But the cockchafer, who has no other vessels than his air-pipes, and the _dorsal tube_, which has no communication with the intestines, what is he to do? Do not distress yourself about him. Make a tube of a bit of linen, well sewn together, and fill it with water. Sew it together as firmly as you may on all sides, the water will have no difficulty in escaping through the meshes. And this is just what happens with the little tubes found in animals, the coats of which are formed of interwoven fibres. By-the-by, from thence comes their name of "_tissue_," which they share in common with all the solid substances of the body, for all were once supposed to have the same general structure. The intestine of the cockchafer floats, did I not say? in the lake of blood which fills the whole cavity of the body. Well, then, the chyle has only to penetrate through these coats, to go where it is wanted. Hence it is not at all surprising that this blood should be white; and I have very good reasons just now for comparing it to our _chyle_. It is, indeed, chyle arriving directly from the place of its manufacture, without undergoing any other process; by which you may see that this little machine (of the digestive organs of the cockchafer), though differing in appearance so entirely from our own, is reducible to the same elements of construction, and that life is maintained by the same process as with us; namely, by the action of the air upon the albumen extracted from food. The cockchafer, it is true, is much further removed from being a fellow-creature of ours than even the horse; but the principle of life is the same with him as with us. And this is quite enough to cause children, who can feel and reason, to think twice before they begin to torture, by way of amusement, a creature whose life the God of goodness has subjected to the same conditions as our own. I speak this to those miserable little executioners who make toys of suffering animals: but the case is different with agriculturists, who have necessarily to contend with the devourers of their harvests, and whom, I admit, it would not be reasonable to bind down by the maxim of Uncle Toby. [Footnote: I have introduced my Uncle Toby, who really has nothing to do here, in order to make you acquainted with a few lines of Sterne, which I wish I could place before the eyes of every child in the world. "Go!" said he, one day at table, to an enormous fly which had been buzzing around his nose and had cruelly tormented him all dinner time. After many attempts, he finally caught him in his hand. "Go! I will not do thee any harm," said my Uncle Toby, rising and crossing the room with the fly in his hand; "I would not hurt a hair of your head. Go!" said he, opening the window and his hand at the same moment, to let the fly escape; "go, poor little devil; away with you; why should I do you any harm? the world is certainly large enough to contain both of us!"] But now to finish with the cockchafer. We have got to examine one very important part of his body, that which in other animals has been the one most talked about ever since we began our study: I mean the mouth. You know that this is the essentially variable point in the digestive tube; so that you will not be much surprised, should we find he has something altogether new. The mouth of the cockchafer is composed of a great number of small pieces placed externally round the entrance to the _alimentary canal_; but the names of these, as they would not interest you, I will not enter upon with you; more especially as they refer to such tiny morsels, that you would have great difficulty in finding them again on the owner. Of these pieces only two are worth our attention. These are two bits of extremely hard horn, placed one on each side of the animal, which are called "_mandibles_" and which serve the cockchafer to cut up the leaves which he eats. Fancy your share of teeth being two huge things fixed in the two corners of your mouth, each advancing alone against the other till they meet under the nose! You would then attack your tarts with the weapons of the cockchafer! You would not, however, be able to bite them straight through from the top to the bottom, as is done by all the animals whom we have yet seen. It is this which so peculiarly distinguishes the insect's manner of feeding; for we have already been taught by the bird and the tortoise, that it is possible to eat with two pieces of horn. The cockchafer now shows us how to eat sideways; but this is merely an accessory detail. It does not affect what happens after the mouthful is swallowed. All insects, however, have not this peculiarity. The cockchafer belongs to the category of grinding insects as they are called, who bite their food: but there is the category of the sucking insects (or suckers), whose food consists of liquids; and these insects are furnished in a different manner. In the innocent butterfly, who lives on the juice of flowers, the digestive tube terminates externally in a sort of _trunk,_ twisted in several convolutions, which is nothing more than an exaggerated elongation of the two jaws, which become hollow within, and form a tube when joined together. When the insect alights on a flower, he suddenly unrolls this trunk, and sucks in the juices from the depth of its "corolla," as you would drink up liquid with a straw from the bottom of a small vial. Amuse yourself some summer's day by watching a butterfly in his labors amongst the flowers: sometimes he stops still, but oftener he is contented to hover over them; and, as he does so, you will see a little loose thread, as it were, move backwards and forwards as fast as possible: this is his trunk, which he darts out, while flying, into the corolla of the flowers, but which scarcely seems to touch them, so delicate is its approach. Less inoffensive far is the trunk of the mosquito-gnat, and of all the detestable troop of blood-sucking flies. It is always a tube; but this tube is no longer a simple straw, but a sheath furnished with stilettos of such exquisite delicacy and temper, that nothing is comparable to them; and these, as they play up and down, pierce the skin of the victim, like the lancets of the lamprey, and, like them, draw in blood as they retreat. Finally, amongst the _parasites,_ the last and lowest group of insects, the stiletto-sheath is reduced to the size of a kind of little tube-shaped beak, which, when not in use, folds down like the fangs of the rattlesnake. You do not know, perhaps, what a parasite is. The word comes from the Greek, and signifies literally, "_that which moves round the corn._" The Greeks applied it to those shameless paupers who, to escape honest labor, made their way into the houses of the great, and enjoyed themselves at their expense. These parasites are little animals which settle themselves on large ones, to suck in, without having worked for it, the blood which the others have manufactured. The wolf hunts, fights, and tears its victim in pieces; and then, by means of that interior labor which I have spent so much time in describing, transforms it into nourishing liquid: and when all this is accomplished, the little flea, who lives hidden among his hairs, coolly draws out for his own use the valuable blood obtained with so much effort. There are many parasites in the world, my dear child--yourself, for instance, to begin with--who are perfectly happy to chew your bread without asking where the corn comes from which made it. But you have heart enough to see plainly that this indifference ought not to last, and that it is not honorable to go on living in this indefinite manner at other people's cost only. You will some day have duties to fulfil, which you should accustom yourself to think of now, in order that you may prepare yourself for them beforehand, so that it may never hereafter be said of you that you passed through the midst of human society, taking from it all you needed, without giving it back anything in return, I advise you to conjure up this idea when the time comes to leave off playing and begin preparing to be of use. The sort of thing is not always very amusing, I admit, but you must look upon it as the ladder by which you will be enabled to rise from the degradation of a parasitical life. If you were in a well, and some one were to let down a real ladder for you to get up by, I do not think you would complain of the difficulty of using it. It is for you, then, to consider whether you would like to remain for ever in your present condition; for those who learn nothing, who _submit_ to nothing, who are good for nothing, but to show off and amuse themselves--these remain parasites all their lives in reality, however little they may sometimes seem to suspect it. At your age, however, there is still no disgrace in the matter. God shows us by the insects that little things are allowed to be parasitical; but on this subject I must return to a point in the history of animals which I touched upon before. I told you, in speaking of the crocodile, that the perfect state of the inferior animals is found represented in the infancy or less perfect state of those above them: and I may say the same again with regard to insects. All the young of the mammalia begin life as parasites, at least, as sucking animals: for they all live at first on their mother's milk, which is nothing more than blood in a peculiar state. But the name of parasite among insects is generally confined to those which take up their abode on the bodies of their hosts; though in common justice it might equally well be applied to the gnat and his relations, who, when once full, make their bow and are off, like the kitten when he has finished sucking. Well, without meaning to find fault, if we descend to the lower ranks of the mammals, we shall find among them many parasites in the received sense of the word. You remember the pouch to which the marsupials owe their odd name. The young kangaroo remains hidden for months in the pouch of its mother, feeding continually all the time; and it is then a strict parasite. During the four following months it goes in and out, and strolls about between meals, like other young ones of its class, and is then an animal at nurse affording thus a twofold example of the tendency of the great Creator to repeat Himself in His conceptions, here using for the infancy of the mammal the system invented for adult insects--elsewhere repeating the butterfly in the humming-bird, who may fairly be called a vertebrated butterfly, and reproducing the gnat in the vampire-bat, which I look upon as an enlarged and perfected revise of the original pattern, whence comes the scourge of our sweet summer nights. And now, surely, I have said enough about these parasites, whose very name, I suspect, will make you shudder after my impertinent application of it. Never mind: it depends entirely upon yourself to get rid of whatever you find humiliating in the position I have hinted at. Do all you can to bring happiness to the parents on whom you live at present, and who give their life-blood so willingly for your good. God has made you very different from those little animals who have neither heart nor reason to guide them. Do not be like them, then, in conduct. By a little obedience and love--child as you are--you can pay them back what you owe, and they will never complain of the bargain. LETTER XXXVIII. CRUSTACEA--MOLLUSCA. (_Crustaceans and Mollusks._) _Crustaceans._ Crustaceans consist of cray-fish, crabs, lobsters, and prawns, who may be considered cousins-german of insects, among which more than one naturalist has thought they ought to be placed. Like them they are divided into _grinders_, having the same action of the mandibles; and _suckers_, who are also parasites, and have tubular sheaths containing stilettos. Mammals and birds are the victims of parasitical insects; fishes have been reserved for the crustaceans, who do not disdain also to fasten upon their humble neighbors, the mollusks; and even among themselves the little ones settle down on the great. A few live on land, but an immense majority in water, and seem destined to represent, in the aquatic world, the aerial class of insects, from whom, however, they differ in many ways. The first difference is in that stony crust with which they are enveloped, like the cockchafer in his horny cuirass, and which you must know well enough if you have ever eaten lobster. Wherever we meet with horn in insects, we find stone in crustaceans. The jaws are stony, and the teeth of the stomach also. They are constructed on the same plan, only the materials are changed. The digestive tube is less complicated, and consists merely of one large stomach, instead of that series of stomachs by which insects approach the organisation of birds. On the other hand, if among some of them the liver is reduced to simple tubes, floating loosely in the body, as we have just seen it in the cockchafer among insects, these tubes are generally so profusely multiplied, and press so closely against each other, that they form a large compact lump--a true liver, to sum up all--from which issues, as from ours, a _choledochian canal_, a bile duct, _i. e._, which passes out into the intestine at the entrance of the pylorus. You recollect that canal of the liver which I was afraid to tell you the name of because it was so ugly? Well, this is that formidable name! Now that you have swallowed so many others, you must be strong enough to digest this. No chyliferous vessels have been found in crustaceans, whence one may conclude that the chyle leaves the intestine by oozing from it, just as it does in insects. There it gives rise to an almost transparent sort of blood, a kind of sap, or lymph, which is put in motion by a genuine circulation-apparatus; a real heart, with all its canals. This heart has only one ventricle, and only sends blood in one direction, as in the case of fishes; but there is an essential difference between them, which we must point out. The heart of fishes may be called a venous heart, since it only receives venous blood, which passes thence to the gills, while that of crustaceans is an arterial heart. It receives the blood directly it leaves the respiratory organ, and sends it, not into one aorta, but into several arteries, which set out at once, each in its own direction, to nourish the various quarters of the body. This greatly resembles the system of circulation, with which we are already acquainted. The veins only are unsatisfactory. They form a kind of transition between the uncertain currents which convey the blood of insects from one end to the other of the cavity in which these strange organs lie bathed, and the closed canals of the higher animals. But they are not canals, properly speaking. The irregular intervals which separate the organs, more numerous here, are enclosed by membranes, between which the venous blood pours, and naturally the chyle also. The whole thus arrives at certain excavations formed at the place where the legs are jointed on to the body--reservoirs, so to speak--where the real canals come to carry it off and convey it away into the gills. It is, in fact, by means of gills that crustaceans breathe in their character of aquatic animals. These gills are made nearly upon the same model as we have already seen in those of fishes; and although their form and arrangement differ in different species, yet the principle is always the same: they are tufts of leaflets springing from stems, up and down which run two tubes; one which brings the blood from the venous reservoirs, the other which carries it to the heart. Crabs, lobsters, and crayfish, who are the "file-leaders" of the crustacean tribe, have gills enclosed in the body, as fishes have; but the circulation of the water goes in a contrary direction to theirs, as does that of the blood. Instead of entering at the mouth and going out at the sides, as we have seen, it enters at the edge of the bony shell which covers over the body and comes out near the mouth--a merely accidental detail which does not in any way alter the play of the apparatus. All these animals are equally adapted for swimming and for walking, crabs especially, their gills accommodating themselves without difficulty to contact with the outer air, as we have seen among certain fishes; so that one might class them with amphibians. There is even one crab who has acquired the name of _land-crab_, because, although he has got gills, he dies in water, the small amount of air he can get out of it at a time being insufficient for him, and who, therefore, lives constantly on land. It is true that he seeks out damp spots, for his gills would also fail him if they became parched, and, like the fishes who make excursions on dry land, he is provided with an internal reservoir, which is always filled with a certain quantity of water. Some aquatic crustaceans have the labor simplified by external gills, which hang down into the water, sometimes depending from the stomach, sometimes from the legs. In France you sometimes see at a table certain little animals, very like shrimps (_squillæ_), the bases of whose hinder legs are fringed by slender tufts, which are in fact their gills. They find themselves placed there just within reach of the venous blood; for in the body opposite the bases of the legs are little cavities in which it accumulates. Now these gills can only act when under water, and so the squillæ dies as soon as he is removed from that protecting element. For the same reason they cannot be kept long, nor travel far, much to the regret of those who like them and live at some distance from the sea. There are other crustaceans, next-door neighbors of the squilla, whose gills are still more simplified. Here the legs themselves are turned into extremely thin plates, which play the part of gills, and are thus organs for two purposes, serving at the same time to swim and breathe with. We have in our house one little crustacean, the only one I know of who associates with men, and that is the wood-louse. You must know the little grizzly beast, which rolls itself up into a ball whenever it thinks itself in danger, and who would be taken for an insect by anyone who was not taught otherwise. The wood-louse has neither gills hanging down outside, nor anything inside her body which resembles the breathing apparatus of her great relations. But, on examining her closely, you will perceive all along her stomach a series of little plates, which are her breathing-organs, and which come under the class of gills, because, like other gills, they require a certain degree of moisture to make them act properly. You will never, therefore, see a wood-louse strutting about in the sunshine, where he would dry up far too quickly; but if ever you get into a dark, damp corner, there you have every chance of finding one. Animals who breathe through their legs and through their stomachs! You are astonished, and ask, What are we coming to? What would you say, then, if I were to go really to the depths of the crustacean world? We should find there such extraordinary beings as you can form no notion of, for they all live down below in the sea, and have no special breathing-organ at all, inasmuch as they breathe through the whole surface of the body. Do not exclaim yet! I will soon show you one whom you know perfectly well, and who has no other way of breathing. But we must keep to the higher crustaceans, if we want to judge of the class. By going too low, we run the risk of not seeing clearly. Animal creation is here on a system of experiments: and they are so endlessly multiplied, and exhibit such a profusion both of deceptive resemblances, and of differences which disappear by transformations, that classification no longer knows which way to turn. Worms, crustaceans, mollusks; to which group do these and those belong? To which ever we like to refer them, for these groups represent nothing definitely determined in the plan of creation; and though easy to be distinguished from each other in the higher branches, they become confused together in the lower, like mountain summits which spring from a common base, at the foot of which they are all united together. On this account, my dear child, you will, I am sure, excuse me now and henceforth, from entering into details of all the horrible beasts which swarm in the shallows of the animal world, and whom learned men have in their wonderful wisdom muffled up in terrible names, in order to prevent children from coming near them! What would you have thought of the poor little squilla, so prettily baptised by the fishermen, if I had taught you that it belonged to the order of _Stomatopoda_? You will scarcely be able to pronounce the word; but that is no fault of mine, it is spelt so. We will content ourselves, then, with having taken a glance at the most clearly marked individuals; and as I said to you just now, it is by them that we will arrange our inventory of the groups. Here, as you may have already remarked, instead of continuing to wander from the original model whose gradual deterioration we have been following all this time from one class to another, it would seem that we are retracing our steps, and regaining some portion of the lost ground. This is because insects, as I have already stated, are an exceptional case--an idea apart from the great general plan--a by-lane turning off from one side of the great line of animal creation. The crustacean, less perfectly worked out than the insect assuredly, but more regular, forms, so to speak, the connecting line between that tiny masterpiece of fancy, so incomplete in its exquisite organisation, and the shapeless but better constituted lump of the mollusk, who conceals under his heavy shell the sacred deposit of real organs, those which we expect to find always and everywhere. An insect outside, though less refined it is true, a mollusk within, the crustacean reminds me of what among us is called an _amateur_--that mild lover of the arts who holds a middle place, as it were, between the artist and the common citizen. I regret that you are not at present quite able to appreciate my comparison fully: but put it by, in reserve, if possible, in your memory; you will find out hereafter how just it is, and it will, perhaps, help to prevent you from always setting the lively, noisy artist, above the quiet and silent citizen. Let this, however, be between you and me. If they could hear us talking, neither artist nor citizen would forgive me, and the amateur still less. _Mollusks._ There is one mollusk universally well known--namely, the oyster--so we will choose him for discussion. To look on one's plate at that little mass of soft, compact substance, one feels inclined to ask what there can possibly be in common between it and us; and if you were to declare that there was not the faintest trace of resemblance between the organization of the oyster and our own, I should not be surprised. Wiser people than you have been caught tripping there; not that they were ignorant of the points in which the oyster resembled us, but they paid no attention to them. Viewing it in other respects, they declared that it was of a structure completely different to our own; and that, in the construction of this machine, the Creator had worked upon a particular plan, laid aside afterwards as useless for any other purpose. I should like to get hold of one of those Academicians, with thirty-six plans, and confound him before you, in proof of his relationship to the oyster, by showing you at one sitting that there is an oyster in himself; nay, further, that he is nothing but an oyster, revised, amended, and considerably enlarged. And do not imagine that I am only using a figure of speech here, as the professors of rhetoric call it; which would be in bad taste: I am speaking literally, and to prove the existence of the oyster in question in our Academician, I shall only ask permission to perform a slight operation upon him. You exclaim at this; but do not alarm yourself, for it is only an operation on paper, he will not die from it. See now, I cut off his head, his two arms, and his legs; I take out of his body the vertebral column and the ribs; I gently place what remains between two shells; and ... there is my oyster. I willingly admit that it is more carefully elaborated and richer in details than its sisters in the oyster beds; but all the principal organs are to be found in them also, and they positively are beings of a similar construction: you shall judge for yourself. The mouth--for there is a mouth, though one must look closer than the oystermen do to discover it--the mouth is exactly what the gullet (oesophagus) would be in a man whose head had been cut off; that is, a truncated tube. Then comes the stomach, situated in the very midst of the liver; which latter may easily be distinguished, even by the most cursory glance at luncheon, from its dark color. The intestine also goes right through the liver, doubling backwards and forwards several times: and thus the digestive tube supplies itself with bile from the cask (to borrow a commercial expression); and this saves the expense of a bile-duct (choledochian canal), which would be an unnecessary mode of conveyance in this case. The animal lives in water; consequently, instead of lungs he has gills: [Footnote: The land-snail has lungs.] these are those thin, finely-streaked plates which make a fringe at the very edge of the shell. Finally, on leaving the gills the blood is received by an arterial heart, with only one ventricle like that of the crustaceans, in the shape of a small pear, similar to ours, having an auricle, and an aorta, branching out so as to distribute the blood throughout the whole body. And now what do we find here, let me ask you, in this mutilated man, reduced to the soft portions of the trunk, whom I have been imagining? A heart, with its arteries; lungs; a liver; an intestine; a stomach and an oesophagus: that is to say, merely and simply the organs of nutrition. That is all, or very nearly so. As you perceive, then, all the elements of our own feeding-machine lie between the two shells of a mollusk; in a rough state as yet, it is true; incomplete, and unruly; as in the case of the intestine, for instance, which in many of these creatures passes without ceremony through the heart: but even so they are quite sufficiently indicated to prevent their being mistaken. Now this machine, it is in vain to deny it, is the animal itself; but it lives at first, and it is this which dies in it last. The other matter (the locomotive power), important as it may seem to us in higher races, only holds a secondary position in reality: the proof of which is, that here is an animal reduced absolutely to a mere feeding-machine, who still lives, whilst there yet remains to be found one who has nothing left but his movement-machine, and who can yet exist. We cannot disown this primitive animal, for we have it within ourselves; lost, so to speak, in the midst of the accessory organs which are successively added to it in proportion as we rise in the animal scale, but still preserving its own life, its personality, if I may use the expression. Listen to this, for here is a history well worth hearing. I will explain to you, hereafter, how all the actions of the movement-machine are performed by means of a network of nervous threads (filaments), whose centre of impulsion is in the brain. How our will acts upon the brain, and gives its orders to the muscles through the nervous fibres, I will not offer to explain: it is a fact, let that suffice us. You say to your foot, "Forward!" and off it starts; "Halt!" and it stops. Here is an organ under command, a servant of the brain, where we rule ourselves: with or without explanation, no one will ever dispute this. The oyster, who has neither head nor brain, has, as his only instrument of action, certain little masses of nervous substance scattered right and left, which are called _ganglions_. These communicate with each other and with the organs by nervous cords, which are interlaced in all directions, without having any common centre, and which give the impetus to all parts of the animal. Well, the human oyster presents to us exactly the same nervous organisation. It has its ganglions and its nerves to itself, which are put into communication with the brain by some threads strayed among his own, but which are not under its orders, and which treat with it on equal terms. You remember, perhaps, the little republic talked about when we first entered the digestive tube; you have now the explanation of it. This republic is the original animal; it is the feeding-machine. I cannot describe it, and the kingdom of which you are queen, better than by comparing them to two States having diplomatic relations with each other, who exchange dispatches and reciprocal influences; and as to the importance of these respective influences, if one were to compare them I scarcely know to which side the balance could incline. We shall return elsewhere to this detail, one of the most interesting of our organisation, and which here finds its natural explanation. For the present I will content myself with reminding you that, since the earliest days of human civilisation, all philosophers, all poets, and all moralists, whether sacred or profane, have borne witness to that double life within us, that inward being, blind and deaf, whose disordered impulses so often carry trouble into those higher regions where will and reason sit enthroned. Behold him taken in his lair at last, this mysterious being. I have just unveiled his origin to you. And here, dear child, I must shelter myself behind a profession of faith. There will not be wanting people to tell you that it is degrading man far too much to look so low for the sources of his organisation, and that this sentence--_the human oyster_--which expresses my idea so well, is neither more nor less than blasphemy. Let them talk, but adopt their opinion only when they have proved to you that man had a special Creator, and that the oyster came from a different hand from ourselves. I should like to know with what face we could venture to complain, poor worms that we are, because it has seemed good to our common Father to carry forward in us his previous creations, and in what respect human dignity would suffer from this contact with a being who, like us, is one of the works of God. That human pride may suffer thereby, I admit, and I am glad it should; but if God has included all creation in His love, we may well include it all in our respect. Whence comes our superiority at all, but from the gratuitous gifts of Him who has made us what we are? Is it to lose it, then, to find ourselves side by side with inferiors whom the Divine benevolence has visited like ourselves? Surely not. But enough of the oyster, who has never, that I am aware of, heard such strange discussions sounding in his ears before. I have no time nor courage now to speak of the other mollusks, who offer more or less the same system of organs which I have just described. I must hasten on to the Worms, who give us the last clue to the great enigma of the animal machine. LETTER XXXIX. VERMES--ZOOPHYTA. (_Worms and Zoophytes_). _Worms._ The worm of worms, the one you know best, is the earthworm: so he shall have the honor of representing his group. He will not take much time to describe. He is, in brief, a tube, open at both ends, so as to allow food to come in and go out. That is all. I talked to you before about the ruminants, those food-manufacturers who are employed in cooking victuals for the stomach, and in disengaging albumen from the coarse materials among which it is apparently lost, so as to give it out again in a more acceptable form. The ruminant has other workmen under him, whom I keep in store for you as the last of the eaters, and who prepare the raw material for him*. These are the vegetables, who seek out the elements of albumen in earth, water, and air, those final sources of all alimentation. The earthworm also is a _preparer_, but in a peculiar way. Look along the garden-walks in summer-time, after rainy weather: you will see here and there, little heaps of earth moulded into small sticks, like dough which has been passed through a tube. [Footnote: M. Mace's account of the earthworm's life seems founded on the assumption that it extracts its nourishment from the earth itself, i.e., from inorganic matter, as _vegetables_ do, to use his own words. But this notion is so entirely at variance with present received opinions, and also with the fact that the animal possesses a gizzard for digesting, as well as an intestinal canal, that it has been necessary to make considerable alterations in the description. To dismiss his theory of the primitive animal, etc., altogether, was, however, impossible, without omitting the whole chapter; but as young heads are not likely to trouble themselves about it, and it is very innocent in itself, it will do no harm; subject to this warning, that M. Macé has taken the earthworm for a more simply organised creature than it really is.--TR.] This is the damp soil which the worm has passed through his tube, after extracting from it, during its passage, the various elements of fertility he requires for the support of his life. This is what makes him so particularly fond of garden soil, because it is richer in animal and vegetable matter than common earth, and proves therefore more nourishing food. The worm, then, feeds on the fat of the earth, which he converts into azotic aliment for the use of moles, hens and Chinese. It only figures, it is true, for want of something better, in Chinese cookery, so profusely hospitable for all that; but the hen doats upon it, and you do not despise it yourself when it comes back to you in the form of a chicken's wing, that second transformation of the matter of which the soil of your garden is composed. It is told of certain savage tribes, the victims of constant scarcity, that they swallow little balls of clay in order to keep down their hunger; and during the great famines in India the distracted inhabitants may, we are told, be seen digging up the banks of the rivers to feed on the fertile clay in which the splendid vegetation of their country is developed. This is a desperate trial of that primeval system of alimentation which answers perfectly with the worm, but becomes a cruel mockery in the case of an organisation as exacting as that of man. Let us examine a little more closely, then, this wonderful tube. At first sight one notices, to begin with, that it is composed of perfectly distinct rings, all quite alike. Inside as well as out each of these rings is an exact repetition of the other. They are all formed of circular muscles, enclosed between two coats, which extend from one to the other. A series of ganglions, arranged in the form of a necklace along the whole length of the body, set in motion the muscular system of the rings, each of which possesses its local centre of impulsion. Each feeds itself in its place from the nourishing juices with which it is in contact, the interior coat enjoying the double property of distilling digestive juices and absorbing digested ones. These juices pass through the muscular partition, and proceed to bathe the outer coat, which plays, at the same time, the part of coat and lung, and affords a passage to the air through its soft, damp surface, like that of gills. From all this results a fine red blood, such as we have not met with since we left the reptiles, and which is manufactured in all parts of the body at once. Each of these rings, then, the worm's only organs, is a little eating machine to and for itself, and at the same time a little movement machine also; in fact, a complete animal. Each one could, if necessary, nourish itself and live apart; and this is what he really does. Learn hence, to despise nothing in nature. One tramples an earthworm under foot, and there below one's heel lies a little revealer of secrets, whose organisation throws the most unexpected light upon one of the greatest mysteries in our own life. I said to you before, and I felt at the time that it was rather beyond you, that "each one of our organs is a distinct being, which has its particular nature and special office, its separate life consequently; and our individual life is the sum total of all these lesser lives, independent one of the other, but which nevertheless blend together, by a mysterious combination, into one common life, which is diffused everywhere, but can be apprehended nowhere in particular." The study of the worm admirably explains this out-of-the-way sentence. And here observe my adjective--my out-of-the-way--for it is a case in point. We may call it a literary worm; a worm of four rings, each perfect in itself, but yet compounded together into a whole with its own idea. That which makes this idea of life most difficult to comprehend is, that one cannot prove it by a direct experiment, since there is not one of our organs which could exist separately from the others. Although independent in their special action, yet these multiplied lives are nevertheless in a state of absolute and mutual dependence, from the imperative need they have of each other to make them act, each having for its share only one particular function, the effect of which extends to all the others. This is called the division of labor; and if you still do not understand me clearly, I will explain it in another way. The heart sends to all the organs--does it not?--the blood, without which they could not live: separated from the heart, the lungs would die immediately. It is to the lungs the blood goes to find the air, without which it could not maintain life. Separated from the lungs, the heart would die immediately. There is nothing belonging to us which can avoid the inexorable requirements of blood and air; consequently, there is nothing which can live an isolated life. I will borrow a simile from human society which you will understand at once. In civilised countries, where division of labor is established, the tailor makes clothes, the mason makes houses, and the baker makes bread. If you could throw them each alone by himself into a wood, the mason would not be able to dress himself, the baker would sleep in the open air, and the tailor would not know how to make bread. Or rather, as not one of them can carry on his trade without the co-operation of a multitude of hands, they could none of them do anything at all. Each completely independent in his work, yet each dependent upon the others, both for living, and even for being able to work, our workmen can only act when they remain bound in close union with the vast society of which they form a part; and our organs--those other laborers whom you have seen working for so long--our organs are just in the same predicament. But in the primitive societies, among savage tribes, where each man can make his clothes, his house, his bread (when he has any), and everything else for himself, you might take such an individual if you liked, and separate him from the rest of the tribe, and he would go on living as before. And so with the rings of the worm, that primitive society of organs. Each of them is a universal workman, who knows how to make everything. Separate him from his fellows, it will not disturb him at all, and he will go on living as if nothing was thematter. I still remember some profound reflections I indulged in one day some years ago whilst leaning on my spade and looking at a worm that I had just cut in two, and whose two halves were walking off one on each side. "There was only one creature here just now," I said to myself, "and now there are two! Have I had power, then, to create one with a stroke of the spade?" I had not then got hold of the key which I now give you, and to which no possible objection can be raised. If there are two beings after the stroke of the spade it is because there were two before. Nay, there were even many more, if we may trust to the "Manual of Zoology" by Milne Edwards, a very good book, excellent for an old scholar like myself, and which I have found very useful in my country-home, as it has enabled me to relate to you one after another the mysterious wonders of life. He says that, "if one cuts an earthworm across into two, three, ten, or even twenty morsels, each of these morsels will go on living in the same way as the whole, and will form a new individual." Twenty! that seems to me a great many, because, as far as I can trust to my brief observations as a gardener, it is necessary that some of the rings should remain united together and afford each other mutual support, in order to succeed in repairing the bleeding breaches; but I would much rather believe it than try the operation. My mind is easy when I am defending the plants that I have sown in my garden from the gluttonous worm who would rob them of their food; but it would not be so if I were cutting them up on my table to learn something about them. Besides, there is no need of an operation to convince oneself of the particular life of each ring. There is one worm, well known by name at least, though happily not to be met with every day, and that is the tape-worm, who establishes himself in the intestine of man, and lives on the chyme, as the other worm does on garden-mould. They call him the _Solitary_ worm in France; and if ever one might suppose a creature appropriately named, it would surely be him; for certainly there is not much society to be looked for in the dwelling he chooses for himself! But it happens that this pretended _solitary_ worm, with his unlimited chain of rings, is only a long row of perfectly distinct beings, so distinct indeed that, from time to time, some of the rings let themselves go, fall off like ripe fruit, and go away to live elsewhere, ready to become the nucleus of a new set, if a happy accident carries them into another intestine, the only place favorable to their development. At last, then, here is a corner of the curtain raised; here we see the associated organs which constitute an animal, living for once a life positively and in all respects their own. We are now satisfied about this; and when at another time we find them bound together in the chains of a union too ingenious to be severed with impunity--which we shall discover by seeing their action stop at the moment of separation--we shall know the cause. Do not think, my dear child, that a wretched earthworm can prove nothing as regards other creatures. The worm is the starting-point of all the organisations which come after him. Of what is he composed? Of a tubewhich is itself composed of rings. Well, it is upon this very tube that the whole animal machine has been founded: and these rings, as they expand and modify themselves in a thousand different ways, give birth to all those varieties of being which drive classifiers to despair, because they will not understand that there ought only to be one animal, since there is only one Creator of animals. Now, this animal is a digestive tube served by organs; it is a worm, _i.e.,_ which goes on constantly embellishing itself. I said to you long ago, and at a time when you scarcely knew anything, "Have you ever observed a worm or a leech in motion? You see a successive swelling up of the whole surface of its body as the creature gradually pushes forward, as if there was something in its inside rolling along from the tail to the head. Such is precisely the appearance which the oesophagus would present to you as the food passes down it, if you had the opportunity of seeing it in action; and this has been called the _vermicular_ movement, in consequence of its resemblance to the movement of a worm." And afterwards, in speaking of the intestine: "If your body were made of glass, so that you could look through it to watch the intestine at work, it would appear to you like an enormous worm, coiled up into a bundle, heaving and moving with all its rings at once." You have now got hold of the secret, namely, that from the beginning to the end of the digestive tube, its movements are those of a worm. What a wonder! and that the worm is a digestive tube which can walk. This worm, or this tube, whichever you please to call it, has never ceased crawling under our eyes since we began this study. Lost sight of in man in the midst of the riches he has picked up on his road, invisible and coiled backward and forward in his palace like an Eastern despot who leaves everything to be done by his slaves; behold him here in his first stage naked, shivering in the air, forced to go off himself and alone to his pasture--ground! But in the coarse earth with which he fills himself I can already see the delicate chyme which his numerous servants will prepare for him later on, and into which the heart-tree will one day send down its roots--the chyliferous vessels. A short time ago I called the oyster the primitive animal, but I was in too great a hurry. The worm is the real primitive animal. He is to be found in the oyster, as the oyster is to be found in us; and that poor little beast is, by comparison, an animal of high pretension, who would be shocked, I am sure, if he could understand what we are saying, and heard us assert that he is nothing but an embellished worm. _Zoophytes._ Two centuries ago it was believed that below the worm, animal life, properly so called, ceased, and the creatures whom I am about to introduce you to were supposed to be animated plants rather than living organisms. Hence their name was especially chosen to express that double nature by which they were thought to have a share in two kingdoms at one time--viz., the animal and vegetable--_zoon_ in Greek meaning animal, and _phuton_ a plant. Zoophytes were set down as animal plants. And although later discoveries have long ago established the fact of the complete animality of zoophytes, the old name is still in general use. But you must not let it deceive you. Zoophytes are animals every inch of them, however low in the organic scale, and although many of the compound ones imitate the growth of plants and shrubs so exactly in their mode of spreading that it is only by the closest observation we can persuade ourselves they do not belong to the vegetable kingdom. Of these there are the delicate buff-colored, prettily-branched, horny specimens found on the shore, which make so beautiful a variety in seaweed pictures among the red and green colors of the real seaweed; but of these also are those wonderful stony shrubs which grow on the submerged rocks of islands in warm seas, and the material which you know so well by the name of coral--the very coral of which the necklaces and bracelets in the jeweller's window are composed. In all cases of compound zoophytes, however, there is one great point which they have in common with the worm, viz., that there is an association of distinct lives acting unanimously; or, rather, to the same end. Plainly as this is seen in the worm, it is still more obvious in the zoophyte. There is no need here either of cutting them up yourself or of taking other people's dissecting operations upon trust. It is enough to use your eyes, with the help, it is true, now and then, of the microscope's clearer sight. You know the old oak-tree which stands on the outskirts of the wood, and is called among the country folk _the patriarch_? Now, this is clearly not an individual, but a nation. It is not a tree; it is a forest. Nay, may I not call it a green field? For this trunk, so truly venerable from ages of growth that one feels inclined to bow to it as one goes by, is, in fact, a collection of structures, accumulated by countless generations of fleeting herbs, _i.e.,_ leaves, not one of which has lived for the space of a whole year round. Every spring some thousands and thousands of buds open to the sun; each one, therefore, affording a passage to a little green point; and this point is an oak, who comes into the world, like the first oak, the grandfather who formerly came forth from an acorn, under the form of an herb or tender leaf, which a sheep might have browsed upon. Yet it is so thoroughly an oak, that you have only to take out the bud carefully before it has expanded and fasten it into another one's place upon a tree of the same family, though of a different species, and it will produce an oak of the same sort as its old companions, and which will, as it progresses, look quite a stranger among the indigenous branches. This is the secret of what the gardeners call _grafting_, and I advise you to try the operation upon rose-trees, for nothing is more amusing. When the autumnal frosts set in, all these troops of new little oaks die, and deliver up their leaves to the wind; but they leave behind, as their summer's work, a tiny morsel of new wood, upon which, if you look carefully, you will see a fresh bud dawning--the hope of the coming season. And thus the great life of the tree is perpetuated from century to century by an uninterrupted succession of transient lives, reminding one in all respects of the life of a nation; and the similitude is complete in the evergreen trees, where the new leaf makes its appearance before the old one has quitted the stem. And such is the life of the great stone trees and shrubs of various kinds which grow under tropical seas, and whose makers and inhabitants are the coral polyps, the undoubted heads of the Zoophyte race. But before considering the _polypidom,_ or external dwelling (otherwise called the _coeneciun,_ or "common house"), you must learn something of its originator, the little _polyp,_ who lives inside, and belongs to a family so widely spread over the face of the earth, that there are scarcely any waters, whether salt or fresh, without them. In your own neighborhood, if you know how to look for them, are to be found on the banks of ponds, or along the borders of streams which lie sleeping in roadside ditches, extraordinary beings which, a hundred years and more ago, completely bewildered the good Dutch naturalist Trembley, who had taken it into his head to study them. Picture to yourself some very tiny bags made of a kind of jelly; gray, brown, or, most commonly of all, green in color, always transparent, and fastened by their base to the stalks of _carex,_ water-lentils, or the confervas, which grow in still water. A hunter on the watch, this bag shoots out on all sides a number of slender threads, like so many whip-lashes, arranged within a circle round the edge of its opening or mouth; and with these whip-lashes all the animalcules which come within reach are entwined, stifled, and carried away to the ever-yawning little gulf, where they are digested in less than no time. Whatever will not digest comes out afterwards by the way it went in. Of what becomes of the results of this digestion it is impossible to form an idea. Were you to cut up the bag and put little morsels of it under the best microscope possible, you would see positively nothing but solid jelly, without the least sign of any organisation whatever. But this is not all. Replace these morsels in the water, and come back tolook at them at the end of five, twenty, or thirty hours. Each one of them will have become a perfect bag, ready to multiply itself afresh if you submit it to the same operation. Sometimes, on some part of the original bag, there suddenly appears a little raised spot, like that which came on your baby brother's arm the other day after he had been vaccinated. What would you have said, if this ugly spot had grown larger and larger without stopping; if it had assumed legs, arms, and a head, and so become another baby, growing from the arm of the first one? Yet this is just what the spots do which come on the bag I have been telling you of; and people have come across bags of a larger species still--between one and two inches in size, in fact--which in this way carried twelve young ones on their backs, if one is allowed to talk of stomachs having _backs_. You perceive at once that this commencement of animal life is not even a digestive tube, and that nothing in it can be found but a stomach, opening straight to the air above and closed up below. It was Réaumur, the originator of the famous thermometer, who gave a name to the wonderful bags discovered by Trembley. Aristotle had previously bestowed the title of _polypus_ (many feet) upon a mollusk outwardly formed upon a similar model [Footnote: This is the cuttle-fish, called _polypus_ by old naturalists. We shall speak of it fully hereafter in the history of the movement machine.] with large whips disposed regularly in a circle round the mouth, and intended for a similar use, only that they have another function besides; that of carrying the body along in the capacity of feet by clinging on to the rocks with their suckers as they go. Réaumur transferred this name to the newcomers, and called them fresh-water polyps, to the infinite amusement of Voltaire, who had declared that they were only blades of grass; a new proof, among many others, that in natural history all the intellect in the world is not worth a pair of good eyes. But it was soon found out that, in collecting these bits of living jelly near the Hague, Trembley had laid his hands on little beings of immense importance on the surface of the globe, and that he had discovered under his microscope the explanation of a mystery which had spread itself, setting human science at defiance, over some thousands of square miles. I talked to you just now of the jeweller's coral, of which ornaments so becoming to dark-haired people are made. That is one of the stony polypidoms I spoke of as stone trees found at the bottom of the sea, where it grows attached to the rocks in the form of a charming little shrub, stretching its red branches in all directions. The Greeks, who were never at a loss, relate that Perseus one day laid down upon the sea-shore the famous head of Medusa, the sight of which had the property of turning everything to stone, and that the nymphs, in sport, showed it to the coral shrubs; a fact which explained everything quite naturally. Without exactly holding this mythological explanation, modern philosophers had not got much farther, and coral was still a puzzle to them, which they were not fond of troubling themselves about; till, roused by Trembley's revelations, they examined it more carefully, and discovered in its soft extremities (hitherto unnoticed) those same living jelly-bags or sacs, with their circlets of legs, or rather arms, charged with supplying them with food. These were marine polyps, which grow, like those in fresh water, one upon another, but each in its own crusty cell; and like the buds of the oak, these buds of the stony tree form each its special deposit, which it bequeaths in dying to the general mass. In short, as the tender shoot of the oak is filled by degrees with the wood which forms within it, and hardens into a branch, that goes on increasing by perpetually new growths, so the jelly polyp of the polypidom hardens below into stone and dies incessantly at the base, while it lives on indefinitely above in its constantly-renewed summit. Do not get tired of all this phantasmagoria, my dear pupil: it is a matter of the highest interest. Here is the point of junction--the bond, as it were, between the three kingdoms: an animal growing vegetable-wise produces a mineral mass, extracted from the waters of the sea by an infinity of little living crucibles, who carry on under our eyes the work begun in the first ages of the globe, and quietly manufacture continents for the use of future generations. This ought to console you, my dear child, for being little. It is by little things that God loves to effect what is truly great. He did not seek out the elephant or the whale to form these worlds; He chose workmen no bigger than a pin's head. I have spoken to you about jeweller's coral, which is made into toys or presents for ladies to adorn themselves with; but its brethren, the madrepores of the Pacific Ocean play a very different part. They have formed in front of the shores of New Holland a barrier of reefs three hundred leagues in extent and twenty wide. What are all our buildings after this?--those pyramids and cathedrals which seem so gigantic to us? This ever-increasing wave of coral polypidoms will one day shut against navigators the entrance to one part of the sea's tropical region; and lands not to be found on the map to-day will then lie stretched out under the sun, covered with plants and animals; and this in places where ships now plough the ocean. Know, also, that a great portion of the soil which we tread under foot has no other origin. It was manufactured formerly in the sea by infinite myriads of beings, often infinitely small. Each one, whether polype or shell, produced its grain of stone, and from all these grains God, who directed their work, has made our country. But it is time to bring this chattering to a close, for it will never end if I do not force myself to stop. I leave it with regret; but all these paths through which I have threaded my way one after another without counting them, have already made a volume which may possibly be considered too large for you. There are many other zoophytes besides the coral polypes, and all of them beautiful and curious. They all inhabit the fertile depths of the waters where God has deposited the first germs of life. I cannot describe them to you now. But to make amends, I will give you a piece of advice which will perhaps make some people stare. Ask your papa to lend you Michelet's book, _The Sea_, and look there for what is said about the mysterious animals which lie hid beneath the waves. His book was not written for you as this one is: and if, in spite of all my good intentions, I have not always succeeded in being as comprehensible as I meant to be, Michelet, who never thought about little people when he took up his pen, will certainly startle you now and then. But do not be disheartened by a word. You will find there, that which will be forever plain to you, the poesy of nature, and children comprehend that better than learned men. LETTER XL. THE NOURISHMENT OF PLANTS. One more word before we part about the last of the eaters, about Vegetables. They will furnish you with a new and very clearly marked proof of the uniformity of the fundamental conditions to which the Author of life has subjected all organised beings. Let us look once more at this oak, of whose manner of growth I was obliged to give you a sketch beforehand, in order to show you the ties which unite it with its immediate neighbors in the animal kingdom. How does it feed? I need not tell you this. It feeds by its roots, which suck up in the bosom of the earth the water charged with the juices which form its nourishment. Are you aware that every large branch had its subterranean fellow or representative, and that the annual shoot at the top of the tree is reproduced at the base by fresh fibres, which extend themselves in the soil of the earth, in proportion as their sisters above make their way in the air? And thus, by means of organs ever young, the life and progress of the great association is kept up, while those members whose day of work is over still remain there as the supports of the edifice. It is the same with human societies. They are sustained by what is old, but they live and progress only by what is young. The sap, then, which is the name given to the moisture or water sucked in by the young roots, having once got into the cells of which the tissue of the fibres is composed, passes from one to another, and travels thus to the top of the tree, where it is wanted by the leaves. There is no obvious machinery here, however, to impel it forward. It journeys on of itself, as it were, under the action of laws which have never been satisfactorily explained, but all of which are dependent on the vital force or life-power of the tree, inasmuch as without it there is no circulation. One agent, but by no means the principal, or it would act as well in a dead tree as a living one, is _capillary attraction_; and, if you wish to know what that is, you have only to think of what happens to a towel, if you hang it upon a peg, and leave the end of it soaking in water. Does not the "wet" seem to climb up it thread by thread, till it is damp from one end to the other? A little in this way--but these similes are very imperfect, and will not bear close application--the sap rises in a tree, stealing up branch by branch; and it is then called _ascending sap_. [Footnote: M. Macé speaks of this sap as the _blood of the tree_, and of the leaves only as _lungs_. These statements have been modified so as to meet the fact that _ascending sap_ consists of, and conveys the raw elements of _food_ to, the leaves; that in the leaves this food is _digested_, as well as brought in contact with the air, and that it is thus converted into that nourishing fluid, the _descending sap_, which certainly plays the part of steward to the tree as our blood does to us, and therefore may now be called the blood of the tree. It must be remembered, however, that each tree has its own sort of steward, as the case of the _Euphorbia_ (quoted afterwards) plainly shows. The analogy with the more general substance of blood is therefore not very complete.-TR.] It arrives at last at the leaves, which it enters as our food enters our stomachs, and for the same purpose; for in them takes place, as in all true stomachs, that process of digestion by which the elements of the crude sap-food are decomposed from their first condition, and converted into a nourishing chyle; in each tree of a sort "after its kind." But more than this. Like the outer coat of the earthworm, the coat of the leaf affords a passage to air and moisture through its surface; and here, therefore, takes place that mysterious exchange which is everywhere the essential condition of life. Here is the charcoal-market as before, only the bargainers have changed parts. The air, which in the other case received the _carbon,_ delivers it up, now, and receives oxygen in exchange; exactly the reverse of its traffic with animals. In other words, the tree inhales through its leaves the carbonic acid gas thrown into the atmosphere by our lungs. On its own responsibility it breaks through the alliance between the carbon and oxygen contracted in our organs; keeps the carbon for its own use, to restore it to us another day under the form of wood, or, by the aid of the charcoal-burner, in the pure and simple state of charcoal; and sets at liberty the oxygen, which once more goes off in search of new lungs and a fresh alliance. Thus a constant equilibrium is maintained in the atmosphere; and thus, by a system of perpetual rotation or everlasting merry-go-round, the same substances serve, indefinitely, to support life of every opposite description. Now there are two things to be remembered in this inverted respiration of vegetables. In the first place, it occurs only in the parts which are _green_. Flowers, fruit, the root, and every part of any other color, do as we do when we breathe; _i.e._ deprive the air of its oxygen, charging it with carbonic acid instead. For which reason, by-the-by, we ought not to keep flowers in a bedroom at night. Charming as they are, they are _poisoners_, and a headache is what we may fairly expect after sleeping shut in with them in the same room. It is almost as bad to allow green boughs to remain there either, for, in the dark, even the green parts cease to purify the air, and begin like the others to manufacture carbonic acid, at the expense of course of their carbon, which thus by degrees is used up. Now, as it is the carbon which constitutes the solid fibres of plants and produces their green color, they soon become yellow and limp when deprived of light. You may, perhaps, have wondered why the gardener amused himself with smothering his poor lettuces by tying them up at top like a knot of "back hair," instead of letting them grow freely in the air and sunshine. It is, my dear, to make them more tender and delicate for you to eat; and those beautiful, crisp, yellow leaves, so delicious to the tooth, would have been green and tough, had they not slowly and quietly let out a great portion of their store of carbon in darkness during the last few days, before being gathered. Even without playing the gardener, you may assure yourself of this fact in a still more simple manner. Put a flat board upon the lawn and leave it there for three days; then take it up again, and you will find just where the board has prevented the light from reaching the grass, a yellow mark so distinctly traced as to be seen from the other end of the garden. But to return to the sap, which we left undergoing a change from air and solar influences in the leaves. The ascending sap was to all appearance only clear water. When it returns from the leaves, charged with carbon, it is a thick juice having almost the consistency, and sometimes even the color of milk, and is possessed of properties altogether new. The most striking example that I can give you of thedifference of the two states of sap is the Euphorbia of the Canary Islands, whose digestive or descending sap is a violent poison. When the natives of the country are accidentally pressed by thirst, they carefully remove the bark in which the fatal juice circulates, and are then able to refresh themselves safely by sucking the stem, which yields only the watery sap sucked from the ground, and as yet unaltered and harmless. Each of these two saps, in fact, has its path distinctly traced for it: the first rises through the wood, the second descends through the bark, whence it is called descending sap. If you wish to satisfy yourself of this, fasten a rather tight knot of pack-thread round a young branch, and after a time you will see it pine below the knot and become swollen above it, an unanswerable proof that the nutritive juices flowed downward through the bark; for the wood inside the branch will have been uninjured by the strangling pressure. Remember this, my dear, when you are playing in the garden, and do not injure the bark of the young trees your father likes so much to see flourishing. It is by the bark that they are nourished, and you might even kill them by treating it too roughly. And now I must show you how the nutrition is carried on, or, if you like better, how the tree grows by means of this descending sap. See: here is a fir tree, which has just been cut down to the ground. Now, if you like, I will tell you in a moment how old it is. I will even tell you the age of every branch, little and big ones both, without making a mistake in a single year; and you know as well as I do that I am no conjuror. You see these small circles so delicately drawn, as it were, upon the face of the sawn trunk, each wider than the last, as if they were composed of a set of tubes, of unequal sizes, fitting exactly into each other. Now count them; and you will perhaps find twenty-five; and as each of these circles represents the work of one year, you will know that the tree is twenty-five years old. In spring, when the sap begins to move more briskly, it deposits everywhere between the wood and the bark, from the trunk to the farthest boughs of the tree, a uniform layer of a thick liquid, which moulds itself exactly upon the wood already formed. This layer stiffens during the year; it gets filled with the carbon left in it atom after atom, by each drop of the descending sap as it goes by, and thus insensibly becoming organised and hardened. When winter arrives to interrupt the work, it will have formed two _ligneous, i.e._ woody layers, as they are called. Of these, one belongs to the wood, and will never move again so long as the tree lasts, for it will be covered over, and as it were buried, by the successive layers yet to come; while, on the contrary, the other (layer) belongs to the bark, and is doomed to find itself perpetually forced outwards by the fresh layers, which will after a while insinuate themselves between it and the wood. It is for this reason that the bark of old trunks of trees is so deeply furrowed, and that the dry scales may be picked off the surface without the slightest injury to the tree. It is part of the original bark, dead long ago. The old wood also is dead inside, and even when it is altogether gone, the glad youthful branches growing green in the sunshine will scarcely find it out! This accounts for those oaks which time has hollowed without destroying, as those of Allonville in Normandy, in which mass is said, and which is moreover the greenest tree in the country. But without going so far, who has not seen those hollow old willows, sometimes pierced with holes letting in daylight, yet proudly crowned above by a forest of young boughs, as green and full of vigor as if the trunk were still in its prime? What was dead has departed, but all that has life in it remains, and that is enough for the tree. Need I add that the descending sap, this steward of the vegetable, has also his workmen to supply with materials, as in our case, and that he is always falling in on his road with organs, all of which want different things from him? That here a flower has to be formed, there a fruit, there a leaf, or a bit of wood, and so on: and that a mysterious intelligence--the same that we have found everywhere else--presides over all these varied constructions, the materials for which are mixed together pell-mell, in the imperceptible thread of sap which oozes from the leaf to the bark? I recollect just as I am about to conclude, my dear child, that I once told you, you were a small temple in which God perpetually attests His presence, by a permanent miracle. You may now henceforth look upon a tree as something more than a bit of wood, yielding a pleasant shade. God is in it also. CONCLUSION. And now, my dear little pupil, to what conclusion do we come from all this? To that which I announced to you from the first. Throughout the length and breadth of creation, from the highest to the lowest grade, every living thing is subject to the same law. Everything eats, and eats nearly in the same manner, since everywhere the same substances furnish the feast. I laid down in my first letter that our feeding machine was reproduced even to the farthest limits of the animal kingdom, though always becoming more simple as the species descends in the scale. And afterwards, where we began the study of animals, I told you that in this machine lay the uniformity of their construction. Was I not right? and what could I add to all the proofs which have developed themselves one after another, to establish the fact of this uniformity of plan in the animal machine, in all its essential points? And it will be to the lasting renown of the illustrious Geoffroy St. Hilaire that it was, in the face of all the Academies and under the fire of very learned indignation, he proclaimed this truth, which one cannot lose sight of without losing one's way in a crowd of arbitrary fancies. I return, then, to the definition which I gave you in speaking of the worm, and which is the final word of the ideas I have been endeavoring to make you understand. _An animal is a digestive tube served by organs._ In the first place it must eat, and for this therefore the Creator provided first. All the rest came afterwards in order to enable it to eat more readily, to secure its prey more easily, and to make the most of it when eaten. The movement machine, therefore, whose history I have promised you, is only an assistant, and not the principal feature of the organisation, and it is not by it, therefore, that the question can be decided, whether God has made three, four, or five animals, or whether he has only made one. And now, my dear little pupil, I will bid you adieu, or rather say as the French do, "Au revoir," which means "Good-bye till we meet again," begging you to excuse any awkward expressions that may have escaped me, as also my having now and then talked about things because they have interested me, without perhaps sufficiently considering whether they might have an equal interest for you. Yet, while the pen is still in my hand, I will not leave you my concluding definition of an animal without adding a word of explanation. You know nothing about such matters yourself, but to some people my words might have the air of a parody upon another definition, applied by those grave gentlemen the Philosophers to man, whom they have denominated _An intelligence served by organs_. My definition is applicable only to the animal, and not to man, observe. Man in the natural, physical machinery of his body, is very decidedly an animal; yet as certainly is he, by the divine reflection which shines within him, something much more and greater; but _what_, is so far beyond the reach of definitionthat I shall not attempt to give you one. "Man," as Jesus Christ has said, "lives not by bread alone, but by every word that proccedeth out of the mouth of God." What it is that is nourished in us by that word, is precisely what I cannot attempt to define for you; yet I think you have understood my meaning. Go, then, and eat your food in peace, like the pretty little animal that you are; but do not forget to nourish also the other part of your being; that indeed which is of the most importance, and which enables you to ascend to your Creator. THE END. POSTSCRIPT. In going through the preceding pages (Part II) with a comparative anatomist, it became evident that some few popular and other errors and misconceptions had crept into this portion of M. Macé's usually clear and accurate work. Naturally it was not in his power to verify all the statements he had to make on so many and such varied subjects, and he appears occasionally to have trusted to works of old-fashioned or doubtful authority. In these cases I have considered it desirable to make such corrections as should secure the trustworthiness of the descriptions as far as they pretend to go. It would not, however, have been in my power to accomplish this, but for the kind and efficient aid I have received from a scientific student of these subjects; and I am glad of this opportunity of acknowledging how much I am indebted to him for his assistance in making the necessary alterations, as well as for confirming the correctness of the greater portion of the work. MARGARET GATTY. January, 1865. January, 1865. 
36576	----	Transcriber's Note: 1. Page scan source: http://www.archive.org/details/studentlifegerm02corngoog 2. The diphthong oe is represented by [oe]. THE STUDENT-LIFE OF GERMANY. THE STUDENT-LIFE OF GERMANY: BY WILLIAM HOWITT. AUTHOR OF "THE RURAL LIFE OF ENGLAND," "BOOK OF THE SEASONS," ETC. FROM THE UNPUBLISHED MS. OF DR. CORNELIUS. CONTAINING NEARLY FORTY OF THE MOST FAMOUS STUDENT SONGS. [Illustration] THINK OFT, YE BRETHREN; THINK OF THE GLADNESS OF OUR YOUTHFUL PRIME,-- IT COMETH NOT AGAIN,--THAT GOLDEN TIME! The Commers Book. PHILADELPHIA: CAREY AND HART. MDCCCXLII. C. Sherman &, Co. Printers, 19 St. James Street "How shall I call thee, thou high, thou rough, thou noble, thou barbaric, thou loveable, unharmonious, song-full, repelling, yet refreshing life of the Burschen years? How shall I describe you, ye golden hours, ye choral-songs of brotherly love? What tone shall I give to you to make myself understood? What colours to thee, thou never-comprehended chaos? I shall describe thee? Never! Thy ludicrous outside lies open; the layman sees that; one can describe that to him; but thy inner and lovely ore, the miner only knows who goes singing with his brethren into the deep shaft. He brings up gold; pure, solid gold; be it much or little, it is still of high value. But this is not his whole booty. What he sees there, he may not describe to the layman: it were all too strange, and too precious for his ear. There are spirits in the deep that no other ear can comprehend; no other eye perceive. Music floats through those halls, which to every uninitiated ear sounds empty and unmeaning. But to him who has felt with it and sung with it, it gives a peculiar consecration; when he, moreover, smiles over the hole in his cap which he has brought back with him as a symbol. "Old Grandfather! now know I what thou undertook when thou held thy annual, solitary, intercalary day! Thou too hadst thy companions in the days of thy youth, and the water stood in thy gray eyelashes when thou marked one in thy stambook as entombed." _Hauff's Rathskeller in Bremen_. PREFACE. We have had various peeps and snatches of the Student-life of Germany, from time to time, in our periodicals, but we have nothing like a complete, and faithful account of it. Some of those accounts too, are by English writers, who had at best but a partial and passing view of this singular state of existence, and could not, however much they might have seen of it, enter into it and comprehend it with the fulness of apprehension and feeling which a native possesses. When I, therefore, was thrown, on my first visit to Germany, into the midst of its students, I began to inquire for a volume written by a German, which should lay open the whole interior of that, whose surface was so strange and so picturesque. I was told that no such thing, of any value or completeness existed, and that, indeed, the students themselves were jealous of the laws and customs of their ancient Burschendom being laid open to the public. Yet, finding myself amongst those whose knowledge and talents most entirely qualified them for making this exposition, I did not cease till I had prevailed on one of the most gifted to undertake the task, assisted by the experience of friends, who, like himself, had passed through the mysteries of this singular life. The present volume is the result; and I present it to the public with the confident assurance, that whatever they may think of the portraiture, they may depend upon its faithfulness. Spite of what that young and popular writer, Hauff, has left on record in the extract which immediately precedes these remarks, we have now penetrated the depths of the Burschen-life; we have traversed its chaos, which he terms a never-comprehended one; and have made the music of its most hidden halls, audible and intelligible to all ears. I do not hesitate for a moment to assert, that, taken as a whole, this volume will be found to contain more that is entirely new and curious, than any one which has issued from the press for years. The institutions and customs which it describes, form the most singular state of social existence to be found in the bosom of civilized Europe; and what renders them the more curious and worthy of investigation is, that they are no recent and evanescent frolic of eccentricity, but are as fast rooted into the antiquity of German mind and manners as the universities themselves. They have been modified and softened by time and advancing refinement, but are not a whit nearer being rooted out, apparently, than they were three hundred years ago. This state of things is here depicted by a German himself, who has passed through it; and with that peculiar feeling and appreciation which a German only can possess. It is in this light that they are to be regarded. I do not here present myself as an advocate or a caviller at this scheme of things, but merely as a spectator, who, beholding something strange and curious, brings it to the observation of his countrymen, in all truthfulness and simplicity of representation, that they may judge of it for themselves. It has been translated under the author's own eye, as it was written, and as he is also acquainted with the English language, it may be reasonably presumed to give a faithful transcript of his thoughts. The two features of this Student-life which will meet with the most repugnance in the English mind, are the Beer-duel, and the Sword-duel. I have no desire to defend, far less to recommend either. I am, though no advocate of a watery suction, miscalled Temperance, neither a violent wine-bibber, nor "a fighting character." I do not even, like our worthy friend Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, while planning Niger expeditions of civilization, brew XXX in London; nor, like many of my countrymen, while attending church, or chapel in England, insist on bombarding the Chinese because they wont be poisoned with my opium. I merely let the worthy and learned author tell his own tale; and he, in telling it as a German and fellow-countryman of those concerned, assures us that these features are daily becoming more diminished by the progress of refinement. It is to be hoped that the publication of this volume may even hasten this desirable end, for no people are so much alive to the opinion of other nations as the Germans. One thing, however, as an Englishman, I may say, which the author could not say--and that is, that when reading of the beer and sword duels of these students, we must take into account what are the weapons and the perils in both cases. We are not to suppose then, that their beer is any thing like the XXX just spoken of, or their wine like sherry or port, three-fourths brandy. No; they who know German wine, know that it is a very gentle and innocent, rather acidulous, and rather cooling fluid, and that their beer is far more mighty of the hop than of the malt. It is a well-bittered and amiable table-beer, which even Father Mathew might take as a healthy stomachic, and which one might rather expect, in Sam Welter's phrase, to make its swallowers "swell wisibly before our wery eyes," than grow riotous under its influence. When to this we add, that the sword-duel is rather a trial of skill in fencing than any thing dangerous, and that a scratch across the cheek, or prick into a stuffed jerkin, is in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the worst of its accidents, fears on the subject diminish at a rapid rate. If, however, any one thinks these youths had better be at their books than crossing swords or swallowing choppins, I assure him I am quite of the same opinion; and I here exhort the students, as soon as they get this volume, which they speedily will, to forsake the Hirschgasse and the Kneip, and follow the advice, but not the _example_ of the English. Shall I advise them to imitate the students of Cambridge? Let any one read "The Student-Life of Cambridge" in a late number of the _Westminster Review_, and say whether that would be reasonable. Shall I advise them to practise the vice and the mockeries which are practised there, by those who give the most public and prominent character to the social student-life of England--for it is not meant to assert that the generality of the Oxford and Cambridge students are of such a class? Why, Kneips and the Hirschgasse are heaven and innocence to them. Shall I advise them to quit their songs for the grossnesses sung by the wild portion of the students at Cambridge and Oxford? No! the songs of the German students, even when on no higher a theme than wine, and with the bold free-spokenness which is startling to our modes of thinking, are the effusions of the first spirits of their nation, and are sung to some of the finest melodies which ever emanated from that most musical of people. It is here that the tables must be turned, and that we must call on the English to imitate the Germans, and not the Germans the English. If the English will drink, let them drink wine as cooling, and beer as thin and bitter, as the Germans; if they will fight duels, let them abandon bullets that fly through a man and let the soul out after them, and be content with a scratched nose or punctured padding. If they will sing over their wine, let them not sing the vile trash that is heard in the haunts of our students, but the spiritual effusions of such writers as Schiller, Goethe, Körner, Arndt, Claudius, Hauff, Follen, Uhland, etc. No, one cannot read of English students--of their guzzlings and their songs--without feeling a sense of commonplaceness, a something low, gross, unimaginative and vulgar.[1] On the contrary, amid all the follies and mad frolics and nonsense of German student-life--of which God knows there is plenty--he must be destitute of poetry himself who does not feel it there. If there be a man who can read through this volume and not feel its poetry, and not perceive the high and beautiful sentiment which pervades it; the profound love of nature, and the glorious love of country,--let that man march off to Cambridge or Oxford; let him give his suppers or his breakfasts; let him hurry in his nightgown to morning prayers; let him become a first-rower, or a senior-wrangler if he will; but that man is no more fit to take his stand by the student revellers of Germany, than Caliban is by Hyperion. No, in the student-life, which is entered into as a brief season of youthful hilarity, which in this world can come but once; a season in which knowledge is not only to be gathered, but life to be enjoyed--friendships for life to be knit up--love, perhaps for life, to be kindled--and the spirit of patriotism to be cherished to a degree which no after-chills and oppressions of ordinary life shall ever be able utterly to extinguish; in this life there is a feeling and a sentiment to which our student-life is a stranger. It is from the bosom of this life that some of the noblest poets, the profoundest philosophers, and the most devoted patriots which the world ever saw, have gone forth. It was from the heart of this life that Theodore Körner sprung, for the cause of his country and mankind, and sung and fought and died; it was from this that Goethe and Schiller, Hauff and Tieck, and a thousand others, have issued to glorify valour, or consecrate patriotism, or beautify the regions of the human soul by their songs and their imaginative prose. It was from this that the whole body of ardent youth arose, and quitting their Kneips and their Chores, called all their country to reassert its liberty, to drive out its foes, and at the people's head, fought with the spirit of the ancient heroes, and chased from their soil for ever, the tyrant and overrunner of humbled Europe. And yet there are those who are continually forgetting these things; asserting that all the student songs, and student clanship, and student freedom, end in smoke and vapour, and without any permanent result, and that they depart at the termination of their academical career their several ways, and sink into obscurity and insignificance. What! would they not have them become good citizens, sober judges, domestic men? But they who say that no high effects remain, know nothing of the youth of Germany. They cannot have seen how the new Rhine-song went through the whole country like an electric flash when France threatened to march to the banks of that noble river, and how every German student vowed if such a deed were perpetrated, they would go forth and fight to a man. They cannot know, as I do, that the loves and friendships formed by these youths are more permanent and indissoluble than any class of men with whom I have yet become acquainted; nor that in private society, where, and in my own house, I have seen much of them, they are amongst the most accomplished, gentlemanly, temperate, correctly-mannered, cordial-hearted, and intellectual men that European society possesses. But all such persons I willingly turn over to the perusal of this volume, the work of a young but learned author, who has recently passed, by a splendid examination, out of this student-life itself without having ever fought a single duel, or very probably got half or even quarter seas over. If the perusal of this volume should have the good effect of lessening amongst the German youth the tendency to the beer or the sword duel, and of inspiring our English youth with a more intellectual and poetical taste in their pleasures, certainly we may say, in the style of all good old prefaces, "that it will not have been written in vain." _Heidelberg, April 6th_, 1841. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. General Plan, Officers, and Courts, of a German University--Charm of this life to those who have passed through it--Explanation of the term _Bursché_, or Student--Right to found or dissolve Universities, retained by the Sovereign Princes--Offices and mode of government--The Curatorium--Rector, Prorector--Senate, greater and less--Different orders of Professors and Teachers--mode of their remuneration--University Board of Finance--its Court of Justice--Academical freedom, and mode of matriculation--Inferior officers, and penalties for offences against the Academical laws--College terms--mode of Lecturing, and duties of Lecturers-- necessary Examinations of the Students, and consequent Certificates--Sciences taught--Privileges and endowments to enable young men without property to enjoy all the advantages of the Universities--the great extent to which this is made available, and great advantages to the State derived from it--Opinion of Goethe on this head--Great Men that this has produced--no German, however exalted in rank, can hold a high position in society, without making himself master of the knowledge thus opened to the people CHAPTER II. General View of Student-Life.--Student-life an admirable field for bringing a young man speedily to a knowledge of life, and to a sense of self-government and self-dependence--Prejudice, especially amongst foreigners, that Students must become exposed to many unpleasantnesses--these groundless--every individual Student independent, and at liberty to associate just as little, or as mach as he pleases with the rest--Equality the law of the German Students--their opinion that the English are the slaves of the Aristocracy--their surprise at the Aristocratic prejudices of the English--Academic freedom dear to every German Student--its value acknowledged by all the greatest men--Influence of the associate life of the Students on their minds and manners-- including, as it does, the natives of so many Countries--Chores, or Unions--Landsmannschafts--the Burschenschaft--Wearing of Union Badges forbidden--Public Processions, and Costumes of the Professors CHAPTER III. The Chores, or Unions.--Their nature, constitution, and distinguishing colours--each Chore formed of the natives of a particular State--what is requisite for the formation of a New Chore--is acknowledged and recorded at the Allgemeine, or General Social Meeting of the Chores--Constitution of a Chore--its Officers, Code of Laws--its Beer-court, and Court of Honour--its Boon-companions, and various ranks of members--its Chore-Convent, or Board of Administration--the Proscription, or Bann, as exercised both against Members and offending Tradesmen, or even the University itself--Classes of Students termed Camels, etc. etc. CHAPTER IV. The Burschenschaft.--The origin of this celebrated Society to be found in the patriotic desire to free Germany from the domination of Buonaparte--this feeling at first high and holy--quickened by the union of Learned and Literary men in the Poet-League of Göttengen, to advance the Language and Literature of the Country--the triumphs of Literature at their height under Schiller and Goethe, when the French Invasion took place--the indignant enthusiasm excited by this on the minds of the Students--the formation of Burschenschafts--these in different Universities united by one general bond--their effect in rousing Germany to the expulsion of the French--these feelings immortalized in the songs of Theodore Körner--the People's Battle at Leipsic--the expulsion of the French followed by a demand for the restoration of the Germanic Empire--Act of Confederation of the German States signed--Formation of the Holy Alliance of Sovereigns-- Disappointment of the People--Agitations of the Burschenschaft-- Beautiful ceremonies at the celebration of the Peace Anniversary at Jena, etc. 1816--farther proceedings of the Borschenschaft--the celebrated Festival in the Wartburg in 1817, at which the Writings of Kotzebue ware burnt--Congress of Universities at Jena in 1818, and Publication of the Constitution of the Burschenschaft--the influence of these events on the mind of George Sand, and its consequences CHAPTER V. The Narrative of Sand.--His origin and education--his early enmity to the French--his conscientious but excitable disposition--the effect on his mind of the burning of Kotzebue's Writings--his personal appearance--Kotzebue in the pay of Russia, to give information of the popular movements and opinions in Germany-- Seizure and publication of one of his bulletins to that Government, and consequent popular excitement--Sand conceives the idea of putting Kotzebue to death, as a traitor to German freedom--his long mental struggles against this idea--the final surrender to it, and preparation for carrying it into effect--his paper called "Death-blow to August Von Kotzebue"--his letter to his parents, and brother and sisters, on setting out on this project--his perpetration of the deed, his trial, and execution at Mannheim--Consequence of this and similar attempts--The prohibition of the Burschenschaft, and persecution of its members--The Song "We Builded," etc, as sung at the breaking up of the Burschenschaft in June in 1819 CHAPTER VI. Ceremonial Introduction to University and Burschen Life--The Student youth of Germany, driven from the Burschenschaft, have fallen back on their Chore-life--Complaints of late years that youths coming to the University become involved in the dissipations of Chore-life, to the prevention of their studies and detriment of health and morals--these views combated by the Author--the existence of a temporary excitement on entering University-life accounted for--the Author, as one who passed through this life, testifies to its advantages--Every University its own particular tone and character--Peep at the past Life of the Universities, as revealed in Zacchariæ's "Renommist," and in a Drawing of 1730-- Singular and rude Customs formerly practised on the admission of Students to the Universities--Freshmen or Branen, then subjected also to many humiliations--the present condition of the Freshman, now termed a Fox--Curious Anecdotes connected with the condition of a Fox--Different ranks which a Student passes through who joins a Chore, or Verbindung--in the Gymnasium, or school preparatory to the University, he is a Frog--then successively a Mule, a Camel, a Fox, a Fat-Fox, a Burnt-Fox, a Young Bursch, Old Bursch, and Mossy Head--Satirical explanation of Student terms, by Herr Schluck-- Initiatory ceremonies at a Union of the Chores on creating the different degrees of Foxes--Singing of "The Landsfather"--The Fox-Ride, and its accompanying song--Burning of the Burnt-Foxes, with the accompanying song, etc. CHAPTER VII. The Duel.--This is a practice of the Middle Ages, that has firmly maintained itself amongst the Students--the Author's opinion of it--its actual good or evil in the system--to be regarded principally as a trial of skill in fence--mode in which these Duels are contracted, settled, conducted, and fought out--At Heidelberg these take place in a well-known house in the Hirschgasse--Duel Costume, and different species of Duel--Anecdote of a little Jew who fought one--the Duel prohibited by the laws-- the Academical enactments against it--Attempts of the Beadles to seize the Combatants--their watchers--the Red Fisherman, their great champion--Students' dogs sometimes join in the contest-- Penalties, and University Prison CHAPTER VIII. Characters connecting themselves with Student Life.--The Hofrath Diehl--his History--the Flower-Boy, and Frau Gotlieben the Fruitwoman CHAPTER IX. Private Life of the Student.--Visit of Mr. Traveller, the Englishman, to the room of the Student Freisleben--his surprise at what he saw--his friendly welcome--Description of the Room and its various Decorations--Student word for comfortable--the Boot-Fox-- Origin of the word _School Foxery_, or pedantry--Wages of a Boot-Fox--Expense of Living at the University--_Pendulums_ and _Knoten_--origin of the latter term--the House Philistine and his duties--the Philose, the Besom, the House-Bursch, and Room-Bursch--What it means to "Tail a Lecture"-- Dissertation-on-Dogs--A visit to the annual Dog-Muster---Students' Dogs--their characteristics--one at a duel swallows up a Student's nose--the little Dog Tambourli--the Student's love for his Pipe-- Pipes of various kinds, and in all their parts, described--Origin of the word Fidibus--the philosophy of Smoking CHAPTER X. Rural and Summer Amusements of the Student.--Beauties of the neighbourhood of Heidelberg--The Wolfebrunnen--the surrounding Woods and Mountains of the Odenwald and Black Forest--Historical associations--the Student sometimes takes longer excursions than into these scenes--Excursions in a one-engine--Water excursions-- Field sports--The Students' Shooting ground--Kirchweihs, or Wakes, described--the Students there--Scenes which arise with the Handwerksburschen CHAPTER XI. Winter Amusements of the Student.--He joins gladly Social Parties at the houses of the Inhabitants and of the English--finds much amusement at the Reading-rooms, Billiard-table, and Balls and Concerts at the Museum--Serenades--Song, "The Departure"--Skating --pushing Ladies on the Ice in Sledges--gaiety of these scenes-- sledging parties by Torch-light--Whims of the Students on such occasions--Instances of their schemes to satirize the attempts of the Senate to check their expense in such things--in the evening joins his Kneip CHAPTER XII. The Student's Evening Party, with its Conversations, Discussions, Songs, and Customs.--The Student Hoffman entertains his Friends-- Description of his Rooms--his Friends Freisleben, Von Kronen, Eckhard, Enderlin, Pittschaft, Mr. Traveller--their opinion of Englishmen and English Ladies--Melancholy story of Krusenstern and Avensleben--The Radonen Cake--Sketch of the history of Universities, given by Von Kronen--Discussion on Phrenology-- English and German Literature compared--German Romance ludicrously described by Lichtenberg--the Students sing Schiller's song of "The Four Elements," also "There Twinkle Three Stars" from Körner--they sing a Roundelay--Anecdotes of Stambooks--Drink to their Ladies--Drink and sing as a Roundelay the humorous song of "The Krähwinkle Landsturm"--sing a Lumpitus of the first verse of various celebrated songs in rotation--sing "The Binschgauer"-- Merriments before parting--The songs of "Ye Brothers, when no more I'm drinking," "The Pope," "Brothers, in this Place of Festive Meeting," "So crown with leaves the love-o'erbrimming Beakers" CHAPTER XIII. General System of German Education.--Glance at the progress of popular Education, from the ancient Nations and Times down to the present--Popular Folks'-schools of the Middle Ages--Gerbardus Magnus--his Institution at Deventer---his ideas followed out by Montaigne, Bacon, etc.--the Burger class erect Schools--the Reformation--School of Conrad Celtes, for the restoration of Classical antiquity--Services of Erasmus, Reuchlin, Dalberg, Agricola, Pirkheimer, etc.--the origin of the plans of Pestalozzi to be found in the writings of Ratich and Comenius--Services of Fenelon, Spencer, and Franke--Improvements by Ziedler, Hein, and Sulzer--Influence of Locke, Rousseau, Crousatz, in developing the modern School-systems--Description of the German School-system, and what is taught in each class of Schools, viz. the Elementary, or Proper Folks'-Schools; the Real Schools, called also Middle Schools, Higher Burger Schools, etc; the Gymnasia; the Universities CHAPTER XIV. Song, an indispensable requisite to the Student, as to all Germans.--Song and Poetry a necessity to the German--the Germans rich in Popular Songs--Universal singing of the Common People--A popular Song at any crisis passes like an electric flash through the whole People--"Prince Eugene," a specimen of a class of Songs very common amongst the People--All classes, in town or country, have their peculiar Songs--the Student is affluent in Songs--the Commers-Book a collection of them--Sing in their Kneips--their Songs often heard on summer evenings in the open air with fine effect--one of the finest "From High Olympus," etc.--the Roundelay--the Student has his Songs of Love, Wine, Fatherland, and Friendship--Student-life regarded as a joyous season that comes but once, therefore they sing and rejoice in it--Accompany their Deceased Brethren to the tomb also with Song--"Gaudeamus igitur" CHAPTER XV. Drinking Customs of Student-life, ancient and modern.--The Author's opinions on festive drinking--Song of Old Noah--Master Schluck's persiflage on the Burschen-Comment, or Student Code of Drinking Laws--Notice of some of the chief of the different classes of Student Songs--"The Maiden Song" as formerly sung--account of it in Zacchariæ's Renommist--Drinking Customs of a past age in the Universities--anecdotes of these--Phrases collected by Lichtenberg descriptive of a Drunkard--the General Beer-Code of Heidelberg CHAPTER XVI. The Commers.--The Commerses, general and special--their social Festive Meetings, held on various occasions--Description of the General Commers--certain Songs sung, as "Heidelberg live thou," etc.--the Singing of "The Consecration Song, or Landsfather," and singular ceremonies attending it--the Ceremony of the Smollis-- Smollering constitutes a Brotherhood to last for life--Drinking Laws of the Commers--Herr Schluck's Comments on a Commers--the Excesses of the Ancient Commerses abandoned CHAPTER XVII. The Special Commers.--Description of a train of Students going out to a Special Commers in the country--their arrival there-- description of the Room and mode of holding the Commers--Ceremony, and Song of "The Prince of Fooling"--Frolics and Gambols of the Students the next day in the village--An old ballad describing these in 1650--the Commers over, they return often by water, with music and fireworks--close it with drinking Crambambuli--the Song of Crambambuli--The Lumpin Bell CHAPTER XVIII. New Year's Eve.--Spent by the Friends at the rooms of Freisleben-- Conversation sallies--Glee-wine made, and the English song, "Down with the Sorrows," etc., by Mrs. Howitt, sung by Hoffmann to the guitar--"The Song of Wine"--"The Table-Song," by Goethe CHAPTER XIX. New Year's Eve, continued.--Sketch of the History of Heidelberg University--A Salamander rubbed to the honour of the Professors CHAPTER XX. New Year's Eve, continued.--University Stories--Singular Story of the feats of activity, strength, and eccentric humour of Von Plauen--his Banishment from the University--his Imprisonment and Escape--Story of the Student Schwartzkopf, who became the celebrated robber, "The Black Peter;" with his deeds, capture, and strange final escape--Story of the Student Stark--Fire-arms announce the entrance of the New Year, and the friends rush forth to witness the Procession of the Students to give a "Vivat" to their chief Professors--this described--Breaking up of the ice on the river--the exploit of the Red Fisherman CHAPTER XXI. The Marching-Forth.--Modes in which the Student generally quits the University--The Marching-Forth when the Bann is laid by the Students on the University itself, and march forth in a body-- various instances of this--the one which arose out of the building of the Museum in Heidelberg in 1827--the cry of "Bursch, come forth!" raised, and all the Students, in procession, quitted the city--the progress of negotiation and return of the Students-- Marching-Forth from Heidelberg on account of dispute with the Military--Marching-Forth from Göttingen in 1818--progress and event of it--Anecdote of a Student and an Actor at Darmstadt-- Noble instance of the cry of "Bursch, come forth!" being raised for the defence of the Jews--used in case of fires--in defence of the Prussian Students--Debts of the Students--their vengeance on an offending Tailor--the Manichæans or creditors--Mr. Traveller quits Heidelberg--Scene at his Rooms--Accompanied by his Friends to Weinheim--Meeting with a pedestrian party of Students from Wurtzburg--As Mr. Traveller departs they sing, "A Mossy Bursch now forth I wend" CHAPTER XXII. The Student's Funeral, etc.--Hazards supposed to attend Student-life considered--Termination of the Student career by death--No class of persons so poetically testify their respect and affection for their deceased friends as the Students--Description of the whole Pageant and Procession of a Student's Funeral--with the final burning of the torches before the University, and singing of the "Gaudeamus igitur"--Funeral honours paid to a Professor CHAPTER XXIII. The Comitat, or accompaniment of a Student in procession on his quitting the University--Hard study of the Student as the day of Examination approaches--Degrees obtained--Description of the Comitat precession of his Friends, as formerly practised and as at present--they sing the song of "The Mossy Bursch" at parting-- Ballad of "The Old Bursch" CHAPTER XXIV. Summary of the actual merits and demerits of German Student-life-- Arguments of Professor Ringseis against Duelling CHAPTER XXV. A Review of the Political Aspect of Student-life CHAPTER XXVI. A parting glance at other Universities German and Foreign * * * The General Beer-Comment of Heidelberg LIST OF GERMAN SONGS. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH. 1. The Sword Song 2. The German Fatherland 3. The Union Song 4. Are German Hearts 5. We Builded Ourselves 6. The Fox-Ride 7. Free is the Bursch 8. The Wirthin's Daughter 9. God greet Thee, Brother Straubinger 10. True Love 11. The Departure 12. The Gallant Ship is going 13. The Four Elements 14. There Twinkle Three Stars 15. Roundelay 16. The Krähwinkler Landsturm 17. The Binschgauer's Pilgrimage 18. Drinking Song 19. The Pope 20. Drinking Song 21. Rhine-Wine 22. Prince Eugene 23. Commers Song 24. An Unbounded Jollity 25. Gaudeamus Igitur 26. Old Noah 27. Old-fashioned Bursch 28. The Travel Song 29. The Landsfather 30. Prince of Fools 31. Ways of the Students 32. Crambambuli 33. Song of Wine 34. The Departing Bursch 35. The Old Bursch THE STUDENT LIFE OF GERMANY. CHAPTER I. GENERAL PLAN, OFFICERS, AND COURTS, OF A GERMAN UNIVERSITY Jerusalem beautifully observes, that the barbarism which often springs up behind the loveliest and most richly-coloured flower of knowledge, may be a kind of strengthening mud-bath, to prevent the over-delicacy which threatens the flower; and I fancy that one who reflects how far knowledge usually climbs in a student, will allow the so-called Burschen life to the Sons of the Muses, as a kind of barbarous Middle-age, which may so far fortify them as to prevent this delicacy of refinement exceeding its due bounds.--_Jean Paul Richter's Quintus Fichslein_. Student Life! Burschen Life! What a magic sound have these words for him who has learnt for himself their real meaning! What a swarm of recollections come over him who has once visited that land, however long it may be since he returned homeward to a safer haven! Youth flies on wings of impatience towards this happy time; age, though indeed it may smile over the recollection of many a folly, recalls its memory with delight. We hear two old men, who in later life recognise each other in civil office, and loaded with honourable duties. They speak of those beautiful dreams of youth with enthusiasm, like two old veterans rejoicing themselves in the recollections of the campaigns in which they have served, and the battles which they have fought together. "To the old times!" cry they, touching their glasses together, filled with noble Rhein wine, and with their joy sorrowfully mingles itself the memory of the many companions of those times, who have already quitted this life; for it is a fine characteristic of the heart of man, that while enjoying the highest happiness of the present, or when joyfully calling to remembrance that once enjoyed, in such moments it feels most painfully the absence of distant friends. The stranger who should hear the conversation of these old gentlemen; as he saw how they became young again in spirit, and how their forms, bent with years, they raised again erect as they conversed, would gladly linger near them, and would certainly say, "Those must indeed have been delightful times!" Yes, they were--and they are, for those who know how to enjoy them. Stranger, thou who hast never known this beautiful life; and thou who wouldst willingly experience more of it,--to you hope we to be able to reveal many an attractive feature, and you shall behold many a scene, as we venture to predict, snatched fresh and living from the heart of this existence. Follow us into the City of the Muses--to the strife-place of this passion-driven life; there will we teach thee more nearly to observe the peculiar constitution of this student state, and the habits of its citizens, which thou hast perhaps observed many a time with amazement. Many a foreigner has even probably been for a short period a citizen of this state, without having penetrated deeply into its constitution and all its peculiarities. To him also will these pages afford information and entertainment, Plunge boldly into actual human life,-- Every man lives it; few men know it well; And where you seize it, there you make it tell. _Prologue to Goethe's Faust_. We have here in the very outset used the expressions "student" and "bursché," and shall find ourselves necessitated still oftener to use them; we will, therefore, at once give a few sentences in explanation of their meaning. By student, we understand one who has by matriculation acquired the rights of academical citizenship; but, by bursché, we understand one who has already spent a certain time at the university--and who, to a certain degree, has taken part in the social practices of the students. How and when he acquires a real claim to this title, we shall hereafter have occasion to show. We will here only make one observation regarding the origin of this term. In order to render a university education available to men of little or no property, in the twelfth century colleges were founded, where poor youths received free lodging, maintenance, and money, and lived under the strict superintendence of one or more teachers. This became extensively the case in the thirteenth century, and still more general in the fourteenth. Private persons of wealth were mostly the benefactors, when such institutions were founded and endowed. In Germany such colleges were called _bursen_, whence comes the term _bursché_. This name, given at that time to such as dwelt together in such a burse, was, at a later period, restricted to those only who had for a longer time taken a more immediate part in the associate life of the students. The signification of the terms--student life, burschen life--thence derived, is plain enough of perception. Before, however, we conduct the reader into this burschen life, in order to give him a clearer understanding of it, we will say a few words on the constitution of universities; on the surveillance which the state exercises over them, and on the relation of teachers and university officers to the students. The right to found universities--to dissolve them again--to unite them with others, and so on--belongs at the present time only to the respective sovereign princes, who have held these prerogatives from the dissolution of the German empire. Prior to this, they centred in the Emperor, and before the Reformation, in the Pope. The universities stand under the particular protection of the state, which superintends and conducts them by jurisdiction thereunto especially organized. The interests of the universities are protected by a representative in the Landtag, the second chamber of the state. Should a university have causes of complaint against the prince, it must appeal to the Bundestag, that is, the court established between the different German states, to decide all questions between those states, or between the prince and people of any one of them. At the head of a German university stands the rector, or more commonly, the prorector, since the rectorate is generally retained by the sovereign princes in their own hands, as is the case in Baden. With the rector or prorector is associated the Academical Senate, as a permanent court of administration. The prorector is annually chosen at Easter, by the Great Senate, out of the body of professors. He is then proposed to the curator, formerly termed throughout Germany, the chancellor, and still so styled in Wirtemberg. On the motion of this officer, he is confirmed by the prince. His duty is to promote, as far as in him lies, the prosperity and object of the High School generally, and especially the moral and literary education of the students; the enforcement of the academical laws and statutes; and to watch over the official proceedings of the curatorship, and the resolutions of the Senate. He thus presides over the Great, and Select or Lesser Senate, where he also exercises the right of proposition; opens all propositions or memorials; collects the votes; and, according to the majority, decides. He is entitled to be present at the assembly of the Ephorats. At the expiration of his prorectorate, he continues in the senate a year, where, in the absence of the prorector, he occupies his place. The Senate is divided into the Select and Great Senate. The first consists of the prorector, the ex-prorector, and four ordinary professors, each section furnishing one. At the end of every half-year three members go out. Their successors are appointed from the curatorium--the office of the curator. The period of office is for a year. The Select Senate corresponds with the curatorium, and it is the business of the prorector to lay before this body all current communications from the curatorium: in ordinary cases, at its ordinary sittings; or in emergencies, at extraordinary ones. The Select Senate lays before the Great Senate all such concerns as have been brought under its own consideration, or such as at least two-thirds of its members shall deem of sufficient importance to require reference to this larger body. The Select Senate assembles regularly every fortnight. Extraordinary meetings are called by the prorector. In cases of an equality of votes, the prorector gives the casting voice. The Great Senate consists of all the ordinary professors. To this senate belongs the election of prorector, and other officers of the university, so for as the university right extends, and the management of the affairs consigned to their care by the Select Senate. The Great Senate has, therefore, no fixed days of assembly. The four faculties of theology, law, medicine, and philosophy, which last includes in itself all that is not comprehended under the other three, as mathematics, political and states' economy, history, language, etc. etc., constitute the main learned and scientific fabric of the university. The teachers are divided into ordinary professors; such teachers as occupy the established professorships, with the emoluments and duties thereunto belonging; and the extraordinary professors, such teachers as possess only such salary as the prince bestows. These do not always hold an actual professorship--and in this respect, resemble a third class, the so-called _Privat Docenten_; that is to say, gentlemen who devote themselves to an academical career, who have taken the degree of doctor, and through a public disputation have acquired the right to deliver lectures on subjects connected with their particular department of science. The last receive no salary, but depend upon the remuneration derived from their classes. This institution of private teachers forms a nursery, out of which the High School can advantageously recruit itself with able professors; and we shall have occasion presently to show the great benefit derived from this regulation, especially when compared with the arrangements of the French universities. All the ordinary professors are members of the faculty by virtue of their office. Their rank in the faculty determines itself by the number of years during which they have occupied regular professorships, whether in that in which they reside, or in some other university of Germany. The oldest member of each faculty becomes, according to established rule, its head, with the title of Dean. To him it belongs to bring forward all affairs of the faculty; to superintend the examination of the students, as well as to issue the diplomas conferred on them. The same honorarium which the docenten or tutors receive, receive also all the teachers of a university, from those students who attend their classes. There are regular receivers, quæstors, appointed for the reception of the honorarium, or charge for the attendance of lectures, to whom especially belongs the reception of all money belonging to the administration of the university, and attention to every thing connected with the financial department. The universities possess funds of their own, which are derived from ancient grants from the princes, and from private legacies. To this fund the government adds an annual determinate contribution; and from this united income are defrayed the total expenses of the High School; as the salaries of teachers and officers, and the management of its subordinate institutions. Besides this financial administration of the university, it has also a building and economy commission. The building-commission has the superintendence of the new building and necessary repairs in the university, and under its direction is placed the building inspector with a yearly salary. In the economy department of the university, the commission, in all that falls under its management, has to maintain a correspondence with, and receive the approval of the curatorial office. It assembles once a month under a director, who is selected from the members in routine. The cashier of the university has a seat in the commissions, and he is at the same time secretary, and draws up and signs the decrees of the senate. As the university has its own Board of Finance, so has it also its Court of Justice. The peculiar life of the universities--their peculiar relation to the state--the members of such societies--flowing together, as they did and do, from such different countries, to combine themselves, so to say, into an _imperium in imperio_; into a small state, in fact, which must enjoy a certain, and, indeed, ample degree of freedom, and yet must be made subordinate to the great state,--all this made the princes in the times immediately succeeding the founding of the universities, feel it necessary to grant to them their own courts of justice. So received these institutions peculiar privileges. Individual laws were given, till their number became so great that it was requisite to collect them into a code. These laws, as they at present exist, have been revised by the government, in conjunction with the senates of the universities, and confirmed. They bear especially upon the following points. First, upon the acquisition and forfeiture of the rights of academical citizenship. Candidates for matriculation must, upon an appointed day, and at an appointed hour, appear before the board of matriculation, and lay before it their certificates of learning and morals. If these are found satisfactory, the board delivers to the candidate the printed academical regulations. Hereupon must he sign what is called the reverse; that is, an attached form of declaration, binding himself to take no part in any prohibited _verbindung_, or union, or in any designs of a demagogue burschenschaft, but to conform himself to the academical laws. The new candidate thereupon gives to the prorector what is called the hand-gelübde, or literally, hand-oath; that is, he gives him his hand, pronounces what is above stated, and then receives the matriculation certificate, or diploma, which confers upon him the enjoyment of all the rights of academical burgership. Through this he acquires a claim on the academical court of justice, on the protection of the academical laws, as well as the right to enjoy the benefit of the library and the learned institutions. No one who has not matriculated can attend the public lectures, except the tutors, companions or attendants, appointed by parents or guardians to students--these, of course, also paying the regular fees--and such persons not studying in the universities as are so far advanced in life as to put matriculation out of the question. This right of academical citizenship continues five years, provided it be not voluntarily relinquished or penally forfeited. The laws extend themselves to the relations between the students and the heads, professors, and subordinate officers of the university, as well as towards other officers of the state or city. For instance, the penalties are stated, for offences against these various officers, as also the duties of the students in regard to their studies. A long series of laws defines the penalties for the peculiar offences of students, as for games of hazard, real and verbal injuries to one another, especially for the duel, under its various forms; for breaking the peace, drunkenness, tumults and uproars, interdicted assembling of themselves together, secret combinations of students, etc. It is further declared, that public processions are only permitted under certain conditions, and that the wearing of colours is forbidden. Further declarations regard the debts of the students; and lastly, the regulations under which the advantages of the university library are to be enjoyed are made known. The oversight and penal jurisdiction over the students are exercised by the academical senate, the prorector, and the amtmann, or magistrate of the university. The ephorat is a peculiar board, consisting of select professors, which only in the sphere of fatherly and friendly admonition exercises its superintendence chiefly over the moral conduct of the students when occasion requires; exhorting them to diligence and good behaviour, and putting itself, if necessary, in correspondence with their parents. The magistrate exercises the jurisdiction in the first instance. In criminal cases, he draws the process, and sends it, not to the court of justice of the university, but to the ordinary tribunal of the state; in affairs of discipline he conducts the inquiry, and pronounces all academical penalties, with the exception of the _consilium abeundi_. The proceeding in the inquiry is summary, and, in cases where the ordinary oath is administered to people in general, is the _ehrenwort_, or word of honour of the student demanded. To the condemned it is neither allowed to look into the proceedings against him, nor is the name of his accuser revealed. He must even submit himself to the judgment of the senate, without the power to insist that the ground of its judgment shall be made known. The appeal from the sentence of the amtmann, lies to the senate, which also pronounces the _consilium abeundi_ and the relegation, on the motion of the amtmann. The appeal from the sentence of the senate lies to the minister of the interior. For the administration of the academical laws and acts of justice, especial police officers, and beadles, upper and inferior, are maintained. The chief beadle in pressing cases, has the right to cite before him, and to arrest without warrant, but must immediately make announcement thereof to the amtmann. The chief beadle, who lives near the college, has at the same time, the care of the prison, which is in the upper part of his house. Two beadles do duty in the university library. In the scale of academical punishments, first stands reproof, then pecuniary fine, then incarceration. The signing of the _consilium abeundi_, includes a solemn promise not to suffer himself to become guilty in future of any offence, even of smaller moment. He who, notwithstanding, breaks this promise, and becomes guilty of an offence which would draw upon another at least eight days' imprisonment, can meet with no lighter punishment than the _consilium abeundi_. This _consilium abeundi_ consists in expulsion out of the district of the court of justice within which the university is situated. This punishment lasts a year; after the expiration of which the banished student can renew his matriculation. The relegation is the punishment next in severity. It has two degrees. First, the simple relegation. This consists in expulsion out of the aforesaid districts, for a period of from two to three years; after which the offender may indeed return, but can no more be received as an academical burger. Secondly, the sharper relegation, which adds to the simple relegation an announcement of the fact to the magistracy of the place of abode of the offender; and according to the discretion of the court, a confinement in an ordinary prison, previous to the banishment is added; and also the sharper relegation can be extended to more than four years, the ordinary term, yes, even to perpetual expulsion. Loss of honour is one of a class of severe penalties which can only be pronounced by a civil court of justice. Previous to any _consilium abeundi_ and relegation, the university amtmann must send intelligence to all the German universities, and to the city magistrates, of the cause of the prosecution, together with the signature of the culprit, and also must affix a copy of the sentence on the black board, that is, a black tablet, or board, in the university, to which all the announcements to its members are attached; and at the same time must advertise the parents, or those standing in their relation, of the same. Causes of complaint, which a student considers himself to have against an academical officer, must be laid before the academical amtmann, if such officer belong to the inferior class of the servants of the High School. When it affects a head or teacher, then before the academical senate; if it affects the prorector, or academical senate, then it must be carried to the curator of the university, who must receive it, and lay it before the minister of the interior. * * * Through these brief sketches we hope to have given to the reader a clear notion of the constitution of a German university, in reference to its financial and judicial administration. We have so far had Heidelberg in our eye, and may be allowed to do this, since however different the universities of Germany may otherwise be, in spirit and manners, in these respects they resemble each other. Upon the conformity of their present constitution to their purpose, we may leave the reader to make his own reflections. This is a subject upon which recently so much discussion has taken place, and so many proposals have been made; not indeed so jocose as that of Lichtenberg, where he says, "every university should have an ambassador at the other universities for the purpose of keeping up the friendships as well as the enmities;" we shall moot this point as opportunity occurs, we will at present make only a few observations on the constitution of the universities, as regards the course of studies. The annual courses of instruction are divided into summer and winter half-years; betwixt come Easter and Michaelmas as vacations. The lectures, which in these annual courses are delivered, comprehend in themselves the whole doctrines which belong to the circle of the four faculties. The professors are bound by the state, by which they are paid, to deliver the necessary lectures, but they are allowed a certain freedom in the distribution of these lectures amongst the members of the faculty. Every teacher is bound during three times each week, to deliver a public lecture, gratis, on which occasion he either makes an examination of the students on the subject of his regular course, or lectures on an interesting but generally minor topic of his branch of science or literature, which possibly the students would hesitate to attend were they obliged to pay for it, and which yet may be important to the creditable discharge of their future profession. Every lecturer is in duty bound to devote twelve hours per week to his regular course, that is, to the lectures for which he receives a proportionate honorarium from the students; these twelve hours being divided into two or three lectures, according as the extent of their matter may require. Besides this, it is the duty of each lecturer, so far as his other obligations permit, to be ready to deliver any lecture which lies within the sphere of his department of teaching, when, out of the ordinary course, such is desired of him by a number of the students, so soon as those who seek it assure him of a proportionate remuneration for his trouble. To these _Privatissimi_, as they are called, or especially private lectures, being once agreed upon, no other auditors can be admitted. Lectures are delivered every day, Sundays and holidays excepted; each delivery continuing only one hour, so that one may not prevent another. The majority of the lectures are delivered in German, partly extempore and partly from the written notes; the latter practice, however, becoming daily more rare. A certain time before the new course begins, a list is sent round, on which each lecturer puts down the lectures be intends to give. The hours of delivery are next added, in order to avoid collision. After its receiving the approval of the curator, it is published under the direction of a commissioner appointed by him. The list is in German. The commencement of each course, as well as other particulars connected with it, is made known on the black board. It is at the option of each student which course or courses of lectures he will attend during the current half-year, and he gives notice accordingly to the professor who has announced that course. Yet is the student in the German states obliged, within the period of his whole university study, to attend a certain number of lectures, if he wishes to be admitted to a state's examination. Those lectures which bear upon the peculiar profession at which he aims, are prescribed to him by the state to which he belongs. He must obtain from the respective lecturers, testimonies that he has diligently studied every lecture of that kind. A copy of these testimonies is contained in the so-called departure-certificate, without which no one can be admitted to the state's examination; and this certificate is sent directly by the prorector to the board of examination. This departure-certificate is, in fact, on the student's quitting the High School, drawn up, and signed by the prorector and amtmann of the university, and contains the date of matriculation, the continuance of his abode at the college--a certain term of abode being prescribed by the government for the student of each particular profession,--the attendance of lectures, a statement of his behaviour, what punishments he has become amenable to. The certificate expressly announces whether the student has taken part in any interdicted combination or not; whether he even were suspected of such participation, and on what grounds. The university buildings themselves contain the lecture-rooms; and the greater part of those lectures which are likely to draw the largest audiences are there delivered. The warming of the rooms, and their lighting up for the evening lectures, are the care of the nearest dwelling chief-beadle. These buildings contain also a larger hall, in which the public celebrations of university affairs and events are held. In this hall, for example, are annually delivered, publicly and solemnly, the gold medals to those who have best answered the prize-questions propounded by each faculty. The professors also frequently lecture in their own houses. The medical and natural history lectures are mostly in these buildings, where those collections of specimens and subjects belonging to the university, which are necessary to demonstration, are deposited. Amongst these are the apparatus for the physical sciences, the chemical laboratory, the zoological and mineralogical cabinets, the cabinet of models, the buildings in the botanical gardens, and school of anatomy. The lectures also on pathology, surgery, and obstetrics, are delivered in the respective hospitals of these departments. Besides the professors in the university, also other teachers of physical exercises, as the riding-master, fencing-master, dancing and swimming masters, receive small salaries, that students may not lose the opportunity of perfecting themselves in these arts. In order to make support at the university easy to those without property, many regulations are established. To those who can bring certificates of inability to pay, the lecture-fees are remitted. Besides this, in the different universities exist endowments, derived in part from an ancient period, for such as cannot support the cost of a university life. Many universities are rich in such endowments, or stipends. It is a popular joke, that any student who arrives at Greifswald, well known as the smallest Prussian university, is asked at the gate whether he will accept a stipend; and if he declines, they hesitate to admit him; since, unless students enow will come and take them, the university does not know what to do with its endowments. The candidates to obtain stipends must submit to an examination, and then receive half-yearly a fixed sum, which however, in case of ill conduct, can at the end of any half-year be withdrawn. These endowments are in the management of several professors of the academy. The various seminaries possess the like; in particular, the preacher seminary, where the young theologians are prepared for their future calling. They live in a large building at free cost, and under stricter oversight than the rest of the students. Every student who is in circumstances to pay the college fees, must make half-yearly, a small contribution to the sick union, out of which sum such of the poor students as become ill are furnished with all necessary attendance in particular apartments in the hospital. For this union a commission is named, consisting of several of the professors, and some students. These slight notices may be sufficient to give us a conception of the internal arrangements of one of the German universities, which proudly may the German say, though they may indeed have their defects, yet stand far above all foreign ones. What country can show an institution so well organized and ordered as our High Schools? Truly does it excite admiration and delight to see so small a state, even as Baden, whose peculiar aim is the diffusion of knowledge. On the one hand, teachers paid by the state, that they may, freed from all the pressure of affairs, be able to dedicate their lives entirely to the office of teaching; and on the other, scholars flocking from every country, to avail themselves of their instructions. How many great men have already gone forth out of this school! What beneficent influence such an association exerts on the whole life with which it is surrounded, we see strikingly when we turn our eyes elsewhere, when we compare the fresh and living spirit which a university inspires, with the unintellectual existence of a mere mercantile city. Most true are the words of Goethe:--"That academical life, even if we cannot ourselves boast of participation of its peculiar diligence, yet in every species of accomplishment yields incalculable advantages, since we are perpetually surrounded by men who either possess knowledge, or seek it, so that, from such an atmosphere, even while unconscious of it, we draw actual nourishment."--_Goethe's Leben Wahrheit und Dichtung_. And this fountain of all high knowledge, we may assert it with joy, flows not only for the wealthy and the lords of broad lands. No! it stands open to the poorest amongst the people, that it may call forth talent and spiritual endowments to their highest accomplishment! Through this becomes it possible to the humblest individual, in the lowest condition of society, on the wings of merit to soar up, and that no heaven-gifted head shall be lost to the service of mankind. However high in Germany the advantages of a university education are rated, and as some may possibly imagine overrated, yet this fact has sprung from it,--that the richest and most independent must pass some years at one of the High Schools. God be praised! the number of those is few who look upon knowledge as a milch-cow, from which they may draw their daily living, and on the university as a stall, in which that useful beast is reared and cherished. Men have learned to perceive that the possession of knowledge is desirable to every one, even if he draw no direct worldly advantage therefrom. A noble rivalry to push discovery farther and higher, through the power of the human mind, and to dig after the truth, has diffused itself far and wide. The times are gone by, against which Rabener directed the fire of his Satires. I recollect where Sancho Panza in the discussion on proverbs says gravely--"Beside the watchman I know no one in our city who has attained his office in a creditable manner, and in passing must I also remember, that he is the only one in our place that had understanding before he had his office." It is only by merit that a German can now acquire an honourable position in society; nay, the rich and the noble feel a pride in showing the world that in them these merits are not wanting. Here is an example of this honourable sentiment. "Shall you soon depart to your estate?" inquired a foreigner of the Graf von Sch----, one of the richest nobles of Germany, who studied jurisprudence in Heidelberg. "No," replied the Graf, "I shall first submit myself to a state's examination." "Indeed!" replied the foreigner, "will you then really become a legal practitioner?"[2] "No; but I will show to the world, that without my possessions I could have made my way by my acquirements." And to this diffusion and recognition of the claims of knowledge, to the scattering abroad of science amongst the people, what has more contributed than the foundation of our universities? Out of them go forth the distinguished men who guide the helm of the state with circumspection; out of them the teachers of the pulpit and the folks-schools,--to diffuse light and improvement throughout society. CHAPTER II. GENERAL VIEW OF STUDENT-LIFE. The word freedom sounds so sweetly that we could not be without it, even did it indicate errors--_Goethe's Leben Wahrheit und Dichtung_. "Free is the Bursch!" exclaims a beautiful student-song--a song beaten so threadbare with continual singing, that now we seldom bear it sung by the student himself. And true is the cry; or tell me who is freer than he? Where see we the idea of freedom so beautifully realized as in the German student-life? He who has learnt to know this life, may even doubt the truth of that otherwise so true expression of Schiller's-- Freedom is only in the realm of dreams. The life of the university is an admirable school, which brings the young man quickly to a sense of self-dependence, which in a few years brings him to manly knowledge, and builds him up to a fitness for intercourse with other men. The freedom which the student enjoys in a high degree, is truly a strong touchstone,--a dangerous rock, on which many a one splits,--but it is the only ground on which genuine knowledge can attain its noblest bloom. Suddenly liberated from the fetters of school, from the strict oversight of parents, steps the young man into this life. He is distant from the friends who, as it were, shaped his early being,--from his nearest relatives. His whole life's plan must be now fashioned after his own judgment; he may enjoy his pleasures with a freer, choice, and pursue his studies in a great measure according to his own discretion. He stands free to choose his friends from his numerous fellows; and it is only by his own qualities and endowments, that he can convert them into friends. When entering on this new scene of life, may he never forget the words of Goethe-- No single thing can suit itself to all. Let each look to his ways, Where he goes, and where he stays; And he that stands, take heed he do not fall. There is a prejudice which yet prevails abroad, that the student, especially the foreigner, is exposed to many unpleasantnesses through the necessary intercourse with his companions; the obligation to take part in their customs and amusements, which are often denounced as sufficiently rough and barbarous. This prejudice is totally groundless, at least in the present times. The necessity of intercourse, the compulsion, have no existence whatever. On the contrary, every one lets another act as he likes, and troubles himself no further about him, than as his society may be desirable to the individual himself. It is perfectly at the option of the new comer whether he will isolate himself, or in what society he will live; whether he will participate to a certain degree in the student life, or even enter into one of their Chores. If he seeks not the society of the students, he is perfectly secure not to be sought after himself. Nor let any one, especially the foreigner, imagine that he may claim distinction on account of his wealth, or his high birth; or that he may expect from his university acquaintance particular homage on that account; thereby would he certainly expose himself to ridicule and annoyances. Nobility holds in Germany no longer such absurd estimation; few Germans seek a man's acquaintance exclusively on account of its possession, and those few are despised. This is a necessary consequence of the constitutional structure of our German states; and hence are the Germans freer than the English, who pride themselves so much on their political liberty, and yet are such slaves to the nobility. This singularity of the English often becomes very ludicrously conspicuous in constitutional Baden, to whose cities they so numerously resort; and the students of Heidelberg have often made themselves merry over it, especially when the English families in a neighbouring city have, each term, picked out the address calendar of the university--a list of the students published each half year--those names which had any mark of nobility about them, and invited these _elite_ to their entertainments. If this is a prominent feeling throughout Germany, it is in the universities, at least in the majority of them, the ruling one; and to make clear what I have here said, I may quote the following words of Lichtenberg. "An equality like that of the French people, exists amongst the students of the universities. The poorest thinks himself as good as the Graf, and stoops not to him, though he freely leaves him to enjoy any advantages that he may possess. Should he set up haughty pretensions, that were the way effectually to ensure a denial of any claim. They are only proud assumptions, that are intolerable to the free man; for the rest, he is thoroughly disposed to allow to him every distinction that he deserves, and what these distinctions are, he has generally correct means of determining." The academical freedom is a possession dear to the student. He has defended it with zeal from the ancient times; and a conceived encroachment upon his privileges has often occasioned general risings of the whole student body against the infringing power, which though they may not be wholly commendable as excesses, were always highly remarkable, and indicate vividly the spirit of student life. We allude to the marching forth from the university cities, and the denunciations which the students have sometimes pronounced, as a severe bann upon them. But of this more anon. This freedom has the most beneficial influence on the prosecution of the study, and the manifold accomplishments of the students. This has become perceived and acknowledged by the greatest men; and it has made itself conspicuous that exactly in those colleges which enjoy the highest degree of freedom, amongst which Heidelberg is numbered, there also prevails the most active pursuit of every academical advantage. This free associate-life of the students has, moreover, the most decided influence on the general cultivation of mind and manners. Flowing from different countries, these diverse elements meet in the most varied points of contact, and mutually impart their experience and their customs. The author of the article on Heidelberg in the Halle Year-Book, speaks of Heidelberg in this respect, thus:-- The variety of nationalities which meet in Heidelberg give an intellectual activity to the associate-life of that student-world; and preserve it, at least, from the eternal monotony of fixed conventional forms, stale jests, _fade_ word-wit, and bookworm pedantry. The happy-spirited, practical, intelligent Palatine; the simple, honest Swabian, who has seen only the world which lies between his own mountains, but with his sound, clear intellect, penetrates through every thing; the open Rhinelander; the pithy Hessian; the polite, socially-accomplished, well-bred, reserved North-German; and the grave, self-confident Hanseat;--each brings a different style of accomplishments, a different view of life, different experience;--each race maintains its own natural character, without withdrawing itself, however, from the impressions of the other nationalities, and the equipoising influence of the common elements of their confluent existence. Add to these, the numerous foreigners--Swiss, French, Belgian, English, Spanish, who soon find themselves disposed to attach themselves in preference to one of the German races, and ready, through the common medium of social life, to receive somewhat from all, and give to all somewhat, as it may happen. And herewith is connected this important consideration, that these foreign frequenters of the university of Heidelberg are almost wholly connected by birth with the higher classes of society, and are impelled by their professional views towards the interests and the movements of social life. They all bring thither cultivated mind, and a broad grasp of observation of life and manners; for the increase of which, neither internal impulse nor external means are wanting. It is indispensable to good _ton_ amongst the students of Heidelberg, more or less to have travelled. The vicinity of the Rhine, of France, of Switzerland, excite to still further excursions, for which the vacation affords a favourable opportunity; and those thus returning from distant regions, from Paris, from the Alps, or from the sea, bring with them new and very varied impressions,--whose communication, exchange, and turning to account, again for a long time fill up and refresh the intellectual life, not only of the individual, but of the meetings of the national Chores, the associations formed from the general body of the students. He who would dispute the great advantages derived directly from the social life of the students--to which belong not only different nations, but different faculties, especially in rapidly developing the intellect--would deny the advantages of social life altogether; but wo to the man who is disposed to act upon such a notion, and lead an eremitical life in accordance with it; such one-sidedness of judgment must inflict upon him the severest penalty. The necessity for social union has always been the more sensibly felt, since countrymen and friends who pursue different studies, are thereby much separated from each other. The division into such unions, according to nations and landsmanships, was the dictate of nature herself. Their existence was acknowledged by the state, and honoured by it as a very ancient arrangement. Out of these combinations sprung, about the end of the sixteenth, and beginning of the seventeenth century, the so-called Orders. When at length their aim began to appear not wholly pure, they met with government opposition; and in their place again stood forth the landsmanschafts, similar to the early national divisions, but so far different, that to the landsmanschafts belonged not only the students who were actually natives of the country whose name the union bore, but all who chose to enter the same, and submit themselves to its regulations, were received by it. All these landsmanschafts from 1815, amalgamated themselves into one common Burschenschaft; till the bloody act of Sand, in 1819, drew the attention of government upon that union, and became the occasion that the greater number of persons withdrew from the burschenschaft, and again resolved themselves into particular landsmanschafts; or, declining to belong to extensive unions, lived politically isolated. Those societies which had in the course of time assumed so many different forms, now began to frame their own laws, and to choose their own leaders. The members of each association had their peculiar badge of distinction, others wore their colours; and in the very nature of things, the constitution of such unions became more elaborate; their regulations increased in number; and ceremonies, in order to give to the whole exterior pomp and circumstance, could not be long wanting. The rulers of an earlier age saw with approval that the studentships showed themselves in the greatest possible splendour on public and solemn occasions; and the services which in times of war the student youth rendered to the state, increased their consideration. In those days, the carrying of weapons was conditionally permitted. So is it declared in an early ordinance published at Heidelberg:--"But it is expressly forbidden at evening, and after the tolling of the bell which calls the night-watch to their duty, to go about the city with arms." To which is added the menace, "that if any one dares to transgress this regulation, neither the rector nor the high school shall be allowed to liberate or to defend him." The people, on all occasions, have delighted especially in investing public acts with pageantry; as for instance, in the conferring of the doctoral degree. This was attended with great ceremony, and without sparing of cost. The costume of professors and directors was a peculiar one; and the latter even in recent years, in many of the High Schools, were expected to appear in black silk stockings, short breeches, a two-pointed hat, and a sword by the side. We see a remains of this ceremonial yet in the public solemnities of the universities, as in Heidelberg, on the birthday of the Grand Duke. On this occasion a procession, composed of the academical professors and of a deputation from the students, proceeds from the hall of the universities to a public solemn service in the church, and afterwards concludes the festival by a dinner. But to return to the unions. Thus were these sanctioned by the state, and their rules acknowledged by it. This relation betwixt them and the state yet continues in Bavaria, where the Chores are bound to join themselves to the public processions in foil costume, in order to enhance their splendour. We have alluded to the original division of these into natural landsmanschafts; to their combination into one burschenschaft, or burschenship; but in all these, recent times have produced a great change. The greater part of the German governments have strictly prohibited the existence of any unions whatever, bear what name they may. The ground of this prohibition we will inquire more nearly into in another place. We will not here inquire whether the teachers of the universities were at all secretly concerned or concurrent in this measure; whether it be possible, at once, to extirpate, trunk and stalk, these unions, which are as fast rooted as the duel itself. We will not ask whether these unions do not yet continue to exist in secret; and whether in Heidelberg, with whose students we are seeking in these pages more particularly to make ourselves acquainted, this possibly be still the case. But, as in other universities, they actually do yet exist, and as it is so recently that they have been generally forbidden, we will, for once, regard them as existing, and notice more particularly their constitution. This constitution is become by degrees very elaborate, and that necessarily so, in order to uphold the tottering fabric, since Chore life no longer retains the freshness of its early days. In the olden time, when every academician belonged to these unions, they stretched the authority of their laws over every student. But this is no longer the case. Now, the smaller proportion of the students only enter into these unions, which nevertheless represent, to a certain degree, the studentship; and wherever it becomes necessary to defend the interests of Studentdom, the whole body is ready to join them. Certain of their laws, whether descending from the early times, and which are, therefore, faithfully maintained by the Chore members, or those which have been enacted in modern times by the Chores, yet equally extend to the whole body, and possess an influence which can be denied by none, since it is equally exerted by the Chores over all. It is only through these greater organized masses that it is possible for studentship to proceed in its oneness. The internal arrangements of a Chore possess, on this one account, an interest, and deserve our attention the more, inasmuch as we have already said these Chores exert an influence over the rest of the students; and this renders it incumbent that before we speak of the students at large, we should acquaint ourselves more intimately with the present Chore life. CHAPTER III. THE CHORE. Now first of all, to drive scholastic folly, I'll bring thee to a jovial set, and jolly. _Goethe's Faust_. The different Chores have adopted their names, exactly like the early landsmanschafts, from the different German nations. Yet are these, as we have already hinted, no longer so scrupulous in the reception of the new members as those were, to which none could belong but the actual natives of that country whose appellation the union bore. If any man would still persuade himself that the ancient practice is yet continued, he must construct in his own head a very peculiar geography. As these unions bear the names of the different nations, so the members of each wore publicly their respective colours, which, since the interdict against them, of course, is no longer the case. These colours were not only displayed on the cap, but also on a broad band which was worn over the breast. The prohibition of the Chore colours was a severe blow to the unions, and the students sought in various ways waggishly to surmount it. Instead, therefore, of one student, as before, wearing the three united colours, as it might be green, white, and black,--each Chore having, for the most part, like its nation, three,--now went three students arm in arm, each of them wearing one of the three colours, so that the whole three colours were combined in three friends. This attempt, however, led its authors no further than into the student-prison. The principal of the regular Chores are-- The Rhenish, whose colours are--blue, red, and white. The Hanseatic, " " white, red, and white. The Westphalian, " " green, white, and black. The Swabian, " " black, yellow, and white. The Nassau, " " blue, white, and orange. The Swiss, " " green, red, and gold. The Sachsen-Borussen, or Prussian, white, green, black and white. The English, in Leipsic only. Besides this, each Chore has its sign, or token; that is, certain letters curiously interwoven, with which it signs its documents, and which is known to all the other Chores. The number of these Chores is not always the same in the universities. Now one dissolves itself on account of the fewness of its members; and now a new one shows itself. When a number of students find themselves together, who regard themselves numerous enough to constitute a Chore, and are desirous to become such, the first thing which they proceed to do is to elect their leaders. These, as the representatives of the new union, appear before the S. C.--that is, the senior convent, or assembly of seniors--which is the highest tribunal of the students for the settlement of all affairs occurring amongst them. This tribunal inquires into the sufficiency of the aspirants, and if the result is satisfactory, gives its consent. The Chore appears as such at the next _Allgemeine_. By the _Allgemeine_ is understood the meeting of the whole united Chores, which takes place from time to time in an _Allgemeine Kneipe_, or general drinking company, in the same manner as each particular Chore holds, every evening, its meeting, where the members drink, sing, and entertain each other. In this _Allgemeine_, or general meeting, the members of the different Chores have a fine opportunity to pick quarrels with one another,--in student phrase, to _touchiren_ each other; that is, to give offence, so that the swords may not rust. The newly established Chore now takes the customary course. It strikes up a friendly alliance with one of the already existing Chores, in which its members find the greatest number of their acquaintances, at the same time that it assumes a hostile attitude to another. It falls into dispute with the hostile Chore, and what is called the _Chore-hatze_, a regular Chore-baiting, breaks out; that is, there ensues a general challenging between the members of the two Chores. The duels thus originated are fought in succession, and the Chore is said to _pawk_ itself out; that is, to drum or fight itself forward. Hereby it testifies its mastership with its weapons, and intense is the interest which hangs on the result of the _Paw-kereien_, or fights, between the leaders of each Chore. The conquerors have their victory celebrated by their companions the same evening in the Kneipe, where they triumph over their antagonists. When a Chore has thus proved itself, it holds its _Antritt-Commers_--entrance, or opening commerce, or festivity, of which more hereafter; and to which the new Chore invites the leaders of the other Chores. The qualifications by which a member of a Chore can raise himself in it, are practice in the exercise of arms, bodily and intellectual dexterity in general; a good stomach, that he may be able to carry plenty of beer; and, besides these, a powerful voice is a grand requisite. As observed, the members of the Chore elect their leaders. The first of these is the _Senior_. He must possess the qualifications we have mentioned in a preeminent degree, and must have already passed through the other offices of the Chore, as here following. He possesses a great and scarcely limited power, and his duty in return is to advance every where the interests of the Chore, to exert himself for its credit in connexion with and in reference to the other Chores, and thus to maintain its respect, so as much as possible to raise its splendour and reputation; in short, he must, on every occasion, defend the honour of the Chore. He who possesses the next place of honour is called the _Consenior_, or _Zweiter Chargirte_, that is, holder of the second charge; and next to him stands the _Dritte Chargirte_, or third officer. The _Consenior_ is, as it were, war-minister and general in the same person. All that relates to weapons and their use belongs to his department; he has therefore the care of the Fecht-boden, or fencing-school, and the weapons of the duel. He must be a good swordsman, as he is bound to act as second in every occurring case, when any one fights with the weapons of the Chore, and no other able swordsman is ready to do the duty of his office; he must be careful to have the weapons of the Chore, that is, an armoury of all things which belong to the different species of duel, always in the best condition. The _Dritte Chargirte_ represents the finance-minister. He has to manage all the money affairs of the Chore, and the Chore treasury is under his superintendence. This is, in fact, a treasury, into which every member of the Chore pays a determinate sum, out of which all expenses of the union are defrayed. The remainder of the members of the Chore are styled Chore-Burschen, and _Renoncen_; and to these, lastly, add themselves the _Mit-kneipanten_, or boon-companions, who belong not properly to the Chore itself. These are such students as join themselves to the Chore, frequent the meetings at the _Kneipe_, and take part in their other pleasures, without involving themselves with the affairs of the Chore. They maintain a friendly intercourse with the students of the Chore, augment the appearance of the Chore by their numbers, and in return enjoy from the union a certain degree of protection, with whose weapons they also fight. They pay less for the loan of the weapons than the other students and are allowed to use them for a fixed sum for a whole course, that is, for the half-year. On the very lowest step of the Chore stands the _Renoncen_, who has neither seat nor voice in the _Chore-Convent_, or official meeting of the Chore. The _Renoncen_ are for the most part harassed with menial services. They must convey the weapons--which are usually kept in the place of contest, locked up, those of each Chore in its own chest--in case of danger from the authorities, or of any necessity, to a place of safety; when there is singing in the _Kneipe_, they must hand round the _Commers-Books_, the song-books; and besides this, on occasion of every duel that is to be fought with the weapons of the Chore, they must go at night, after the _Kneipe_ is over, to the house of the Pawk-doctor, the surgeon of the students, who is always in attendance at the duels--and announce to him the fact, with the time at which it is to take place. In all the Chores they are bound to appear at the _Kneipe_, on certain days, and failing in this respect, are mulct in a pecuniary fine. In different Chores this attendance of the _Renonce_ is different: in some, it must be daily; in others, three or four times a week; and is not to be omitted without substantial reason. Between the _Renoncen_ and the _Chore-Burschen_, stands the _Fuchs-major_--the greater Fox--who is always the oldest _Renonce_, and has the right to go into the _Chore-Convent_, but is not entitled there to speak. If the _Renonce_ will advance to the rank of _Chore-Bursch_, it is indispensable that he shall have fought three duels. The _Chore-Bursch_ has this peculiar duty; he must settle and determine with the strange _Kneipe_; that is, when a duel is to be fought with the weapons of his Chore, he must seek out him who has challenged, in his _Kneipe_, and announce to him the spot and hour at which the duel is to take place. One of the _Chore-Burschen_ must always be present at every duel which is fought with the weapons of their Chore. When the _Dritte-Chargirte_, that is, the treasurer, is unable, from any cause, to fulfil the duties of his office, the oldest _Chore-Bursch_ must officiate for him; so also in cases of similar emergency, the _Dritte-Chargirte_ steps into the place of the second, and he into that of the _Senior_. Besides the obligation to appear on the appointed _Kneipe_ days, the Chore members must also, at the fixed hours, attend the fencing-school, or pay a pecuniary penalty. The reception of a _Renonce_ into the Chore, as well as his advancement to the rank of _Bursch_, is accompanied by certain solemnities, and by the reading of the constitution of the union. This constitution is held profoundly secret, and cannot pass out of the hands of the three _Chargirten_, who received it at the opening of the Chore, from the _Senioren-Convent_, or official meeting of the _Seniors_ of the different Chores--the so-called S. C. Every Chore has its weekly _Chore-Convent_, wherein the _Senior_ presides, and the _Chore-Burschen_ are present. Here the affairs of the Chore are discussed, and resolutions passed. The _Consenior_ opens these resolutions to the _Renouncen_, in the likewise weekly held _Renoncen-Convent_, or official meeting of the _Renoncen_, which has to carry them into effect, without power to alter them. As the _Chore-Convent_ in each Chore is, so to say, its first board of Administration, so there is a supreme board over all the Chores, and thus, to a certain degree, over the whole body of students. It constitutes the highest court of honour of the students. It is composed of the whole _Chargirten_ of the whole Chores. Each Chore possesses, in alphabetical rotation, the presidency; and the _Convents_, or meetings, held at the _Kneipe_-room of that Chore which at that time is in power. The presidency changes monthly, so that, as the court is held four times in each month, it falls four times in each Chore, which has to defray the cost of the beer that is therein drunk. The _Senior_ of this Chore is president, the _Consenior_ vice-president, and the _Dritte-Chargirte_ secretary. Under the jurisdiction of this court fall general affairs, those which affect the interests of all students; and it passes all the resolutions, to which the whole student-body of the university must submit itself. It keeps what students call _Allgemeine Comment_, that is, the student code of laws. It addresses itself, to protect their rights from all encroachments. It hurls the terrors of its _Bannstrahl_, that is, of its power of excommunication, upon students or citizens, upon individuals or large bodies. When a burger of the university city, or of the vicinity, whose trade derives benefit from the students--for example, an innkeeper, or a shopkeeper--treats a student harshly or unjustly, the complaint must lay his charge before this court. His memorial to the S. C. must be drawn up in due form, according to the nature of its contents, and established custom, and must bear the signature of one of the Seniors. The S. C. now makes inquiry into the guilt or innocence of the accused. If he be found guilty, it decrees the punishment, which consists in proscription, for a longer or shorter period. This state of proscription, or being under the bann, is very exactly determined in years, months, weeks, and days; and during this period no student, be he in Chore or not in Chore, dare to purchase any thing from the condemned, or enter his house, otherwise he exposes himself to the certain danger of being also laid under the bann, and the Chores regularly send their people to see whether any violation of their edict take place. For instance, should a proscribed innkeeper have a ball or dance in his house, the Chore emissaries will be there to see whether any student shows himself at it. The student falls under similar punishment who is accused and found guilty of refusing to give satisfaction by duel to another that he has insulted. Yet is no one compelled to the duel by this regulation. If a student will not fight, whether from a principle against it, or any other cause, he must, once for all, announce this fact to the S. C, and he stands exempt, only, he cannot be allowed to make any exception to the rule which he has himself thus laid down. If he commits assault or aggression against any student or students, having thus sheltered himself from the necessity of the duel, though he be no longer amenable to this particular law of the student world, he is still amenable to the laws of his country, and may be summoned before the amtmann to answer for his offence. Should he meanly avail himself of such a declaration against fighting, and yet permit himself to insult or annoy his fellow-students, so cunningly as not to come within the operation of any civil statute, and yet to be offensive and obnoxious to the rules and maxims of social life, he will be shunned and despised by the students, and will find himself pretty much in the same situation as he who is actually under the bann. The bann is chiefly launched against students for such offences as are considered to amount to loss of honour--such as one student giving another a box on the ear, or a student committing a theft; and therefore to him who lies under the _Verruf_, or proscription, on such account, there remains scarcely an alternative but to quit the university, where every channel of intercourse would be closed against him, and where he would be shunned by all. Whole university cities have at times been laid under the bann, examples of which we shall give as we proceed. The _Chargirten_ watch over the institutions of the Chores and of the students in general,--or, in other words, over the so-called _Allgemeine Comment_. They settle also the time, place, and manner of all the public festivities and celebrations. They determine whether, and in what style, a torch-train, or a "Vivat," shall be got up; in what manner a deceased member of the Chore shall be interred; and how the studentship shall be represented in the public solemnities of the High School. They direct the choice of the ball directors, who take part in the direction of the public balls, as, for instance, in those at the Museum at Heidelberg. The presiding Chore fixes the Allgemeine, or general assembly, and announces it to the other Chores. Besides this court of honour, there also exists a Beer court, which has to settle all contentions that arise in the drinking companies on points of drinking etiquette, which, as we shall hereafter find, are no few in number. To the constitution of this beer court, one man is chosen out of each Chore, and the oldest Chore-Bursch is generally elected for this purpose. It is held in regular routine at every Kneipe-room of the Chores in succession. Of the beer court generally we shall, anon, speak more particularly, and here need say no more than that before the principal Beer court, the accuser must have two witnesses, who must give their statements on their word of honour,[3] and the accused must in his defence be supported by two witnesses also. Thus constitute, as may be seen from what is already stated, these unions, an aristocracy amongst the students, which exercises a certain influence over the general academical class; which contributes to establish a principle of unity amongst them; and whose members are ready to give up some portion of their personal freedom, for the consideration and authority which they acquire in the social system; and so alluring is the feeling of the members of Chores in public processions, _Commerses_,--parties which they make to some place in the country for a day's jollification, and whither they go in a long train of carriages with outriders; and in _Comitaten_,--processions formed to accompany a departing fellow-student with public honour out of the city,--being enabled to play the gentleman, and to _renommiren_, or in English popular phrase, "to cut a swell," that members are never wanting to these societies. There yet remains to be mentioned the numerous class of students termed, in student phrase, Camels--amongst whom are again contemptuously distinguished those who live totally isolated and retired, and never on any occasion, or on any account, visit the Chores, their _Kneips_, or take any part in their festivities and processions, and are therefore ignominiously dubbed _Kettles_, Bookworms, etc. In conclusion, we must employ a few sentences on the early Burschenschaft and the modern fragments of its wreck. CHAPTER IV. THE BURSCHENSCHAFT. But nothing comes up to our pleasant self-satisfaction, when we erect ourselves into judges of the high and the distinguished, of Princes and Statesmen; find public institutions clumsy and absurd; observe only possible and actual impediments; and acknowledge neither the greatness of the intention, nor the co-operation, which in every undertaking are to be expected from time and circumstances. _Hauff's Memoirs of Satan_. We have already traced the derivation of the word "Bursche," and observed that the first unions of the students were designated "Landsmanschafts" and "Orders." The origin of the first actual Burschenschaft is to be sought in the times when, on the establishment of the Rhenish Prince-league, which placed itself submissively under the sceptre of Napoleon, and the consequent abdication of the imperial throne of Germany by Francis II. in 1806, every heart that beat with a German feeling must have been seized with the deepest sorrow at the fall and dashing to pieces of the Fatherland. An earnest desire to be able to give help to the outraged country--the belief in a God who alone was able to free it from its oppressions--filled the heart of the patriot, and must have roused him to a tone of mind, than which nothing could be farther from that serene enjoyment of life, often bordering on actual frivolity, to which the members of academical unions were not rarely accustomed to resign themselves. A patriotic spirit, a zealous, earnest aspiration, had already proclaimed itself in the latter years of the former century. Already in its seventieth year had the Poet-league at Göttingen organized itself under Klopstock. John Heinrich Voss, the two Grafs Stollberg, Hölty, and others, belonged to it. At the same time tumbled that fabric which the Order of Jesus had artfully raised, and the German language was finally established in those rights, out of which it had so long been expelled. The lachrymose tribe of common tragedies, and the moving comedies with which Kotzebue and Iffland overflowed the stage,[4] were compelled to give place to knightly dramas, and Goethe's Götz von Berlichingen became for the hundredth time imitated. The German Muse attained a higher flight through Lessing, and finally displayed herself to the world in the two noble forms of Schiller and Goethe. The first, far from all lightness, full of deep earnestness and noble sentiment, sought chiefly to effect the moral elevation and intellectual accomplishment of youth; and the youthful freshness of his language gave to his often more philosophical than poetical reflections and sentences, an irresistible charm for young minds. Goethe moved in a contrary direction. With a predominant sentiment for beauty, and an eminent talent for imitation, he sported through every department of literature, and floated perpetually with the current of the intellectual tendency of the age. By such men the German language was speedily advanced to its point of perfection; the French language ceased to be the conversation language of the court and of the polite circles. Joseph II. introduced the German language into the court of Vienna; after the death of Frederick II. it became acknowledged as that of the court of Prussia. For a long time Weimar became pre-eminently the capital city of German accomplishment; and Goethe, Schiller, Wieland, Herder, and other distinguished men, found in the court of Weimar, a sphere of action as honourable for themselves as advantageous to the literature of their country. The French ascendency in literature had thus ceased at the very point of time when the French political ascendency came to lie heavy and oppressively on the nation; the literary honour sharpened that bitter feeling of political shame, and the more the German people learned to feel it, the stronger became its impatience to liberate itself from that condition into which it had been reduced by the French. But on whom must this feeling have seized more powerfully than on the student? To whom must the situation of Germany have occasioned more serious apprehensions than to him? On the one hand, sufficiently instructed to perceive the dangers which threatened the political and literary liberty of Germany; on the other, full of youthful spirit, and of desires to help the oppressed Fatherland,--such sentiments must have weaned the students from the trivial pursuit of Landsmanships and Orders, and accordingly those of the same sentiment united themselves into a Burschenschaft. The object of this first union was noble; namely, to rescue the Fatherland; and in order to be able to do this worthily, to raise up men strengthened to the utmost completeness of both moral and physical constitution. Thence came it, that bodily exercises, especially gymnastics, rose into new existence; that the Burschen sought to invigorate themselves by hardships of every kind; thence, that they strove after the greatest possible purity of manners, and displayed a spirit of hostility towards the less pure tendencies of the yet existing orders. Germany's noblest sons belonged then to the Burschenschafts. These unions had their leaders and laws, much in the same manner as the Chores. Their leaders were the so-called _Rügemeister_, monitors, or judges, and had their speaker, who, in the assembly, made statement to the people of whatever affairs appeared of importance to them. In these companies ruled no aristocratic power, as was the case in those of the Chores, especially towards the younger members. To establish a thorough union amongst the students, was a main object of the Burschenschaft. On this account the duel was not permitted between the members of the union; and duels between the members of the orders were very much circumscribed, and only in cases of real injuries, or gross offences, and then under certain conditions, permitted by the court of honour. The Burschenschafts of different university cities stood in combination with each other, and members from one city were in the habit of making visits to the members of the other university cities. The Burschenschafts, as then constituted, were in most places allowed, or at least, tolerated. They celebrated often, and with the consent of the prorector, their so-called foundation-day, or anniversary, with great banqueting, public processions, music, and torch-trains. The members of these companies conducted themselves so discreetly, that people willingly suffered them, and any little distinctions which might gratify youthful vanity--the wearing of the old German costume, the short coat, the broad out-lying shirt-collar, with the open breast, the cap which but scantily covered the long down-hanging hair, and which, as well as the coat, was mostly of black velvet--such old Germanisms and peculiar attire--were cheerfully conceded to them. Hitherto must the life and movements of the Burschenschaft be styled noble. With enthusiasm its members received the call to the fight of freedom, which resounded from Prussia in the year 1813; and from all the universities streamed forth volunteers, to join themselves to the German host, which was to do battle with the oppressors of the Fatherland. Theodore Körner has immortalized in his songs the feelings and sentiments of the German youth at that glorious crisis. Many Burschen died, like him, the hero's death, inspired with equal zeal for the good cause, though it was alone permitted to the poet to flash radiantly forth, as from a mirror, the inner glow of his spirit in patriotic song. THE SWORD SONG. Sword on my left side gleaming, What means thy clear eyes' beaming? Thou look'st with love on me, And I have joy in thee. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! A soldier bears me dearly, Hence beam I forth so cheerly; I am a free man's choice, Which makes the Sword rejoice. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Good Sword! yes, free I hold thee, And in hearths love enfold thee, As if thou wert allied To me, a lovely bride. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Already it is tendered, To thee my life surrendered; Ah! were we so allied; When wilt thou fetch thy bride? Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! The bridal night's red morning Breaks to the trumpet's warning; When cannon peals begin, Fetch I the loved-one in. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! O sweet embrace! untiring, I tarry still desiring; Then bridegroom fetch thou me, My garland waits for thee. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Why in thy scabbard ringing, Thou Iron-joy art springing In such wild battle-glow? My Sword, why ring'st thou so? Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Ah! in the scabbard ringing, I long to be forth springing, Right wild with battle-glow; Hence, soldier, clink I so! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Wait in thy chamber narrow, What wouldst thou here, my marrow? Wait in thy chamber, wait; I'll fetch thee, ere 'tis late. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Leave me not long in sadness, Thou garden of love's gladness, Where blood-red roses breathe, And blossom flowers of death. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Unsheathe thee then, thou treasure, Of soldier's eyes the pleasure; Come forth, my Sword, come forth, On! to the father's hearth! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Aha! the glorious wedding, Here through the free air treading! How flames in sunshine bright, The steel so bridal white! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! On, on, ye brave contenders! Ye German true defenders! And if your hearts be cold, The loved-one to them hold! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! While on the left side sitting, Shy are her looks and flitting; But on the right, the bride Trusts God in all her pride. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! To iron mouth love-glowing, The bridal kiss bestowing, Be every lip applied; Curst he who leaves the bride! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! Now let the loved-one sing forth! The dazzling flashes spring forth! Fast dawns the marriage tide, Hurrah, thou Iron Bride! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah! The battle of the people at Leipsic, in the year 1814, freed Germany from its chains. For the complete liberation of Europe, and for the restoration of state relations on a firm foundation, a Congress was determined upon, which in the same year was held in Vienna. The task which this congress had to discharge was the more difficult, in that the people, inspired with a new spirit, in the consciousness of the mighty exertions that they had made, cherished hopes and desires whose realization did not coincide with the interests of Princes. The settlement of territorial relations, and organization of a new general constitution for all Germany, engrossed its deliberations. The restoration of the German empire, which was demanded by a majority of voices, was rendered impossible by the jealousy on the part of the kings of the Rhine-league of their sovereignties. As those states which had sprung up and become great under the former German empire, were now become independent, there remained no alternative, if they were to submit themselves anew to a paternal authority, but, instead of the old German empire, to substitute a sort of family compact The return of Napoleon hastened the settlement of the fundamental principles of a German international-compact; and after eleven sittings, on the 8th of June, 1815, the _Bundes-Acte_, or Act of Convention, was signed and published. With the rising of the people against Napoleon, a greater life and cordiality of religious faith had come back. This expressed itself in the Holy Alliance. For the maintenance of European peace, the three powers--Austria, Russia, and Prussia--not only renewed their alliance, but based it again upon a religious foundation. On the 26th Sept. 1815, the Holy Alliance was concluded by the three monarchs themselves, without assistance or advice of a minister. By this they bound themselves, the contracting parties, both in the management of their kingdoms and in their transactions with other states, to take alone as their guides the precepts of the Christian religion, the commands of justice, of love, and peace. They expressed a firm resolution, in accordance with the Sacred Writings, to continue in the covenant of a true and indissoluble brotherly love; that national divisions and national animosity should thenceforward retreat before the consideration that their people were the common members of one and the same Christian empire; the princes themselves should acknowledge that the great Christian nation to which they and their people belonged, had in reality no other rulers than Him from whom alone power doth proceed, that is God, and the Saviour Jesus Christ. At the same time were all states solicited to give in their concurrence, and were assured that on recognition of these avowed principles of this Alliance, with alacrity and love they would be received into the sacred covenant. The Holy Alliance found numerous participants. Most of the European states sent in their formal adhesion in the course of the year 1816. One might imagine that all parties--princes and people--were about to co-operate in the sentiment so finely expressed in Arndt's famous song-- THE GERMAN'S FATHERLAND. Which is the German's Fatherland; Is't Prussian-land? Is't Swabian-land? Is't where on Rhine the red grapes hang? Where o'er the Baltic sea-mews clang? Oh no! oh no! oh no! oh no! His Fatherland must wider go! Which is the German's Fatherland? Is't Styrian, or Bavarian land? Is't where the Marsen's herds do wind?[4] I'st where the Markers iron find[5] Oh no! etc. Which is the German's Fatherland? Westphalian, or Pomerian land? Is't where the sand from sea-down blows? Is't where the Danube foaming flows? Oh no! etc. Which is the German's Fatherland? So name to me the mighty land. The land of Hofer?--or of Tell? Both land and people love I well. Oh no! etc. Which is the German's Fatherland? So name to me that mighty land. The Austrian land it sure must be, With glory crowned and victory! Oh no! etc. Which is the German's Fatherland? So name to me that mighty land. Is't what the Princes' hollow theft, From Emperor and from Empire reft? Oh no! etc. Which is the German's Fatherland? So name me finally that land! Wide as the German tree tongue springs, And hymns to God in heaven sings! That shall it be! that shall it be! That land brave German's giv'n to thee! That is the German's Fatherland, Where oaths are sworn by grasp of hand; Where in all eyes clear truth doth shine; Where in warm hearts sits love benign. That shall it be! etc. That is the German's Fatherland, Where foreign folly scorn doth brand; Where all that's base 'neath hate must bend; Where all that's noble name we Friend. That shall it be! that shall it be! That whole, the German land shall be! That whole, the German land shall be! O God of Heaven! hither see! And give us genuine German soul, That we may love it high and whole. That shall it be! etc. But with the peace which succeeded the second overthrow of Napoleon, the expectations of the German nation began to exhibit themselves more clearly; and out of the disproportion between them and that which was done to satisfy them, sprang the germs of mistrust between the princes and the people. The opening of the _Bundesversammlung_, or confederated assembly, Nov. 5, 1816, betrayed not only the imperfection of the constitution, which had been thrown together in a hurry, but also the uncertainty of the assembly itself, of the extent of its delegated powers. Its declaration that Germany was not to be considered as a united state, but as a confederation of states--(nicht als ein Bundesstaat, sondern als ein Staaten-bund)--gave the less satisfaction, as it was just contrary to what was desired. The nation desired earnestly a common all-embracing bond of union and communion, and not merely a confederacy of their sovereign princes, which the interests of the moment, as they had originated it, would also dissolve again. The general excitement in Germany received a palpable point of demand in the thirteenth article of the Act of Confederation. In most of the German states the anxiety for a representative constitution displayed itself in such a manner as rendered in the highest degree difficult an accordance between princes and subjects. In Prussia especially, the constitution of the monarchy opposed so many difficulties to the establishment of a national representation, that its postponement was inevitable; and passionate discontent saw in the impracticability nothing but an evil disposition. In the other German states, the steps made towards the passing of a constitution conducted to as little result; the princes and popular representatives could not agree, since the first were as sparing in their concessions as the latter were unbounded in their demands. But the spirit which was in Germany striving after the constitutional organization of states, had not every where confined itself within due bounds. The secret unions which were formed during the ascendency of Napoleon still continued. The excitement of the public mind, which at an earlier period had been favoured even by the government itself, so far from having subsided, had rather received a new impulse, and as it had now necessarily lost its outward tendency, it sought to take effect in the heart of Germany. The government saw with suspicion the drift of the secret unions, and their influence on the Gymnastic schools and universities; they heard with astonishment, the bold language of the rising generation approximating itself to political fanaticism. The German Confederation satisfied not these heads on fire with ideas of one and a free Germany. The restoration of the empire, in connexion with one of the prevailing theories of conformable national representation, was the master desire of a numerous party, which was spread wide through Germany, and rendered the universities the seminaries of their doctrines. The youth entered with pride into the idea, that they were called to work out their salvation, from the circumstances to which their fathers had reduced them. Political notions of the Middle Ages mingled themselves in the heads of the student youth, with the revolutionary doctrines of modern times, and received, moreover, from religious enthusiasm, a dark addition. Thus degenerated the Burschenschaft, in a manner most deeply to be deplored, and demonstrated in a melancholy degree how near to each other lie the boundaries of truth and falsehood. Noble patriotism metamorphosed itself into a gloomy fanaticism,--zeal for religion and morals, into a hollow hypocrisy, and into a still more dangerous pseudo-philosophy. The landsmannschafts became continually weaker in the German universities, and the young men every day added themselves to the burschenschaft in greater numbers. Truly the greater number of them never dreamed to what lengths such a political fanaticism could lead them; and only by degrees and unobserved mounted the arrogance of an inconsiderate youth, till at length it persuaded itself that it alone had fought out the liberation war, and therefore was now called to give to Fatherland a new constitution. These perilous imaginations grew continually faster and faster into that horrible avalanche which threatened to overwhelm every thing. What a difference between the years 1816 and 1817, when one compares the celebration of the peace anniversary of 1816, with that of the celebration of the October days of 1817! On the 18th, 19th, and 20th of January, 1816, Jena, amongst other universities, celebrated the peace-festival in a style and manner, which, say the newspapers of the time, deserve to be published and handed down to posterity. The report of this festival stands thus:--On the 16th day of January was issued from the grand-ducal police commission, and the city council of Jena, a public programme in regard to this festival. In pursuance of its ordinations, on the 17th, all the bells were rung at noon. Before and after the ringing, mortars and cannon were fired at the outer gate. At eight o'clock in the evening the Landsturm beat tattoo with music. On the 18th, in the morning, solemn music sounded from the towers, with drum and trumpet, and firing of cannon. At nine o'clock assembled at the council-house, the clergy, the city authorities, and the elder burgers not belonging to the Landsturm, whither also an hour later proceeded the whole body of school youth with their teachers. At ten o'clock, the assembled company moved thence in procession to the city church. A division of the Landsturm, as the procession arrived before the church, made way for it Behind this division walked, as leader of the whole procession, the depositor, or master of the ceremonies, in a black dress, and next to him went the academical officials. Behind these came two beadles, with silver sceptres, and cloaks of red cloth, preceding the then prorector regens, Herr Hofrath Dr. Seidenstecker, the prorector being, however, as well as the prorector designatus, Herr Hofrath Dr. Voigt, who followed him, supported by two students. To the prorectors succeeded the deacons of the four faculties, two and two, and then followed the senate, the professors, the docenten, and the students, whose banner was borne before them. As the train came in front of the council-house, that of the city authorities joined it and proceeded with it to the church, in which each party took their respective seats. A second division of the Landsturm brought up the rear of the train. All conducted themselves with the decorum and dignity befitting this day, and the appearance of the whole congregation excited a lively feeling of something high and important. When the service was concluded, the train quitted the church in the same order in which it had entered it. At the council-house, the procession of the city authorities, and those who had joined them, separated from that of the academicians, who directed their course again to the university, where they broke off. The students now betook themselves to the market-place, and after the public appointed religious service which they had just attended, performed a private act of devotion, which in its simplicity and unostentatiousness was extremely striking and affecting. Ranged in a circle, the banner and the leaders of the procession in its centre with uncovered heads, they sung a hymn, written for the occasion by Herr Ullmann of Liefland, with such truth and depth of feeling, that Herr Hofrath Gabler, who with other professors, was present at this solemnity, seized with enthusiastic emotion by its power, thanked the students with heart-enkindled words for the elevation of soul that they had occasioned. A beautiful conclusion of all the religious and public solemnities of this day! for that many houses in the evening, especially in the market-place, were found illuminated, was rather a testimony of individual joy, which took this way to display itself. The following day, the 19th of January, only was left to the students to make their arrangements for their peace anniversary. And now once more, in how German, how brave, how noble a style was every festive preparation completed! In the Rau-Thal, through which the haughty enemy of the German name had formerly led his robber-horde to victory, an Oak was selected, that, the witness of former overthrow, it might now, as a memorial of the achieved liberty of Germany--of new flourishing man's strength, be planted on that spot which, ten years before, on the most unfortunate of all days, covered with rubbish and ashes, had been consecrated to a dreadful remembrance. On the morning of the 19th, the oak was taken from its old location, and towards noon brought to the city, where it was received by the students with joyful hearts, and in procession of two and two, conducted with music to the square, the scene of former desolation. On the platz, a division of the Landsturm had stationed itself, and assisted to form the circle; a division of the mounted Landsturm had ridden in advance of the tree, A vast body of spectators stood round the platz! many of the professors, and those who took interest in the scene, stationed themselves near the oak. When all was ready for the planting of the oak, a hymn composed for the occasion by Herr Goering, from Weimar, to a tune furnished by Herr Cotta, of Eisenach, was sung by the students, fervently and solemnly, with uncovered heads as on the day before; then stepped Herr Horn of Mechlenberg forth from the inner circle, and delivered a pregnant and powerful speech with equal animation and grace. The attention and silence of the vast throng of spectators during the delivery of this speech, testified the impression it produced, to say nothing of its subsequent influence. The speech ended; the planting of the oak was performed, accompanied by the singing of a hymn, also composed by Herr Goering, to a tune by Herr Cotta. The professors present testified their interest and delight in the transaction, by each of them scattering three handfuls of earth on the roots of the planted oak. But numbers of the maidens and young ladies bound ribands on the significant tree, eloquent with so many significations, thereby proclaiming the strength, the desires, the sentiments, and hopes of their hearts. As now the oak, to which we will all wish a joyful and prosperous growth, especially in its national indications, was planted, Herr Horn pronounced the iambics written for the occasion by Herr Ullmann, with the tone and feeling appropriate to their office and contents. The whole transaction was concluded by the singing of hymns, composed by Herr Neidhart, the elder of Ebersdorf in Voigtland, and breathing a noble, powerful spirit, for right and freedom, which animated the whole nation, and in its own language awarded to festival its high and significant value. The occasion thus brought to its close--a solemnity which our grandchildren may well hold sacred--the students marched in procession of two to the market-place, where they excited one another in brotherly union, with Arndt's thrilling hymn, to unity of spirit and faithful confidence in the sentiments then and there implanted. THE UNION SONG. In happy hour have we united, A mighty and a German choir! And hence from every soul excited, Burst hymns of praise to God once more; Since we stand here o'er high things musing, With feelings holy and profound, So the full heart its joy diffusing, Must swell with all its chords the sound. To whom shall first our thanks be pealed? To God's most high and wondrous name, Who in our shame's long night revealed, Arose before us all in flame. Who blasted all our foes' disdaining; Our strength and beauty all restored; Who on the stars for ever reigning, Sits there from age to age adored. Our second wish--to whom then flies it? To Fatherland's high glory whole. Perdition seize all who despise it, Hail! he who yields it life and soul! Through virtues pass it still be-wondered; Beloved for honesty and right, Proud from year-hundred to year-hundred, In strength and honour ever bright. To joys of German men,--a measure! One third--in clearer joy and thanks; For freedom is the German pleasure; For freedom leads our German ranks. For it to live, for it to perish,-- Each German bosom burns for this; For this the hero-death to cherish, Is German honour, German bliss. The fourth--in solemn consecration,-- Hands, hearts aloft together go! Thou ancient truth--and of our nation, Thou faith, united--"live ye hoch!" With these all doubts and fears we banish, These of our bond are rock and shield; The world indeed itself must vanish, When men their plighted word shall yield. Close in,--the sacred circle throng now, And raise the clash of triumph strong; From heart to heart, from tongue to tongue now, Like lightning send this joyful song:-- The Word that knits our bond for ever; The Good no fiend can from us rend,-- Nor tyrant villany can sever,-- Believe!--maintain it to the end! The afternoon and evening were dedicated by them to joyous entertainment at the Feurstenkeller, and with testimonies of love and respect towards their teachers, that remarkable and distinguished day terminated. The sacred celebration of the peace-festival on the part of the university, was held on Sunday, the 21st February. The church service itself was very simple, but highly solemn, and worthy of the high thoughts which the celebration of such a day could not fail to call forth. There remained nothing to desire, but that the noble spirit and sterling sentiments which had every where displayed themselves so luminously on that day, should continue to be the universal ruling ones. So details a newspaper of the time, the celebration of this beautiful festival. But the concluding wish found not its fulfilment in the following year--for in the year 1817 was held the festival on the Wartburg; in the next year the congress of the Burschenschaft at Jena; and in 1819 transpired the bloody deed of Sand, a warning sign of the progress of political fanaticism from its innocent commencement, to that act which found its just reward on the scaffold. In the year 1817 the celebration of the reformation anniversary falling in conjunction with the anniversary of the Leipsic Folksbattle, it was too exciting an occasion for the young state reformers not to seize on it for the demonstration of their views and aims. The festival was therefore celebrated on the 18th of October, by the students of most of the German universities on the Wartburg, in a manner which quickly excited the attention of the governments. The Prussian government, in particular, ordered the trial of all those who had taken part in the festival; and several professors who had been present, particularly Fries, came under judicial examination. From these trials it was made obvious that the few only were in the secret of the proposed auto-da-fé to be held in Eisenach, but that the majority regarded it as a desirable opportunity for drawing the Burschenschaft into a more intimate and close union, so that it might the more powerfully operate against the landsmanschafts. The festival was, like the prior one of October, celebrated with much enthusiasm, with sacred service, with singing of Fatherland hymns, and other solemnities: but speeches were delivered, on this occasion, which had not a thoroughly correct tendency, and must appear the more unfitting from the mouth of a teacher of youth. On the evening of the 18th of October, as formerly on that night, fires blazed up on every hill top; but those of the Burschenschaft who had stationed themselves around the fire on the Wartburg, cast into the flames the German History of Kotzebue, as well as some other detested writings. None of the professors, however, were present at this transaction, and none of the speeches connected therewith were delivered by them. That the acts of the Congress of Vienna had been also burnt there, was proved by the inquiry to be false. The Wartburg festival was concluded on the 19th of October by the assembled participants, to the number of about 600, taking the sacrament in the church. The consequence of this festival was the promotion of the idea here conceived, of one universal German Burschenschaft; that the union of the whole body of student youth must pervade, and be the means of working out, the union of the whole Fatherland. On the 21st of October, 1818, at Jena, a congress of students, from fourteen universities, was held; then and there the union of the Burschenschafts was discussed, and its constitution established. "One Empire, one Religion, Freedom and Equality!" This was the watchword of the combination, which, since the Wartburg festival, had exchanged its former colours, namely, green, blue, and white, for the union badge, black, red, and a metallic or embroidered oak leaf in the cap. To this circumstance alludes the following celebrated song-- ARE GERMAN HEARTS. Are German hearts with strength and courage beating? There to the clang of beakers gleams the sword, And true and steadfast in our place of meeting, We peal aloud in song the fiery word! Though rocks and oak trees shiver, We, we will tremble never! Strong like the tempest see the youths go by, For Fatherland to combat and to die! Red, red as true-love, be the brother token, And pure like gold the soul within imprest, And that in death our spirits be not broken, Black be the ribbon bound about the breast Though rocks, etc. We know the strength in honest swords residing, Bold is the brow, and strong the arm to smite; We fail not, faint not, in the right confiding, When calls the Fatherland his sons to fight. Though rocks, etc. So, on the German sword, to this alliance, In life and death let solemn faith he vow'd! Up, Brothers, up! the Fatherland's reliance, And to the blood-red morning cry aloud. Though rocks, etc. And thou, Beloved, who in hours the dearest, Hast nerved thy friend with many a look and tone, For thee my heart will beat when death comes nearest, For unto true love change is never known. Though rocks, etc. And now, since fate may tear us from each other, Let each man grasp of each the brother-hand, And swear once more, O every German Brother, Truth to the bond, truth to the Fatherland! Though rocks and oak-trees shiver, We, we will tremble never! Strong like the tempest see the youths go by, For Fatherland to combat and to die! The laws of the Burschenschaft, or its constitution, bore the name--"Custom of the Burschenschaft." Amongst other things stand the following: "In the German Fatherland we will live and move. We will perish with it, or die free in it, if God's great call ordain. Live the German speech for ever! Flourish the true chivalry! Let Germany be free! "He who avows these ideas, and is willing to contend for their advancement, is our beloved brother. To accomplish these high endeavours, there must be a universal free Burschenschaft throughout all Germany. "There can no salvation come to our beloved Germany unless through such a free and universal Burschenschaft, in which Germany's noblest youth continues intimately fraternized, in which every one learns to know his duty--and which Burschenschaft shall always find the Gymnastic schools its defence and alarm-post. "We will never apply the word Fatherland to that state in which we were born: Germany is our Fatherland; the state in which we are born is our Home. "We will hold these principles firmly and honourably; spread them by every possible means; and with all our power, now as youths, and hereafter as men, labour to bring them into exercise. "When we quit the High School, and are invested with any office, be it high or low, we will fulfil the same honourably, true to Prince and Fatherland, and in such a manner administer it as shall be in accordance with the spirit of these principles. "The law of the people shall be the will of the Prince. Liberty and Equality are the highest good; after which we have to strive, and from which strift no pious and honest German can ever desist. "Every student who maintains honour and virtue, shall be a free German Bursche: subject to no one; inferior to no one; all shall be equal, obeying only the laws." From this time forward the union laboured actively at throwing out and determining the principles of a future civil and ecclesiastical constitution for Germany, and in the dissemination of revolutionary writings. But unfortunately, as in all times of high excitement, spirits of a reckless and darker character mingled themselves with the nobler ones of liberty: for the realization of their intrinsically criminal wishes, criminal means also were necessary, and the spirit of youth was thus unconsciously conducted by fanaticism into unhallowed and bloodthirsty principles, and in the bosom of the Burschenschaft union, formed itself a closer union of _The Unrestricted_, whose name revealed sufficiently, that they would hesitate at no means by which they might arrive at their object. The misguided and blamable tendency of this spirit, to the horror of many who unconsciously implicated themselves in its criminal proceedings, was brought to light by some striking circumstances. On the 23d of March, 1810, the student Sand murdered the Russian Counsellor of State, Von Kotzebue, on no other ground than that he held him to be a spy of the Russian government, and an enemy of German liberty. He undertook the action with the full persuasion that it was a just and noble deed, and his trial revealed the horrible gulf of political immorality, unto the very brink of which was brought the youth of Germany. A somewhat particular account of this transaction, and of the circumstances of Sand's life, may fittingly here find a place: and which may be relied on, being derived from the relation published by the President of the Commission for the trial of Sand, the State Counsellor, Von Hohenhorst himself. CHAPTER V. KARL LUDWIG SAND. Karl Ludwig Sand was born at Wunsiedel, a little town in the district of Baireuth, lying in the Fichtel Mountains, on the 5th of October, 1795. His father was pensionary officer of justice; and the family, which consisted of three sons and two daughters, lived in the most delightful domestic harmony. Sand grew up in his paternal city, under the most careful guidance of his parents, whose good and thorough education, and moral training, such are his own words, in comparison with that of many, he never was able sufficiently to praise. There lay in him the strongest and most delightful recollection of his birthplace. Its very situation, he asserted, in the bosom of noble mountains, in the midst of the great Fatherland, had wrought powerfully upon his disposition of mind, which, especially since much sickness in his early youth, had always been very still. In truth, Sand passed his years of childhood in great weakness and many bodily ailments. In his seventh year he took naturally the small-pox, and of a very bad kind, which left behind them serious effects, especially a dangerous ulcer in the head, of which the grisly scars always continued visible. On that account the physicians forbade all mental exercise, and his proper instruction could only be commenced at home in his tenth year. His father explained, that a dejection of mind which long clung to him was a consequence of the weakness which these complaints had left upon; and therefore, where parents in general would put restraint on young people of lively temperament, he, on the contrary, had always been anxious that his son's disposition should not be further depressed. After Sand had received his first instruction from the tutor, he was sent to the Lyceum, in Wunsiedel. He afterwards followed his teacher to the Gymnasium in Hof, there acquired the first elements of general education, and proceeded in the study of ancient languages. Even at this early period he entertained a vehement hatred to the French. As in the spring of 1812 a great military train passed through Hof, he would neither see the march of the French nor especially Napoleon, since he believed that he could not endure to be in the presence of the arch enemy of his native land, without an attempt to rush upon him and destroy him. He returned thence to his parents, with whom he continued till they resolved to send him to Regensburg, where he proceeded towards the end of the year 1812, with his tutor Saalfranc, and always called to mind with extreme pleasure his abode there. The testimonies of his life and habits during his sojourn in Hof and Regensburg, are greatly to his credit His good capacity, his restless diligence, his deep study, and not less his highly moral conduct, were greatly applauded. In his 18th year awoke in Sand the resolve to co-operate in doing battle with the common foe of his country. He may speak for himself. "As in the spring of 1813 the French fled homewards, and Germany began to rouse itself to take vengeance for the shame inflicted on it, there awoke in me a new-born joy, a fresh mind, a new life; and from that hour I doubted no more of a complete liberation from the old slavery, although the heavens became so unpropitious to the Germans. With eager heart and yet with all possible circumspection, I lived in the newspapers of the time; and in the autumn of 1813, which I spent at home, I obtained the permission to join myself to the host of Germany, when in the meantime, came the intelligence of the battle of Leipsic, which rendered my going forth unnecessary." Sand returned once more to Regensburg, and proceeded thence to the university of Tübingen. Here he passed quietly the winter half-year of 1814-15, and had begun the second half-year when Napoleon returned from Elba, and Sand felt himself called to stand forth with his countrymen in defence of Germany. His testimonies from Tübingen were highly creditable, yet they expressed suspicions that during his abode there he had been a member of a political union called Teutonia. Sand then first, on the day before his departure, announced to his parents his determination to enter into the army, and took farewell of them by letter. The style and tendency of his letter differ essentially from his subsequent compositions. We see in it only the youth full of zeal and fervour for his country,--who, pure, and without mixture of his subsequent political religious exaltation, avows his intimation to fight to the death for his country and kindred. "With an inward struggle," wrote he amongst other things, "held I myself back the last time when the liberation of Germany was at stake, and it was only the conviction that many thousands then stood in the field, eager for battle and victory for the welfare of Germany, that could detain me." In another place--"The spirit at home and in Bavaria may be as it will, I hold it for the highest duty to fight for the liberty of my German Fatherland; of my dear parents, brothers, and sisters; and of all the good people who love me; and, should numbers gain the advantage over us, to contend to the very last gasp, and triumph over a tyrant in death. Ever shall your beloved images hover round me; ever will I have God before my eyes and in my heart, that I may be strengthened to bear with serenity all the fatigues and dangers of this holy war. Yet wherefore make the hearts of each other so heavy? We alone have the right, the sacred cause. There is a righteous God, and how then shall we not have the victory?" The letter concludes with the words of Theodore Körner, which Sand had often in his mouth-- Though rages hell itself, God, thy mighty hand, Hurls down the tower of lies. * * * Perchance high o'er the slaughtered foes The Star of Peace shall rise. Sand set out with two friends on the way through Stuttgard to Heidelberg, where he stayed some days, and then went on to Mannheim, where he announced himself to the general staff of Graf Rechberg, and was received as cadet in the volunteer Jägers of the Rezat Circle. Before his departure from Tübingen, a friend presented him with a small riband which he continually wore during the campaign, and afterwards, at his arrest, it was still found round his neck. It was green and white. The troops, which Sand's brother also had now joined, already in Homberg, met the news of the victory of Waterloo; they marched forward, however, to Meaux, and into the neighbourhood of Fontainbleau, but soon after drew into cantonments in Auxurre, and from thence marched directly back, and entered Anspach the 2d of December, 1815. Sand remembered his military career with the highest dissatisfaction, since, as he expressed himself, he had never had the good fortune to kill a Frenchman. He had written upon his riband these words:--"With this dedicated I myself in 1815 to death. Was it not in earnest? Would I have recrossed the Rhine again except as a conqueror!" Sand betook himself to Erlangen, and occupied himself there two years with the study of theology. Here it happened that in the summer of 1817, one of his dearest friends, while bathing, was drowned before his eyes, and he himself was in great danger of his life. This loss operated so strongly on his mind, that as he himself declared, he believed that the spring of life was now over, and that its summer had now shown itself. Consoled by his teachers and friends, he now gave the first proof of his talents for preaching in the High Church at Erlangen, continued there till the end of the half year, and then went to Jena. Sand conducted himself during his residence in Erlangen as exemplarily as before, yet he was at the same time an active member of the Teutonia there; in fact he was twice a leader of this union, and drew up a constitution for the Burschenschaft, under the title of the Erlangen Burschenschaft-Custom. From Erlangen and Jena he made several short journeys, and amongst them the one to Eisenach, which proved so influential on his future life. There he joined in the celebration of the festival on the Wartburg, on the 18th of October, 1817, and his part in this transaction he thus describes:-- "On the 17th of October I arrived in Eisenach, and was chosen on the festival-committee. I here helped to keep order; heard the speeches on the Wartburg, but did not speak myself; I went in the evening to the fire, and saw the books burnt. On the following morning I heard speeches for the reconcilement of the disputes of many of the student-quarrels of former years, and listened to the splendid orations on the Fatherland. I accompanied the Burschen to the church, and partook of the sacrament; then was the festival ended, and I returned to Jena." He adds, that it had been a festival simply for the elevation of the sacred cause, and that no determinate object besides had been contemplated. In Jena, Sand continued to educate himself, in order, as he expressed himself, the better to look about himself, and to ground himself fairly in the different departments of knowledge; till suddenly the inner call for ever summoned him away. His teachers there gave their testimony that he always appeared as a grave, quiet, and discreet man, zealously striving after excellence. That he was accustomed to speak little, since speaking appeared a difficulty to him; but that what he did say, was always prudent, well-considered, and sensible, and that his deportment had nothing displeasing in it, although it was energetic and firm. During his abode in Jena, he was a member of the so-called Burschenschaft, but at the same time also of another company, which he termed a Literary Union. He made from Jena a journey into North Germany, and visited many of the most celebrated battle-fields of both past and modern times. After his return he proceeded again with his studies with unremitting diligence, and had obtained permission from his parents to continue another half-year in Jena, when he suddenly broke off, on the 9th of March, 1819, at four o'clock in the morning, and set out on his last fatally eventful journey towards Mannheim. We have thus followed the thread of Sand's history to this period with sufficient minuteness, and we have permitted ourselves to sketch it with the more exactness, since it is particularly interesting to trace all the causes which could conduct a character, otherwise so excellent, to such a crime;--as, moreover, conjectures respecting these causes can only be rightly founded on a real knowledge of the circumstances of the case, and from these only can those conclusions be drawn, which were, though without effect, employed in the defence of this singular man. In his history we behold the fac-simile of the history of the whole Burschenschaft to which he belonged. A description of his person, from that officially drawn up, may precede the relation of his unhappy deed. In the protocol it stands thus:-- "Sand was in age twenty-three and a half years; stood five feet six inches high; had strong black hair and eyebrows; a high forehead, gray eyes, longish nose, mouth of middle size, dark-brown very weak beard, ordinary chin, broad countenance, tolerably healthy colour, with some pock-marks in the face." His look was open, and for the most part friendly, but not eminently intellectual; his physiognomy good-natured, but not especially interesting; his visage might be termed an involuntary mirror of his mind. So painted themselves wrath and scorn upon it, when the speech turned upon Kotzebue and his connexion with Germany; so might be read in it a painful, or an hostile feeling, when the principles of his system must be attacked; so that, in the end, very little attention became necessary to discern by it, when his answers did not contain the truth. The play of the muscles of his forehead was particularly strikingly acted upon by an internal feeling of resistance, which generally rose in him when he desired by some means to conceal the truth. Kotzebue's writings had been long disliked by Sand. Many of his early assertions betray it. Such was his observation to his father:--"Of what use is the man's literary talent, when the German heart is wanting?" On the burning of his History of Germany, on the Wartburg, he became immediately watchful of him; but still more, when shortly afterwards his literary _Wochenblatt_, or weekly paper, appeared. In this publication, Kotzebue promulgated his opinions often and variously on the then state of German affairs, and many of his views must have given great displeasure. Thus, he contended especially against the promotion of a combined and constitutional government in Germany, and asserted that the loud demand for this was by no means the voice of the people, of whom he very much doubted, whether they wanted any constitution at all. For this bold assertion, Kotzebue was instantly attacked and ridiculed on all sides. A specimen of the missiles launched against him on the occasion, may be given from an article in the "Zeitung für die elegante Welt,"--News for the Elegant World, in the year 1818:-- This serious doubt (that of Kotzebue) has fallen heavily on the heart. We have, therefore, with eagerness undertaken the following proposal for its solution. In Kotzebue's right hand lies, in fact, the means to bring the matter to a tolerable certainty. If that gentleman will in future take the field against the clamour for a constitution in all his Plays with the same sober earnestness, and jibe and joke, with which he has powerfully and perseveringly attacked other follies, then will the success or the failure of his piece throw great light on the sentiments of the people; and the multitude who, Herr von Kotzebue so justly says, remain silent on the matter in debate--that means, _they print nothing on it_--will certainly, by applauding or censuring, clapping or hissing, speak out. Should the multitude, by hissing out anti-constitutional pieces, declare for a constitution, so might the theatre immediately furnish the government with a proof whether the declaration was worthy of notice. They might now, as was done in Paris, after the acting of Germanica, march soldiers--actual soldiers--upon the stage, and let them present arms to the pit. If the multitude now applauded or ran away, it would be the height of the ridiculous to give them a constitution, since it would be manifest that they had not courage to maintain themselves against the hand of power. But hissed and clamoured they still, it would be time "to _prepare_ the demanded _preparations_ for the _preparation_ of a constitution."[6] Sand assigned the ground of his hate against Kotzebue, immediately in the opening of his trial, and he reiterated the same as his actuating motive at its close; namely,--in the evening after the murder, having lost his voice, and being only able to express himself by signs, he requested paper, and wrote with a blacklead pencil these scarcely legible words:--"August von Kotzebue is the corrupter of youth,"-- alluding to Kotzebue's frequently slippery writings, as 'Barth with the Iron Brow,' and such like,--"the slanderer of our people's history, and the Russian spy upon our Fatherland." Sand asserted, that by the insight which he had obtained into the character and position of Kotzebue, he immediately perceived that it was impossible that he could much longer continue to live in that manner; but the resolution to destroy him with his own hand did not awake suddenly in him, it demanded gradual growth, and came not to maturity without a severe strife in his own bosom. The well-known history of the discovered bulletin at length threw unquenchable fuel on his burning hatred against Kotzebue. Kotzebue was, in fact, commissioned by the Russian government to furnish it with full reports on the political affairs and relations of Germany, on the predominant popular opinion, and on its literary transactions. He could, in truth, no more be styled a spy than an ambassador can; but the reports which he delivered--the false and detestable statements regarding Germany which he made in them, deserve the severest condemnation. No one was aware of this secret practice of Kotzebue's, till, through the faithlessness of a copyist, such a bulletin was sent to the well-known historian Luden, then the editor of the Jena "Nemesis," a literary paper. The bulletin contained sixteen paragraphs upon Steffens (a writer on the state of those times), Schmalz, Crome, the Allemannia, an opposition paper, the Nemesis, Jung Stilling, English newspapers, mischievous nature of freedom of the press, and, finally, a sort of apology for serfdom. Monarchy was panegyrized in this bulletin, and Luden was represented as a learned man, who, with others of the learned, longed heartily for a revolution, that they might play their parts as popular speakers, deputies, and representatives. Luden, enraged at these calumnies, published the bulletin in the Nemesis, and commented on it in the most amusing manner. Kotzebue, who had immediate information of this fact, procured an order from the Weimar government for the seizure of these sheets, at the moment they should be ready for issue: but Wieland, the editor of the opposition paper, had already received proof-sheets of the article, and caused it to appear at the same time in the People's Friend, which he edited, with still more biting remarks; since Luden, in the Nemesis, had expressed some doubts whether Kotzebue were really the author of these malicious calumnies. A long legal process took place between Kotzebue and the learned editors, and proceedings were laid before the Spruch Collegium--College of Arbitration of the University of Leipsic. These gentlemen were declared by this tribunal, guilty of a literary robbery upon Kotzebue, since the bulletin was not intended or delivered out by him for publication; but after the death of Kotzebue in the following year, they were declared free from all penalty by the High Court of Appeal in Weimar. The fact, however, which finally and at once sealed the determination of Sand, was the appearance of the work of Stourdze, and Kotzebue's standing forth as his defender. Stourdze, a Russian, published a most odious and miserable volume, in which he lauded absolute monarchy, railed against freedom of the press, misrepresented the spirit of the German High Schools in the most abominable terms, and at the same time advised that they should be stripped of all their rights and privileges, and laid under the strictest discipline. The author was formally accused by the Burschenschaft of Jena for his calumnies, to the Grand Duke of Weimar, who laid the case before the _Bundestag_. Stourdze defended himself in the public papers; two youths, not students, but belonging to the Burschenschaft, afterwards challenged him to single combat, whom, however, he answered only with words in the newspapers. Sand now brooded a whole half-year in irresolution over this thought--whether he should devote himself as the instrument for taking out of the way this, in his eyes, so dangerous an enemy of the weal of the German people. "The determination," said he, "must first progress in myself to a greater maturity, since I have partly to contend in myself with the natural shrinking from the performance of such a deed, and partly with the oft recurring thought that I am worthy of and qualified for something better, by the character of my mind, and my already acquired accomplishments. I have also waited for a third, since I had as good a right to wait for a third, as he to wait for me. But as I found no one, this was likewise a ground of determination for myself. Oft have I thought--'thou canst quietly live on, if but a third person undertake the deed.' This waiting was thus properly only a wish that another might step before me; for the rest, however, I knew no such third." Sand often prayed to God that this requisition might be allowed to pass from him, and that he might be left to pursue his ordinary duties. But in this inward warfare, the inner voice perpetually returned, saying--"Thou hast promised so much, and hast yet done nothing." The projected work stood thenceforth so vividly before his eyes, that his imagination enabled him to sketch out a drawing of the murder-scene beforehand, which was found amongst some indifferent pen-and-ink outlines amongst his papers in Jena. Still he continued to waver, till the newspapers brought a report, that Kotzebue intended to return to Russia; and then stood forth Sand's resolution to murder the traitor, let it turn out as it would, and though he should himself lead the way to death for him. Besides this it was part of his plan to make a confession, to bring the Death-Blow to the knowledge of the people. His original plan was, after the accomplishment of the deed, to betake himself to his weapons, and to make his escape if possible, so that provided he effected his own retreat, self-destruction formed no part of the scheme. While he brooded over his enterprise, he prepared the instruments of his design. He made choice, to that end, of a smaller and a greater dagger. The latter he called the small sword, and had it made in Jena after a model in wax, prepared by his own hand, and from his own drawing. For the carrying of these weapons he made a hole in the breast of his waistcoat, in which on account of its weight, this dagger hung; but for the lesser one he had a small hook sewed into the left-arm sleeve of his coat, which by a small eye secured the sheath there. Before setting out on his expedition of death, he completed his Death-Blow, or Confession, prepared the fair copy, which after the accomplishment of the act, he purposed to stick up in some public place; then the original of the same, as he called it, and numerous transcripts of the same. This Death-Blow was a document on which Sand long laboured, and for the promulgation of which, after the deed, he had taken measures. It was designed to be a call to the people to rise and assert their liberty. As this composition not only places in the clearest light the then overstrained state of Sand's mind, but also gives us glimpses of many ideas of the Burschenschaft at that period, which the government were afterwards obliged to hold in check, it shall here find a place. DEATH-BLOW TO AUGUST VON KOTZEBUE! "ONLY IN VIRTUE, UNITY." "Our days demand a decision for the law which God has written in flaming characters in the hearts of his men. Prepare yourselves! decide for life and for death! "Open nightly profligacy is not the corruption which rages in our blood, but vice devours around him only the more hideously under the mantle of an accustomed pious politeness: falsehood masks itself under a thousand assumed holy forms; and the condition of the people should be the blossom of so many sacrifices, and is the state of the old miserable laxity. "Half-accomplished fools, and the stunted overwise, for ever deride the truth, which unadorned and simple, throws itself on the human mind, and they cripple and distort her use in life. The moral strength of the Germans is split on the Babel of foreign affectation, and keeps itself no longer in the house-life. The will is wanting in us for the deed. The Fatherland fails the youth. Courtiers and money-service rule, instead of that honour-firm integrity which has resigned itself to the influence of time, and is become mouldy in it. "The virtue of the burger class bends itself servilely at the nod of the great, and rushes, with already gripped clutch, at the gold-bag. The idleness of servants devours our bones; courage and hero-mind display themselves alone in paper panoply amongst the whole people in empty vapouring; and since they glow not as pure flames in every heart, we find them not even in ourselves. "Deep based on equally vile sentiments in the people, stands the most sensual government; and unrestrained arbitrary power needs no other protection than these;--_the separation fraternal hearts by the means of jealously-guarded frontiers_, of the leading-strings of strict and public surveillance; of _cradle-songs, and the sermons of sloth_; and it rests itself as upon very sufficient props, on the wages and the oaths of police and soldiers. Many amongst the great German people may stand far before me; but _I also hate nothing more than the cowardice and effeminacy of this day_. I must give an example of this. I must proclaim myself against this laxity; and I know nothing nobler to achieve than to strike down the arch-slave, and _great advocate of this mercenary time, the corrupter and betrayer of my people--August von Kotzebue!_ "Thou, my German People, exalt thyself, to a higher moral worth of manhood; of the free spirit of man, and his creative strength! My German People! thou hast no realler nor nobler possession; it is thy highest good. Honour, guard this faith--this thy love to God. Let thy sanctuary no more be trodden under foot. "Man, be he born in the most miserable and abject condition, is created to become an image of God. Rely on the promised Christian freedom. Honour and trust only the free man. Detest the traitors, the slaves in soul, the false teachers, who will not have this. Hate the dastardly poets of half-measures, the preachers of cowardice, the hirelings who hold thee back from every bold enterprise. Detest and murder all those who lift themselves so high in their villanous and despotic fancies that they forget the godlike in thee, and hold and drive thee, the mad multitude, in their high-wise hands, as a complex wheel. "Free conscience! free speech! Man shall solace himself at his own free pleasure in the divine light, of which the fountain is in him. He shall strive after the highest discoveries, and shall be able, unburdened by those of others, to prove and build up his own convictions. But man also shall verify these opinions; he shall live and act; he shall exercise his divine creative power--his will, and shall make it availing. It is for this that we have received the whole might of will--not that we may suffer others to decide what they please concerning us, as over a piece of a field, but that in every condition of life we may determine for ourselves; and therein all virtue demonstrates itself--that we, in every thing which concerns the people, shall take a lively interest, and so act upon our own resolves, each as we will, and not as another compels. "_Finally, make free your wills!_ "This is the sole, purely human, this the necessary foundation for every human society: this must be won for the German Empire! Only when this sole and righteous condition is achieved, then only can be the discussion on further undertakings. "My German people! win self-dependence, and that lofty mind, which already some of thy heroes have borne in them. This is the right, hallowed spirit of life, that thou dost that which the sacred Scriptures of Christendom and of antiquity teach--that which thy poets sing; and admirest or regardest them not merely as empty fables. Brother! proudly and courageously shalt thou win by high endeavour, that highest and holiest object which thy soul can conceive--the condition of a purified, and beatified manhood-- A Christ canst thou become. "So learn, my People, the time in which, after long wandering, joy and unity shall come back into this life. The Reformation, begun three hundred years ago, sought to restore the life of our people after the image of God. It is not yet completed! for yet continue compulsion of conscience, servitude, tearing asunder of brothers in our country, and no one can rejoice himself after a Christian and purely human form. Brothers, break the ancient chains of the Popedom, the chains of arbitrary rule! We Germans,--one empire and one church! Let the schism betwixt spiritual and secular be annihilated! Faith, learning, and action, shall unite themselves into one, and bloom anew in the Christian enthusiasm of free German citizens. "The Reformation must be completed! Brothers, abandon not one another in the oppressions of the times. Sluggishness and treason blacken history with the hand of slavery! You have it before you! "Up! I show you the great day of freedom! Up, my people, bethink thee; make thyself free!" The writing of Sand "To the Burschenschaft in Jena," and the other "To my Friends of the true German mind," were completed only a few days before his setting out; and finally he composed also a so-called "Sentence of Death against Kotzebue." He left behind, in his desk, a statement of the debts which his parents should pay; and an order that his books and other things should be sent home. He empowered a student, to receive all current letters and money for him. He contracted for his lodgings with his landlord for the ensuing half-year. To those who asked whither he was going, he gave the double-meaning answer--"Home." A letter was also found addressed to his parents, as follows: "_To Father, Mother, Brothers, Sisters, Brother-in-law, Teachers, and all Friends! True, eternally true souls!_ "Why still more aggravate your pain? I thought, and hesitated to write to you on this business. Truly, if you received the intelligence of what has occurred at once, might the bitter sorrow the easier and quicker pass over; but the truth of affection would in that case be wounded, and this great affliction can only be wholly conquered by our emptying the whole cup of wo at once, and thus keeping faithful to our friend the true, the eternal Father in heaven. So from the shut-up bosom, forth thou long, great pang of the last speech; plain dealing can alone soften the agony of parting. This sheet brings to you the last greeting of the son and the brother! Much and continually have I talked and wished, it is now time that I left dreaming, and the trouble of my Fatherland impels me to action. This is unquestionably the highest misery in this earth-life, if the affairs of God, through guilt, come to a dead pause in their lively developement; this is for us the most overwhelming disgrace, if all that beauty and good which would have been boldly pursued by thousands and on whose account thousands have joyfully offered themselves up, as dream-shapes, without abiding consequence, now sinks away into dark discontent; if the reformation of the old life, now in its half-way advance, stand petrified. Our grandchildren would have to bewail this neglect. The commencement of the restoration of German life was made with spirits animated by God, within the last twenty years, and especially in that hallowed season 1813. The paternal house is shaken to the foundations--forwards! let us raise it again, fresh and beautiful, a true temple of God, as our hearts long after it. They are but a few who oppose themselves as a dam against the stream of the evolutions of the higher humanity in the German people; why then do whole hosts bow themselves again under the yoke of these knaves? shall our once awaked salvation perish again? Many of the most abandoned traitors play their game without obstruction, with us, to the complete corruption of our people. Among these, Kotzebue is the subtlest and most malicious; the actual tool and mouthpiece of every thing base in our time, and his voice is exactly fitted to beguile us Germans of all bitterness and opposition to the most unrighteous usurpations, and to lull us into the old indolent slumber. He practises daily arch-treason against the Fatherland, and then stands there, protected by his hypocritical speeches, and artful flatteries, and wrapped in the mantle of a great political reputation, spite of his wickedness, as an idol for the half of Germany, which blinded by him, willingly imbibes the poison which, for Russian pay, he prepares for them in his daily publications. Will not the greatest disaster befall us? Will not the history of our day be blackened with everlasting shame? He must perish! I say continually if any saving influence is to arise, we must not shrink from strife and toil; the true freedom of the German people then only awakes in us, when challenged and dared by the brave,--when the son of the Fatherland in the contest for the right and for the highest good, casts all other love? behind him, and loves death alone. "That this may be, who shall rush upon this pitiful fellow, upon this hireling traitor, Kotzebue? In anguish and bitter tears turned to the Almighty, have I waited a long time for the appearance of one who would step before me, and release me, not fitted for murder, would release me from my pain, and leave me to proceed on the pleasant path that I have chosen. Spite of all my prayers, no one has appeared, and each has as good a right as myself to wait for another. Delay makes our condition continually worse and more pitiable; and who shall absolve us from the shame, if Kotzebue leave German ground unpunished, and shall enjoy in Russia a fortune acquired by his treason? Who shall help and save us out of this unhappy condition, if every one, and I in my province first of all, feels not the call to maintain justice, and to do what ought to be done for German Fatherland? So then boldly forward! I will assault him with a heart confident in God to strike down the calumniator and betrayer of our brethren--the horrible traitor! that he may cease from turning us from God and history, and plotting to deliver us into the hands of the cunningest enemy. Solemn duty compels me to it. Since I have discovered what a lofty prize our people have in the present time to wrestle for--and that he is the cowardly false villain that would prevent their destiny--it is become for me, as for every German who regards the well-being of the whole, a rigorous _Must!_ May I direct the eyes of all active and public-spirited men, to where danger and falsehood threaten, and turn, in time, the fear of all, and the vigorous youth to the right point, that they may save the common Fatherland, Germany, the perpetually rent, the unworthy states-union, from an imminent danger. May I scatter terror over the base and the cowardly, and courage over the good! Writing and speaking effect nothing--it is action alone that now creates union. May I, at least, cast a brand into the present indifference, and rouse and augment the flame of popular feeling, that glorious struggle for the affairs of God amongst mankind, which burned in us in 1813--then were all my highest and holiest wishes fulfilled! On this account, though startled out of all lovely dreams of coming life, still am I calm, full of trust in God; yea, happy, since I see the path sketched out for me through Night and Death, by which I may pay back to my Fatherland all that I owe it. "So farewell, you dear souls! This sudden parting falls heavily, and your expectations and my wishes are probably disappointed; yet may this have prepared us, and therefore now be our comfort--that what the necessity of the Fatherland demands, is the first of all things to be desired by us, and has always lived in me as the most inviolable principle. You may hereafter say and think among yourselves--'Yet had he through our sacrifices learnt to know the whole of life on this earth, the joy there is in this human society; and he appeared to love this land, and his chosen profession heartily.' Yes, so was it; so did I under your affectionate guardianship. Through your countless sacrifices and cares for me, are my land and life become so thoroughly dear to me; you caused me to be introduced into the world of knowledge; I have lived in the active pursuits of a free spirit; I have glanced into history, and then turned back into my own mind in order to twine myself up by the tendril of the spirit firmly to the pillar of faith in the Eternal, and through the free inquiries of my understanding, to acquire a clearer perception of myself and of the greatness of surrounding things. I have cultivated the sciences in the usual course with all my power, and reached thereby the position and capacity to oversee the district of human knowledge, and have thereupon spoken out my convictions with friends and other persons; have travelled the country, to learn, to know men and their doings. As a preacher of the gospel would I joyfully have spent this life, and in any possible overthrow of our social customs and of knowledge, by the help of God, would have discharged faithfully the duties of my office. "But should all this have withheld me from warding off more imminent danger from my country? Must not your unspeakable love for me directly spur me on to set death at defiance for the common good and the object of all our endeavours? What numbers of the modern Greeks have already fallen, to liberate their people from the scourge of the Turks, and are yet dead without having effected any visible consequence, without any prospect of it; and hundreds of them also amongst us, preparing themselves by education, suffer not their courage to sink, but are immediately ready again to offer _their_ lives for the good of their country, and would I not die for mine? And will not we, to whom the salvation and the working out of the highest blessings are so near and dear, will we do nothing to that end? And do I mistake your love, or would I wantonly sport with it? Believe it not. What should arm me for death, if not alone the love to you and the Fatherland, which impels me thus to testify it to you. "Mother, thou wilt say,--Why have I brought up a son to maturity, whom I loved, and who loved me; for whom I have striven with a thousand cares and continual anxiety; who through my prayers became inspired with the love of goodness, and from whom I fondly hoped in the last days of my weary pilgrimage to experience repose and filial love? Why forsakes he me now? Dear mother! might not the fosterer of another also thus lament, if he went forth for his Fatherland? If no other will do that, where will the Fatherland be? But certainly thou complainest not thus, but thinkest on these things too justly. Complain not, noble woman! Once already have I received thy call, and if no one now would step forward for the good cause, wouldst thou thyself send me forth to the contest. Still two brothers, and two sisters, all true and noble, have I before me--they remain to you--I follow my duty! The young ones will step into my place, they will be true to their country--they also are your children. In the world have we troubles, but in God we are able to overcome them like Christ. Oh that we may enjoy his peace in full measure! Forsaken on the solitary way which I tread alone, I have no dependence but upon the Eternal Father: in him, however, grasp I courage and strength to conquer the last terror, and to accomplish my solemn deed. I commend you to his protection and comfort. May he lift you to that joy which misfortunes are not able to disturb. Forget then the loss in the enduring joy in Him, and regard not my tears so much as the love which exists between us, and never can perish. Advance still farther for your country, and conduct your little ones--to whom so gladly would I have become the guiding friend--without delay, up into the mighty mountains, and let them there, upon that sublime altar in the midst of the Fatherland, dedicate themselves and swear, never to rest nor to lay down the sword till the Brethren are united in freedom, till all Germany as one people, and with one constitution for the whole empire, great before God and mighty against their neighbours, is knit into one complete whole! "With joyful look turned toward Thee, Eternal God, stands my Fatherland! Blessed be the great host of the German people ready armed for the battle, who, recognising the high privilege to be allowed to promote the cause of a pure humanity, thy image upon earth, stands courageously resolved, and amongst those may I see them in whose love I shall glory till my end. "Salvation lies--highest and solely in the sword; Press then the spear into the patriot heart, And make a way for freedom! "Karl Sand." On the 19th of March, as already stated, he suddenly quitted Jena without taking any leave of the people of the house. His travelling dress consisted of a black German coat, with red cloth waistcoat, black cloth trousers, laced boots, and a black velvet cap with a front. Over his dress he wore on the way, for the most part, a blue carter's frock. Amongst other things was found in his pocket, Körner's "Lyre and Sword," in which many lines were under-drawn with single, and others with double scores; as for instance in the poem "Through,"-- What wins this long delaying? The strong with fearless tread-- The act alone, onstaying, Crushes the serpent's head. And his favourite quotation from the poem "Call to Arms," "Salvation lies," etc. as given above. So prepared, Sand left the university city of Jena. His journey towards Mannheim was by no means hurried, but extended itself to fourteen days. He had read in the papers that Kotzebue would not set out for Russia till the spring, and the anxiety respecting the consequences of the deed produced procrastination, and occasioned him again an unceasing self-struggle. From Erfurt he travelled to Frankfort with two merchants, and when they came to Eisenach he persuaded his two companions to take their dinner on the Wartburg. On this occasion he is said to have asserted--"Here have sacred words been spoken, and from this place will yet go forth much good." He also wrote there in in the Stamm-book for the students, these words:--"What wilt the old nightcaps (humdrums, dreamy but inactive people) do for you? Depend upon yourselves, and build up to God an altar in your own hearts."--Then his favourite quotation from Körner. From Frankfort he went on to Darmstadt; where, as in the places already mentioned, he lodged with his kind friends. In Darmstadt he remained some days. He states that he had not been quite well, and had given himself up to his reflections. One of his friends accompanied him a part of the way thence, and at Sand's request, cut off his long hair, which attracted attention on the road. He arrived at Lorsch, and intended to have gone from there to Wurms; but his reluctance to his enterprise became so great, that he determined on the following day to advance at once upon the danger. He now read once more the Gospel of St. John, which he carried with him in separate sheets, and Körner's poem "Through." On the 23d of March he arrived in Mannheim, at half-past nine in the morning, and went to the Vineyard hotel. There he breakfasted without the host's perceiving any agitation of mind in him, and about eleven o'clock was conducted by a waiter of the inn to the house of Kotzebue. He then went back, on pretence of tying a handkerchief round his neck, as he found it too cold with open breast. Again arrived at Kotzebue's residence, he caused the waiter to retire, and announced himself through the maid who opened the door, as a gentleman from Mietau. Kotzebue, however, was not at home, and he was requested to call again at five in the evening. He therefore took a walk to the Rhine, and inquired where lay the wood of Neckerau, and its distance, and at one o'clock returned to the inn. He conducted himself during dinner with great equanimity, ate moderately, and drank a choppin[7] of wine. His companions at table were two clergymen from the Upper Rhine country, with whom he conversed partly on topics of general history, and partly on the Reformation and Luther. He stayed with the company till towards five o'clock, and then said that he must yet pay a visit to Kotzebue. This time he met his victim. He announced himself, and was shown into a room on the right hand of which lay Kotzebue's study, separated only from it by a small cabinet, while the nursery and the sitting-room of the family lay on its left side. On the proceedings in this room Sand himself observed,--"The servant spent some minutes in going about in the room or speaking; he then called me in, but still continued standing in the doorway, and spoke in a low voice towards the interior of the room. I was finally admitted, and Kotzebue stepped into the room from the door on the left hand. I saw him appear at the half-open door, and then enter as the door was quite open. I went about six steps forward into the room and greeted him. He stepped somewhat nearer to the door, and I then turned myself towards him on the side of the entrance.[8] The most fearful thing to me was that I must dissemble. I said that I had a desire to call on him as I travelled through the place, and, after some pro and con, I added,--'I pride myself'--which Kotzebue probably interpreted otherwise than as I meant,--then drew I the dagger, and continued--'not in thee! Here, thou traitor to the Fatherland!' and with the last word I struck him down. "I named myself Henry from Mietau, since I believed that Kotzebue would not admit me if I announced myself a native German. It was much more probable under the name of a Courlander; and Kotzebue actually said--'You are from Mietau?' "How many blows I gave him I cannot say: as little, which was the first. It was quickly done. I drew the dagger out of the left sleeve, where I had secured it in a sheath, and gave him several stabs in the left side. Kotzebue spoke not a word during the attack, only uttered a cry of alarm, the instant that he saw me rush upon him with uplifted arm. He stretched out his hands, and fell immediately at the entrance of the room on the left hand, about three steps from the same. How I should have wounded him in the face I know not. Probably it may have happened through his holding his hands and arms before him, and moving them about. I held the dagger so that the edge was above the thumb and the fist, and struck directly out, neither from above nor from below. Kotzebue fell together in a sitting posture. I then looked him in the face to see how it was with him. I wished to ascertain the effect of the attack, and a second time looked him in the face. He continually winked with his eyelids, so that one could now see the whites of his eyes, and now nothing. I therefore concluded that he was not dead; but I interfered no further with him, because I was persuaded that enough had been done." Sand having completed his act, turned towards the window in order to regain his old standing place, but that turn produced a deciding influence on his fate. "I saw," said he, "in turning round, a little child, which during the deed had sprung into the room from the left-hand door. Its cry produced in me such a mingled feeling that I was instantly determined to recompense it for the injury I had done it by stabbing myself with the small sword. The blow struck on the left breast, and went several inches deep. I drew forth the steel, and the effect was an instant gush of blood, which I perceived as I descended the stairs became, with the pain, more perceptible." The cry of anguish of the victim under the hands of his murderer, brought in a few seconds thither the family and inmates of the house; but the horrible spectacle must naturally so violently have affected them, that they scarcely retained a clear remembrance of the first moments which followed the discovery. According to Sand's own account, as they bore Kotzebue into the next room, the wild outcry and deep alarm sunk by degrees; the whole room as well as the open-standing door was left vacant, and he had time to descend the steps and reach the outer door. When, however, he came there, he found already many other persons collected by the outcry, and must then have despaired of his escape, and therefore sought to secure the publication of his "Death-Blow." His original intention, that of sticking it up somewhere with the small dagger, was prevented by his having let it fall during the action, and he therefore took the paper from his pocket, and delivered it to the servant, who was then rushing out of the house to call the watch, saying, "There, take that!" Then cried Sand with a loud voice, to the people who had run together,--"Live for ever, my German Fatherland, and we amongst the German people, who strive to advance the condition of a pure humanity!" He then kneeled down, and said in a low voice,--"I thank Thee, God, for thy victory;" prayed, placed with both hands the small sword against his breast, and drove it directly and deliberately into it till it stood fast; then withdrew his hands and fell forward on his right side. The people who hurried to the spot, found him lying in his blood, drew forth the dagger, and washed the wound with vinegar. In the mean time the watch and the police had arrived, and the murderer under the usual guard was carried on a handbarrow to the hospital. Kotzebue died in the arms of his daughter. It was probably the first blow, which, piercing the pericardium and the artery of the lungs, caused his speedy death. Sand, on the day following the murder was in a greatly excited state. His features changed rapidly, his eyes now gloomy and wildly rolling, now soft and swimming with tears. His wounds were cicatrized in about a fortnight, but an internal extravasation of blood ensuing, made the opening of the cavity of the chest necessary, which the then Professor Chelius from Heidelberg performed. Sand submitted himself quietly to the operation, and afterwards begged the surgeon to excuse him for some exclamations of pain during the operation. His behaviour during his whole imprisonment was praiseworthy. His frame of mind appeared calm and quiet, and he seemed to wait his fate with resignation. Only twice, in particular, was he seen to break out into passionate weeping; once, as he was conveyed from the hospital to the House of Correction, and the second time, as a letter from his parents was read to him, in which they gave him their blessing; but he sought anxiously to hide these tears, as evidences of weakness. He repented his attempt at self murder, as a cowardly act, and followed the prescriptions of his physician with regularity. He was thus soon so far restored that the trial could take place. This was entered into with all possible gentleness; and he experienced generally throughout it a mild treatment. A visit which his mother and brother offered to make him he declined, on the ground of sparing to all parties the pain of such a parting. The trial for the murder went on quickly at first, but afterwards became more complicated, on account of the documents which were found amongst Sand's papers, concerning the Burschenschaft and such matters. These occasioned an especial commission to be named, which put itself in communication with commissions afterwards named at Weimar, Darmstadt, and Giessen, and subsequently with the Ministry of Police at Berlin, so far as their inquiries might have an influence or throw any light on Sand's act. From the report of these inquiries we have drawn the preceding notices of his life, and it may yet be permitted us to say a few words on the force of some actuating causes which could lead so excellent a character, as Sand otherwise was, to such a deed. Sand's early youth fell in a time when all Germany breathed hatred to its oppressors. From this source he drew the most glowing antipathy to the French, and enthusiasm for his native country. Traits of fanaticism, and a certain touch of religious enthusiasm, all must have remarked in him who have read the foregoing pages, and a degree of vanity which drove him to distinguish himself from the common herd by something peculiar. Thus he subscribed himself, as a genuine German, instead of Karl Ludwig, "Kerl Chlodowig," in the ancient style, and afterwards he used the signature, "German Brother of Fichtelberge." Then he made himself conspicuous in Tübingen by a very singular dress. His desire, however, to serve his country remained ungratified, and he returned from his campaign as so many others, casting his glance forward, to see whether Germany, which had purchased its external peace through so much bloodshed, possessed internal peace and deserved happiness. At the same time, his proneness to mysticism was undeniable. In his speculations upon religion, morals, constitutions of states and laws, one finds many contradictions. Thus, he regarded the Divine laws not so much positive commands as monitory precepts, by which man, according to his conviction, can regulate his conduct. When he, whose favourite reading was the Bible and the writings of Thomas à Kempis, yet felt a certain disbelief in the revealed religion, it was truly a great inconsistency to desire that an immediate revelation from above should be made to himself. Thus, he says amongst other things:--"He prayed to God daily for knowledge and enlightenment. If he, through divine revelation, could learn that his act was wrong, he would repent it every hour; but hitherto nothing of the kind has happened." "My own conviction," said he, "is my law. I act right whenever I follow it. It guides me better than divine or human precepts." According to these principles he would only acknowledge laws except in so far as they seemed reasonable to him. Above all things displeased him, the division of Germany into separate states,--he would have one Germany and one church; but when he demanded--not for himself alone, but for the whole people--this freedom of thought and will, he was in contradiction to himself again, since he would, to a certain degree, force this reform upon all, in opposition to his conceived freedom; nay, held it as allowable, to take out of the way, with the dagger, whoever placed himself as an enemy in the path of this reform; yes, and called upon the people also to do the same. And this he did, without sufficiently understanding the laws and circumstances of his Fatherland, as appears by his declaration. It is to be supposed that the spirit which formerly actuated the Burschenschaft, had an influence upon the developement of his ideas; but it is false, when it is asserted that the Burschenschaft was privy to his deed, or approved it. Sand had misunderstood some doctrines of Schelling's philosophy, and had fitted these misconceptions into his system, as well as many others which he had drawn from the lectures of his teachers, especially those of the historian Luden. All his teachers praised his restless diligence, without ascribing to him either particular talent or great strength of judgment. He entangled himself in a system of sophistry which he regarded as the firmest truth. When a man frequently pronounces any thing to be true, he comes at last to believe it so, however contrary it be to common sense. Thus Sand over-estimated the evil influence which Kotzebue exercised through his writings, without making himself sufficiently acquainted with these writings. Thus he imagined that the governments were not strong enough to repress this nuisance; and that the writers who contended against Kotzebue were powerless against this, literary tyrant. He therefore believed himself called to take the enemy of truth out of the way. He communicated his resolution to no one, and was so convinced of the meritorious nature of his action--which he, moreover, justified by his maxim, the "end hallows the means"--that to his last moment he never repented of it. For the rest, he endeavoured with all his power, to shield others from the evil consequences that might have reached them from his action, and therefore, when for their advantage he stated many things that were not true, he is on that account to be judged leniently. All these circumstances were well weighed by his judges, as ground of excuse so far as they might contribute to the mitigation of his punishment. Sand's counsel on the trial was the Licentiate Rüttger. The final judgment of the court condemned him to death with the sword. This judgment of the 5th of May was confirmed by the Grand Duke on the 12th, and arrived at Mannheim on the 17th of the same month. At this latter period, the health of the culprit had so much improved that, according to the official medical report, he was in a condition to rise from his bed with help of his attendants, to continue some hours up, and to take his meals sitting in his room. On the morning of the 17th of May, at half-past ten o'clock, the sentence of death was formally read to Sand, in the presence of two officers of the court, whereupon, permission being allowed, he dictated the following protocol:--"This hour, and the honourable judges with the final decision, were welcome. He would fortify himself in the strength of his God; since he had often and clearly made known his opinion, that amongst all mortal sorrows, none could so much afflict him as to live on without being able to serve the Fatherland, and the highest aims of humanity. He died willingly, since he could no longer work in love for the Idea--since he could no longer be free. So approached he the portals of eternity, with a glad mind, and with the most thorough internal conviction, which he had always entertained, that the true good upon earth can only come forth from the strife of conflicting passions, and that he who will work for the highest and divine, must be a leader and a member of a party. He cherished the hope through his death, to satisfy those whom he hated and who hated him; and again, to content those with whom he agreed in opinion, and in whose love consisted his earthly happiness. Death was welcome to him, since he yet felt the strength in him necessary, by the help of God, to enable him to die like a man." The 20th of May was appointed for the execution, and till this period the governor of the House of Correction was instructed to admit all proper persons that the prisoner might desire to see, especially the Protestant ministers, and to comply with all reasonable wishes of the condemned. Sand displayed the same fortitude as on the publication of the sentence of death. He made the request that day, that it might be ordered that no clergyman should attend him to the place of execution, and gave as his reason, that the attendance of criminals to the place of doom, was a degradation of the clerical order and of religion. That religion must lie in the heart, and could not, especially amid such a tumult, proceed from external things. As all the representatives, even of the clergy present, could not alter his opinions on this point, it was conceded, and his request allowed. At five o'clock of the morning of the 20th, Sand was placed in a low open chaise, within the court of the Bridewell, the door being still closed. He was attended by the superintendent of the prison, at his own request, that he might help to support him, particularly in mounting the scaffold. Two other masters of the House of Correction were ordered to keep near the carriage. Sand was clad in a dark-green great-coat, linen trousers, and laced boots, without any covering on his head. The carriage in which he sat, as well as the one following with the officers of justice, was surrounded by the officials of the House of Correction, and the squadron of cavalry ordered for the occasion. The train proceeded to a meadow lying a little without the city gate, in which the scaffold was erected, and which was guarded by a detachment of infantry. The government deemed these precautions necessary in order to frustrate any attempt at liberation of the prisoner on the part of the students. In fact, it is yet often related, that a great number of the Burschen rode, in the early morning, from Heidelberg, well provided with swords and fire-arms, with the intent to snatch Sand out of the hands of justice; that the keeping secret the day fixed for the execution, had made it impossible for them to obtain sufficiently early intelligence; and that in consequence, though riding the whole way at the highest speed, they arrived too late on the spot, where, cursing their evil star, they discharged their pistols into the ground. The whole story, however, is a fable, and it is certain, that by the wiser, and probably the greater part of the Burschenschaft, even as little as by the rest of the public, was Sand's murder-deed approved; and if at the moment he was generally pitied, and it was wished that a better fate had awaited him, yet none but a few political fanatics could pronounce the punishment unjust. Sand was lifted out of the carriage, and mounted the scaffold and mounted the scaffold himself, supported by the arms of the two Bridewell masters. Arrived upon it, he turned himself round towards the crowd, then threw the handkerchief, which he held in his hand, forcibly down, with rolling eyes; lifted his hand on high, as if he swore an oath, turned his eyes towards heaven, and then caused himself to be led to the chair of execution, where at his particular request, he remained standing till the preparations of the execution were completed. The sentence of death was thereupon read with a loud voice by the actuary, and then the hands and body of the delinquent fast bound to the pillar. As the executioner bound his hands, Sand said to him in a low voice, "Don't bind me too fast, or it will hurt me." After his eyes were bound the sentence was completed, his head being severed from his body at one blow, and hung only by a part of the skin, which was immediately divided by the sword. The whole passed over with the greatest order, and with the deepest silence of the spectators, except that at the moment of the fatal blow, was heard exclamations of pity. Many students and other spectators rushed to the scaffold, in order to dip their handkerchiefs in Sand's blood, or to cut small pieces of wood from the scaffold as mementos. Sand had addressed through the whole time nothing to the public. A short time before his execution, he was heard alone to speak as to himself,--"God give me in my death much gladness--it is completed--I die in the mercy of my God!" He died with much fortitude and presence of mind, at half-past five o'clock. His corpse with the severed head was soon after laid in the prepared coffin, and this was immediately nailed up. The military then guarded the remains back to the House of Correction; and on the following night at eleven o'clock they were buried in the cemetery of the Lutheran church near the House of Correction. Kotzebue's dwelling, and the chamber where the murder was committed, are yet shown in Mannheim; and it is said that the spots of blood on the wall have continually reappeared in spite of being many times painted over. The scaffold, according to custom, became the perquisite of the executioner, who came from Heidelberg. The stranger may observe a small garden-house which was built out of this material, as he goes towards the Bierhälter-hof, by the way of "The Three Troughs," as it is called. To this house for some years, the Burschenschaft were accustomed to go on the anniversary of Sand's execution, in procession, and there with singing, and probably an oration, paid their respect to his memory. Even those who did not approve of murder as a mere political reform, yet were glad that Kotzebue was out of the way, and pitied and even honoured Sand as a devoted and high-minded, though misguided martyr to their cause. If the act of Sand, perpetrated upon a man who neither in public nor in private life enjoyed its respect, excited in the public mind so much just displeasure, how much more must that have been the case on the villanous attack upon the life of one whom so many social virtues adorned. The attempt to murder Ibell, the President of the First Chamber of Nassau, in the following year, by the fanatic Löning, increased the consternation of the rulers and the credibility of the charge that Germany, and especially its rising generation, was seized with a revolutionary dizziness. It appeared clear that the spirit which had formerly arisen from the salvation of the governments, had now taken a decided tendency to their destruction; and instead therefore of attempting to conciliate by liberal concessions, necessity commanded towards it a system of vigorous repression. The congress of sovereigns assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, had already turned its attention to the critical state of feeling in Germany. Whilst France had become so quiet that the Congress ordered its evacuation by the army of occupation, Germany became a new subject of anxiety. It was Sand's mad murder-deed which first made this manifest, and produced this reaction on the part of the governments. In August, 1819, many German ministers and diplomatists met on this subject at Karlsbad. The excellent Karlsbad resolutions, which were framed at this meeting, were on the 20th of September of the same year, published by the Confederation of States, as the Confederation Resolutions. These, in order to prevent the aberrations of the youth, ordained a strict oversight over both teachers and learners in this respect, and that a government inspector extraordinary should be appointed to every university to observe the teachers, and to restrain the scholars within the bounds of discipline and order. The Karlsbad resolutions in reference to unions, and especially the Burschenschaft, say:--"The long existing laws against both secret and unauthorized unions in the universities, shall be maintained in their greatest force and stringency, and particularly shall be the more vigorously exercised towards the union instituted within these few years, under the name of a universal Burschenschaft: as at the foundation of this union lies the totally inadmissible presupposition of a lasting association and correspondence between the different universities. The government inspectors shall make it a duty to exercise an especial watchfulness in regard to this point. The governments are agreed upon this, that individuals who, after the publication of these resolutions, shall be found to have remained members of such secret or unauthorized unions, or shall have entered into such, shall not be permitted to hold any public office." Thus, the act of Sand, as is uniformly the case with wild and fanatical deeds of violence, had the very contrary effect to that which he purposed, and instead of serving and establishing the Burschenschaft, hastened its public denouncement and suppression. In all the German states, the freedom of the press was, moreover, abolished, so that in no German state could a manuscript be submitted to the press without censorship. Finally, also, a central commission of inquiry was established in Maintz for the finding out of all demagogical schemes. The Prussian government in particular went to work with pre-eminent energy and vigour, and, by its persecution of many distinguished men, forfeited a portion of that public respect which it had acquired through its strenuous exertions for the liberation of Germany from the French, and through other popular endeavours. The repose of Germany during the political storms which in the following years shook foreign countries, at length put an end to the government alarms from demagogical agitations. The political inquisitions and persecutions ceased by degrees; the punishment suspended over the erring, became so much the milder as fewer aberrations, in consequence of the established regulations, arose to demand the care of the administrations. If therefore the impulse which the German spirit had acquired in the Liberation War had caused it to rush over its appropriate limits, the German nature yet returned speedily to its inherent morality and propriety; and by its unshakable loyalty to its hereditary princes, and relations, verified that old praise,--that in Germany good morals have more power than elsewhere good laws. * * * At the breaking up of the Burschenschaft at Jena, the 26th of November, 1819, the following song was sung; which we therefore give as one of the most celebrated. WE BUILDED OURSELVES. We builded ourselves a house, Stately and fair, And there in God confided, Spite tempest, storm, and care. We lived there so trustful, So friendly, so free, 'Twas hateful to the wicked Such honest men to see! They wronged us, they charged us With treason and shame, They strove our fair young Freedom To curse and to defame. What God laid upon us Was misunderstood; Our unity excited Mistrust e'en in the good. They brand it as sinful-- They cheat themselves sore-- The form it may be broken; The love lives evermore. The form has been broken, The ruins lie low; Yet what they have discovered Is merely smoke and show. Our riband is severed, Of black, red, and gold, Yet God has it permitted; Who can his will unfold! Then let the house perish! What matters its fall? The soul lives yet within us, And God's the strength of all! CHAPTER VI. CEREMONIAL INTRODUCTIONS TO UNIVERSITY AND BURSCHEN LIFE. Great need hath man of brother man To reach his noblest aim; He moves but in the general plan. Fly then the wolf-bewasted strand, And knit life's strong and social band. _Schiller_. The youth of Germany has awoke out of the dreams of Burschenschaft freedom; and the sounding rush of steam-engines will probably not permit them easily to fall again into this giddy trance. The bond of an universal Burschenschaft no longer embraces the whole body of German students, but the professors of every political as well as religious creed move amongst each other in manifold circles. Like _ignes fatui_ flicker here and there yet, Burschenschaft ideas, but their flame has seldom strength to burn, and soon expires again for want of fuel, which, in fact, is diligently withdrawn: still has its flame, ever and anon, in recent times, hoisted on the mountain tops, streamed up a lightening fire-pillar of Freedom; but the rulers of Germany have speedily smothered it, anxiously watching lest the political fabric raised with so much toil, should become, with all its stockwork and timbers, a prey to the devouring element. They have also taken care that the youth shall not, forgetting his original duty, fall into this labyrinth. During his period of study, only too often is he reminded by the everpresent sense of the government examination, that he is a citizen of a German state. Is it to be feared, that we have fallen into the opposite extreme; that the zeal for the political and literary freedom of Germans is extinguished; and that a stupid and creeping slavery has taken its place? No, thank God, we are not yet come so far as that. A striking testimony of this, is the sentiment which just recently has made itself felt as the common spirit of Germany against France, glowing with the enthusiasm of former years, and to which that new Rhine song of Bekker--"They shall not have it!"--owes its origin. So far as regards academical freedom, it is not to be denied that in some states an overstrained severity of government examinations of students begins to display a mischievous influence.[9] The young man having this image of terror perpetually before his eyes, prosecutes his studies in a manufacturing style, which crushes every freer, fresher aspiration after human improvement. Yet one comes back to one's self by this means, from that abortive condition of a false and overdriven anxiety for the common good; and, on the other hand, the governments were wise enough to perceive, that the freedom of the universities could not be too much circumscribed without damage to the pursuit of knowledge itself; for this freedom is universally recognised as the ground on which an active pursuit of science most flourishes. Experience has sufficiently proved this: those universities which possess that freedom in the most perfect degree, having always stood the highest in academical reputation. All mal-practices have been properly put down; many things have been necessarily held to be illegal because of their connexion with other things, and which yet have been tolerated, and thus in this middle way have the best results been arrived at. Strip the universities of all their privileges, and they will fall, together with the schools, to the ground, and no longer furnish so fine a bridge to the service of the state. Especially necessary to their free condition appears to be the possession of their own court of judicature, which has the peculiarity of leaving a wide scope of discretion to the judges; since it might be very unjust to punish a student, were it ever so slightly, who enjoys so much more freedom than a citizen, precisely according to the laws of the schools, as a citizen who is so little permitted to step over the laws is punished by the laws which relate to him. Germany may be proud of the constitution of its High Schools, and must feel grateful to the governments for this protection of academical freedom, as it is bound to be for its political constitutions, through which a beneficent and honourable freedom is secured. Much complaint has in former years been made, that the young people who were just come from the schools, hurried on by Chore life and their companions, become so engulfed in a whirlpool of dissipation, that during the first half-year, or even the whole year, they never perfectly recover themselves from this course of wild pleasure. This destructive and so much dreaded course, and a certain constraining influence supposed to proceed from the unions, and which uniting itself with the fascination of _Renommirend_, or playing off, determined _Die Neulinge_, newlings or freshmen, to enter into such unions, were made grounds for putting down such unions all over Germany; as if Chores were necessary to such a time-killing career of dissipation. Others have insisted that the newlings must be compelled, by stronger regulations and a certain school restraint, to a more diligent attendance of the lectures and of their private studies. Apart from the question whether one may and can compel a young man of that age to unceasing application, it may be further asked, whether, after all, this half-year spent in the free enjoyment of life must be an actual loss, and to be reckoned an absolute deduction from the amount of study? By no means. Truly, if study consisted in learning a mass of facts by rote, then might we reasonably reckon literary and scientific acquisitions by days. But let any one reflect how a youth comes from school. There he had a daily task, which he completed as a more or less industrious day-labourer does his. He had also favourite occupations and favourite studies besides, but entirely apart, which he pursued as pleasant recreations, which had nothing in common with the tedious school labours. Not that there are no exceptions to the rule, but thus it is commonly. The time now approaches that he must undergo a rigorous _Abiturienten-examen_, or final examination, before the doors of the High School will open to admit him; an examination which he puts out all his strength during the last half-year to pass, as he sees with transport the university years presenting themselves before him. Suddenly he becomes a wavering skiff, abandoned by its experienced pilot, to drive forth into the midst of the agitated sea of university life. His whole existence must from this time forward tend to one ultimate object, of which he is not himself yet clearly conscious; even his recreations and pleasures shall only serve every day to accomplish him, or to give him new strength for toil. His intellectual labours shall henceforth bear the stamp of knowledge; but the transition is so sudden, the space in which he has to move is so vast compared with the narrow bounds which have hitherto circumscribed him! His sight must sharpen itself, that rapidly making himself master of the manifold objects that surround him, he may reduce them to one regular scale, and so magically diminish them as to inclose them in his own bosom. And to this labour, which appears to him gigantic, he comes exhausted by the exertions of the time just past, wearied out with all the old school business. He exerts himself to comprehend that world of novelties, but sinks finally overwhelmed by their oppressive greatness, and probably exclaims with the scholar in Faust,-- All is confused, a stunning pain, As whirled a mill-wheel in my brain. Despairing of science, he throws himself into the arms of pleasure. He drinks with full draught from the cup of joy, and finds himself with exultation again conscious of his youthful strength. Full of proud and lofty feeling, he now rushes forward in the new and open path, often bursting through all bounds. This is called the lost time. But it is not lost. If the man is not to be overwhelmed by the excess of external influence, if he is to be borne through all without loss of his independence, he requires in the mean time such a period of rest; in which, from an undisturbed point of view, he can look back into the past; can there weigh what he has so far accomplished; can look forward, and acquire a clear consciousness of his future purposes, and can gather strength for the necessary enterprise. Thus, in the transition from the school to the university, this introductory laziness is a necessary crisis for the majority, in order to shake off the old school dust, and to awake to a new existence. That very dissipation must throw the youth back upon knowledge. He has now learnt, out of the multitude of things, to choose and appropriate those which befit himself, his character, and designs; he has learnt to maintain his independence in the midst of the in-streaming outer-world; and, finally, by association with so many companions who, though equally with himself gay of heart and enjoying life, are still happily prosecuting the acquisition of knowledge, he has arrived at higher views of life, and of individual study. He is now first ripe for the university. We have in other places spoken of the advantage which a young man derives from associate life with so many others. He who desires to rule or to exercise an influence over men, must first learn to live amongst many. He who studies a science will not perpetually confine himself to one work, though it be that of a most celebrated master, but will compare as many as possible, that amongst all their theories he may select that which most meets his approbation, or may create a new one for himself. Of the numbers, moreover, who find themselves at a High School, if some lose sight of their true object, and sink in the slough of sensuality, yet the far greater portion pursue the path of knowledge with zeal, and push forward on the direct course, though they may occasionally diverge into the smiling and blooming fields that lie right and left, to gather odorous nosegays to bear with them on their earnest track. Every one of these wanderers has his individual theory of life, of morals, of religion, and of every department of science and literature; and it betrays a self-punishing conceit, when an individual regards his own views as so exalted that they need no comparison with those of others, and when he can learn nothing from this intercourse. Youth seizes upon every thing so freshly and with such force, and endeavours to defend it against the encroachments of strangers. Shall a young man only educate himself under the instructions of experienced teachers? Certainly not. He must live amongst those who will hereafter be his fellow-labourers in life. But as the age exerts an undeniable influence on the greatest men that it produces, and even, when in other respects they shoot forth far beyond their time, binds them fast to the time with the strong bonds of prospects and prejudices; so also place operates materially on men through the influences which are bound upon the place. The ton which predominates in a High School leaves not its scholars untouched, or that ton could not otherwise perpetuate and firmly maintain itself there. But this ton is the product of many contingencies, and pervades every thing which comes in contact with it. We noticed the ton which distinguishes the university of Heidelberg when speaking of its advantages. This has always been the same; and those of Jena and Leipsic have been described, according to their individuality, at an earlier period by Zachariæ. In his comic-heroic poem, as Goethe himself has testified, every man will read with pleasure how his Renommist was conquered by the love of the gallant city of Leipsic:-- My song the hero sings, whom courage, sword and fighting Made terrible in Jena, in Leipsic quite exciting; Who oft whole hosts assaulted when his wrath was hot, As hero out of Jena went, but in Leipsic conquered not. We have also a drawing of four universities of Germany, of about the year 1730, which was intended to indicate their peculiar characteristics at that period. In this drawing one sees first a student of Leipsic, a young gentleman very delicately and smartly dressed, who is turning as towards a maiden, and saying daintily,--"Dulcimene, thou hast made me quite in love with thee." Near him stands one from Halle--and let the reader call to mind that August Hermann Franken's[10] death had occurred about three years before that time--he is dressed in black; he speaks with depressed heart, and glancing at the former students, sighs forth, "Him will God chastise;" which at that period truly, here and there, many a so-called Waisenhausler--Orphan-Houser--out of an extravagant and fiery zeal, and on the principle of a false devotion, had continually in their mouths. To him succeeds a gay student of Jena in uniform, with huge cocked hat, and very imposing mustachios, high jack boots with pounded spurs. He grasps his duelling sword fiercely, and exclaims wrathfully, "The thunder shall blast him that dares an insult." At last, and completing the group, stands a Wirtemberger, with a full cup of the winking kukkuk (cuckoo)--that is Wirtemberg beer--with winking eyes singing, and dancing on one leg--ex pleno poculo. We have already stated in what manner a newling is received as an academic burger, or is matriculated. This matriculation in the early and ruder times was preceded by a very peculiar ceremony, which was called the deposition. This deposition during the first half of the seventeenth century extended over the majority of the German universities, Catholic as well as Protestant. From the description which Arnold has given in the Appendix to the History of the High School of Königsberg, extracted from the dissertation "de Ritu Depositionis" of M. Sehme, we learn the following particulars. In the university where the deposition was customary, the newly-arrived student, the so-called "Branen," or Bacchant, announced himself to the dean of the philosophical faculty, and prayed that he might, through the deposition, be received amongst the number of the students. When the Branen or Bacchants amounted to a certain number, the dean appointed a day in which to celebrate the deposition, and summoned besides the Branen, the depositor with his instruments, and an amanuensis. They appeared on the appointed day before the dean. The depositor in the first place put on a harlequin dress, caused the Branen to attire themselves in the same style, and put on them other ludicrous articles of costume, especially hats or caps with horns, and distributed amongst them the instruments with which the deposition should be executed; coarse wooden combs, shears, augers, axes, hatchets, planes, saws, razors, looking-glasses, stools, and so forth. When now the Branen were properly equipped, the depositor marshalled them in rank and file, placed himself at their head, and conducted them to the hall where the deposition should be performed, and there addressed a speech to the dean and the spectators, who consisted of students. The depositor commenced the deposition by striking the Branen with a bag filled with sand or bran, and compelling them to scamper about with all manner of laughable gestures and duckings in order to escape the strokes of the sand-bag. He then propounded to them certain questions or riddles, and they who did not answer them quickly and well, received so many strokes with the sandbag, that tears often started from their eyes. When this trial by question and riddle was finished, then must the Branen give up the instruments which they had hitherto held in their hands, and lie down on the ground in such a manner that their heads nearly touched each other. The depositor then planed their shoulders as they thus lay, filed their nails, pretended to bore through and saw off their feet, hewed every limb of their bodies into shape, cleaned their ears, knocked off their goats horns, and tore out of their mouth with a pair of great tongs, the satyr's teeth stuck in for the purpose. After the Bacchants were thus properly hewn, planed, unhorned, and unfanged, they were caused to seat themselves each on a stool with only one leg. The depositor put on them a dirty napkin, soaped them with brickdust, or with shoe-blacking, and shaved them so sharply with a wooden razor, that the tears often started from their eyes. The combing with the wooden combs was equally rugged, with which in some places the depositor commenced, and, on the contrary, in others ended. Their hair, after the combing, was sprinkled with shavings. After all these operations the depositor drove them out of the hall where these scenes had taken place with his sand-bag, took off his grotesque attire, put on his proper costume, and commanded the Branen to do the same. This being done the depositor reconducted them to the hall which they had just quitted, commended the young people in a short Latin speech to the dean, and prayed in their name for a certificate of the deposition. The dean answered in a Latin speech, declared the ground and intention of the custom of the deposition, and added all kinds of admonitions. Finally, the dean gave to each of them as a symbol of wisdom a few grains of salt to taste, scattered in sign of joy some drops of wine over their heads, and handed to them the certificate of the accomplished deposition. From this rude custom, which here and there expired in the beginning of the eighteenth century, is derived the circumstance that a new student, still, before he can be matriculated, must take out his certificate of deposition. In Altorf, the deposition was enacted for the last time so late as 1753, and was, in fact, to oblige a gentleman of high consideration who brought his son to enter him of the university, and wished to revive a lively remembrance of his own youth-time by seeing the deposition of his son. If, in past times, while manners were so rude, the teachers of the High Schools could practise so barbarous a custom towards the freshmen, it may well be supposed that the students did not conduct themselves towards the Branen more gently. These had many hardships and indignities to suffer at their hands; and, as was the case in many of the schools in past times, must perform for them the lowest offices. Lycurgus himself could not create for his laws a more implicit obedience in his age, than the old Houses demanded from the new-comers, who are now no longer denominated Branen, but Foxes. As already observed, the name boot-fox was derived from this fact, that these freshmen must black the boots for their more advanced comrades, the old Houses of the Chores. The freshman, or fox, is now bound to perform many little, but by no means degrading or injurious services. He must conduct himself discreetly, may not mix forwardly in the conversation of the old Houses, and his purse is laid under frequent requisitions. Amongst the students who belong to no union, this is not so much the case, and is restricted principally to this, that the fox conducts himself not too assumingly, and now and then _ponirt_ something, that is--to give this slang phrase by an English one--_pods down_ something; that is to say, he gives an excursion or entertainment to them, a _Kneiperei_, or occasion of social fellowship and enjoyment. This he can the better do, as the superior experience of the older students in all the regulations of University life, and in particular in the best laying out of his course of study, are of the greatest service to him. In the aristocracy of the Chores, this subordination is, indeed, more despotic. There is quickly heard,--"Silence, fox! speak not when old bemossed heads are speaking!" We have mentioned the general services which the fox has to perform, but he has also to suffer at the hands of terrible old Houses. There comes perhaps, a bemossed head from a distant university, in a shockingly broken down condition, something like the student in Hauff's story, who travelled with Satan. Already known by his hero deeds, the moment that he arrives he is received with a jubilee of acclamation. "Würger! thou faithful old House! cry the sons of the Muses, and rush down the steps into his arms. The smokers forget to lay down their long pipes, the billiard-players still hold their cues in their hands. They form a body-guard singularly armed, around the arriver."--_Hauff's Memoirs of Satan_. And now, scarcely has the old House made it understood that his trousers are not the best in the world, or that his boots are no longer waterproof, than it would be taken very ill indeed of a fox should he hesitate to supply his wants to the very best of his power. He must feel himself particularly honoured if he gets back the borrowed garments in a month or two, just in sufficient condition to be able to make a present of them to his shoe-black. For a long time, a terrible swordsman belonged to one of the universities, whose mother resided in the place, and was what the students term a _Frass philister_, or eating philistine, or who in other words kept an eating-house for the students, as is very common in the university cities. Her table could promise very little satisfaction, even to the least delicate and artistical stomachs; in fact, it required a strong dose of active exercise before dinner to enable its frequenters to make an attack upon it, and another as active after dinner to conquer the dyspeptic symptoms that rapidly followed her viands. Yet this table was always crowded. The unhappy foxes had much rather try their teeth on the culinary productions of the mother, than fall under the pitiless sword of the son. The same worthy was also accustomed to borrow ball-dresses, as he by no means approved of swelling the profits of tailors; and, at the end of the season, sent them back to their right owner in a condition fit only at the best to be forwarded to the Jew. In earlier times, the foxes were expected by the old houses to write out their college notes; and hence arose the anecdote, that one of the most terrible of the old houses, observing a blot, which the poor copyist, in utter fear, had made upon the paper, asked grimly, pointing to it, "Is that _Douche_, fox?" To _douchiren_, or _touchiren_, is equivalent in meaning to giving such an offence as will require a challenge. _Douche_ is Indian ink, and perhaps it would be in vain to inquire how Indian ink came to be a synonyme for a challengeable insult; the horrified and innocent youth, however, who understood this meaning, answered with precipitation, "Pardon me, it is ink." That is, not _douche_, or Indian ink, nor any thing meant for offence. When a fox forgets his part, he is, in their language, immediately sent to rest. Thus it happened that an old Bursche, who probably had two dozen college half-years on his back, at a Kneip, fell into a dispute with a conceited fox. The fox finally felt himself insulted by various expressions, and in student-phrase, gave him the _Dummer junge_--in literal meaning, _stupid youth_, but in their language a challenge. The old Bursche coolly replied, "_Stupid_ I may be, but I am not _young_." A general laugh arose at this repartee, and the fox was so much pleased with it, that he instantly recalled the challenge. Another anecdote connected with the same custom, is this. A fox suffered himself to become the bearer of a challenge; an office which, according to Chore laws, by no means belonged to him, but to the Chore-Bursche. He stepped, full of self-complacency on account of his important commission, but yet with some anxiety, into the lodging of the bemossed head, and spoke. "Watzman sends you a _Dummer junge_--a _stupid youth_." "Yes, I see him," coolly answered the challenged, glancing contemptuously over his shoulder at him, and proceeding with his writing at his desk without condescending to give to the dumbfounded fox another look. The student receives different names, according to the duration of his abode at college. While he yet vegetated in the gymnasium he was a _Frosch_--a frog. In the vacation which lay between the time of his quitting the gymnasium and entering the university, he chrysalized himself into a mule, and on entering the university, he becomes a _Kameel_--Camel. This happy transition-state of a few weeks gone by, he comes forth finally, on entering a Chore, a _Fox_, and runs joyfully into the new Burschen life. During the first _semester_, or half-year, he is a gold fox, which means, that he has _foxes_, or rich gold in plenty yet; or he is a _Crass-fuchs_, or fat fox, meaning that he yet swells or puffs himself up with gold. In the second half-year he becomes a _Brand-fuchs_, or fox with a brand, after the foxes of Samson. The fox year is then over, and they wash the eyes of the new-baked _Young Bursche_, since during the fox-year he was held to be blind, the fox not being endued with reason. From Young Bursche he advances next to Old Bursche, and then to Bemossed Head, the highest state of honour to which man can attain. As the student has given to these different periods of the Burschen life different _termini technici_, so he has generally created new words for so many new circumstances; for the same cogent reasons that new Latin terms must be created for many modern things; and the creations of the Bursche stand very little in excellence behind those of the new Latinisms. We could readily furnish a small lexicon of those terms, which, however, we may very well spare the reader, as he can easily select such as please him out of the number of regular student expressions which will occur in these pages. We will here give a few examples from the learned dissertation of Herr Schluck, with his sagacious and humorous explanations. _Burschen-Comment_--The rule of life which every honorary Bursch must follow. To live according to the _Burschen-Comment_, means to be bound by the laws of neither God nor man, and to consider oneself as better than all other men. _1st Proof_.--Students are the sons of the Muses. The Muses are goddesses. Gods and goddesses are bound by no laws; therefore neither are their sons. _2d Proof_.--It belongs to unlimited power to decide with the sword. But the students decide with the sword, therefore have they unlimited power. Unlimited power is one of the highest prerogatives. Princes possess only the highest prerogatives; therefore the students are princes. Princes are exalted above the law, so also are the students. This sentence is perhaps, strengthened by the old song:-- Burschen are kings, And the proof is here: They drink all their mothers' Pennies in beer. which, however, were to prove, and not easily to prove, on which account I doubt not that every one will perceive the force of the reasons I have assigned. They consider themselves better and greater than all other men. At least they are firmly persuaded of it. But a firm persuasion is the same thing as conviction. He who is convinced, speaks the truth; therefore the students are better and greater than all other men. _To make a Randal_, or to open a Randal, means to kick up a row. _Schisser_, from the French word _chasse_, one struck in flight, whence _Schasser_, or, in corrupt speech, _Scisser_, means a fearful and barefooted man. Hence also comes the technical phrase "to be in _Verschiss_," which indicates the most extreme condition of contempt. He who is in _Verschiss_, is shut out of all respectable society, and is compelled to go amongst the _Knoten_, or lowest of the low. _Fuchs_, or _Fox_.--This name is derived from the cunning and slyness of foxes, since these look about as slily and cunningly, and regard every one as their enemy and assailant, till they are rendered tame by necessity and habit. The term is not injurious as applied to a Freshman, but is an insult to an old Bursche. _Mucker_, _Stubensitzer_, _Kopfhänger_, _Kessel_, _Wurzel_,--_Saint_, _Stay-at-Home_, _Head-hanger_, _Kettle_, _Root_.--These words are nearly synonymous, and indicate a man who scarcely dares to breathe, or to step over the door-sill; who from anxiety, or sanctimoniousness, goes with his head hanging down, or sits as continually over his books as a turkey-hen upon her eggs, or a kettle over the fire. _Pflaster-treter_, _Pavement-treader_; _Quark_, _Curds_.--These are names of the men who are natives of the city or its vicinity. Pavement-treaders are those who were born on the ground and site of the university, and therefore, from youth up, have trodden the very same street-pavements. The pavement-treaders are also generally styled _Patent-schissers_, since they must conduct themselves in all propriety, being under the eyes of their parents; must go about in gloves, and frocks, or untorn coats, and not smoke in the streets. _Curds_ are so called because they come only a few miles from the city, and to whom, therefore, their mothers, as their darlings, can send, if they please, a dish of curds to their suppers. _Kümmeltürk_.--Is a compound of _kümmel_ and _türk_, and denotes the class of Braggadocios and Boasters, who, at the first onset, rush upon the enemy with furious outcry and riot, but at the smallest show of real danger leap back like Kummel, cumin-seed, which a person attempts to mix with melted lard. This name also has the same meaning as _Quark_, or Curds. _Couche_, _Re-couche_, _Contre-couche_.--These are French terms, with which silence is commanded; but as they are terms commonly used to hounds, they stand properly amongst the verbal injuries. _Dummer Junge_, _Stupid Youth_.--Is the highest and most cutting insult, since it implies a denial of sound manly understanding and strength of capacity of him to whom it is applied. _Schuppen oder Rennen_.--To scale, as you'd scale a fish, or to run--meaning that poking with the elbows, when two meet and neither will give way. This is a real injury. Dissertatio de Quomodone seu von den Burschen Comment edita ab renommista rerum Bursicosarum experientissimo eodemque intrepido horibilique Martiali Schluck. * * * If the newly arrived students are no longer subjected by their teachers to such uncouth customs, as this deposition was, yet they are by no means spared certain ceremonies by their fellow-students, if they wish to lay claim to, and arrive by degrees at, the titles of honour connected with the different degrees of standing in points of seniority in university life. Yet these are neither so barbarous as the deposition, nor is a single student compelled to take part in them. They consist of some merry formalities, to which those who choose submit themselves, and which, though solemn age may smile at them, may be readily excused in happy and careless youth. To these belong the _Fox-ride_; the burning of the incipient Brand-Foxes; and the drumming in of the young Burschen, who then and there ripen, without further trouble, into old Burschen. The celebration of the initiation of the Foxes, Brand-Foxes, and Young Burschen, takes place on one and the same evening, at a Commers appointed for the purpose. This Commers is always fixed for one of the special Kneip evenings, and the Chore to whom the Kneip-room belongs presides on the occasion. The candidates for initiation announce their intentions to this Chore; and the other Chores also assemble with it on the appointed day. Their place of meeting is one of the most spacious rooms used for such purposes, which is embellished as on other Commerses, and moreover also, graced with the insignia of the presiding Chore. After the customary singing of _Der Landesvater_, the Land's-father, the assembled throng disperses itself in a circle on tables and chairs in order to greet the expected train. At the long table, at which they are accustomed to drink beer at their Kneips, sit others, especially those of the presiding Chore, and at their head the president, the drawn sword lying before him. All the spectators are well provided with beer and pipes, that they may be able to enjoy the spectacle the more agreeably. The doors of the hall now open, and an old Bursche, seated in a chair with its back before him, rides in. He is in while leathern breeches and jack boots, and wears also the hat of a postilion. He is commonly clad in a polonaise, and at his left side hangs the postilion's horn; in his right hand he carries his sword. Sometimes, as a variety, he rides in high gala dress, in frock and huge shirt-collar,[11] and seated on an ass, carrying also his highly-polished and glittering sword in his hand. With solemn assumption of grotesquely well-acted dignity, he thus leads up the procession of assembled Foxes, who, also in leathern breeches and jack-boots, ride on chairs in the same style, after the Old House. The moment that the leader of the train appears, the whole assembly breaks out singing:-- THE FOX RIDE. The Chore-- What comes there from the height, What comes there from the height, What comes there from the leathern-a height, Si sa! leathern-a height, What comes there from the height! The Leader-- There comes a postilion;[12] There comes a postilion; There comes a leathern-a postilion-- Si, sa! postilion-- There comes a postilion. The Chore-- What brings the postilion? What brings the postilion? etc. as above. Leader-- He bringeth us a Fox; etc. The Foxes Sing-- Good evening, gentlemen: Good evening, gentlemen: Good evening, noble gentlemen: Good evening, gentlemen. Chore-- What doth the Herr Papa? What doth the Herr Papa? What doth the leathern-a Herr Papa? Si, sa, Herr Papa-- What doth the Herr Papa? The Foxes-- He reads in Kikero;[13] He reads in Kikero; He reads in leathern-a Kikero-- Si, sa, Kikero-- He reads in Kikero. Chore-- What doth the Frau Mamma? What doth the Frau Mamma? What doth the leathern-a Frau Mamma?-- Si, sa, Frau Mamma-- What doth the Frau Mamma? The Foxes-- She mends the Father's hose; etc. Chore-- What doth the Mamsell S[oe]our? What doth the Mamsell S[oe]our? What doth the leathern-a Mamsell S[oe]our? Si, sa, Mamsell S[oe]our? What doth the Mamsell S[oe]our? The Foxes-- She cooks the Father's broth; She cooks the Father's broth; She cooks the Father's leathern-a broth; Si, sa, leathern-a broth-- She cooks the Father's broth. Chore-- What doth the Monsieur Frere? What doth the Monsieur Frere? What doth the leathern-a Monsieur Frere? Si, sa, Monsieur Frere-- What doth the Monsieur Frere? The Foxes-- He sits at home and oxt;[14] He sits at home and oxt; He sits at home and leathern-a oxt; Si, sa, leathern-a oxt; He sits at home and oxt. Chore-- And smokes the Fox tobac? etc. The Foxes-- A little, gentlemen; A little, gentlemen; A little, noble gentlemen-- A little, gentlemen. The Chore-- And doth the Fox drink beer? etc. The Foxes-- A little, gentlemen; etc. as above. While this is singing, a pipe is handed to such of the Foxes as have not come provided with this smoke-machine, that every one may give proof of his ability. Glasses of beer are also assiduously handed to the poor foxes, in order to accustom them to the noble juice of the barley. The foxes in the end beginning to feel squeamish under the accumulated powers of smoke and beer, sing forth in the same style the sense of their uncomfortable feelings; on which the Chore, singing, gives them good advice, and presently afterwards they acknowledge in another stanza that they feel themselves better. After the singing of all, or only some of the verses of this noble song, according to the decision of the president, he gives the sign that this ceremony is complete, and the new Foxes are perfectly initiated. Then instantly commences the initiation of the Brand-Foxes. These have in the mean time made themselves fire-proof. They have put on great wigs of tow, thoroughly saturated with water. The moment that they appear in the hall, they are pursued by the assembled Burschen, who stand with huge spills ready lighted in their hands. Here and there fly the poor Foxes before their pursuers, who chase them like so many fiends from below with the flaming spills, and without mercy strike them over the head and face wherever it be possible. When the paper is burnt out, the fury of the pursuers ceases also, and the Fat Foxes are advanced to the rank of Brand-Foxes; a dignity which, in another half-year, they will change for that of Young Burschen. Then follow the ceremonies which they will at that time have to pass through, and which they who are already Brand-Foxes now pass through. It is this. Each Brand-Fox aspiring to _Pawk_, or drum, or fight himself into the rank of Young Bursche, chooses an old Bursche, who while officiating on this occasion is styled a Pawk-Bursche, and sitting down by his side, awaits the proceeding of the Commers. The president determines what song shall be sung; but he chooses one with numerous strophes. The following is the one generally sung in Heidelberg:-- FREE IS THE BURSCH! Stosst an![15] Heidelberg live thou! Hurrah hoch! The Philistine to us most kindly leans; He sees in the Bursche what freedom means. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Black--red--gold.[16] live ye! Hurrah, hoch! He who guides the stars where on high they glow, 'Tis he who our banner bears below. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Fatherland live thou! Hurrah, hoch! To our fathers' sacred customs be true, Yet think on our successors too. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Country's prince lives he! Hurrah, hoch! He hath promised to guard our ancient right! Therefore for him will we live and fight. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Woman's love! live it! Hurrah, hoch! Who honours not woman and woman's mind, To friend and freedom is ill inclined. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Man's strength! live it! Hurrah, hoch! He who can neither drink, love, nor sing, How scorneth the Bursche so mean a thing! Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Free speech! live it! Hurrah, hoch! He who knows the truth yet dare it not speak, Despised for ever remain the sneak. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Bravery, live it! Hurrah, hoch! He who counts the cost ere the battle hour, Will basely stoop to the hand of power. Free is the Bursch! Stosst an! Burschen-weal, live thou! Hurrah, hoch! Till the world is consumed on the judgment-day, Be true, ye Burschen, and sing for aye-- Free is the Bursch! * * * After the singing of every verse they _stossen an_, or meet glasses, and whatever quantity of wine the _Pawk-Bursch_ drinks, be it a half or a whole choppin, or even two choppin, the unhappy Brand-Fox must drink as much. Wo to him that falls into the hands of a thorough toper, who is inclined to run him hard. After the conclusion of these ceremonies the _Commers_ is commonly held, so that many a young Bursche on returning home is pretty much in the condition of the Austrian who had been at a Bacchanal-party, and was seen, on its breaking up, by one of his companions standing in the middle of the square in which his house lay, with his house-door key in his hand, which he was swinging from one side to another in an extraordinary manner. "What are you doing there?" asked his friend. "Ah," said the man, "the houses are all running round the square, like mad, and I'm waiting till the right one comes. It has been here several times already, but somehow, it has always escaped me." CHAPTER VII. THE DUEL. Shall I for fame and freedom stand, For Burschen-weal the sword lift free? Quick blinks the steel in my right hand, A friend will stand and second me. _Crambambuli._ The duel is one of the few institutions of the Middle Ages which have come down to our times. Club-law, shaken to its foundation by the unceasing exertions of the German Emperors, must give way before a pliant and cunningly calculating policy. We see only in the duel its still surviving sparks, and this we see more commonly resorted to amongst students, than amongst any other class, any other corporate body; and, moreover, we find the German students making use of it to do themselves justice more frequently than all others, and how can we wonder at it? Where a great number of young men live a long time together, there, ever and anon, will certainly disagreements arise. This we see to be the case every where, and it must the oftener arise amongst students, who, streaming from so many different places, with so many different views of things, which early education has implanted in each mind, many of them, moreover, placed high by birth, now find themselves placed as it were on a level, that they may enter into the necessary intercourse. "There is no love without strife," says an old proverb, and accordingly this gathering together, this dividing and coalescing into separate companies, which takes place more in the German universities than in those of any other country, must inevitably lead to more frequent disputes. Moreover, the free, developement of all physical and intellectual powers, in which the German students especially delight, must more easily occasion differences than is the case amongst other classes of society; and therefore we find the duel even more frequent amongst them than amongst the military class. But if it enjoy a legal toleration in the military class, as being considered to a certain degree necessary, we must admit that amongst students, where it is punished by the laws, it wards off worse things, and as an unavoidable evil could not be very easily or speedily annihilated. Can we blame very severely rash and impetuous youth, which, in the feeling of its strength fancies that it can fight out and achieve any thing--which has not yet learnt to accommodate itself to the notions of strangers and the opinions of others--if it betake itself to other weapons than well-considered words and the discreet pen? And regarded from this point of view, the duel appears an evil small in comparison, and much to be preferred to the cudgel to which the _Handwerksburschen_, the journeymen artisans, addict themselves; and from which, we suppose, they have acquired the appellation of Knoten, which is contemptuously given them--as people who, to settle their quarrels, have recourse to a knotty stick--_Knotenstock_. It is very rare that a student degrades himself by the use of the cudgel, and this offence would be even more strongly punished by the laws, while it would be visited by the students' own court of honour with the _Verruf_, or Bann. Nor must we forget that in the interval between the offence and the duel, time is afforded for a more quiet consideration of the rashly-spoken words, and a possibility created for the withdrawal of them. But the duel, has many times grown in such a turbulent manner that it has required all the force of the laws to repress the rage for combat, which often surpassed all conception. As the tournay of the Middle Ages degenerated, so has this Middle Age practice now lost much of its original signification; and far the greater number of duels serve, not to terminate disputes between individuals, but to afford an entertainment to the Chore, which is rendered doubly attractive by the charm of danger. The origin of almost every duel would prove the truth of what we have here said. Little matters often conduct to great evils; and though we are disposed to consider the duel, as ordinarily fought, no very great evil, yet the causes out of which it springs are proportionably still less. Honour is truly a thing which does not admit of much modification, or suffer much tampering with; and what will not a strong phantasy see in any thing with its microscopic vision? The delicate and exaggerating nature of these qualities, reminds one in fact of the sportsman who happening to put on a pair of spectacles of much greater magnifying power than usual, suddenly fired off at a fly which passed before his eyes, taking it for a partridge. Many a one vexes himself likewise when others are pleased. He is not in good humour, and their satisfaction or equanimity is an offence to him. A country fellow was angry with a traveller for asking him whether the next village was far off, when its first houses were only a few paces further on. He knew that; but he did not consider that the stranger could not know it, and what was more, he had himself been thinking neither of that village nor any other, but only that he had just lost a lawsuit. In short, every one knows how it is accustomed to happen in such affairs. A son of the Muses is in a bad humour, and so any thing gives him occasion to call thee a _dummen jungen_; or he sends to thee a _dummen jungen_, and the business is settled. The conveyance of such a message is generally consigned to a student of some standing, who knows how to conduct himself in such affairs. We above all things counsel him who is no friend to the duel to banish that little word "_dumm_," stupid, entirely out of his mouth; for if he uses it to a student in the presence of another, the student, were he his best friend, must challenge the user of the unlucky term to fight, unless he recall the offensive expression. Every duel drops through, where the challenger recalls his _dummen jungen_, and this he can do with unblemished honour, if he has convinced himself that the other did not insult him purposely. Yet no student is willing to do this frequently, lest it might appear that he would cut a swell with challenges, and yet has not really the courage to fight. Every duel must be announced to the convention of seniors, which, if the affair goes off in smoke, must see that the challenge is returned as null. In earlier times the insulted party, that is, the person who heard the above opprobrious name applied to him, sent immediately to the offender a cartel-bearer, to inform him that after what had occurred, he must fight him in this or that manner. Come I athwart a proud _Pomadenhengst_,[17] Who with full sails of stale and puffed-up pride Draweth me near--I tread upon his toe. Thereat he wonders;--I tread on it again;-- Then grows he wroth:--"Hark ye," he cries, "was that Foot on purpose set there?"--"No, it was the heel," "The heel--So? Nay, that find I very strange." Then add I--"Oh, do me this only favour-- Find _nothing_ strange--_thou art a_ Dummer Junge!" At the present day people spare themselves this trouble, and also hold the time not so exact that the duel, as formerly, must come off within three days. As we have before observed, the weapons with which all student duels are fought belong to the Chores. An insulted party now, therefore, addresses himself to one of the Chores--that to which he belongs, or to which he has attached himself as a friend, though not a member--and prays the use of these weapons. His request is granted; if he be not a member he pays a certain sum for their use; and at the time which is agreeable to him, the Chore sends a Bursche to the _Chore-Kneipe_, where it is expected the challenger will be found, to announce to him the appointed day and hour of the duel. It is not necessary to name the place, as that is almost always the same, at Heidelberg being the well-known _Hirsch-gasse_, or, in plain English, Stag-lane. The students term this "to fix one." If this hour is convenient to the challenger, who has thus been fixed or determined, the Chore the same evening sends a Fox to the _Pawk-doctor_, a surgeon who regularly attends all the duels. In what manner the duel shall be fought, the insulted party need not yet make known. Up to this point we know nothing more than that it is to be fought with swords. The usual weapon amongst the students is a long two-edged sword, with a basket hilt, round which the colours of the Chore are wound. It is long and flexible, in order that the blade may throw itself over that of the opponent when he parries, as the duel is generally fought by cutting and not by thrusting. This sword runs not to a point, but is, as it were, at the end cut square off. In some few universities they fight in the Paris fashion, that is, by lunging with the rapier, as in Würtzburg, Jena, and others. If the cause of offence or injury is heavy, they resort to the crooked sabre, or to pistols. In such cases, the person who gives the offence implying the challenge, does not style the insulted party a _Dummen jungen_, but an _Infamen_, an infamous fellow. The crooked sabre is a dangerous weapon of great weight, resembling in its curve and length the dragoon sabre, and occasions the deeper and more dangerous wounds, in that the duellist having made his stroke draws it back with full strength, and is thus in a condition to cut through every thing which comes within the sweep of his curve. It requires strength to use it well. Student with student only can make use of the Schläger, or regular duelling sword. With those who are not students he fights with the crooked sabre, or with pistols; with a military man, with the straight sabre, which also is a dangerous weapon. By far the fewer number of duels spring out of actual insults or injuries, or rather we should say, the student seldom fights because he is insulted, but insults because he wishes to fight. Contests, on account of actual and genuine insults, are generally amongst the _Camels_, or those who do not belong to any Chore: seldom amongst the Chore members. When these, however, become, on any occasion, very hostile to each other, or have a particular desire to measure one another's skill, this is always fought in the Single Round, of which more anon. But that duels may not be wanting in which the Bursche may set his bravery in its true light, a fine opportunity is afforded by the so-called Allgemeinen, or general Kneips, which are held every Friday. We shall farther on, come to these again. When the Chores are here assembled, each _kneiping_ at its own table, it requires but a trifling spark to put two Chores, who for some time have already been in a state of electrical excitement, into thorough fire and flame. A Bursche comes over from one table to another, listens awhile quietly to what is here saying, but soon finds an opportunity to quiz or ridicule this or that; to make himself merry over the weapons of the Chore, or its last _Commers_. Like is compared with like: the conversation grows continually warmer; more and more from the other table keep coming over, and mix themselves in the strife. This becomes momentarily hotter; finally, the senior himself comes over, and challenges the other senior to a _Chore-hatze_. By this is understood a regular duel between the whole of the two Chores, man with man. In a similar manner a similar great contest springs out of the quarrel which two individuals seek with each other out of _special malice_. When these give the challenge at a general Kneip, then follows a general challenging, the friends of both the parties following the example. And challenges by scores are seen, Because the wit is very keen. The following persons are necessary to a duel, besides the two duellists; two seconds, two witnesses, an umpire, and the surgeon. The room in which the duels are fought at Heidelberg, is the well-known room of an inn on the side of the Neckar opposite to the city, finely located in the valley of the Hirsh-gasse. Thither see we the Sons of the Muses often, betaking themselves in troops, to witness a contest between two of their most famous swordsmen. When a duel is determined, the room, or ball, as it is termed, must be secured for the appointed day. The room is regularly hired for these purposes by the Convention of the Chores, and its rent is defrayed out of the Chore-chest, as before observed, where also it was remarked that the use of it and the weapons is hired for particular occasions by the Camels. The Chore to which the challenger belongs, or with which he has associated himself, secures the hall by marking the Chore sign on the floor with chalk. By this it acquires the right to occupy it for two duels, and must then, if wanted, surrender it to another Chore. "Solemnly," says Hauff, in the Memoirs of Satan, speaking of a duel, "was each individual conducted into a chamber, his coat taken off, and the Paukwicks, that is, the armour in which the duel is to be fought, put on." Each duellist is, in fact, conducted into a chamber by his witness and second, and clothed in the duel costume. Some trifling changes take place in this from time to time, but it consists, substantially, of the following pieces. A lesser and a greater cap, according to circumstances hereafter noticed, and which can be made tighter or looser, but which is generally worn loose, so that the blows may take less effect. A tall cravat, which protects the throat, and commonly reaches up to the nose, but this is put on in the hall immediately before the fight commences. The binding of the arm is particularly important, that it may afford it the greatest possible protection, at the same time that it does not impede the action of the wrist and elbow. For this purpose is used a fine leather glove, bound round and secured to the wrist with a silken riband. This binding of the glove must be very carefully performed, so as to defend the sinews and arteries which abound here, as much as possible from injury. The hand is protected by the basket-hilt of the sword. The duellist takes the end of the riband which secures the glove in his hand until a similar one has been passed round the elbow. The _stulp_, a thick and well-quilted cover for the arm, made of silk, is then drawn on, fitted down upon the glove, and being fastened there by the riband which also secures the glove, and at the upper part of the arm by other ribands. Another bandage, called the axillary knot, has frequently also been brought under the shoulder to defend the axillary arteries from injury. The last piece of the duel-costume consists of the paukhosen, or duel-trousers. It is made of leather of uncommon thickness, and well stuffed, and comes up so as to form a sort of cuirass, though without iron, such as the soldiers of Columbus used to wear. High as it reaches, it yet leaves a good part of the breast uncovered. It is laced together behind by means of leathern thongs. A thicker glove is fastened to the paukhosen behind for the left hand, or should the duellist happen to be left-handed, for the right, to keep it out of the way during the fight. Before the combatant was thus attired, he had not only his coat, waistcoat, neckcloth and braces taken off, but his shirt sleeve also slit up from the wrist to the shoulder, so as to give full freedom to the action of the arm, on which account a duel-shirt is frequently kept for the purpose, and put on before going to the place of contest. The whole of this duel-suit is calculated for a man of ordinary size, and therefore little fellows often cut a very laughable figure in it. They are more protected in it than larger persons, but at the same time are more encumbered. The second clothes himself in similar duel-trousers, and puts on a cap with a large front, or a hat, and the large leather _stulp-glove_ covers his arm. The witness requires only a leathern glove on one hand, to enable him, if the sword of the combatant gets bent during the fight, to straighten it out again for him. When the two duellists are equipped, they are conducted into the hall, and whilst the remaining particulars are adjusted, they walk up and down, each supporting the arm which has to wield the sword on his witness. The seconds now measure out the distance, and determine it by two lines of chalk. Within these two lines the combatants must fight, and behind which they are not allowed to retreat. If either of them does this three times, he is dismissed from the contest with shame and insult. The second of the person challenged has the right to choose the umpire, the second of the challenger commands. Now first has the challenger to declare in what manner he will fight; but till we have said a few explanatory words, must the antagonists restrain their impetuosity. The different sorts of the duel progress, from the mildest to the most severe, in this order: 1. Twelve rounds with the great cap. (_a_) With a conclusive wound. (_b_) Without a conclusive wound. 2. Twelve rounds with the small cap. (_a_) With, etc. (_b_) Without, etc. 3. Twenty-four rounds with the great cap. (_a_) With, etc. (_b_) Without, etc. 4. Twenty-four rounds with the small cap. (_a_) With, etc. (_b_) Without, etc. 5. One round with (_a_) (_b_) 6. A round without cravat or bandage. Before we proceed to the explanation of these terms, we may remark, that the same rules apply to the crooked sabre, but if it be used, the combatants generally fight what is called the single round, and that duels with pistols are conducted in the different modes in which other people fight those duels. The students commonly fire at twenty paces distance; the exchange of shots takes place at the word of the commanding second, and in such a manner that the antagonists can only at the moment that the command reaches the final word "three!" catch sight of each other. One exchange of shots is generally held satisfactory. By a round is understood the duration of a contest till one has planted an unparried blow on his antagonist; it may be on his person or only on his defensive paraphernalia: of such rounds twelve at least are made. The small cap indicates the ordinary cap which the student wears; and the large one, a cap with a very large front or shield. The theological students fight in the large cap, since a scar in the face would amount to a termination of their professional career, of which Hauff gives an example, in the Memoirs of Satan, to which the reader may refer if his curiosity so far prompts him. The most customary duel is that with twenty-four rounds and the small cap. Is it fought in the ordinary manner, that is, twenty-four rounds with a conclusive wound? then the duel is ended when a blow falls which is considered a conclusive one, namely, of two inches length, and deep--according to student phrase--to cut through the two skins. The duel of twenty-four rounds without conclusive wound proceeds thus. If a considerable hit is made, the doctor must decide whether the duel can proceed or not; in the latter case, the fight is continued, however, as soon as the wounded party is sufficiently restored, which in the twenty-four rounds with a conclusive stroke as observed, cannot happen. In either kind of duel, however, it must terminate with the twenty-four rounds, though neither has lost blood. In this case, both the antagonists remain unconquered, and give their hands in reconciliation. When a wound is given, which in its own nature or by the rules of the duel proves decisive, the second of the wounded party puts an end to the contest with the words "Remove him!" Distinguished swordsmen generally fight the single round. In this case they fight for a quarter of an hour. The umpire stands with his watch in his hand, marks the pauses which are made for rest when the combatants become weary, and counts them off from the actual time of fighting. So long a time as has been consumed in resting, must the duel extend beyond the quarter. The sixth and last mode consists in fighting without coat, waistcoat, and cravat, and without the usual defensive costume. This, of course, is the very worst species of all those which have been enumerated. When all is ready for the duel, the two combatants confront each other. The second stands at the left side of each, holding in his hand the so-called _Secondir-Prügel_, or second's cudgel, a weapon consisting of a strong rapier fixed into a basket-handle. The witness stands at the right side. His business is to put in order again the duel costume of the combatant when it becomes deranged, and to support his arm when it is become weary. The umpire stands at some little distance, between the two combatants, and before him is a chair, on which he marks the end of each round with a chalk line, forming the one side of a square, so that at the end of twelve rounds his marks have completed this figure.... [Illustration: Three overlapping squares] At the end of the twenty-four, this.... [Illustration: Two sets of three overlapping squares] The swords have been ground sharp in preparation, on the grindstone in the court below. The spectators have assembled themselves. These can only be students; and even these, if the combatants require it, evacuate the hall. In that case the cry is made "All must quit the place." "We planted ourselves in the ancient attitude of combat; the swords were crossed; the seconds cried 'loose!' and the swords whirred in the air."--_Hauff's Memoirs of Satan_. The commanding second cries--"Upon the measure." Both combatants step forward upon the measure; the seconds station themselves at their posts; the witnesses step back. "Bind the sword!" cry the seconds; the combatants put themselves in attitude, crossing their weapons. The seconds become more earnestly observant. "Loose!" they cry, and the swords flash in the air. On the style of fighting we shall say what need be said, below, under the head of the Fencing-school. We often see two practised swordsmen long circling round within the measure, watching keenly every movement of each other's eye, every turn of each other's hand, while the seconds follow all their movements with the same short and quick steps. Suddenly an unguarded part is espied, and stroke upon stroke falls with lightning speed. Quickly a blow is planted; the seconds dart between, and with the word "Halt," strikes the swords aside. The moment this word is given, the combatant must cease to strike: if he do not this, he has made an after-stroke, and where this is done three times, the offender must quit the measure with shame and contempt. The second must be an expert swordsman, or he would not only run great danger himself, but be unable to give to his combatant the necessary protection. This office, as already stated, falls to the second _Chargirter_. He must exert all his skill to protect his combatant as much as possible, without holding his second-cudgel so as to prevent the blows of the antagonist reaching him. He must take heed that the opponent does not present his sword so horizontally that his combatant in rushing forward shall run upon its point. We have stated that it is a disgrace to the duellist if, before the round is ended, he goes backwards off the measure. This the student calls to "nip," or to "nip out," and says "he is nipped." A laughable circumstance of this kind once took place in Göttingen. A little Jew had a quarrel with a renowned Schläger, or duellist, of great stature, who had maltreated the little Hebrew. When they stood upon the measure, the little fellow who had never before entered this arena, awaited with wrathful impatience the word "loose," and made a spring in the moment, whereby he gave the opponent a tremendous _quarte_ in the face, crying, "There, thou'st got something!" The tall fellow, who expected nothing so sudden, was horribly enraged at this inroad upon the honour of his swordsmanship, and so much the more as every one laughed heartily at the droll occurrence. Spite of all outcries and commands to "halt," the student pursued the Jew with terrible strokes, so that he, unable to maintain his ground, stepped continually backwards till he at length actually took refuge behind the stove. The seconds were seized with such a paroxysm of laughter at this scene, that they were unable sooner to run to the aid of the little Jew, and then first placed themselves as a wall between the stove and the enraged swordsman. When a round is ended, the seconds and the witnesses, who come to their aid, often contend the point, whether an after-blow was made or not, whether one or other of the seconds forwarded, that is, exceeded his duty in protecting his protégé to the prejudice of the opponent or not; which last act, if often repeated, entitles the other second to demand that he be dismissed from his post. But most frequently of all, the dispute is, whether the blow took or not. All these points of dispute have to be referred to the umpire, against whose decision there is no appeal. When the single round is fought, the seconds do not stand at the left side, but so that they make a cross with the duellers, as here that frequent springing in between them is not necessary. So goes the duel forward till terminated in one of the aforesaid ways. In the mean time the doctor has, from the very commencement of the fight, had his bandages in readiness, his needles threaded, and water set at hand, prepared at a moment with a skilful hand to afford assistance to the wounded. The duel with swords is, as may be inferred from what we have described, not very dangerous, and thus it proves itself, since from the great number of duels which annually occur, so few serious consequences follow. There are now students, who, during their career, have fought from thirty to forty, and even sixty times, and yet have come out of them all with a few slight wounds in the face. Yet tragical consequences are by no means wanting. Noses and eyes are sometimes lost, and even fatal terminations are now and then put to them.[18] The wounded are nursed with great care by their companions; and those who distinguish themselves with their weapons, speedily mount to the head of their Chores. It is said that two brothers were such strong and perfect swordsmen, that they disabled a whole Chore, with whom they came into contention for further exercise of their weapons for the whole half-year. The duels with the crooked sabre, are the most frequently attended by unhappy results. The duel is distinctly prohibited by the laws. The enactments of the academical senate concerning it are as follows:-- 1. If any one is slain in a duel, or is deadly wounded therein, or so wounded that he finds himself in danger of his life; or that a lasting disadvantage, through mutilation or internal injury, is occasioned him; or if the duel has been with pistols, with the fleuret, or with the crooked sabre; and even when the duel with pistols, with fleuret, or with the crooked sabre, has not been completed, but only intended, the affair can no longer be regarded as a mere violation of discipline, but to be penalty treated, a trial constituted against the actors, and all the aiders and abettors, before the university magistrate, and all the minutes and evidence to be handed over for the decision of the civil courts of justice. 2. Shall the duel with sword or crooked sabre have been followed by none of the aforestated consequences, without making any further distinction between the relative position of challenger and challenged, both parties shall, under ordinary circumstances, suffer a punishment of from four weeks incarceration to the enforcement of the _consilium abeundi_. On account of more serious circumstances, in especial, on account of a wilful seeking after contention, of gross insult, of rejection to offers of reconciliation, neglect of the summons of a surgeon, or of fighting the duel under unusually dangerous regulations, shall, according to the circumstances of the case, punishment of a higher kind be inflicted on one or both parties, as may appear right, even to the extent of the sharp relegation. In milder circumstances, and towards that party who shall have made sufficient offers of reconciliation, or who has been injured or insulted in a gross degree, the lighter penalty of imprisonment from eight days to four weeks may be inflicted. A duel is held to be perpetrated from the moment of its commencement. 3. Seconds and so-called umpires may pass without punishment, or according to circumstances, may be imprisoned not exceeding eight days: shall the duel, however, have been effectuated under unusually dangerous circumstances, they shall be punished with greater severity, even to the _consilium abeundi_. The witnesses, spectators, cartel-bearers, or those in whose house the duel has been allowed to take place, or who have contributed towards it by other means, shall be imprisoned from eight to fourteen days. 4. Those who have been guilty of exciting others to fight a duel, shall suffer the _consilium abeundi_, or in some aggravated cases the simple or sharper relegation. 5. He who is aware of an appointed duel, shall make it immediately known to the university magistrate whereupon those concerned in it will be, without delay, confined to their houses, or, if circumstances require it, be arrested. 6. After inquiry, reconcilement of the parties is to be attempted; but if this cannot be effected, both parties must sign a declaration, with which they must be satisfied. But in both cases must both parties give their word of honour that they will fight no more during the remainder of the term of their academical rights of citizenship, and sign the protocol for that purpose presented by the magistrate of the university. Whoever refuses to do this shall immediately receive the _consilium abeundi_; and whoever afterwards breaks his word of honour and again fights, shall be visited with the sharper relegation, also he who fights with him. 7. Those students of medicine or surgery, who shall, at any time, undertake the bandaging for a duel, shall, after the first bandaging and performing of what was immediately necessary to the wounded, instantly give information thereof to an authorized surgeon; and if they fail to do this, they shall, according to the degree of danger of the wounded, suffer a proportionate imprisonment; and if the case warrant it, the _consilium abeundi_, or relegation. 8. The punishment for duels between students and persons of another class, shall be regulated by the principles here laid down, unless attended with contingencies of particular aggravation. 9. The beadles who have detected duels in the course of the year, and he of them who through the discovery of appointed duels shall have contributed the most to the prevention of the fighting of duels, shall each, according to the evidences and degrees of zeal, receive a reward of forty, sixty, or eighty gulden,[19] and the academical senate, through the curator, shall determine the relative sum. 10. The weapons and other things necessary to a duel, which shall be found upon the place chosen or appointed for a duel, shall be seized, made useless, and so converted, as much as may be, to the benefit of the university treasury. * * * The beadles strive with all diligence to entitle themselves to the proffered reward; but, on the other hand, the students exert all their ingenuity to defeat the vigilance of these Arguses. In their behalf numerous persons are employed, who, through signs, give intelligence of the approach of the beadles, or, as they are termed by the students, Poodles. Amongst these, at Heidelberg, stands prominently forth the Red Fisherman, distinguished for his Herculean strength, and an inventive spirit not a whit inferior to that of Ulysses. That brown sunburnt countenance, whose features announce a rude bravery--that red hair--that solid build of limb--that mighty chest spread like the breastwork of a battery, and which the wide out-lying shirt is too proud to conceal, and the fantastic cap--the man is not a moment to be mistaken. He belongs to those creatures of the students which are to be found in every university city, and who, living by the students, are to them indispensable. So the Red Fisherman renders the most important services, both connected with the duels and otherwise. At night when the Lumpen-bell[20] sounds, he makes the round of the _Kneips_, and if he finds any of the sons of the Muses whose legs Bacchus has lamed, he throws one over each shoulder, like two sacks, and hastens with them to their lodgings. He is present at all Commerses and Comitates: like a true hound he partakes of all the enjoyments of his lords, and grimly defends them in their difficulties; as in the villages, where it often happens at the holding of a Commers there, that through their exuberant pranks they get into skirmishes with the peasants, who will assail them in troops with tremendous cudgels, and are, when their blood is up, on such occasions, merciless antagonists, beating, treading on, and even stamping on the faces of those whom they have knocked down. The Red Fisherman, in such emergencies, is another Ajax, and wresting their weapons from them, lays prostrate hosts of Bauers before him with their own cudgels. On all occasions he patiently bears the wanton whims and insolent humours of his own lords in their barley-cornish hours. On the other hand, the police treat him in trials and inquiries which come before the magistrates with all possible lenity and forbearance, as by his courage and skill in swimming he has already saved the lives of six or eight persons. When a duel is about to take place, the Red Fisherman is generally posted on the Neckar-bridge, to give thence the first alarm signal. The moment that he perceives the beadles hastening that way, he gives the sign by a handkerchief, or in some other way, to a servant-girl, who is stationed for that purpose below the Hirsch-gasse, and on receiving it, hastens in and gives the alarm. The combatants are hastily stripped of their duel dress, their own garments thrown on, the fighting apparatus thrown into some place of concealment, and all fly out by windows and doors, and plunge into the woods, where they return by a circuitous route to the city. If the surprise is too sudden to allow the _Pawkant_, or duellist, to divest himself of his inconvenient costume he runs, in full battle-habit, to conceal himself as he is, in the garret of the house, or in a neighbouring corn-field. The little garden-house which stands just above, called by them Tusculum, has afforded many a one shelter; indeed, at one time, two students regularly hired it and lived in it, so that when the surprised combatants ran in thither, they became only visiters, stepped in to see their friends. The police, however, soon prohibited their abode there. The beadle has little chance of approach by the open highway; but he endeavours to cross the Neckar by a boat, at a distant spot, and so by hidden footways over the hills, to come slily upon their rendezvous; or he lounges as a Bauer or a sportsman through the neighbouring vineyards; or he comes riding up as a gen-d'arme. But come the beadle however he will, The wit of the student's too much for him still. He may think himself certain to pounce on his game, But he's still more certain to fail in his aim. One of the most common punishments of the duel is confinement in the university prison; and a few words on the permitted fencing usages may here precede a short account of that. There is one regular fencing-master appointed in the university, who gives his instructions at his own house. Every Chore has here its place of practice; that is, a large room in the house of the fencing-master is hired by each Chore at a fixed hour of the day, where they meet together and practise fencing, the fencing-master often being present. Others who wish to accomplish themselves in the art of fence, join themselves to these Chore members, but it is forbidden to lunge, lest under the pretence of fencing the duel may be concealed. Of the German mode of fencing there is truly as little to say as if we should describe to any one how he should waltz. The customary weapon, and whoever has wielded it knows well the meaning of high and low, guard, quart, terz, high and low quart, prim, second, and so forth. The German rapier fight is not so ornamental as the French lunging with the fleuret. It requires greater strength, and the movements are only in the wrist; for the rest, it may be recommended to any one as a strengthening exercise. The rapier is similar to the Schläger, but, of course, blunt; a thick leather stulp covers the arm, and a mask the face. The German student, it is well known, arrives at a great dexterity in this practice, as he distinguishes himself in all bodily exercises of strength and dexterity, and as the Burschenschaft members did in the more useful gymnastic schools, where they often performed astonishing exploits. The gymnastic schools, as the rendezvous of the Burschenschaft, are unhappily cried down, and are thereby fallen completely into neglect. It is an inspiriting sight to see able swordsmen contending with powerful strokes in the fencing-school; and sometimes all seem mad together, when a couple of the great dogs of the students having found their way in, each rushes to assist his master with yells and merciless bites. All in the room retreat to tables and chairs, and the wrath of the hounds is then turned against each other. They take the place of strife instead of their masters, who, in their individual ornature, in all corners of the room stand guarding themselves with their swords. The _Carcer_ is the prison of the students, and consists of three or four rooms in the house of the Chief Beadle, immediately under the roof. It is secured with iron grating, and contains as furniture only a bed, a small table, and a wooden chair. These small chambers have received different names from the students, as the Solitude, Bellevue, Recreation, and the Hole. The last is the dark place into which the nightly disturbers are thrust, that they may here, undisturbed and undisturbing exercise their fancies till morning. They are under the care of a beadle, who supplies the necessities of the prisoner. The captive may not for the first few days quit his durance on any account. Afterwards he may attend his college lectures, or he goes about during the time that he ought to attend them, taking care to avoid meeting the officers of police. He must also return to the prison at night. During the days that he is in close confinement, he can entertain himself with reading; he plays or drinks, smokes and chats with his acquaintance, who are allowed to see him by an order from the Amtmann. His food he procures from one of the regular eating-houses, by means of his boot-fox. If all visits to him are prohibited, in accordance with the severity of his sentence, and if he be not inclined to study, he lies in bed and consoles himself with his pipe the greater part of the day, which he finds far more agreeable than sitting in that hard and uncomfortable chair. Thus we see, that this punishment is not excessively cruel, though it has the property of promoting considerably the transparency of the purse; since this agreeable lodging must be paid for, and the services of the beadle during the day are nothing near so responsive to love as to money, and for which, at all events, he must pay a specified sum. In some universities, as in Giessen, the incarceration is more rigorous. There, all visits and books are denied. The prisoner is not allowed to leave the prison; and even the bedstead is carried out in the morning, so that nothing is left to the poor wretch the whole day but to pace his small apartment, or to sit on that hard chair, and pour out his complaints to the four bare walls. Certainly the stranger will not select a place where such barbarous sentiments are retained, and refinement of mind has made so little progress, for the scene of his university life, but will rather turn his steps towards the more humane and polished _Ruperto-Carolo_[21] or some similar university. CHAPTER VIII. CHARACTERS CONNECTING THEMSELVES WITH STUDENT LIFE. The appearance of the Red Fisherman in our last chapter has brought before our mind's eye some other of the creatures of the students, to whom we cannot better devote a brief chapter than in the present place. These are the _Binsen-Bube_, the _Hofrath Dieh_, and the _Frau Gottliebin_. And we would have the renowned Red Fisherman to understand, that we mean not in bringing these personages into connexion with his name to bring his dignity into question, nor for a moment to place in comparison with him the two former of these individuals, over whose heads he looks down from the clouds of fame. The _Binsen-Bube_, or as he is also called, the _Blumen-Bube_, that is, the Rush-boy, or the Flower-boy, will figure in another part of the volume, and therefore must first stand forth the Herr Hofrath Diehl, or in pure English, the Privy Counsellor Diehl, an individual on whom many foreigners must have stumbled in Heidelberg. This individual has served for some thirty years to amuse the rackety young men by his original nonsense; and we lament to be obliged to say that the students of a former time were not wholly guiltless of originating the condition in which he now finds himself. He is a melancholy example of a student scathed in his career; and who has, from one unfortunate hour, sunk continually deeper and deeper into the depths of misery and insignificance. What part he played as a student we are not able precisely to state; but this must be certain, that he never could have been enlightened by the sun of reason as men on the average are, and now it is with him an everlasting eclipse. According to the opinions of some, he must unluckily have been walking under a great umbrella when reason was rained down from heaven. He thus early became a plaything in the hands of men who were base enough to abuse his simplicity. He received a forged letter, containing the intelligence that he was appointed a privy counsellor of the Hesse Darmstadt court, and the scoundrels who deceived him advised him to use some peculiar kind of pomatum, which should give to his head a look of official dignity. The upshot of this infamous business was that he lost nearly all his hair by this application, and was brought back from Darmstadt, whither he had gone to take possession of his office, to the university a crazed man. From the consequences of this lamentable history he has never recovered. His mind, weak before, has since remained hopelessly confused. He has continued to occupy a small chamber, where he employs himself busily in scheming and maturing plans for the improvement of the world; for the maintenance of the European balance of power; for the better pursuit of philosophy, and for bringing it into a better connexion and alliance with other branches of education; and in the discovery of an elixir of longevity. The results of his profound meditations are laid down in vast masses of manuscripts, which, alas! like the Journey from Stolpe to Danzig,[22] have never been able to find a publisher. Yet they are by no means useless to their author, if they are unappreciated by the world. He employs them as mattrasses and pillows for his bed; and he busies himself with scattering great quantities of water out of his window in order to dissipate those heavy vapours which have prevented the booksellers from perceiving what would be so greatly to their advantage. During the day, this singular man traverses all the streets, and goes round to all the Beer-kneips. With short and measured steps he walks about clad in an old coat which he owes to the kindness of some student. Now it is a polonaise, now a velvet frock, and anon it is a mackintosh. He wears, like the student, a little cap, from below which hangs his scanty and white hair. His countenance has a singular expression of mixed pride and humility, of friendliness and melancholy; and in his right hand he carries a light stick, in such a manner as if every moment he was about to raise it in the act of demonstrating some of his cosmopolitan propositions. This moment he picks up from the street some worthless fragment, and even a bit of wood for his fire; the next instant he whistles his little dog, a faithful companion to which he is most fondly attached; and now he is greeting this person and the other, with the words "How goes it, my friend, to-day, with thee?" for he stands on the _Smollis_ with every body, that is, he puts himself on the familiar footing of thee and thou; to another, "Good-day, my dear son." In the Kneips he seeks to attract attention by an harangue, or by his remarks on the affairs of the day. He then waits with quietness till the landlord, in requital for the drawing together of hearers, sets before him a small refreshment, or till a compassionate guest treats him to a choppin of beer, or presents him with a few kreutzers. Formerly he had a stall in the half-yearly fair, where he sold partly pins made by himself, and partly other wares, as knives and scissors, and such like, at double the price at which the man at the next stall, who furnished him with them, did. That our readers may have some idea of the character and quality of the worthy privy counsellor's compositions, of which he says he has at least eighteen thousand sheets by him, we give a specimen which was written expressly for us, and which the reader may or may not, just as he is disposed, try his teeth upon. We have, however, no doubt but that those sagacious and penetrating people who have put in the mouth of Jean Paul Richter so many things which he never thought of, will also do our Hofrath the same most obliging kindness, and wish right heartily that he may have the good fortune to find at least one such commentator. A Treatise, composed at Heidelberg the 29th of October, 1840; and styled, a "Little Memorial and Gift of Friendship, from Friend von Diehl, Grand-ducal Privy Counsellor of Baden, and State Counsellor of the Mysteries of Heidelberg, to such of his friends as love the so-called Strictly Right, out of which every thing reasonable by degrees continually developes itself." Now an author, who sees himself busy at his writing-table upon a composition, has to give to them that, as an inoculation of every thing, whatever it may be, which he has in his spirit consecrated to all worthiness, and so that it shall not be difficult to hear and understand, since it contains many incredible things. As he never in his time was so far advanced that he could learn to understand so much as he was striving after, as he was so poor, so very poor, therefore he was obliged to thrust back every thing of that kind to the period when finite things shall no longer be finite. It is to be desired that his inquiries should be continued either by himself, or by others of the student class who go forth as teachers, accompanied by the necessary academical freedom, that is without all enactments and restraint. Let the pen have its course, as his thoughts for the most part have unfolded themselves, the spirit and the eye running through the right hand, and his ideas thus walking forth upon paper. Spirit, eye, and hand! hands pressed together! then draws the eye every thing so through it, as the sucking babe draws milk, that it must burst forth in some shape, as that milk in the babe, if obstructed in its natural current, will spring through in eruptions. But the Princes should take care of this, who have power, to advance the wise, so that they may be able to live, that they may be safe from the claws of an old wife's company, and may not be thrown about as feathers in the world, called also the great city street,--that in the University cities those of the grade of witches may not wash away all that belongs to the liberty of the duel in general. Especially shines this out of the Bible, out of the Testament--where the Dutch prescribe the gospels as well as the epistles, like physic, that they may preach upon it as the Bauers to their servants, when they have cleared out their stables, "You must make a bee-hive; set about it, make it quickly with a dung-fork and the handle of a flail." Preaching such nonsense do the Dutch divines wring themselves out as an old woman wrings out a wet cloth, yielding only that which men have no occasion for, and without which they would be more of men than with it. Thus money and the necessaries of life are continually decreased, or rather are rolled out thinly till they overspread and cover up the spirit of man, as a surgeon spreads out his plaster to the extent of two and twenty yards. Two and twenty years have I laboured incessantly to defeat these drifts of the old wives, for the good of all states, but the more I labour the more enemies spring up. Still must I of necessity stand up for the princes, since that dwells in me which man styles duty. During the half of that two and twenty years, I have written treatises for the guidance of students of jurisprudence and criminal law, adapted to all cases and occasions, after which, however, no man inquires. Students diverge continually farther and farther from my views of law, being influenced by the city clergy, who warn them against them through means of the post. I live in privacy with the great Director of the whole world; yet have the malicious city old wife gossips calumniated me. And this led them to the base action, for many a base deed is brought about through medicaments. The most grievous evils not only arise but continue--I will point out only a few of them. To injure a man in his eyesight irreparably,--to damage his hearing,--to cause his hair to fall off,--to induce epilepsy,--to make his very spirit stand still! Instead of that office of important study to which I believe myself advanced, thus came I to sit there where inexpressible pains are given, which make every thing in man, that is of the nature of man, cry out. But the hardest of all was to become a maniac! To keep off this, I wrote from nine to ten thousand sheets, drawn from life itself, to throw out and express the very kernel of knowledge, which must yet be printed. But I am so poor, that I am always on the point of starvation; for many years I have belted myself more tightly in. I lodge at Widow Ueberlin's on the Freisenberg, who could, if she pleased, from the Great Frederick of Prussia, turn herself into the Grand Turk himself. She was not, however, aware of this; therefore, I assumed the crown of human misery, and wrote this year six hundred and fifteen hefts (each about six sheets of paper). Think only of the diligence in my dwelling! It were well if a learned man in Baden would set himself upon a winter's work, in writing out my manuscripts, in translating them, and sending them to the press, and to make an extract for each faculty, of such matter as relates to them. I am so poor that I am quite unable to defray the cost of such printing. I am the life--I have rent the great secret out of the bosom of Nature. I am the sun, the love, the goodness, a secret that the common class of men have to thank the learned for. From year to year I have continually learned more thoroughly the contents of the surface of the earth. I am, however, only allowed to divulge certain glimpses of this knowledge, and I show it to true friends, wearing knowledge at my side, as the soldier his sabre. The true Friend Frederick von Diehl. * * * Poor Hofrath von Diehl! A more melancholy and affecting history than his is not readily to be conceived; and amid the ravelled skein of his ideas, the memory of his grievous wrongs stands clear and imperishable. It would be difficult to refer to language more vividly descriptive of the surprise and anguish, and despair, to which a human spirit may be subjected by the base wantonness of others, than that which breaks forth amid the strange wanderings of this document of his. The injured eyesight and hearing--the hair burnt from his head as by lightning--the shock of astonishment when he finds himself, instead of advanced to the post of honour which had been delusively promised him, thrust "there where inexpressible pains are inflicted; pains which make every thing in man which is of the nature of man cry out;" a prey also to epilepsy, and above all to madness. Poor fellow! yet amid the smarting sense of his irreparable injuries he retains all his own humanity of feeling. He cherishes no hatred against mankind. His heart is sound; that is not injured, though his brain is; and he employs himself through the long years of his mental eclipse, with the perpetual hope and endeavour to benefit, not only his friends, his town, his countrymen, but all mankind. It is well that the gallant student in the spring-days of his career, while he runs on the green and gay path of Burschen-life, is kind to him. That he makes daily amends to him, for the crimes and follies of those in a day gone by. May the brave youths of Ruperto-Carolo long cherish this kind feeling to the unfortunate Hofrath! may they smoothen the few years of his earthly course to him! While he lives in the dreams of literary fame and of boundless philanthropy, may they blunt the tooth of that poverty of which he so painfully complains; and, finally, may the brave hands of the sons of the Muses, one day lay that weak but worthily-meaning head, on which some of their precursors heaped wantonly such a fearful calamity, peacefully and honourably at rest. * * * But amongst those who derive principally from the students their support, we must not forget the respectable, discreet, and amiable woman, who is to be found stationed every day at the corner of the university platz. Here the worthy Frau Gottliebin displays her treasures for sale,--cherries, grapes, plums, whatever fruit in fact the season affords, and of the finest quality, separated into small baskets-full. Every change of the season marks itself upon her stall by the apparition of some new luxury, and at Easter it is gay with many-coloured Easter-eggs for the children. In Germany, it is said, "sixty kreutzers make also a gulden," and the wisdom of this proverb has proved itself on this good woman. She not only possesses a small house of her own, but her son has studied at the university, taken his degree, and is already advanced to the dignity of a curate in the church; yes, the worthy old dame yet hopes, and that soon, to be able to congratulate him as pastor of a parish. Her daughter is married to a surgeon in the Upper Rhineland, and when from time to time the stand of the old lady is vacant, in front of the well-known Pfalz-hotel, nobody is afraid that it is because she is ill, or because the weather is too severe for her; for summer and winter, in the hottest sunshine and the bitterest frost, there she is at her post,--no, there is a new grandchild expected, and Frau Gottliebin has disappeared to pay a visit to her daughter. She has numbered many of the present teachers of the university amongst her customers, and takes a lively interest in the members of the institution. She is also very free with well-meaning advice when the course of life of any of the sons of the Muses is not to her satisfaction. The stranger who has not tasted of her wares we may well advise to cast an observant eye on her stall as he passes it, and can promise him, if he chooses from it, a luxurious refreshment. CHAPTER IX. THE PRIVATE LIFE OF THE STUDENT. The reader has hitherto only seen the students in their public life. Their private life, in comparison with their public and out-of-door proceedings, withdraws itself so much from general observation, that it is not likely that it should so soon, or so forcibly, strike the general eye, as that does by its bold and prominent features. Yet we are confident that we can present to the reader many an interesting picture if he will allow himself to accompany us into the lodging of one of our heroes. "In God's name," Mrs. Trollope will exclaim, "what are you going to do? Are you mad, that you would seek the bear in his den?" We can, however, only beseech the foreigner not to be deterred by the often wild exterior and carriage of the student, from paying a visit to one or another of them. Without further hesitation or precaution he may follow us, and make himself certain of a friendly reception, especially from the South German. Should any one yet be incredulous, let him only inquire of Mr. Traveller, who has now resided half a year in Heidelberg, and made his first acquaintance with the student-world in this manner. One of my friends told me that he had introduced him to the student Freisleben. "In his smoking-room?" asked I, in astonishment. "Yes; why not? The English," said he, "have strong nerves, and I wished to fortify his against all weaker impressions, in fact, to make him smoke-proof; an experiment which I hope even the learned Mrs. Carleton herself would not disapprove of." "Well, and how did he like it?" inquired I farther. "We had scarcely made our escape out of the snow-storm of a wild December day into the house, when the Englishman remarked that the whole abode had a peculiar look, which he could not for his life describe or particularize, but which had a strong smack of the student. I had purposely brought him into a genuine student _kneip-house_, and in the entrance, that white painted board on the wall, on which, with their respective numbers, hung the keys of the different rooms, caught his eye. The narrow passage and steps by which we made our way through the house appeared strange to him. We at length reached the right door; I opened it; the Englishman looked eagerly in; but imagine his amazement as he saw nothing but a monstrous cloud of smoke. 'Where are we?' he demanded. An instant yell thundered through the smoke towards us--a whip whistled in the air, and a tremendous voice cried, 'Down! down!' 'We shall get no good here,' said the Englander. 'Courage, courage,' said I, and we pressed forward into the midst of this smoke-vomiting volcano. In the meantime a portion of the reek had made its escape by the open door; it became tolerably light, and we saw the great spaniel, who had withdrawn himself howling into his basket, and friend Freisleben standing with his riding-whip in his hand." "That confounded dog of mine--the uncourteous rascal," said he, "does not understand how he ought to receive a stranger. Mr. Traveller, it rejoices me to see you in my abode. My friend has already made me acquainted with your name." He requested us to be seated, and offered us each a pipe, which he himself had well supplied with tobacco, in the kindest manner. "But, my God," whispered the new guest to me, "every thing looks here pretty much as with other well-bred people. All so human. Ah! I am very sorry that I am so undeceived." Yet a closer observation conducted the sufficiently quick eye of the Englishman to the various peculiarities there, and served to enrich his sketch-book with sundry notices, which he has been obliging enough to communicate to us. The student knows how to live here. He has fitted up his room very commodiously. The sleeping-room certainly is somewhat small; often, rather an alcove, in which, besides his bed, his wardrobe, his dressing-table, and a large trunk, there is little to be seen. But one might almost pronounce his sitting-room comfortable, were it not distinguished by rather too much of a lyrical disorder. Books, pipes, rapiers, clothes, coffee, and writing apparatus, are somewhat too little assorted; and the stove, standing in the room itself--but Germans in this respect know no better. Yet one must admit that those little machines, which look like an adiaphory, between a Roman urn and a German beer-jug, and which one might take by the end of the long pipe and carry with one along the streets, are very well adapted to the needs of the student, who commonly only wiles away an hour at home, and then hastens again to the college, since they quickly warm the room, and as quickly let it cool again. They are readily made hot, so that you may easily when at full heat light your pipe at them. There are not wanting tables, chairs, a commode, a writing-table and book-shelves, and a sofa that is pretty well used. Our host, at first sight looked, to my fancy, somewhat Turkish, as at our morning visit he sat enjoying his pipe and coffee, in a coloured plaid morning-gown and showy slippers. But the legs--no, they were not crossed in Turkish fashion, but stretched out at will from the sofa in true English style, and seemed to feel themselves very much at home in the room. He had a handkerchief thrown loosely round his neck, and the small, round, and embroidered cap sat not inelegantly on his head. These caps, as I learned in course of conversation, are termed _cerevis_, or beer-caps. What especially struck me in the apartment, were the various decorations which adorned the walls in gay rows, and the signification of which our host politely explained to me. Upon one wall was displayed a long line of profiles, all under glass, and in small gilt frames. A coloured Chore-band falling from above, wound about them, and comprehended them, as it were, in one great family. "These," said he, "are in memory of the friends who have contributed to embellish my six semesters at the university:" and I learned that it was the practice, especially of those who belonged to the same Chore, mutually to honour each other with those little likenesses. "We have here," said he, "in Heidelberg, the Herr Münich, who executes these things in first-rate style, and derives almost a livelihood alone from this branch of business. It is the same in other places. I have already passed some time in Jena, Berlin, and Bonn, and have enjoyed the friendship of many a brave Bursche. There, you see the views of many a city through which I have travelled. They will to the latest hour yield me delightful recollections." These, with the well-executed portraits of many professors, filled a second wall. Amongst them proudly displayed themselves several printed duplicates of the doctoral diplomas of his friends. "And whose likeness is this which hangs in the midst?" I asked. "That," he replied, "is the portrait of our famous Pawk-doctor, which cannot be wanting in any kneip." On the third wall I beheld pipes of all forms and sizes, from the meerschaum to the clay pipe; and my polite host promised me at the next opportunity, to give me a lecture, as he expressed it, on these articles of furniture. My eye was now caught by the garniture which I beheld about the looking-glass. It was hung round with ribands of various colours, and above it appeared the remains of garlands. As I noticed them my host said--"See, those are flowers out of the mourning garlands which deck many a departed friend who sleeps in the cool earth; which we carefully preserve." "And the ribands with the many inscriptions and the dates?" I asked. "Those," said he, "are my Chore-brothers; and the date indicates the foundation-day of our _Verbindung_." On the fourth wall were to be seen a Schläger with the Chore-colours; a chore-cap and a guitar, with several coloured rosettes. There stood also a little table, and upon it apparatus for drinking and smoking; a large Deckel-glass with a lid, having upon it an engraved inscription, "Traumansdorf to his Freisleben, 18th July, 1838;" an elegant little casket with tobacco, a spill-vase, a study lamp, a vessel denominated the Pope, to receive the ashes of the tobacco on emptying the pipe, and an incombustible spill, or Fidebus, a new discovery, and certainly one of the most useful of the nineteenth century. This consists of a small strong coloured glass tube, which is partly filled with spirits of wine, and closed with a cork; through which a wire is thrust, and to the bottom end of which wire is secured a small knob of wood wrapped in cotton wool. This wire has a ring at the top, by which it is pulled out, and the knob ignited at the lamp when it is wished to light a pipe--a convenient piece of machinery, and also forming an ornament to the table. As 1 continued to observe these mysteries, my host took up the guitar, and touching the strings, sung,-- He who can neither drink, love, nor sing, How scorneth the Bursche so mean a thing! "I can guess, and therefore ask not," I observed, "what your rosettes mean." "It was a delightful August ball," said he to his friend significantly. "And this glass, too, I see, is the gift of a friend," I added. "Certainly, you are quite to be envied." "That is nothing extraordinary," he remarked; "it is the custom amongst students to compliment each other with, or to dedicate to each other, as we express it, such things. The inscriptions which you see on you pipe-heads, on those ribands, on this glass, we term dedications. They bear the name of the giver, and the day which is the most distinguished in our lives through some remarkable event, on which day such a gift is generally given. Let us add to the so-called gifts the silhouettes and the sword, and you have altogether what the student is accustomed to dedicate to his fellow-student. But be seated. The coffee will be cold, and my pipe is actually gone out. If you will have a morning-gown, I have another, and I am always sorry to see any one squeezed up in an uncomfortable schnippel (student term for a dress coat). Would you think that a German had so much regard to comfort? Ha! ha! Much more than you imagine. Fancy yourself before an English fireplace (opening the door of the stove); since, without that, I know you don't feel yourself comfortable; and that we also are aware of the pleasantness of a fireplace, is shown by our frequently having the stove open into the room. And do you know that we have an equivalent for your word _comfort_, of which you are so proud?" "If you will tell me what it is," I answered, "I will believe it; but I have hunted through every dictionary for it in vain, since your words behaglich, gemüthlich, bequem, don't express the actual thing." "Pomadig," cried he, laughing; "that's the lordly word! but it is only one of our _termini technici_, and is not yet sanctioned by Adelung." "I will swear from this day forward," I exclaimed, "that the students are _pomadig_." "Have pomade," said he, correcting me, "for we are no pomadenhengste. When I am laid up some day," he continued, "I will make you a vocabulary of our terms with their synonymes, and shall felicitate myself thereby on contributing to a more perfect knowledge of the German language in England. You will take care to publish it?" "Assure yourself of that," I replied. "But what has the Boot-fox brought?" asked my host of his friend, who during this time had been in conversation with a queer-looking fellow. "A duplicate diploma from Schmidt," he replied. "What has the old boy then bitten of the sour apple at last!" "Yes! he has worked like a dragon--he has _geoxed_ tremendously during the last year, and has now taken the highest degree." Freisleben sings:-- Therefore lets he fall a tear, And thinks--ah! but youth was dear! And gives me an examen summa cum laude. "I am very curious," said I, "to know who the man was that walked in without knocking, and whom you styled Boot-fox. He looked like a servant that, instead of livery, a man has stuck into a student's coat; and what a cap he had on! And besides that, he had such a curious voice that one could have thought it belonged to some other person, or that somebody else was in the room when he spoke." "Ha! ha! I will explain that to you. This odd fellow belongs to a class of ministering spirits who live entirely by the students. We dub them Boot-foxes, because they clean our boots and clothes. They are bound to run also on our commissions, and must figure in processions and public pageants. As the poor devil must turn out very early in the mornings, his voice snaps and cracks huskily from the effects of the raw air, like that of a youth in the transition-state from a hobbledehoy to a man, till by degrees it balances itself in one key. For the rest, he is a respectable father of a family, and his wife is generally a washerwoman for the students." "All that is easy enough to understand," I replied. "Why do you call him a boot-fox?" "Ah, I forgot to observe, that in earlier times the foxes, who, as you know are students just come from the schools, and whom we yet play many a joke upon, were frequently obliged, very improperly, to perform those offices which our Famulus now discharges, and thence this name dates itself." "I have made myself acquainted," said I, "with a new species of foxes. The other day I heard a professor spoken of as a school-fox." "Yes, yes; this name is given contemptuously to one of those teachers who, without penetrating into the spirit of knowledge, turns into his scholars, by hogsheads, the unfermented deluge of material, and reckons a man learned if he has only piled up in his hollow skull a chaos of things merely gathered by rote. God be praised, these scarecrows become scarcer from day to day. Yet, alas! there lies in the German word _Gelehrter_, the idea of one who has been _taught_ without our being able to say whether he has actually _learned_. The French say not _les enseignes_ but _les savants_; and the English not _the taught ones_. but the _learned_." "But," said I, "your _Gelehrter_, of the present day, we may also certainly style the learned." "By all means; and, thank God, but with few exceptions." "Knowest thou," asked friend Eckhardt, "whence comes the term school-fox?" "Not clearly?" "Then hear! M. Just Ludwig Brismann, born at Triptis, in Voiglande, who had been schoolmaster in Hof, Zwickau, and Naumburg, and who died Professor of Greek in Jena, on the 19th of August, 1585, was accustomed to wear a greatcoat lined with fox-skin. This sort of clothing, which he had been used to wear before he came to live at Jena, he still continued to sport there. The students in Jena looked upon this raiment, which was then quite out of date and very singular, as so odd that they made game of it, and those of them who had previously known him as schoolmaster, dubbed him School-fox. Thence sprung the name of school-foxery, which comprehends every thing pedantic, contemptible, and degrading." "And may I ask," I added, "what you pay this precious Bursche for his important services? I ask, since I think of staying here this winter, and would therefore willingly enlighten myself on all matters of housekeeping." "He receives a gulden (twenty-pence English) monthly." "A servant for a pound a-year! Was the like ever heard!" "You must recollect," said Freisleben, "that we are for the rest of the day attended by the house-besom," the student phrase for housemaid, who also in Berlin is styled _schlavin_, or she-slave. "Hast thou heard the anecdote," interrupted Eckhardt, "of Schmidt's answer to our boot-fox the other morning?" "No; let us hear it." "The Famulus came very early to Schmidt's bedside, and said, very laconically--'the Geheimrath Forst is dead to-night. Have you any other commands?' 'Yes,' answered Schmidt, still heavy with sleep, 'I command the Geheimrath Langsam (a very rich and miserly old gentleman) to die too, and to make me his heir.'" "Famously answered!" said Freisleben; "but, Mr. Traveller, you would know more of our household regulations. Our House-Philistine must provide for all our domestic necessaries, bringing in the account monthly, which, however, we are not obliged so very exactly to pay. They furnish us with wood, lights, etc. Breakfast we commonly brew for ourselves, in its proper machine. For the lodging, consisting of two rooms, we pay perhaps from thirty to forty gulden, and the house-besom receives besides, each semester, two kronen thaler--nine shillings, English." "Upon my word, you live right reasonably in Heidelberg." "Not quite so much so as you imagine. If you take into the account the expense of the college lectures, you cannot well, at least pleasantly, live under 800 or 1000 gulden. There are universities where you may live much cheaper, but few where you can live so agreeably as here. You know how Lichtenberg has divided the sciences. So I might here divide the universities into such as where a man may live cheaply and well, to which class Munich and Vienna particularly belong; where he may live cheap and badly, as in many of the smaller universities, particularly Halle, which affords only nutriment for the hungerers after knowledge; where he may live well and somewhat expensively, as at Heidelberg; and finally, where he may live dearly and ill, of which the great Berlin is an example. I speak here only of the material life, apart from which, every university has its peculiarities in many respects; in short, has its own _ton_. When you have learnt thoroughly to understand Heidelberg, and then afterwards visit other German universities, what a variety will you not find." "I would gladly learn," said I, "the differences of these various universities which you say are so characteristic. It is a very interesting subject." "But a long one," said my friend, "which we must reserve for another occasion. But," turning to Freisleben, he added, "I forgot to tell you something which the Boot-fox has communicated." "What is it?" asked Freisleben. "The Widow Mutch begs that she may be allowed to speak with thee." "And what wants she?" "O, she creeps humbly to the cross, and prays earnestly that we will again take our meals there." "Well, if she behaves herself, we will see what the S. C. can do." "That," said I, "if I remember right, is the woman whom you said had been put into _verruf_, or under the bann." "The same." "And are all the students, then, accustomed to take their dinners there?" "O, no. Part of them at the Gasthouses (inns); part here and there, with private people, who keep a table for us, and even send us, if required, our meals up into our chambers. About thirty of us took our dinners at this aforesaid widow's, and paid each twenty kreutzers the day (not quite seven-pence). But towards the conclusion of the last semester, it was no longer to be endured! simply and eternally cow-beef--and at last it grew still worse. Thereupon it was absolutely necessary to give Madame, the Philistine, a lecture." "Excuse me," I interrupted, "but I must first beg for a solution of the term Philistine, which you so often use." "We comprehend all who are not students under the name of Philistines. In a more restricted sense, we understand by Philistines, inhabitants of the city, and distinguish them from the Handwerks-Burschen, by giving to the latter the title of Knoten; and the shopkeepers' young men that of Schwünge, or Ladenschwünge, that is, Pendulums, or Shop-pendulums. Others write the word Knoten, _Gnoten_, and say that the artisans and journeymen were so called from _Genossen_, _Handwerks-Genossen_, comrades or artisan-comrades, thence corrupted to _Genotten_, and finally to _Gnoten_. We have already stated that _Gnoten_ was supposed to be derived from their fighting with _Knoten-stöcken_, or knotty sticks. Thus, as in most cases of philological derivation, a fine dispute might be raised; it would be an interesting subject, and the author might be rewarded for his pains by the impressions of some dozen bludgeons on his back. But, not to lose sight of the object of your inquiry--our domestic arrangements--I here remark that the Philistine in whose house we lodge, is styled house-philistine, and his wife, the Philöse. The student who is quartered with us in the same house is our House-Bursche; and he who shares with us our apartments, is to us a Stuben-Bursche, or Room-Fellow." "I thank you," I added. "I have certainly put your commentatorial patience to a severe trial." "One speaks of oneself," he replied, "generally pretty willingly. We have that feeling in common with all mortals." "But," I interposed, "it seems to me that you enjoy your comfortable room very little, spite of all its comforts, if you neither dine nor take your tea there of an evening." "Tea!" he exclaimed, "tea! yes that is a right good beverage, but for daily use a little too sentimental. Look you--our course of life is this:--In the morning we pursue our studies over a cup of coffee, and a pipe of tobacco; then we go to the classes. About twelve o'clock we dine; then to the coffeehouse; and how much we study after that, or how we otherwise employ ourselves, you will presently see. But in the evening, we resort to the Kneip, and drink no tea, but beer; and to the Kneip we now cordially invite you. "But don't think we despise what may be called your national beverage; for that also, comes a time. When in the long evenings we sit behind our books, and the anticipation of the examination stands like a spectre at the door, and bars it to our egress, then, praised be tea! and its black brother, coffee; it is then they who must cheer us, when the spirit of life threatens to faint, quiver, and expire. But excuse me, I must now unto the college, which I cannot to-day very well _schwänzen_. So fare ye well!" And thus we parted. N. B.--The expression Ein Kolleg schwänzen--to tail a lecture--means, to put off its attendance. The term is derived from an earlier meaning of the word _schwänzen_, for which the term _durch-brennen_, to burn through, is now used, and is equivalent to the English phrase, "to give leg-bail to your creditors." In the persiflage on the _Burschen-comment_, entitled "_Dissertatio de Quomodone, etc_.," by Martial Schluck, from which we have before quoted, it is said, "an honourable Bursche has the right not to pay his debts; that is, he may _schwänzen_ and _squiscion_ himself, make a _squis_ in his shoes,--meaning that he may sacrifice his tail like a fox, who will rather lose his tail than his life; and thus will the student rather leave behind him his trunk and cloak-bag, than wait to be clapped into prison." When a student attends a lecture which ought to be paid for, but does not pay for it, he is said to "hospitiren;" and he is allowed twice or three times to hospitiren. If, however, he does this for a whole semester, in order to devote the price of the lecture to some other object, the students call this "to shoot a lecture." The description of this term, is also thus explained by Schluck. "The student has the right to seize upon other people's property, that is, to shoot, to prefer, to lay the charge upon another. This is a new mode of putting oneself into possession of something; that is, to commit a theft of a life-and-soulless thing, and call it only a half-theft. Shooting distinguishes itself essentially from stealing. First, by the student privately conveying it away at once; and secondly, by giving the owner of the property notice of what he had done, after it is done. This mode of taking possession is not so much according to our customs as those of the Lacedæmonians, which brought no shame to any one by the statutes of Lycurgus, but rather honour and fame, to him who unobserved and in a clever style carried off any thing." The principal objects of _conveyance_, are pipes, sticks, spurs, chore-tassels for the embellishment of pipes, riding-whips, and money to the amount of a _doubel_. What is more than that must be merely taken in loan, if it be there to take. Friend Freisleben has, in this chapter, given us some notifications of the manner in which he amuses himself in his hours of relaxation. Yet we must hope that these are not all the fountains of enjoyment, that are flowing for his refreshment, when he finds himself exhausted with such arduous battles in the field of science. Our care indeed, is unnecessary, since the inventive head of the student has, in all times, least of all neglected this portion of his life. But before we speak of other diversions, which our hero, partly in his own and partly in other Kneips enjoys, or without, in the free air, we must devote a few lines to that faithful companion, his dog. Some will, perhaps say, "What! is it not enough that we have to do with the wild student, must we also encounter his unmannerly hound?" But good reader, recollect yourself of the words of Wagner in Faust: E'en the wise man, howe'er profound, Loves, when well trained, the generous hound,-- And well deserveth he thy favour too, The student's scholar, apt and nobly true. It is true, that a monstrous deal has already been said of the dog; but by no one has he been more graphically described than by the immortal Linnæus. He says, amongst other things, "He is the most faithful of all creatures; dwells with man; fawns on his returning lord; bears not in his memory the strokes he inflicts upon him; runs before him on his journey; looks back at a cross-way, and seeks obediently that which is lost; holds watch by night; announces the approach of any one; and guards the property." How much do we desire the eloquence of Demosthenes, that we might pronounce a fitting panegyric on the dog, already made illustrious by so many pens. We can, however, only sketch the character and manners of the student's dog with simple colours, nevertheless we hope to do the dog-family some service, and to amuse the reader with some new anecdotes. Various as are the young people which are blown together, as it were, by the winds out of every climate into a University city, as various are the dogs which the spectator will see following at their heels. They are seldom brought with them from home; but the fancy which the student has for the beast, has created a class of men, who make a trade in dogs a distinct branch of business. These people also, for a moderate honorarium, superintend the toilet of this creature, which care is particularly demanded by the luxuriant growth of hair of the shock. This dog, sometimes, when he comes new washed and shorn out of their hands, in the loss of his monthly crop of hair, scarcely knows himself again. If one reflects too, that every individual student, out of the multitude of dogs, selects that one which seems to assort itself most completely with his pleasure and humour, one sees probably therein the ground of the observation which we once heard made by an intelligent English lady, who asserted that there was always visible a great likeness between the dog and his master. We can only corroborate the justice of this remark, and it must strike every one, that the dog continually picks up first one and then another of the peculiarities of his master. He who desires to take a general glance at the different races of dogs which inhabit our city, I counsel him to attend the annual dog-muster. This is held in an appointed place on an appointed day, whereto all the dogs of the city, both those of the students and the citizens, must be brought. These all pass, in succession, under the inspection of a beast doctor, and such as neither through disease nor old age fall under a sentence of death, are redeemed by the payment of a certain tax, and have a tin label hung on their necks, which they wear for a certain time. I add here, in passing, a refutation of those who assert that the Germans are ungallant, in the fact that the ladies of the canine species are charged only a gulden each for their redemption, while the gentlemen of that race are mercilessly mulcted to the extent of a gulden and a half. Great and small, tall and short, thick and thin, one or many coloured, all meet here together. On the one side, you see the heavy house-dog, and the butcher's dog, how humbly they follow their masters; the multitude of yaffing turnspits, prized as true watchers; on the other hand you descry a line of boot-foxes, who have conducted hither the dogs of the students. Hither come hastening with throngs and with pride, Lots of proud fellows from every side. _Reineke der Fuchs, by Göethe_. There is the poodle with his thick, round head, with the stumpy nose and hanging ears; he is propped on his short, stout leg, and his knowing eye blinks forth from amongst the crisp woolly hair. He permits himself good-humouredly to be adorned with his new order. Grimly steps forth at the call, the colossal bull-dog, with black, thick, split nose, and slavering chops; but over him towers the English mastiff, in hairy coat of one uniform hue. The hunting dog, in a place where all worthy exercise of his powers is denied him, has stretched himself out calmly, supporting his strong head with its long drooping ears, on his vigorous foot. The slim greyhound, constantly trembling, has cowered down in a corner. Here and there you discover a fretful thick-bodied pug, with his upthrown snub nose, which the popular speech styles a saddle-nose. There is the bandylegged Dachs too, with his deep sweeping ears, dark colour, and eyes full of intelligence. The dog of the university leads a wholly peculiar life, not unlike that of his master, since he accompanies him every where. The saloon and the College hall only have closed their doors against him. Hence it is said-- If at home thou would'st me find, Pray thee leave thy dog behind. During the time that the student spends in these places, his dog is confined to his chamber. Here he fills up many hours with his dolorous lamentations, or at the window watches with envious impatience the passing of his brethren along the street, and challenges them with savage yells. Whether he avails himself of the books of his master to advance himself in science, we will not venture to say; yet we have ourselves seen them fly through the window of their abodes that were not at a great height from the ground, and seeking their masters in the College hall, there, as very attentive Hospitanters, stay out the remainder of the lecture. One of my friends had a white poodle, who was accustomed regularly to accompany him to the indifferently attended lectures of a certain professor, where he sat quietly on the bench by his side, and looked solemnly into the note-book of his master. One day the dog was absent, when the extremely short-sighted professor, in opening his lecture, remarked, "Gentlemen, it would be well if you all wore coats of one colour; and were they dark ones they would be not so much observed by me, but it struck me immediately that the gentleman in the white coat was absent to-day!" The great aptness of this creature to be taught, often furnishes the students with much entertainment. He readily learns to carry his master's stick and portfolio to the College hall, whence on his command, he returns quietly to the house. He is the best of chamber attendants, bringing in the morning his master's slippers and pipe. If he returns home at night rather inspirited by Bacchus, he accompanies him as a safe conductor, often bearing things which he has unwittingly dropt, after him. A dog at one of the universities was well known as an excellent guide. He led his master home every evening; if he turned into a wrong street, he seized him by the coat, and pulled him back; if he fell down, he barked loudly till he rose again; and when they arrived at the house, the sagacious animal knew very well how to ring the bell. They are also made use of in many a prank or piece of waggery. Thus it is said, that once in Leipsic, the students accustomed their dogs to the most frequent Christian names of the ladies of that city, and so soon as they came readily at that unusual call, the ungallant sons of the Muses allowed themselves the unpardonable joke of shouting aloud those names in the public walks, so that it is said, the fair sex in surprise quitted the field. In one of the university cities, two dogs also furnished this spectacle. An order had been issued, that, to avoid any serious accidents from them, no students' dogs should appear in public except led in a band. Presently was seen a student with two dogs in cords. The one was a little pug scarcely two spans high, which was led in a rope about as thick as a man's arm, whilst the other, a huge and monstrous creature of the kind which the students call _Doggen_, apparently half mastiff, half bull-dog, stalked near it, led by a piece of twine. We still see these creatures made co-workers in many a frolic. At the dinner table, in the public walk, in the fencing-school, and in the evening at the Kneip, every where must the dog attend his master. He must eat with him in the same house; the master, indeed, in the chamber, the dog in the kitchen; for which repast, however, is allowed on the dog's behalf two kreutzers a-day. Neither are combats wanting between them, whereby they may the more resemble their masters, and to which the masters, in fact, conduct them. In these dog-duels it goes often much worse than in those of their lords, for they seize each other so furiously that it is often difficult to separate them. "The dog," says Linnæus, "remembers not with resentment the blows of his master." The student's dog is a striking example of the truth of this remark. How often, when the Bursche returns home from a drinking company, must this faithful servant do penance for the wild humours of the evening. It goes not better with him on such occasions than with many a poor German wife, who yet bears her lot with patience. She still loves her rough commander, even while he treats her with unmanly rudeness, and seeks to hide his weaknesses. So this true creature. Is his lord in danger? he defends him to the last, and often renders him the most signal services in skirmishes with the Knoten; yea, he hesitates not to attack the sacred person of the beadle. He is denied admittance to the duel, because he would speedily, as an uninvited second, spring between the combatants, and as some assert, on account of such accidents as the following. A duellist had his nose cut off, and a large bull-dog which was in the room--perhaps they had forgot to give him his dinner--greedily swallowed it; so greedily, that it was impossible to prevent it! Whether the unnosed Bursche had a new one made for him by Geheimrath Gräfe, or whether he afterwards wore a silver one, I am not prepared to say. The student dog extends his student life far beyond that of his master, who turns him over into the hands of another on his own departure. It thus happens that many of these creatures travel from one hand to another, till, finally, they belong to no individual possessor but to a whole Chore, and live a free, unrestrained life. They then kneipe in rotation with the brethren of the Chore, all of whose dwellings they are acquainted with; and if they appear a little lost during the rest of the day, yet they are regularly found at the places of public meeting for social enjoyment. There was, for instance, the little Tambourlé here, which for many years lived only on sugar, which it received from the coffee-drinkers in a well-known coffee-house. At every fresh cup it demanded two or three pieces of sugar, as its established toll. It is also gratifying to see, when these welcome guests are grown old and weak, how the other dogs receive them, and stand strictly by these Bemossed Heads when they are attacked by the vulgarer dogs of the streets. The cultivated dog is no longer a merely carnivorous animal, he has accustomed himself to a variety of food; but it is perhaps the peculiar characteristic of the student's dog that he drinks beer. Once used to it, it becomes his greatest enjoyment to empty a few choppins, and he seems not at all to dislike the phantasies of a half-fuddled state. To him by no means applies what Voigt has added to Linnæus's characteristic of the dog--"he draws himself back at the sight of a glass." * * * The son of the Muses can as little be without his pipe as his dog. The enjoyment which it affords him, is at once single and manifold. It embellishes his pleasures, it comforts him in trouble, it warms him in the cold, it cools him in the heat of summer. Should ennui seize him, he fills his pipe, turns to his study, and what a fulness of thought comes over him as he gazes into the clouds of smoke, which, curling up from his mouth, shape themselves into mysterious forms! There lies in it a power of inexhaustible reproduction. And how shall his wine and his beer smack without his pipe? In short, it is a discovery which wonderfully unites in itself all opposite qualities. With all the parts and attributes thereunto belonging, it constitutes, when displayed upon his walk, his room an armoury, which the tender hands of the ladies do not even disdain to embellish. Of the continued changes which pipes in the course of time undergo in their fashion and construction, many cabinets would convince us, did they only contain a collection of ten years' duration. We have no intention to weary the reader with the description of such a cabinet; but he will allow us to state of what members a modern pipe consists, and what is necessary to its complete use and enjoyment. The essential portions of a pipe are the mouth-piece, the tube, the water-sack, and the head. The two last pieces are united in the meerschaum and the clay-pipe into one. The mouth-piece, at the upper part, is wrought out of horn. It is made thicker or thinner, longer or shorter, with a greater or less bore, as it may be required. The long mouth-pieces, having various partitions, or members, as they are called, are so finely wrought that they are quite elastic, and are sold at a proportionate price. The mouth-piece is commonly united to the tube by an elastic portion called a Schlauch, which is constructed of elastic wire and silk. If the pipe is intended to be a very handsome one, there is still another piece interposed between the schlauch and the tube, which is made of roe's-horn, and styled the roe-crown. The tube itself is manufactured from various materials; the coarser ones out of juniper-wood, or cherry-tree, the finer ones out of beech and ebony; but that which is most highly valued, on account of its durability and agreeable odour, is the Turkish weichsel, or agriot, a kind of wild cherry. The tubes are, again, of different lengths and thickness, from a span in length to some yards. The Turkish pipes are the longest. To the tube is generally affixed the water-sack, called also by the northern Germans the sponge-box; a little reservoir, of wedgewood or porcelain. For elegant pipes still more beautiful, but less useful ones, are made of horn. The pipe-head is, however, the part on which the most cost, art, and ornament are bestowed. The lower part of it, which, tapering away, is fitted into the water-sack, is called the boot. The head is adorned with a variety of paintings and inscriptions. We see upon them, as upon snuff-boxes, many humorous occurrences perpetuated. They are enriched with the portraits of handsome women and celebrated men, and the painting is sometimes so beautiful as to raise their price to several _Louisdore_ each. The students are accustomed to compliment each other with presents of pipe-heads, ornamented with their coats of arms, and a dedication on the reverse side. All the various sections of the pipe are so fitted to each other that you can readily separate them, in order to clean them; but they are prevented from separating when in use, by silk cords which pass through small metallic rings, and are secured at top and bottom. These cords serve also to hang them up by. On the pipes of the Chore-Burschen the cords proceeding from the head to the mouth-piece, are not only secured but continued, and hanging down at liberty, bear the coloured Chore-tassels. The student uses in the course of the day, different pipes. In the morning he gladly smokes out of a Turkish pipe, if such a one is at his command. This has a small mouth-piece, a long tube, and a meerschaum head, which gives it its greater value. It is on this account so highly esteemed; the student asserting that no pipe smokes so pleasantly; but its price, if it be genuine, varies from two to six, or more, Louisdores. The material out of which the real meerschaum head is made, is dug in Spain, Portugal, and the ancient Thebes, and consists of a silicious clay, in chemical combination with water. The other heads are made of various materials, and the most usual are of porcelain or wedgewood. The meerschaum, called by the Turks (Myrsen, Keffekil), the material out of which the ancient Samian vessels were made, is yet used in Turkey for the manufacture of pipe-heads; of which only the smaller kinds are allowed to be exported. It is chiefly dug in ancient Thebes, and is by no means employed in its crude state, but undergoes a manipulation, similar to that of the porcelain paste. It is exposed to a certain process of fermentation; the softened mass is diluted and washed, then half dried, pressed in moulds, and bored whilst in them. The heads thus formed are then dried in the shade, and afterwards hard burnt in the furnace. After this they are boiled in milk, then in linseed oil or wax, and finally polished with Dutch rush (equisetum) and leather. The finest formed heads--washed ware--may not be exported, although the Turks on the whole prefer the heads made from burnt Bole. As the Turkish heads are not considered handsome in shape, and have too narrow a bore, they are again turned and rebored at Ruhia in the district of Gotha, and being brought to a more modern form, are then boiled in tallow or wax, and again polished. The turnings are used in the preparation of imitation meerschaum heads, which are more brittle and less lasting than the real ones. In these heads manufactured in Lemgo, there is no real meerschaum clay used, but a mixture of clay, chalk, and egg-shells. These heads are heavier and more frangible than the genuine; they more readily become rough and unclean, and take a metallic streak from gold or silver, which is not the case with meerschaum heads.--_Leonhard's Oryktognosie_. A new pipe requires great care in bringing it into use, till it is as it is phrased, besmoked, or seasoned; that is, till the inside of the pipe-head is coated with a black crust of finely cemented-together tobacco dust. Till this is effected the pipe has not a good flavour, and it requires to be well and vigorously smoked out. To promote this seasoning, it is customary to smear the inside of the head with sugar-water, before it is filled with tobacco. This seasoning of the meerschaum head is particularly difficult. While it is warm, during the first time of smoking, it must not be touched with the fingers; it must be suffered to cool slowly, and must be protected from being touched or rubbed by any thing. The long pipes, called house-pipes, serve the Burschen usually at the Kneips; the very short one, on their walks, or when out shooting, as a long one might then be inconvenient. That there are people who extravagantly carry their luxury so far as, from year to year, at all times and seasons, to smoke genuine meerschaum pipes, any one may, to his astonishment, read in Bulwer's Ernest Maltravers. The white clay pipes, which were formerly in general use, are no longer used by the student; but they may be daily seen in the mouths of countrymen. Thus we have put together a right noble pipe, and will now take a peep at the apparatus requisite to its enjoyment. The most indispensable, certainly, is tobacco. To lecture on the various qualities of this article, we want both patience and sufficient knowledge. How many descending steps are there between the finest Knaster, and the weed which fumes up rank and qualmish from the pipe of the wood-cutter! The worst sort is jocosely called "three times round the body for a farthing," which may fittingly be smoked over that liquor called "three-men wine," because it would require two men to hold a man while the third forced this Tartarian wine down his throat. Much luxury is expended over that little ornamental repository for the preservation of this precious commodity--the so-called tobacco-casket Abroad the student carries the narcotic herb with him in a tobacco-pouch, which is often ornamented with embroidery by some fair hand. The long and thickly-piled together strips of paper (spills), which are used to light the pipes, are in Germany known by the name of "Fidibus," and its derivation from "fidelibus patribus," the jolly monks, shows that these good fellows did not despise the enjoyment of tobacco, when they could in private breathe its beatifying fumes. Another yet similar derivation is the following. At the time when the students were forbidden to smoke tobacco, they had private smoking-companies, where the host sent round a Latin bill with the following contents, which the student who agreed to go to it, undersigned not with his real, but with a purposely assumed name: Fid. Ibus. S. D. N. H. Hodie hora vii. a. v. s. That is, Fidelibus fratribus salutem dicit N. hospes. Hodie hora septima (apparebit in museo meo, herba Nicotiana) abunde vobis satisfaciam. As soon as they all were assembled, they placed themselves in a circle, and each lit his pipe with his bill, as a Fid....ibus offering--whence arose the term Fidibus. The inconsumable Fidibus is a new invention with which our English friend, Mr. Traveller, was struck in the lodging of Freisleben, and in his notes thereon very graphically described. When we have smoked a while, it is necessary to press together the mass which has expanded itself proudly in the pipe head, and for this purpose is used a sort of stamper, or stopper, also furnished with a knob of wood. This instrument has received a variety of names. In Heidelberg it is called _Dentsch_,--a name coined for the cogent reason that it will rhyme with _mensch_, without which the poet would find himself in what the Americans call, an "eternal fix." Another name is Melibocus, after the mountain on the Bergstrasse. In this instrument there is generally contained a wire, which you can draw out in order to give air to the clogged up part of your pipe. It is thus at once a stopper and an opener. The process of smoking is a species of distillation, whereby the water-sack, as a receiver, takes off the fluid product, while the fume passes into the still-head, and is thence conveyed to the mouth, where it achieves its narcotic purposes, and thence is again discharged into the air. It is to be expected that this chemical apparatus will from time to time require cleaning; and for this end is used a small feather for the shorter tubes, and for the longer ones the fine clear stalk of a peculiarly tall and strong kind of grass (Luzula maxima) which grows in the woods. Some poor imp, unfit for other work, undertakes to furnish the smoker with this necessary article, and those who gather them in the woody hills round Heidelberg, even extend their trade in them as far as Mannheim and Karlsruhe. When the stranger mounts up to the ruins of Heidelberg castle, he is often accosted by this _Binsen-Bube_ or _Blumen-Bube_, Rush-boy or Flower-boy, as he is called, who, with most graceful obeisances, presents him with a small nosegay, and patiently waits for a substantial token of its acceptance. This is the great gatherer and furnisher of the _Binsen_, or rush, as it is unbotanically called, for the fumiferous public. The cigar, which we must not forget, is much less affected by the student. Yet he sometimes prefers it to a pipe, over a cup of coffee; and then is he accustomed, with great satisfaction, to drive forth the smoke through his nostrils, in order to make himself thoroughly conscious of his luxury. If the reader has held out actually to the end of this dissertation on smoking, then we are very certain that the general and determined smoking in Germany has arrested his attention. We do not pretend to offer a reason for the remarkable growth of the practice of smoking amongst us during the last ten or twenty years. It seems to us somewhat far-fetched to assign as the cause, as has been done by a learned German writer, that it is a natural necessity to dull and modify to a healthful degree the all too dominant nervous sensibility and imaginative susceptibility of the over-refined, and especially of the learned, man. We may remark, in conclusion, that, amongst the students, snuff-taking is much less common than smoking: and, having thus sufficiently described, to our fancy, the two most constant companions of the Son of the Muses, his dog and his pipe, we may now, without further care, leave him to follow his labours, and amusements in such good company. CHAPTER X. RURAL AND SUMMER AMUSEMENTS OF THE STUDENTS. The natural beauties of Heidelberg are well known abroad. Who is he who has looked upon its picturesque environs with a healthful mind, and has not been enraptured with them? Therefore, the son of the Muses, who is here passing his student years, eagerly hastens out in the lovely days of summer into the free regions of nature that lie around. The walks in the immediate vicinity of the city are diligently trodden by him. Above all, the castle enjoys the frequent visits of the student youth in thronging numbers. The student is to be met here every hour of the day, but he still more loves to survey here the beauties of a moonlight night. Leaning over the terrace, he looks down upon the city as it lies in its solemn silence stretched along the bank of the Neckar. Its inhabitants, with all their troubles and pleasures,--his companions, with all the pursuits and passions of restless youth, are hushed into deep slumber. He only wakes, but the hours which he steals from sleep are not lost. He glances wide over the plain of the Pfalz, which, illuminated by the moon's uncertain light, offers to the eye no longer its boundary of hills. Opposite to him, the castle rears its gigantic pile, and varying its outlines with every change of the moonlight, challenges the imagination to equal its bold features in its highest flights. The moon now advances from behind some envious cloud, and the windows of the palace of Otto Heinrich appear magically lit up, and it seems again to stand in all the splendour of past ages. But the solitary watcher has unconsciously wandered forward till he finds himself standing close to the spot where Matthieson sung his elegy. Suddenly all falls back into shade, and before him stands a sublime image of the wrath and passions of man--the rifted tower--one part blown up and hurled, in one mighty mass, into the moat. In the vaulted chambers of the yet standing portion, the mysterious forms of heroes long gone down to the dust, seem to erect themselves, and to cry wo over the desolating fury of the French. The wanderer feels a momentary shiver pass through him--but he glances up to heaven, which expands above him in its glorious clearness--an image of divine peace and rest; the owl, with its dismal shout of joy, brings him back from his dreams, and in silence he descends to the silent city. How sweet 'tis in the air! No hateful tyrant there Scathes Nature's fair reign. No base adulator, No slanderous traitor, Empoisons the plain. _Salis_. The cool shades of the Wolfsbrunnen afford the student a delicious retreat in the heat of a summer's day; and many another spot of the vicinity are sought by him with equal delight, which have been already often sketched and described. This is not the place to attempt it, and were it, we should despair of saying any thing more on the natural beauties of Heidelberg; but we cannot resist quoting a few passages from a very popular article on Heidelberg in the Halle Year-Book. After the author has described the view from the balcony of the castle, he says, "While in the youthful mind the sentiment of an infinite fulness of life springs up from those rich and wide prospects, the stiller and more secret charms of the environs of Heidelberg allure it to thoughtful and more intimate observations of nature. The dark shadowy paths of the casile gardens invite to solitary walks. Every where on all hands hidden glens lead away into the mountains, and winding pathways provoke to farther advances, and conduct to continually fresh discoveries of charming valleys and woods, new views in the distance, and more romantic places of repose. At one place we quit the view of the ruin and the plain, where serene but busy life displays itself; a few steps forward, and the most profound solitude receives us; instead of the laughing fields and sloping vineyards, solemn thick beech woods, in which for hours we meet no trace of human existence, engulf us. We bury ourselves in the depths of the Odenwald--then suddenly we stand on the airy peak of the mountain, or a wide ravine rends itself out of the hill-side before us, and there again lies in our view the whole magnificence of the Rhine-plain at our feet! We see in the distance the ancient Worms, and the towers of Speir, and of Trifells, where King Richard sate in captivity; and yonder the ruins of the castle of Hambach; and in this one glance comes before us a vast fragment of history--the Niebelungen Lied, and the old holy Roman Empire, with its secular and spiritual Electors and Princes under the Emperor, and Luther before the Diet. And then sweep before us the Crusades; and then again the times in which the wild troops of Turenne came hither from behind that Rhine-stream, the French soldiers playing at ball, as they came, in the Dome of Speir, with the skulls of German kings; and finally, the latest scenes of the past, when upon that castle of Hambach the German and the French tricolour flapped on the same standard staff. And these histories which we have lived over again in this one view, are not yet dead and worn out, but still plant themselves in the very heart of the present, and intertwine themselves beneath our feet there, in many an intricate winding. A network of boundaries lies before us; every fresh glance falls on a fresh territory--upon a different race of the German people. There, towards the south, the ancient Swabia shadows itself forth; here, northward, Hesse divides itself from the Pfalz; there, beyond the river, contends the active French spirit against the strict old Bavarian discipline, and nourishes itself with its beloved traditions and daring hopes. Still farther off can we look into this very France itself, which for centuries has been so fatally disastrous to us. Those steam-vessels which cover the Rhine, and bear in them travellers of all nations, are ready to convey us upward to the foot of the Alps, or downward to the sea; and the busy and restless traffic, which moving between these points daily rushes to and fro, past us, there presses itself into the very centre of our field of vision." The reader must pardon us that we have permitted ourselves to be seduced by the charms of nature to inweave here what might perhaps have found a place in one of the last chapters; where indeed we propose to consider what influence the student life has on the spirit and mind of the pupil of Minerva. He will allow us now to return to our present subject. The more distant places the student seeks by means of a horse or carriage. The riding horses for hire are truly, for the most part, wretched jades. Even the means which the Renommist of Zachariæ used would prove unavailing here; and what he thus describes, on such Rosinantes as these could not come to pass. A spur-stroke and a curse gave wings unto his horse. The crack of ponderous whip, and rib-thumps, sans remorse, Sent him all foaming on, till almost, in a minute, The country lay behind him, the next, he was not in it. A peculiar class of equipages are let out in the university cities, and are hired by the student partly on account of their cheapness, but more especially, because he can charioteer himself. He styles these little chaises with one horse, a one-span, or one-engine. With one of these he undertakes journeys which, especially on Sundays, stretch themselves as far as Mannheim, to the Hardt mountains, to the Melibocus, or even to Karlsruhe and Baden-Baden. The persecuted horse who drags these vehicles, knows the way from Mannheim and other places, much better than his temporary master; and when in dark nights a one-engine goes wrong or comes to any accident it is for the most part because his driver will not let him have his own way. Many a time the poor beasts are so weary that the student can no longer urge them forward with the whip, and is obliged to have recourse to stones that he picks from the road. Water excursions are seldom undertaken, because the ill-constructed pleasure-boats do not allow him to guide them himself. The neighbourhood of so many beautiful countries incites the student to more extensive excursions, and he travels during the vacations, into Switzerland, the Rhine country, and other places, chiefly in company of a few friends. We may suppose it to be on some incident connected with one of these excursions that Uhland has founded his beautiful ballad of THE WIRTHIN'S DAUGHTER. Three students crossed over the Rhine-stream one day, 'Twas to a Frau Wirthin's they wended their way. "Frau Wirthin, hast thou good beer and wine, And where is that lovely daughter of thine!" "My beer and wine are fresh and clear; My dear daughter lies upon the death-bier!" And as they stepped to the innermost room, There she was lying robed for the tomb. The first he withdrew then the veiling screen, And gazed upon her with sorrowful mien: "Ah, wert thou living, fair flower of earth, How should I love thee from this day forth!" The second he covered the pale, dead face, And turn'd him round and wept apace: "Ah, there thou art lying on thy death-bier, And how have I loved thee for many a year!" The third he lifted once more the veil, And kissed her upon the lips so pale: "Thee I loved ever! yet love thee to-day! And still shall I love thee for aye and for aye!" That the student is not totally debarred from field-sports either, the number of game dogs that he keeps sufficiently testify. A tract of land lying along the Neckar, between Handschuhsheim and Dossenheim, is assigned to him as his sporting ground; yet he is forbidden by the law, to take any game-dog thither with him. This is probably to prevent damage to the autumnal and winter crops of the peasants; which would otherwise be sorely overrun by men and dogs. This regulation, and the high cultivation of this tract, are the cause that the solitary student, wandering thither with his gun, thinks himself lucky if he returns home with an odd hare or partridge. But he has also frequent admittance to other hunting-grounds which lie in the farms of different citizens. The amusement of fishing does not appear so very attractive to the German as to the Englishman, and one seldom now sees an isolated son of the Muses, who patiently watches the line which is thrown into the Neckar-stream, till a little fish befools itself with the bait. The student loves not that sort of fishing, which according to his German notion, seems at once a phlegmatic and tedious business; and there is a caricature of an Englishman made by the students, which represents him as sitting patiently watching his float so long, that a spider had spun his web in the angle of the rod and line, and had already caught several flies there before the fisherman had hooked a single fin. Before we quit the summer pleasures of the student, we must say a few words on the _Kirchweihs_--wakes. The reader must not alarm himself with the fear that we are going to bore him with an essay on church solemnities--we allude only to those popular festivities with which the anniversary of the dedication of a church is celebrated. As is often the case, this feast has lost its original intention; scarcely any one thinks of the meaning of the word, which in the mouth of the ordinary people is corrupted to _Kerve_. Every little nest, much too poor for the possession of a church, yes, many an individual public house, even, has its particular Kirchweih. By what authority it has usurped this name and holiday, nobody troubles himself to inquire. People are quite contented that, through these Kirchweihen, of which one or more fall out within their reach every Sunday during the summer, they find occasion to dance, drink, and sing. From every city gate then presses forth a motley group; the worthy burger, the Handwerksbursche, the alert young dressmaker, the homely housemaid, all are crowding forward in a promiscuous throng. Amongst them one descries companies of a higher grade, which rejoice themselves in the splendid summer's day. So gladly each sans himself to-day! * * * * * Out of low houses, with damp, dull rooms; Out of the bonds of labour and trade; Out of the crash of the narrow alleys; Out of the church's reverent night,-- They all are brought forth into the light. See! only see! how nimbly sallies The multitude, scattering through garden and field; How it gaily again on the broad flood rallies, Alive with all joys that boats can yield. Who has not called to mind these lines of the great master, when he has looked on the stream of the popular throng that has swept on towards one of the resorts of holiday pleasures. In the midst of this tumult the students are also to be seen following the current of the great stream in smaller or greater companies. If in modern times the singular attire less distinguishes him from the crowd, yet the practised eye readily singles out the student from the Handwerksbursche and the shop assistant. On the countenance of the Handworker we see displayed the joy which he feels to find himself once more for a day able to flee from the dusty workship, and the pride of showing himself in his Sunday bravery, in the astonished eyes, as he believes, of the world. This holiday array he has truly often thrown upon his back in a queer enough style. In black frock coat, white trousers, high cravat, and glittering boots, stalks he clumsily along, and his rude taste extends itself to the very pipe which he carries in his hand. On the contrary, the Pendulum has clad himself after the newest French fashion. All is smoothed and polished off to a nicety. He looks like a dish that the hungry Nero has licked into the most elegant cleanness. Scarcely dare he turn himself in his beautiful clothes lest he should crumple the ornate and artistical knot of his neckcloth; lest he should derange the nice tornure of his locks. He wheels himself aside only to see whether the admiring gaze of the fair sex is not following him. "_Nöthig_," would the student say--that is, "it would be well for him if it did!" The student disdains, Knoten-like, to beautify himself on a Sunday. One day is like another to him; he can devote it either to study or to pleasure. So, as on other days, he lounges carelessly along. His attire is not studied, but it is convenient; and according to individual taste, more or less excellently chosen. A short frock-coat, often of a peculiar cut, and the little cap, are all that distinguish him. Formerly, indeed, the costume, one entire singularity, and the coloured Chore-ribbands, the variegated cap, and the tri-colour of the Burschenschaft, were worn openly. But in spite of all this, nothing is so easy as to recognise the student by his free and self-possessed carriage. Saucily, often haughtily, he observes the groups of onward-pouring people, without turning a step out of his track; careless whether he be an object of notice, being only too secure that he is. So leaves he the city Besom to the Handwerksbursche, nodding, however, a passing greeting to this and the other as they go by, assured that, arrived at the dancing place, they will speedily forsake the Knoten to fly to the arms of the more favoured dancer. I catch the hamlet's stir and cheer, The people's genuine heaven is here! Here great and small shoot glad and free, Here I'm a man--here may one be! The Kirchweihs which in the neighbourhood of Heidelberg are the most noted, are those of Neckarsteinach and Kirscheim. Thither, some years ago, some of the most conspicuous burger families were accustomed to make an annual rustic pilgrimage of pleasure. This glory is gone by; yet we would recommend the latter still as the best place in which for the stranger to witness this folks'-feast, if so we may term it. We follow the sound of obstreperous music, and enter a garden, where a motley multitude presents itself to our sight. All the tables are filled; people eat and drink, chatter and smoke, laugh and sing, all in one chaos of merry confusion. Hither and thither, where an impatient guest thumps vigorously on the table with his glass, run the waiters--in the student's tongue, Faxe. At one table an honest burger company has planted itself, and over a glass of wine, weigh seriously whether the European balance of power can be maintained, and criticise the government of the city. No, no, I like him not; our span-new burgermaster, As he's so bold already, he'll come it thick and faster. And for the town, what doth he, pray? Gets it not worse then every day! Certain youngsters have seated themselves beside them in a state of considerable perplexity, whether they shall be held fast by the wise conversation of these elders, or shall follow the bewitching sounds of youthful merriment. At the next table, a knot of Bauers carry on a zealous discourse, of which one catches these syllables in passing,--"Oney think o'that, now; that the thing can run so wi'out bosses. It's got the divil in't's body, an' that the outlandish folk have fun' out again!" It is the railroads that have thrown the fat farmers into such a heat, and they raise themselves into such a fidget with talking of the steam-engines, that they blow as much smoke out of their earthen pipes, called by the students _earthly_ pipes, as the engines themselves can send out steam. But at another table we behold the dear image of youth. The Handwerksbursch, who treats his maiden with wine and cakes; the school youth who is there playing off the bursche before them, but looks round, ever and anon, lest the original that he is counterfeiting be near, or his teacher, who walking this way might reprove his presumption; the fresh country maiden, and the gay damsel of the city, all desire to make themselves amiable, and seek by their tittering and laughter, to let every one observe that they are capitally entertained by their swains. One table is occupied by the students, who, revelling in a rich repast, now look up at the beauty of the Neckar-Thal, and now mix themselves in the throng, whispering with this and that maiden, to whom their shepherds cast frowns like thunderclouds. But careless of this, the sons of the Muses conduct them forward to the dancing-floor: And all already dance like mad-- Juchhe! Juchhe! Juchheisa! Heisa! Ha! So goes the fiddle-bow. Faster and faster goes the music, and ever madder whirls the waltz. In complete equality and freedom seem here the most opposite elements to be mingled. The atmosphere is already smothering hot, and clouds of dost fly up. But that matters not. He that finds it too hot flings off his coat, and dances in his shirt sleeves; he that does not find the music keep time, helps it with the stamping of his foot. All seems totally happy--all unity. But the wine has, meantime, heated their heads, and suddenly in one corner of the hall rises a terrible hubbub. The strife has arisen about that maiden who, there weeping, endeavours to part the combatants. "What would the silly Knoten?" cries a student Then springs wrathfully forth a brisk tailor. "What be we? Knoten be we? dirt be we? Who says that, is an ass, and I say it!" A swarm of students that have rushed into the saloon raise a burst of hearty laughter. Then blazes the wrath of the Handwerksburschen; "Brother Hamburger! brother Leipsicer!" they cry. Numbers of them rush together, and strike with sticks, chair-legs, and bottles, at the little knot of students furiously, who grimly stand on their defence. The Bursche shouts-- "Let each man arm himself like me, with sturdy stang, And chase unto destruction the beastly Lumpen gang." 'Tis said and it is done! Bellona storms on high, And the battle is renewed with menace and reply. _Zachariæ's Renommist_. But bravery must yield to multitudes. They now begin to quit the bloody battle-field, Yet slowly draw they off, and scarcely seem to yield; And loath unto the base their noble backs to show, They whirl their last club at them, as from the ground they go. _Ibid_. Even the fair ones have divided themselves into two parties, and one detachment wheels off with the overpowered body that they may enjoy the happiness of wandering homewards on the arm of the Bursche. This burlesque student song on the Handwerksburschen is very descriptive of these scenes: GOD GREET THEE, BROTHER STRAUBINGER. God greet thee, Brother Straubinger, I'am glad to meet thee though; Perhaps it is unknown to thee, That from Heidelberg I go. The master and the mistress, Of them I can't complain, But with these gents, the students, No mortal can contain. I lately bought me in the fair, A band, red, black, and golden, And hung my watch to it, that there From falling 't might be holden. Fierce as a horse a Bursch appears, And at me right he batters; He dashed the watch about my ears, The riband tore to tatters.[23] And as I in the Faulen-Beltz[24] Was with my sweetheart sitting, He nicknamed me a Knotenpeltz, For such fat Besom fitting[25] As in the dance I whirled about, They 'gan to stamp and rumble; The Senius stretched his leg so out,[26] That I must o'er it tumble. I'll off by Zurich unto Berne, And there I think to stay, so; And if my sweetheart false should turn, She may write to me, and say so. I must be stupid as an ass, Or as three oxen, fully, If I should suffer such a pass From this Studenten bully. We, in conclusion may mention among the summer pleasures of the student, the game at nine-pins, to which the son of Minerva devotes many an hour. Yet to describe the various kinds of this game, would prove, probably, a little wearisome. The student uses the same as all the other classes of people in Germany, and which are, perhaps, already familiar to the foreigner. CHAPTER XI. WINTER AMUSEMENTS OF THE STUDENT. He who lives out of himself, always does better than he who lives in himself. _Seume_. Let us now devote a few pages to the pleasures of winter. If we give a distinguished place amongst these, to the amusements which the Museum, and many private circles afford, we must at the same time admit that particular circumstances prevent the students to any great extent seeking the latter. But as these circles are easy of access to the well-bred student even without letters of introduction, if he is at the pains to seek that introduction himself, we can by no means omit their mention. In the houses of professors and other leading families of the place, the student is hospitably received. Reading, music, social games, and the dance, here furnish an inexhaustible source of entertainment. Here he finds an opportunity to accomplish himself in social habits, and by polishing the rough outside to discover that solid interior which can best be strengthened and perfected by a union of active intercourse with knowledge; and who will deny that this desirable condition is alone to be attained by the society of refined and accomplished women? With softest persuasion and gentlest prayers, The sceptre of manners sweet Woman still bears; Extinguishes discord, which ragingly glows-- Teaches wild powers that malignantly fight. Themselves in her own lovely form to unite, And combines what in nature else separately flows. _Schiller's Duties of Women_. The student the more gladly joins these circles, as he is sure always to find some of his companions already there, for the dance-loving host continually recruits its members from the sons of Minerva. On the other hand, the Museum presents manifold points of contact between the students and higher classes of the inhabitants of the city. We again avail ourselves of some remarks exactly to the point, out of the Halle Year-Book. The author of the article says, "Heidelberg is only a city of moderate size, but it contains sufficient elements for a superior society. In the next place, it has formed itself into various small circles, into which also the student of good disposition and accordant taste readily procures admittance, and where he finds himself received with simple cordiality. Most of the professors, are very accessible to individual students, and throw in their way opportunities for a more close literary intimacy; many of them thereby frequently collect round them large social circles. "In the next place, many English families, which have taken up their abode for a time in Heidelberg, offer desirable points of union to various lively social circles there; and with them vie other strangers, possessors of estates in the immediate vicinity of the city, amongst which in this respect is particularly well known the hospitable Stift Neuberg. Many of the substantial burgers of Heidelberg also endeavour to furnish those students that seek their acquaintance by letters of introduction, or otherwise, with the amenities of social exhilaration and improvement. These opportunities for a worthy enjoyment of life are accepted by a great part of the students in the best spirit, and to evident advantage. Walks in company and excursions into the surrounding country in summer, and musical entertainments in winter, bring the students into amalgamation with city society, subject their freedom of thought to the wholesome restraints of good manners, and give to their enjoyment of life at once scope and modification. But all these different circles find themselves included and brought together into a comprehensive social unity, in the Museum. This establishment founded as a joint-stock property by the inhabitants and professors of the city, is of high value both to the social life of Heidelberg in general, and in particular to the student world. For a moderate yearly subscription, the student becomes a member of this union, and through that a partaker of its social pleasures; enjoys the advantage of access to a rich collection of political, scientific, and literary periodicals, and new works; and is even entitled to a certain co-operation in the affairs of the union; a portion of the ball-directors, for instance, being elected from amongst them. The spacious and handsome suite of apartments in the Museum, which are always open to the members, give the most preferable opportunities to the students for having a common table, and for other social meetings, and by this means brings about a more extensive intimacy and acquaintance amongst these young people. But especially is the independent manner and estimation with which they see themselves received in such a union, an incentive to them to maintain this position with urbanity and moderation; and the social equality with their teachers which here prevails, far from diminishing their respect for them, serves only, through the confidence reposed in them, to elevate and ennoble them. Inconceivable is the auspicious influence of the Museum on the conduct of the students, and their good understanding with the professors, and with the whole of the best society of the city; and the cases are rare in which any one by a wanton disturbance of the general enjoyment, loses sight of that discretion which the company expects from him. Truly not all the students have the taste for these nobler social pleasures, which are offered to them in so friendly and disinterested a manner. They who regard the established rules of social manners as a restraint, incompatible with the enjoyment of their academical freedom, seek less select circles, where such rules are more freely dispensed with. The society of the middle classes of Heidelberg, though decent and lively, yet wants that higher finish which elevates the young man, while it compels him to watchfulness over himself. The student feels himself above the society of such circles, and, as only too frequently happens, he makes them feel his superiority in an unbecoming manner, making them the butts of his wit, and the objects of his wanton humours. The Heidelberg citizens have had repeated occasion to rue this overbearing spirit of the students, and they have never, and can never be able to establish a more satisfactory and secure relationship with such society." But the life of a large city comes near enough to the Heidelberg students. The Mannheim theatre is chiefly filled by persons from Heidelberg; the saloons of Mannheim society, in which the exclusiveness of English high life, and of German aristocracy, appear softened by French urbanity and South-German good-nature, are not impassable to him; and the more favoured may, in the little court of the widowed Grand Duchess Stephanie, become acquainted with the fine yet easy manners of a circle distinguished by birth and accomplishment. Many a romance weaves itself here in the intercourse of the social circles--in the crowd of the ball-room; and strong chains of love often become fabricated, which conduct the maiden far from the walls of Heidelberg, and teach her to forget, on a distant hearth, her beautiful native home. If on a lovely summer's night we linger late on the castle height, we often, as we return, become the partakers of the enjoyment of a serenade, the offering which a son of Minerva brings to show to his chosen one his watchfulness. At a distance we listen to a beautiful song, whose delivery, full of tenderness and feeling, is supported by the accompaniment of a guitar. TRUE LOVE. When in the gloomy midnight deep My solitary watch I keep, I think on her I left behind, And ask is she still true and kind. When I was forced to march away, How warm a kiss she gave that day; With ribands bright my cap she drest, And clasped me to her faithful breast. She loves me well, to me is kind, Therefore I keep a cheerful mind: Through coldest nights my bosom glows Whene'er on her my thoughts repose. Now by the dim lamp's feeble light, Perchance upon thy bed to-night Thy thoughts to thy beloved are given, With nightly prayer for him to Heaven! O, if thou weep'st by grief distressed, To think of me with danger prest, Be calm, God keeps me every where, A faithful soldier is his care! Or we follow with insatiate ear the accord which sends to us through the stillness of the night a full concert of wind music. There, under the window, see we scattered light glimmer, and by degrees perceive the separate music-desks, round which the dark figures have ranged themselves. But the third piece is ended, and all sinks back into the stillness of night. Many a son of the Muses is detained in Ruperto-Carolo, fast bound by bonds of gentle witchcraft, till the father's stern behest compels him to tear himself from this paradise. THE DEPARTURE. What rings and what sings in the streets so down there? Open the windows, ye maids so fair. 'Tis the Bursche, away he windeth, The Comitat him attendeth. The others go shouting and wave their hats round, With ribands and flowers all glowingly crowned; But the Burschè, he loves not this riot, In the centre goes pale and quiet. Loud clash now the tankards, bright sparkles the wine, "Drink out, and again drink, dear brother mine!" "With the farewell-wine there outfloweth, What so deep in my heart now gloweth." The very last house which they go by-- A maiden looks down from the window so high; Fain hides she her tearful gushes With wallflowers rich and sweet rose-bushes. The very last house that they go by The Burschè there lifteth up his eye; Then sinks it, his pain betraying,-- His hand on his heart now laying. "Sir Brother! and hast thou then no bouquet? See, flowers there are nodding and waving so gay! Hillo! thou loveliest dear one,-- Of thy nosegays now fling us here one!" 'Ye Brothers! what can that nosegay do? I now have no loving Liebschen like you. In the sun it will droop and wither;-- The wind blow it hither and thither!' And farther and farther with clang and song! And sadly listens that maiden long. "O, wo! and the youth removeth, Whom only my heart still loveth.-- "Here stand I, ah! in my love profound, With roses and with wallflowers around-- And he for whom all I would sever, He's gone--and gone for ever!" So marches he forth, and--"other cities, other maidens!" If the stranger suffer himself, by his hunger after fresh air, to be led away, in the days of a strong winter, to the hills above Heidelberg, how monotonous and wild appears to him there nature in her funeral robes. The mountains, the valleys, all wrapt in that white winding sheet, are silent. From a distance only comes a heavy sound, as the ice-covering of the Neckar is heaved and rifted by the combating flood that rushes beneath it. That feeling of solitude seizes him, and he follows the course of a small stream which will, however, conduct him again to the banks of the Neckar. The water, whose course he has followed, has wonderfully wrought the leaves and the grass into fantastical ice-forms; while, above him, hang from the rocks enormous icicles, glittering in the wintry light like crystal daggers. Again he finds himself by the mirror-like surface of the wintry flood, and behold! the uniformity of nature has only enabled man to multiply his pleasures. A glad multitude here is full of life and activity. With delight the eye follows the skilful skater, as he now, with wonderful rapidity flies right forward, now winds in graceful sweeps and circles through the human mass. He moves so freely and easily, that his art would appear quite destitute of art, did we not see the learner in his first attempts tumbling at every trial, till exhausted, he stands and watches, with envious eye, the evolutions of the practised student. The ice-field becomes every moment fuller and fuller, till the strongly congealed surface can scarcely support the hundreds which crowd upon it. And there comes a troop of blooming ladies, hastening down the steep bank of the Neckar. They descend the narrow path, slippery with frozen snow, cautiously, and a troop of their worshippers fly to receive them, place them triumphantly in the chair-sledges, and pushing them before them, vie with each other in sending them, with flying speed, over the crystal ice-plain far away. Nothing can well make so vivid an impression on the foreigner, especially on the Englishman, as the sledging processions, which, as soon as the snow is trodden hard enough to bear, may be daily seen issuing from Heidelberg. Sometimes we see individual sledges, which are of striking appearance, gliding rapidly through the streets; then greater sledge-parties, which the students make amongst themselves, or in association with some of the inhabitants. A troop of fore-riders, with the thundering cracks of their heavy whips, announce the approach of the sledge of the lady of honour, drawn by four horses. Then follows a long train of sledges, each with two horses, and each containing only one lady and gentleman. These sledge-parties afford much amusement to the students, and opportunities for many a frolic, and the Chores vie in outshining each other in ingeniously planned and splendidly achieved processions. In earlier times masked sledge-parties were the order of the day; but, in consequence of many well-known and distinguished individuals of the university city being represented, or rather misrepresented, they are now formally forbidden. Even the ladies, and the venerable heads of the senate, were not secure from the caricaturing of the students. Thus a stranger related to me, with great horror, that he had met a great company of ladies and gentlemen in sledges; all the ladies had wafted to him hand-kisses, and, _horribile dictu!_ at the very next confectioner's, the ladies, with evident delight, had each drunk a glass of brandy! We recollect a winter, some years ago, that was particularly distinguished by these pranks. In the first place, one of the Chores set out a sledge procession, which was imposing from the number of its sledges and the brilliance of its torches, which were carried by the whole assembled body of Boot-foxes. But this was speedily cast into the shade by another. The second Chore celebrated a Bauer's wedding, riding and driving in numerous sledges, in the Sunday attire of Bauers and Bauerinen, the country people and their wives, old and young, masked, into a neighbouring village, the sledge of the feigned bride and bridegroom being richly garlanded, and there, this fictitious pair--a couple of disguised students--were solemnly conducted through the ceremony of a marriage. A third Chore then, in order to strike out something more piquant, undertook a voyage by land. A number of Neckar boats were secured on sledges. They were all bravely rigged and equipped with sails, masts, and cordage, and sailors were in full activity, each crew zealous to maintain the honour of their ship. Some of them were seen with huge spy-glasses looking out ahead in the streets, to descry any dangerous rocks that might lie in their track, which might obstruct or fatally terminate their voyage. And behold! all was suddenly at a stand--the sign of a Beer-Kneip was the rock on which they struck. All hands were now busy in trying to rescue the ship from this perilous situation, and the way they went to work was to blow it with a vast number of pairs of bellows, in order to send a very tempest of wind into the sails. The captain gave his commands, in masterly style, through his huge speaking-trumpet, and at length the vessel heaved off, and all was quickly again under sail, the whole body singing-- THE GALLANT SHIP IS GOING. The gallant ship is going, The strong east wind is blowing, The far-off fading strand Shows no longer, Yet glows stronger Love unto my native land. Billows dark blue foaming, Tell me, are ye coming From that dear distant strand? Let them flow then, Since they go then Back unto my native land! And as the billow breaks there, Love's heart and ear yet wakes there; O speed to her away! Kindly meet her, Kindly greet her? For of me you've much to say! Seas from thee may tear me, But my thoughts still bear me To thee in that dear land; What I sing now, Winds shall wing now, Till it reach that far-off strand. When high the waves are rearing, And wild the storm's careering, Then think I but on thee; Who dost change not, Who dost range not, And no storms can trouble me! All the songs I yet may sing thee, Other, nearer winds shall wing thee, Soon the port will lie in view; These I'll sing thee, These I'll bring thee, And with them a heart that's true! Another winter the luxury of this amusement had advanced so far that, from beginning at first with one horse, the students had now arrived at having from six to eight in each sledge, and the academical senate felt itself called upon to put a stop to this extravagant proceeding. It forbade them in future to sledge with so many horses. What a set-out was seen the next day! An old superannuated hack was harnessed to the most miserable sledge that the city could furnish, and dragged it along with the last remains of his strength. In this neat equipage were packed together a dozen students, almost upon one another's shoulders; and if the wretched beast, scarcely capable of putting one foot beyond another, was disposed to stand still, he was urged to further exertion by a horribly ugly, humpbacked, and limping ostler, going before him, and holding before his nose a most fragrant and ravishing lock of hay. At length they reached the first inn, where they called for a choppin of beer, had it divided into twelve glasses, and thus, with about a spoonful each, attempted to quench their thirst. Here they were encountered by the inexorable beadle, or poodle, as they style him, and commanded to withdraw so flagrant a satire on the worshipful senate's decree. On the following day a modest sledge was drawn slowly through the street where this stern enforcer of academical laws resided, in which sate a poodle, whose mouth a student held close with his hand, while another offered him a crown dollar. Not content with this significant emblem, which held up the _official_ poodle to suspicion, as though he too might have his mouth stopped by a sufficient motive, in the evening came a crowd of boys, following, in wonder, two students, who, to avoid falling under the stringent restrictions of the senate, had adopted a new mode of sledging. One lay down on his back sledgeways, and being drawn to some distance, by his legs, by his companion; then arose, and drew his comrade in the same fashion, the whole being attended by a train of torches, so that all the world might see it. But enough of these mad pranks; these were in past times. The sons of the Muses are now contented to distinguish their sledging-parties by their numbers rather than their extravagance, and instead of writhing under senatorial restraints, put on themselves, the pleasant restraint of reason and good taste, and furnishing a holiday spectacle to the city, enjoy themselves a day of social hilarity. We have stated that after dinner the student seeks his coffeehouse, and is not ashamed with a billiard party or with a game of cards to kill an hour or two. The last amusement particularly will many of them only too passionately pursue; and indeed Play, at the bank, as in Wiesbaden, or Baden-Baden, whither they make excursions, has plunged many of them already into great trouble. The student has invented many games at cards, which are played, partly for money, partly for beer, and bear peculiar names, as Cerevies, Pereat, Schlauch, etc. When the student has in the evening visited his kneip, whither we will presently join him, he has then brought his day's work famously to a close, and the reader will join in the chorus when he sings-- Thus we students,--you may see so,-- Daily fun-fall, blithe, uproarious, Burschen ever, could it be so! For the Bursche is ever glorious! CHAPTER XII. THE STUDENT'S EVENING PARTY, WITH ALL ITS CONVERSATIONS, STORIES, DISCUSSIONS, SONGS, AND CUSTOMS. My spirit with pleasure now fain would I fill, And blithe little images gather at will: Understand--all poetic--I'm young but the while, And most actively study the humorous style. _Renommist of Zachariæ_. At the time from which we seek to borrow these pictures of student life, there lived in Heidelberg the young musician Hoffmann. He had taken refuge in Ruperto-Carolo from the petty intrigues of the theatrical world, in which occupying a place in the orchestra, he had moved long enough in a neighbouring greater city to become thoroughly weary of it. His creative spirit, his glowing fancy, a certain poetical style, marked him out and gave promise that he would one day enrich that noble art of music, into whose depths he strove enthusiastically to penetrate, with no ordinary performances. The means only had been wanting to ripen in him, taking, as he did, the most lively interest in every artistical and scientific pursuit, to the most beautiful developement, the rich abundance of his talents. How could it then be otherwise than that he should now find himself so happy in the midst of the congenial life and movement of that university city, and in the enjoyment of its natural beauties; that he should be transported to find so many points of agreement between himself and the student youth. He felt the truth of Goethe's words:--"This academical life, even if we cannot boast ourselves of having partaken of its peculiar diligence, yet affords incalculable advantages for every species of accomplishment, since we are perpetually surrounded by men who either possess knowledge, or seek it, so that in such an atmosphere, even while ourselves are unconscious of it, we draw actual nourishment."--_Wahrheit und Dichtung_. The amiability of the young Hoffmann, and his social talents, soon gathered a circle of friends around him, and now they all came together to celebrate joyfully his birthday. His invitations, which he clad in various forms of doggerel rhyme, having been sent round, were received with gladness, since every one felt that he had never known ennui in the house of Madame H., No. 9, since Hoffmann had resided there. The room itself was of so handsome a size; the platform which raised it in one part, gave it a peculiar aspect, and on this elevation he was accustomed to solace himself with his solitary music. It also afforded Hoffmann a particular pleasure to preserve all memorials of friendship and pleasant times carefully, and to decorate his room with them. Thus, therefore, many such things as masks, bouquets, ribands, and sketches made by himself and by his friends, tastefully adorned the room. In a word, the apartment was so agreeable, that every one speedily felt himself at home in it. The tea-table was ready set out, the pipes filled, and a cheerful fire flickered in the stove, round which the already arrived guests had grouped themselves, and heard with pleasure the dismal northeast wind whistle and roar without. The reader has already been made acquainted with the student Freisleben, and with Eckhard likewise, under the name of the Friend. We shall therefore only remark, that they and the greater number of the other guests had appeared in their morning-gowns; we restrain ourselves from describing their exteriors farther, lest we should fall under the suspicion that we have in our eye actual and particular persons. Freisleben was in his behaviour grave, and somewhat introverted, especially in large companies; but he became, amongst familiar friends, especially when he was upon favourite subjects, open and lively. His views of life were serious; and he was accustomed to conceal them diligently from the eyes of others, and if any sought to look into him a little more than was agreeable, he would sometimes set on and chatter a good deal of mystifying nonsense. What others had no conception of, either in him or concerning him, his familiar friends, however, knew right well, amongst whom was Hoffmann. They knew that under his quiet exterior, lay hidden a mind peculiarly alive to all that was good and beautiful; yea, that his outward coldness was at the greatest in the very moment that his spirit was the most deeply stirred. If he hated or loved any one, that knew he very ill to conceal. For the rest, he was tolerably firm in his principles, and knew how at the right time to act for himself and his friends; and his failing was only in the time of inactivity a too great weakness of resolve, and a certain romantic turn of thought, which in the company of amiable ladies brought his peace too easily into danger. He had pursued the study of medicine by no means with a onesided view. His neighbour, the Herr von Kronen, a native of H----, was to a certain degree, his opposite; and yet the two agreed right well together. Kronen had something formal and reserved in his disposition, without being unfriendly. He carried himself with secure tact in all society, and his sagacity enabled him to see through every one, and treat them aright, without seeming for that purpose in the least to have altered his own behaviour. He was far from troubling himself about the approbation of others, and there were very few people of whose good opinion he was desirous. He was a searching inquirer, and permitted no impression to fix itself upon his mind till his understanding had examined it on all sides. He was cautious in his judgment, and was thoroughly candid towards every sufficiently intimate acquaintance. He had met with many bitter experiences in life, and was once cruelly deceived by a lady. Thence originated his dislike of all women, which, however, he gratified by making court to them all, and turning the most foolish of them into ridicule. On this head he came often into contention with Freisleben, who, on his side, ranked women very high, and had a great opinion of their general worth. His favourite study was history; and he had obvious talents for a good diplomatist. On the contrary, Eckhard was a jurist, good, true, honest, and had a practical look. He was always joyous, and never averse to the enjoyments of life. He stood freely and firmly by his friends, especially when it came to a duel. His failing was an all too-great Pfalzish bluntness. He promised one day to become a right able man of business. This was the company which had seated itself round the stove, and waited the arrival of the rest. They entertained themselves with scientific subjects, and had got down so deep into them, that they scarcely noticed how two new guests came rattling up the steps. With much bustle and noise appeared now the Jurist Enderlin, and the student of medicine Pittschaft, whom at first it was not very easy to recognise, so famously had he wrapped himself in coats, morning coats, cloaks, and fur cap, against the cold. As to Enderlin, every one knew that he was a good, inconsiderate fellow, who was constantly merry even almost to dissipation; with a piercing voice and a Pomeranian gibberish of a dialect; was perpetually disputing, and only too ready to rush into a quarrel. His study, jurisprudence, occasioned him no sleepless nights. Enderlin.--Good evening, gentlemen! I have the honour to present to you the great physician from Petersburg. I must beseech you to help me to free him from some of the ballast that he has loaded himself with, lest the disrespectful wind should so hurry his slow and reverend steps that he might have been taken for a locomotive engine. Eckhard now assisted Enderlin to wind their friend out of his wrappers, as an onion is stripped peel after peel. Rind after rind was abstracted, till it was feared that nothing at all would be left. But the fear was vain, for what of Pittschaft finally was rolled out, it required no microscope to discover. Pittschaft far exceeded his friend in good nature, and was accustomed often to become his joke. Yet he was one of the few, who, although they often become the object of much merriment and laughter, yet never sink in the liking and respect of their friends thereby. New schemes and plans were continually running through his head, and his especial pleasure was to reconcile again to each other, friends between whom any distance or misunderstanding had arisen. He treated all matters with great importance; had many especial friends; and decided upon things even when he knew very little about them, in the most learned manner. Wavering in his opinions, he followed willingly the counsel of his friends, and with as good will gave counsel to others, and that even without ever being asked. It often sorely troubled him that, though he had always the very best intentions, he seldom could bring to bear what he attempted, yet he soon comforted himself again, through the natural and acquired endowments and talents which he was conscious of possessing. Hoffmann.--Where then have you left our Briton, who is seldom so dilatory when a cup of tea is in question? Pittschaft.--He is so busy now studying the art of smoking that he is gone to a bookseller's to purchase a compendium upon it. Eckhard.--How do you like our new protegé, Mr. Traveller, then? Pittschaft.--O, that is a regularly clever fellow. He seems so very desirous to strike up a friendship with me. We have already exchanged our views upon many weighty matters. Hoffmann.--Without doubt thou hast been the only winner by the exchange, for the Englishman is a really amiable fellow. He takes a much more ready interest in every thing than his countrymen are wont to do; and he pleases us especially in this, that he knows how to value what is foreign; that he does not, as his countrymen commonly do, estimate the worth of a thing entirely by its resemblance, or dissimilarity to what is English. He has a sound judgment, and puts his questions in that manner, that one has a pleasure in answering them. Von Kronen.--Yes, I wo'nt have the English inveighed against. They are an able people, of good kernel, and one must pardon them their singularities. Hoffmann.--Only it is a pity that the taste for music is nearly lost to them. I have often been vexed with it. When they admire a musical performance, it generally happens that it is only because it is by some celebrated master. Eckhard.--They must be excused in many cases, because they are so completely the slaves of ceremonial; but if they only come awhile amongst us, they soon can unlearn that, and become in society as free a people as they are already a political one. Enderlin.--They are famous fellows these English, and box like the devil. Nothing would give me so much pleasure as to have a round with one of them for once. We would see, however, whether I could not upset him with my Pomerlandish head. Freisleben.--I have made the acquaintance of many of the Britons, whose society afforded me a genuine pleasure. Their noble independence, the cool courage, the practical eye, their love of freedom, their straightforwardness, make them worthy of esteem, although one sometimes sees these shining qualities disfigured by egotism and indifference. Of the women, I will not speak. "On the Rhine, are the ladies very fine." "In Saxony also, the lovely maidens grow." That is all very good; but in England, I believe, were I there, I should fall in love at least once every day. Von Kronen.--Ah! now we're off on the high road to sentimentality! It will not be long before he will give it you line and verse--"how man can only be ennobled by intercourse with most-to-be-adored woman." He will sing you "the joys of the beloved;" "the noble resolves, which out of an heart," etc. etc., and other such nonsense. No, these women are wicked creatures, that play with us, as Master Flea in Hoffmann says--as the cat with the mouse. But when thou hast learned to reverse that play, then art thou the true master. Recollect what Lichtenberg says,--The expressions--"to give a heart," "to give favour," are poetical expressions. Maidens don't give their hearts away, they sell them for money, or honour, or they exchange them for others, in which exchange they either have, or fancy they have, the advantage. Freisleben.--He who honoureth not woman, and woman's mind to---- Von Kronen.--Phoh! cease all that. If thou dost not give over I shall run into the street that the wind may blow the stuff out of my ears. This is the consequence of thy associating so much of late with that Krusenstern, who makes such an everlasting sentimental face, like a goose that has had the feathers plucked out of its living body. They should stuff him with Indian corn, and hang him in the smoke, that they might grow him a good liver, with its appendage, a gall-bladder. Freisleben.--Thou judgest to-day, contrary to thy wont, rashly upon my friend. Thy judgment is false and unjust; but that arises from thy knowing his history. The poor fellow is deeply to be pitied. Pittschaft.--Freisleben, let us hear the story. We are all curious; and thou knowest it will remain amongst us friends. Hoffmann.--See there! At length appears Mr. Traveller! Good evening. Take off your things. Seat yourself by the stove: here is a pipe, and here the Fidibus. Mr. Traveller.--Best thanks! Ha, it is savagely cold without; but here, thank God, it is warm and comfortable. But I have disturbed the gentlemen! Hoffmann.--Not at all. Freisleben is about to tell the story of an unfortunate student. I fancy you would take an interest in it too. Mr. Traveller.--I am all ear. STORY OF KRUSENSTERN AND AVENSLEBEN. Freisleben.--Krusenstern, whose pale and wasted figure you now see passing silently about, was not always so. Once he was one of the handsomest students that the walls of Ruperto-Carolo ever enclosed. Every endowment that honours man, adorned him; that, even his envier must admit Nature had richly crowned him with her gifts; and the education he, sprung from one of the richest mercantile families of the city of N----, enjoyed, had brought those gifts to their highest perfection; but he had one shadow-side, and this was his choleric temperament; a failing sufficient to plunge him into ruin. Similar studies, similar sentiments united him in a strong bond of friendship with Von Avensleben, the only son of a house of ancient nobility. It was now in the year before his examination that he first saw and became acquainted with the sister of his friend; a most amiable lady, who then resided some time with her parents in the city of Heidelberg. His manly nature, free from all rudeness; his attractive demeanour, which a fine feeling of propriety pervaded; and his finished education, won him the heart of the damsel, and he testified to me that he had found in her that ideal which he had before continually sought in vain. I had the happiness to know the amiable family of the young lady, and recall with a melancholy joy the time which I spent amongst these good, and then so happy, people. The widow Von Avensleben was as much distinguished for her high accomplishment as for her most unassuming disposition. She was well acquainted with the master works of German and foreign literature; and her knowledge of the world, and her nice tact, gave to her conversation a peculiar charm. She embraced her children in her innermost heart, her constant care was to smooth out every slightest trace of discord between them; and if she had a failing, it was her too great indulgence of them. Amalia was the eldest daughter. She might be compared to one of those noble metals, which, because not vainly glittering on the surface, escape the eyes of ordinary men: but the noble ore conceals not its peculiar qualities from the knowing eye, which the more he observes, the more beautifully they discover themselves, and satisfy him that the pure metal requires no further refinement. In personal beauty inferior to her sister, the maiden had earlier advanced to a reflection upon herself and others, and her clear understanding enabled her to arrive at noble and free views of the true worth of outward things, and of her own mind. Thus she had early demonstrated that she was capable of the greatest sacrifices for her friends--for her friends, who were chosen after mature consideration, and in which choice womanly sagacity and fine feeling were her guides. Her youthful timidity gave place, as she first became conscious of her worth, to a noble assurance. She judged others with indulgence, but hesitated not to speak out what was an acknowledged truth, even when that truth was not flattering to another. Thus showed she herself constantly as a noble and true soul, which one must continue to love more and more. The little Maria was not so circumspect as her sister. As a lovely butterfly, she fluttered from flower to flower, extracting from each the best honey. Her vivacity led her to embrace whatever was good and beautiful with heartiness; but exactly because every thing is not good and beautiful, was indispensable to her a change of the flowers from which she drew nourishment. She knew how to show herself friendly and full of kindness to all who felt themselves compelled to pay to her the tribute of her love-worthiness, without tyrannically abusing her magic wand. But, when she sometimes saw that the lovely and brilliant side of a thing had too much biassed her frequently too predominant feeling; when she found herself deceived in and discontented with what she had, in her too enthusiastic fancy, taken up, would she painfully lament over the dark side of life. Certainly, every one who had once seen the little elegant being, as she charmingly and sweetly moved in society; every one who had glanced on her fine and noble features, and into her speaking eyes, must have loved her; and when she, moreover, sung with the clear metal of her voice, one of the beautiful songs which my friend accompanied on the piano, every one was enchanted. Thus were they happy people; and the rapidly approaching completion of his university life, his rare acquirements, and the protection of men high in the government, gave my friend the promise of a near and a yet happier future. Ah! who could have thought that the peace of this happy family should be so horribly destroyed; that this lovely bond should have been so cruelly rent asunder! An inconsiderate action of the young Von Avensleben converted this paradise into a hell. He had accidentally received intelligence of a serenade which Krusenstern proposed to give to his loved one. This excited him to an ill-considered joke. As his friend glided near to the house with the nocturnal music, and standing near in the shade of another house, delighted himself with the imagination of the joy that his attention would give to Maria, Avensleben showed himself at the window, clad in a woman's night-dress, and threw a hand-kiss to Krusenstern. The wrath of Krusenstern at this foolish exposure of his lady to the ridicule of the musicians was furious, and a challenge to a duel with pistols was the consequence. No representations were able to bring him from this terrible resolve; and a journey which the family of Von Avensleben made, in order to spend a few days on a neighbouring estate of theirs, afforded the sundered friends an opportunity to compass their unhappy intention. They drew in the early morning to the appointed place. Krusenstern with his seconds was first there--a spot well known to travellers by the name of the Engelswiese, or Angel's Meadow, lying up in the woods above the Neckar, on the opposite side to the city, and showing its pleasant green area belted in by the forest, to wanderers about the castle, though invisible to the valley below. He walked in silence to and fro, and gazed down upon the city, which lay gloriously illuminated by the morning sun. He could even distinguish the house where he had enjoyed the purest and deepest pleasures; he thought over the happy past; and anxious forebodings of a dark and perdition-blasted future rose up before him. The curtain was only too soon to be drawn aside, which his eyes were not yet permitted to penetrate. His antagonist appeared on the ground; the old resentment drove out every softer emotion; the seconds measured out the distance, the pistols were loaded, the word given--Von Krusenstern shot--but it became night before his eyes, as in the same moment he saw his antagonist spring on high, and then fall to the ground. He had received his death-wound. Who shall describe the situation in which poor Krusenstern found himself!--who the misery of the friends of both! He was immovable to all persuasions to flight, and was committed by the magistrate to whom he had surrendered himself of his own accord, to the university prison until further inquiry. The family of the fallen youth were immediately written to, to tell them, that, on account of some degree of indisposition, he would not be able immediately to follow them, as had been agreed, and a friend of the house undertook the sorrowful task of opening to them the dreadful intelligence. But the most terrible part was yet to come. Von Avensleben was highly beloved amongst the students, and it was resolved to attend his funeral with a torch-train; and that the wretched prisoner, who, during all this time had sate brooding in a stupor of grief without listening to any one, might not perceive it, they determined that the funeral should take place a day earlier than usual. I was with the unhappy man on this eventful evening, endeavouring to comfort him, and to withdraw his thoughts from the dark pictures of his imagination. The shutters of the little room were closed, but a tone of the dismal mourning music struck his ear as the funeral train passed by the end of the street, along the Hauptstrasse, or High Street, of the city. "My friend! they bear him to the grave!" cried he with a terrible voice, and rushed to the window. I endeavoured to hold him back, but he tore himself loose from my grasp with giant strength, and bursting open the shutters struck his head against the iron grating. There flared the sullen glow of the torches, and the tone of the trumpets quivered through my vitals. With ghostlike, terrible, and distorted countenance, he gazed after the melancholy train;--"I--I have murdered him! the good, the true friend! There! I see him with the bleeding wound, crying, 'Wo!' over me! Oh God! Oh God! thou has cast me off! Maria! Maria! what have I done to thee! Seize me, ye spirits of hell! Tear me away from the pure angel-form!" So he raved on, till, exhausted, he fell back into the chamber. He passed the night in the most horrible delirium; and for many days it was not dared to leave him a moment alone, lest he should effect his desperate endeavours at self-destruction. But if the train left horrors behind it, it met yet still greater as it approached the end of the city. The letter had reached the family of Von Avensleben, but the friend had missed the sisters in the darkness of the night, as they hastened back to town to attend their sick brother. "Whom do they bury there?" asked the trembling Maria, as their carriage, passing in at the Mannheim gate, was detained by the mourning procession. "The student who was shot in the duel," answered an old man, who did not know the young lady--"the Herr Von Avensleben." The cry of horror and misery in the carriage, as it wheeling round again rolled away through the dark night, I attempt not to describe. Maria only too soon became aware of the whole terrible secret. She fell into a long and severe nervous fever, and only arose from her sick bed to die a more weary death from the sure poison of incurable sorrow. She had written to her former lover a most moving letter, which assured him of her pardon, and in which she exhorted him to listen to the consolations of religion. The kind girl had not desired the return of the little admonitory tokens of happy days; she had also retained his gifts, memorials of a pure and beautiful love, which a dreadful fate had destroyed. Krusenstern, who spent two years in prison, is now come back again, and--you have seen him. All had listened in silence to the recital. Of some of them, the pipes were gone out,--others blew powerfully clouds of smoke around them. "Poor Krusenstern!" said Eckhard. "I revoke all that I have said against him." "A most sorrowful history," said the Englishman. "And false notions about women is the cause of all," said Von Kronen. "The poor Krusenstern would never have gone so far if he had not regarded his love in too romantic a light. This mischief would never have happened if he had only read my favourite author, Lichtenberg, where he says,--'That the irresistible power of love can raise us, through its object, to the highest pitch of happiness, or plunge us down to the lowest gulf of misery, is poetical nonsense of young people, whose heads are yet only growing; which have no voices in the counsels of men; and for the most part are so constructed that they are never likely to have any.'" "We must have no more such stories," said Hoffmann, "or the pleasures of the whole evening will be destroyed. The tea is ready; take your places, gentlemen." Mr. Traveller, tasting the tea, pronounced it capital; and declared his astonishment that the Frau Philistine could prepare so excellent a beverage; but the host gave him to understand that he had brewed it himself. "It is my favourite beverage," said he, "and when I spend the evening at home, serves me for supper; or I cook a beefsteak and potatoes in the little machine which stands yonder, and which is a good deal in vogue amongst the students." "So, so!" said the Englishman, "that is very sensible now." While they thus chatted, the House-besom entered, and set upon the table a handsomely-shaped tart, which is called in this part of the country, a Radonen-cake, as a gift from Herr Schütz, in whose house Hoffmann was familiar. The cake was admired, and the host addressed himself to cut it up scientifically, when--zounds! the whole cake was nothing but a snow-ball, which had been made in a proper mould, and which had received the requisite colour from an ingenious powdering with brick-dust. "So shalt thou return to the water out of which thou wert made," exclaimed Hoffmann, as the whole company laughed heartily at the deception. When tea was over, the company divided itself. The Englishman and Von Kronen plunged deep into a game at chess. The other four played at whist, and Hoffmann, as master of the house, did the honours, wandering first to this and then to that table. The whist party continued long; after the first rubber they obliged the host to join then, and so spun out their play to the fifth rubber. In the meantime the two others had terminated their game at chess, and seated themselves by the stove, smoking their pipes, and chatting over this and that. "Has your pipe a good chair-way?" asked the Englishman, whom this student expression amused. "It goes like a flute," answered the other. "Why you have made yourself master of the art of smoking, even to its very technical terms." "You can scarcely believe," said Mr. Traveller, "how much I am interested in every thing, that is German, of which smoking is one thing, and especially in all that is connected with its university system. So long as I continued in England, I did not trouble myself much on this head, but now I use all the endeavours I can to acquaint myself with the present constitution of your universities. You must recommend to me a book in which I can find some notice of the origin of universities in general, and of the earlier fortunes of that of Heidelberg in particular." "The best book on that subject," said Enderlin, who had come from the whist-table, "is Von Kronen himself. He can give you such a lecture upon it, that all the rats in the house shall run out; for which reason they wished to appoint him, in Westphalia, to the office of chamber-hunter. _Tres faciunt collegium_, so let us erect him a _cathedra_, whence he may pronounce his lecture." These arrangements were speedily made. In the meantime Von Kronen had put his visage into a very learned form, and begun:-- SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES. Gentlemen,--Let us, as true sons of Minerva, exhibit an agreeable contrast to those people yonder, who have given themselves up to the burthen of play. May the honey of my words drop into your ears, and turn you into true disciples of wisdom. But the subject of our present lecture is the earlier fortunes of universities in general, and in particular of Ruperto-Carolo, that ancient fountain of knowledge, out of which we have drunk deep draughts. "The sup of wisdom," interrupted Enderlin, "that we have eaten with a spoon, is a more beautiful metaphor--" I warn the indiscreet hearer--said the _pro tempore_ professor, Von Kronen, sternly frowning,--of Tit ii. section 27, of the academical laws, where it is declared that--'insults towards persons who are placed in authority in the university, or towards the persons connected with them, shall be strictly punished; if they are offered from revenge, so must the punishment be made the sharper, and, according to circumstance, may be even penally amerced.' After this, let no man insult or interrupt. Our European universities, as they at present exist, are the production of a comparatively late period, since, though we find institutions resembling them in very early times, yet they were essentially and wholly different to ours. History shows us how, through the continually progressing culture of a people from age to age, institutions for the fostering and diffusion of knowledge formed themselves; and thus we find, at first, the so-called Priest-Schools in Egypt, Persia, India, and amongst the Hebrews; amongst the Celtic people the cloister-like unions of the Druids, which in caves and solitary woods, imparted to the most distinguished of the youth oral instruction. The business of teaching was confined to expounding of the laws, of the holy books, and so forth, and was communicated in verses. The educational institutions of the Greeks were of a higher grade. The first and most celebrated High School was Athens; which also in still later times, maintained a high rank in this respect. We must here only remind ourselves of the gardens of Plato, in which he imparted his instructions in philosophy. The Cynosarges, where Antisthenes taught; the Poikyle or Stoa, where Zeno assembled his disciples; the gardens of Epicurus, and afterwards of the museum at Alexandria. Philosophy was the great science: as to them the Faculties, as well as the so-called Bread sciences (sciences made a trade or profession of) were totally unknown. The Greeks also possessed public libraries, as those at Alexandria and Pergamus. The educational institutions of the Romans were modelled essentially upon those of the Greeks, and enjoyed the most extensive influence from the 607th year after the building of Rome; and the highest veneration was shown to professors from Greece, who taught in them philosophy and the arts. The Romans also held it indispensable to visit and study in the schools of Greece, and their young nobility especially resorted to Athens, Rhodes, Alexandria, etc. The Romans, moreover, were not acquainted with the division into Faculties, and every man of standing studied the liberal arts--studia humaniora--in their whole compass; and libraries, and collections of works and remains of art, were much more numerously and richly at their command. The study of philosophy was not the less zealously prosecuted than in Greece; but the grammatical philosophy of the Greek and Roman tongues, combined with rhetoric and poetry, were the highest objects of education. The continually increasing numbers of the immigrating Grecian professors, led to the founding of many other schools in Italy. Amongst the most important was the Athenæum, founded by the Emperor Hadrian, afterwards called the Schola Romana; those of the capitol, and other temples. Vespasian was the first to establish public professors of political science with fixed salaries. Antoninus Pius raised the so-called imperial schools, as did Valentinian those of Rome generally, to the higher distinction, by a thorough and salutary reform. Athens, however, still continued to maintain the highest reputation, down to the tenth century, to which people flocked from all countries. With the fall of Rome fell also the schools, and all the higher institutions for the diffusion of knowledge; but with the spread of Christianity they began again to rear their heads, but with a very essentially different character. Their tendency was preeminently theological,--as the theological seminaries, and the catechetical schools, especially at Alexandria, testify; which latter maintained the highest celebrity, from the second to the fourteenth century. This theological tendency manifested itself still more in the episcopal and cathedral schools, where indeed the so-called Seven Free Arts were also taught, but in the most miserable and imperfect manner. Theology, growing every day more sterile, yet exercised a perpetually increasing lordship over philosophy, and formally subjected it to tutelage, as the monastic schools from the sixth to the eleventh century most strikingly show. These institutions sought the immediate protection of the hierarchy, and the result of their labours was the School Philosophy. Charlemagne and his friend Alcuin again first comprehended the idea of a general humane accomplishment. The former founded the Schola Palatii, for princes and young men of condition, and Alfred in England established similar ones there; but with the death of these remarkable men, all seemed to fall back again into the old track. These cloister schools, however, in the ninth century, merged into the so-called Faculty Schools; which again in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries lived anew as Universities. Thus, in consequence of the schools of Charlemagne and Alfred, a free spirit of scientific inquiry evolved itself from the cloister schools, which found a corroborating co-operation in the Rabbinical schools of North Africa, in Spain, and France, and still more, in the schools of the Arabs. There, such Faculty Schools stood forth with especial prominence; the one for medical science at Salerno; for jurisprudence at Bologna, which possessed distinguished privileges as the gift of the Emperor Henry I. through the _Autentica_ of the year 1158. The scholastic theology soon separated itself from the Aristotelian-Arabic Philosophy, and the seat of the latter became Paris. Amongst many precious privileges, which these three institutions received in consequence of the _Autentica_ of Frederick I., that of Philip Augustus for Paris was the most remarkable. It freed it from the civil jurisdiction, and placed it under the jurisdiction of its own teachers. Paris was also the first university in which all branches of education were taught; yet even there, still theology continued to be the prominent study, and none of the universities could confer all kinds of academical honours. So, doctors of theology could only be created in Paris; of law, only in Bologna, and so on. As these schools now became actually universities, they ceased to bear the names of scholæ, studia, studia generalia, and the name of universities was adopted, and has ever since continued in use. The teachers of the universities received originally no stipend from the state. Frederick II. paid to the teachers of the newly-founded university at Naples in 1224, the first fixed stipend. The great advantages of a university education becoming, by degrees, generally known, occasioned many cities, which saw these advantages, to endeavour to become university-cities themselves, so that from the thirteenth century the number greatly increased. Universities were founded in Montpellier in 1220; in Orleans in 1312; and in Prague in 1348; the last in particular formed on the model of that of Paris. Independence of the state created, especially in Prague, a most beneficial freedom of doctrine in the teachers, which was often directed against the prince, and often against the church, with the most distinguished consequences. We are once more conducted by the mention of Prague back to the universities of Germany, and it must be, in the first place, observed, that this university for a considerable period was, and continued to be, the only one. But as knowledge penetrated more and more into Germany, and especially as it was cherished and promoted by the princes, the want of such higher educational institutions was more and more felt, and thus arose in the German territory, previous to the end of the fifteenth century, fifteen universities,--of which Vienna was founded in 1365; Heidelberg in 1387; Cologne in 1388; Erfurt in 1392; Leipsic in 1409; Rostock in 1419; Freisburg in Breisgau in 1452; Greifswalde in 1456, 1472; Trier in 1454, 1472; Basle in 1460; Ingoldstadt in 1471; Tübingen in 1477; Mayence in 1471. At the beginning of the sixteenth century arose Wittenberg in 1502, and Frankfurt on the Oder in 1505; Marburg in 1527, the first Protestant university; Königsberg in Prussia in 1544; Jena in 1554, 1557; Altdorf in 1675, 1678; Helmstadt 1575. At that period, however, the Protestant princes only could be justly praised for their care to provide able professors; the universities which continued Catholic, or which were newly-founded by Catholic princes, as those of Dillingen in 1613; Paderborn in 1615; and Molsheim in 1618; were occupied by the Jesuits. In consequence of the unfortunate Thirty Years' War, many of these universities fell; many suffered much from the chances of war; and these circumstances incited neighbouring princes to found new universities. So arose the university at Giessen in 1650; at Duisburg in 1655; at Kiel in 1665. The Elector Frederick III. of Brandenburg--King Frederick I.--changed in 1694 the Ritter School at Halle into a university. A general improvement of the instruction given in all the universities in this century is observable: but spite of all endeavours at improvement in this respect, the sciences all continued to be taught in a very unphilosophical manner, and in the Latin tongue. The necessary advance from this wretched state of things began with the eighteenth century, through the universally restless activity of the philosopher Leibnitz. Christian Wolf taught first in the spirit of Leibnitz and in the German tongue. George II. seconding the better spirit of the time, founded a new university at Göttingen in 1734; Margrave Frederick of Brandenburg-Anspach one at Erlangen in 1743; and a Catholic one arose through the Prince-Bishop of Dalberg in 1734 at Fulda, but was dissolved again in 1804. The good spirit continued to work on through the remaining half of the eighteenth century, and thus in 1760, Duke Frederick of Mecklenburg founded a university at Bützow, which was in 1789 united to that of Rostock. The Duke Karl Eugen of Würtemberg in 1770 founded that of Stuttgardt, which was, however, again dissolved in 1794. Bonn also at that period received the foundation of its university. More recently was founded that at Landshut, whither the university of Ingoldstadt was removed in 1800, and again in 1827 removed to Munich. Wittemberg ceased in 1816, being united to that of Halle; and in 1810 a new university was founded at Berlin. We have now, gentlemen, taken an historical glance at the German universities, and at their foundations, so far as is necessary. They were called forth by the ruling circumstances of the times, and established themselves now in this manner and now in that. But it is especially interesting to us to have seen that the university of Heidelberg was one of the earliest, and continues one of the first; its rank no one will presume to contest. She has raised her noble head amid all the storms of time, and no state revolutions or other political epochs could make her bend. Ruperto-Carolo shone like a morning sun on the horizon of scientific endeavour, and we now shall take with particular pleasure the opportunity---- "To invite the honourable listeners politely to partake of a modest supper;" interrupted Hoffmann. "Thou mayst finish thy learned lecture another time." Von Kronen.--Far be it from me to throw any obstruction in the way of so praiseworthy a proposition; especially, as the favourite adage of our city of the Muses has always been--the utile dulci. Mr. Traveller.--So postpone we then the continuance of the discourse to a future day. PHRENOLOGY. The little collation was in the mean time brought up, and the company, under the conduct of the musical artist, made the most successful attacks on the ham and veal cutlet. The Göttingen sausage, moreover, an imitation of the renowned Sulzer, was as little spared as the potato-salad, and the scattered remains soon alone marked the battle-field. A noble Rhine-wine recruited the muscles of the jaw, and loosed again the tongue of the brave combatants. The affairs of the day became the subject of discourse, and occurrences in Hanover, which then appeared likely vitally to affect the interests of all Germany, were eagerly discussed by all. Mr. Traveller, as the representative of England, stated the strong feeling which there prevailed against the King of Hanover, and so they came to talk of the prevailing views and theories in England, on many subjects, and Mr. Traveller speedily entangled himself in a discussion on Phrenology, which he endeavoured to defend. Freisleben, a determined opponent to the theory, immediately took up the subject zealously. Freisleben.--They are now signs on the skull that man will expound, formerly they were signs in the heaven. What unpardonable presumption, from certain deviations from the regularity of the outer form, to infer an analogical change of the soul. A leap which, according to my opinion, is not less than from comets' tails to war. What presumption, from the body to seek to form conclusions upon the spirit, whose mode of connexion with it is to us totally unknown! It strikes me exactly as if any one should infer or assert the possession of a fine sense of smell, from the existence of a huge nose, or, as dancing is a function of the foot, that he who has a great foot must be a capital dancer. Mr. Traveller.--Throw the matter into ridicule as much as you please, but take along with you at the same time the evidences which experience furnishes. Freisleben.--These evidences have long been shown to evidence nothing, and it astonishes me that this doctrine of Gall and Spurzheim, this ephemeral structure, can find so much acceptance in England. Mr. Traveller.--I know the thing only by popular representations. But the principles which are herein derived from anatomy and physiology, to which Gall and Spurzheim have rendered much service, the grounds which pathology and comparative anatomy also furnish, appear to me worthy of all attention. Pittschaft.--That nobody denies; but Gall having rendered essential service to the anatomy of the brain, by no means justifies his doctrine. Freisleben.--His theory must fall, when it is assailed _a priori_, or by experience. Above all things, unphilosophical, not to say ridiculous, is his distribution into twenty-seven senses. By what right has he only so many set forth; and why is a boundary drawn here? Mr. Traveller.--Though many things may be said against this distribution, yet it is often seen in life that an individual sense as marked out by Gall, is pre-eminently developed and frequently almost exclusively predominates; I remind you of his five-sorts-of-memory sense. Freisleben.--Certainly. But what is the cause of this? Is it not to be sought rather in external influences, which especially develope this kind of memory? And if we leave this out of view, then must we go still farther. So there is a painter who can paint only landscapes; and I recollect in Matthisson's Reminiscences, to have read of a Cretin in Berne, who could paint cats, and cats only, but them most excellently. How much farther must Gall's artistical faculty be subdivided, till it reaches down to the cat-painting faculty! Mr. Traveller.--The artistical faculty is probably in this painter, but we must assume that it is prevented from unfolding itself in all directions. Freisleben.--But there you knock yourself down. Since, if we assume that there is no necessity for the faculty, which the external elevation of the skull indicates, to develope itself, then the whole pile of Phrenology tumbles to the ground. But does it develope itself, and is this acknowledged as necessary, what incalculable and horrible consequences must this have! All moral responsibility ceases: the criminal escapes punishment, since he can show on his skull the irresistible murder-sense. But I will not pursue this farther, since, happily, we have nothing to fear from it. Scarcely in a single instance do the outer plates of the skull-bones correspond permanently with the inner ones, and therefore not with the brain. I call to your recollection only the skulls of certain animals, in which, between the two skull-plates, is to be found a large hollow, as we, indeed, also find in man; as, for instance, the hollow of the forehead--the frontal sinus--which is, in different individuals, very differently developed. Then again the most recent physiological experiments show, that in occurring injuries, they are not by any means of so much consequence in the external portion of the brain, in the hemisphere, but that it is exactly the inner portion which is of the most importance, and which also has a much more determinate shape. In injuries of the head too, cases have occurred, where whole spoonsful of the hemisphere of the brain have been taken out without the slightest diminution of the actively intellectual powers. Object not to me that the convolutions of the hemisphere of the brain have been particularly developed in distinguished men--here it was also the case with the inner portion: one part does not develope itself without the other. Object not that the anatomy of beasts gives no secure result, since if this is the case, how can phrenology itself dare to hope to give more certain judgments? The firm and immovable part--the form of the bones especially--is delusive: in the first place, since they have long acquired their form and consistency before every species of improvement of the improvable creature takes place, which comes long after the complete fixidity; and secondly, since this form depends so little upon our will, while the influence of external causes is so unavoidable, and a single pressure or stroke can gradually work a change, whose progress no art is capable of restraining. Moreover, even could any thing be deduced from this, still the firm parts yet constitute but a certain and perpetually fixed proportion, a single and insignificant link in the chain of countless circumstances, which go to the formation of the human character. Mr. Traveller.--My God! my head is in a whirligig with all this--with all this rapid German. Freisleben.--One must not allow one's-self to speak of the outer form of the head in which a free spirit dwells, as one would of a pumpkin; as little must we calculate circumstances which depend upon it, as we would calculate an eclipse. Others assert, with equal probability, that the character of a man lies in his countenance, whilst they appeal to the capability of drawing a conclusion on the whole from the indications of a part; as others, supporting themselves on this sufficient ground, assert, that man must act as a machine. And to this class of reasoning belongs--"in a handsome body dwells a handsome soul." Ridicule majis hoc dictum, quam verè æstimo, Quando et formosos sæpe inveni pessimos, Et turpi facie multos cognovi optimus. _Phædrus_. Pittschaft.--Ah, if we could but first rightly understand the changes in the brain itself. But a great visible change in the brain may be a very little change for the soul, and _vice versa_. And how will people draw conclusions from the very vault of the brain? Mr. Traveller.--But, gentlemen, recollect how often phrenologists, from the outward form of the skull, have drawn correct conclusions. Recollect the allocation of distinguished heads as they are to be seen in plaster in the English and German museums. Freisleben.--Yes, they have drawn some very neat conclusions, but we know very well how that stands. The false conclusions have been carefully put out of sight; and yet sufficient of them have come to the daylight to render the phrenologists ridiculous. They are, indeed, often still more innocent, the worthy demonstrators only seeing that which they knew very well before. Recollect also what a sagacious German naturalist says:--"The proof of the demonstration which the phrenologist makes is, in most cases, as superficial as the demonstration itself. Let a man eat a shovelful of salt, according to the prescription of Aristotle, with the person upon whose head and heart he makes so superficial a judgment, and he will then find what will become of his former judgment. But to err is human, and that not exclusively, for it is sometimes the fate of angels." Talent, and the endowments of the spirit, generally have no signs in the solid portion of the head. To prove this, let the selected casts of thinking heads, and selected ones of fools and not-thinking men, be placed side by side; and not the head of the learned man, of a careful education, be placed in opposition to that of the worst specimen of the totally uneducated country booby. Bedlam is peopled with inhabitants, who, if they did not stand staring as if chilled into stone, or smiling at the stars, or listening to the song of the angels, or would blow out the dog-star, or stood trembling with folded arms,--if, in fact, they were not judged by these aberrations, but by the shape of their heads alone, would command the highest respect. Still less can we draw correct conclusions from the shape of the living head than from the bare skull itself. A skilful artist, without exceeding the bounds of the probable, would be able to cast in wax a covering of muscles and skin for the head of any skeleton, and give it an expression which should possess any aspect that he pleased. And thus may the skull of a living person be, in reality, so covered with an irregular mass of muscular and cuticular integuments, as shall give an equally delusive effect. Von Kronen.--whose attention had become excited by this illustration--here interposed. What an immeasurable leap from the exterior of the body to the interior of the soul! Had we a sense which enabled us to discover the inner quality of bodies, yet would such a leap still be a daring one. It is a well established fact, that the instrument does not make the artist; and many a one with a fork and a goosequill would make better sketches than another with an English case of instruments. Sound manly sense soon sees into this; it is only the passion for innovation, and an idle sophistry, soothing itself with false hopes, which will not see it. If a ship-captain answered a fellow who offered himself to his service with enthusiasm--"Thy will is good, but, nevertheless, thou art of no use to me. Thy shoulders are too narrow, and thou art too small altogether for the service," then must the good fellow probably put his hand on his mouth; but if the captain said, "Thou actest like a worthy fellow, but I see by thy figure that thou constrainest thyself at this moment, and art a scamp in thy heart;" in truth, such an address would, in any place, to the end of the world, be answered by any honest fellow with a box on the ear. Mr. Traveller.--You will make me in the end suspicious of the whole circle of physics, or otherwise I must believe that you allow no place to the phrenologist amongst natural philosophers. Freisleben.--I permit him freely to class himself amongst the naturalists; but he must attempt to take no greater rank amongst them than the _soi-disant_ political prophet does amongst subtle statesmen. But one can by no means class the genuine natural philosopher and the phrenologist and physiognomist together. The first err often humanly, the others err continually and monstrously. While this discussion had grown warm, amongst the others a lively conversation had arisen on recent literature. They gave their opinions on the recent English romances of Bulwer and Marryat, which then were the order of the day. They condemned some of the later productions of the French. They contended for and against the influence of the young Germany; criticised Gutzhow's newest romance; and soon were upon a general theme, the different tendency of the public in England and Germany. There the preference for popular representation; the neglect of scientific reading, together with the very superficial school education; here, on the contrary, reverence for science, and over-driven grasping after scientific things, and a passion to be learned, which especially shows itself repulsively in the ladies, when they are carried away into the scientific vortex; they bewailed the wretched mass of rubbish that was now read, and especially that the Germans by reading too much did themselves injury. That, in particular, in the schools the children were held more to learning by rote than to thinking; at the same time thankfully acknowledging that it was sought with all diligence, to correct this error in the new Folks' Schools. "In England," says Freisleben, "one finds more original character in company, and amongst the common people, as may be seen in the English writings. In Germany it is totally different. And if any one stumbles on an original discovery, how long it continues, till his discovery, and till he himself become known. In Germany the greatest discoveries have been made, but they weighed them, and doubted so long whether they were new and would be useful, that their neighbours the French or the English seized on them, and secured the advantages of them to themselves." Eckhard.--No nation feels so much the worth of other nations as the Germans; and yet is, alas! so little regarded by most of them, even for this obeisance. Enderlin.--I think the other nations are quite in the right. A nation that would please all, deserves to be despised of all. This has been pretty much the case with Germany, and it is only just now that other people have learned to estimate her properly. Von Kronen.--Lichtenberg in his time said justly--"The character of the Germans lies in two words: patriam fugimus."--_Virgil_. Hoffmann.--Yes, Lichtenberg--_that_ is an original character! I have learned to prize him properly from Von Kronen. Yesterday, for the first time, I read his famous essay on the state of the German Romance of his time. It pleased me so much that I must read it out to you. It is short, and will at least be finished before the Phrenologists and Anti-Phrenologists there have finished their discussion. ON THE GERMAN ROMANCE. Our mode of living is become so simple, and all our customs so little mysterious; our cities are, for the most part, so small, the land so open; all is so simply true, that a man who is desirous to write a German romance, hardly knows how he is to bring the people together, or to lay his plot. Then, as the mothers now in Germany suckle their own children, there is an end of all exchanging them, and a fountain of emotion is thus stopped, that is not to be purchased with money. If I would persuade a maiden to come out in man's clothes, that is immediately discovered, and the servants betray it, before she can get out of the house; and besides, our ladies are educated in such housewifely notions that they have not the heart in them to do any thing of the kind. No, to sit fine by mamma, to cook and to sew, and to become themselves cooks and sewing mothers, that is their business. It is undoubtedly very convenient for them, but it's a shame to the Fatherland, and an invincible obstacle to the romance writer. In England, people think that if two persons of the same sex sleep in the same room, a fever is unavoidable, on which account the people in one house are by night, for the most part separated, and a writer has only to take care that he sets open the house-door, and he can let who he will into the house, and need not fear that any body will awake sooner than he would have them. Furthermore, in England the chimneys are not merely the channels of smoke, but the especial windpipes of the chambers, and afford at the same time such an excellent way to come down into any room of the house, at once and unheard, that I have often been told that he who had once gone up and down a chimney would prefer it to a staircase. In Germany a lover would make a pretty journey if he were to come down a chimney! Yes, if he had a mind to fall into a fire-hearth, or into a wash-kettle with lye, or into an anti-chamber with two or three stoves, which one probably could not open from within at all. And suppose one should let the lover come down into the kitchen, the question then is, which way would you bring him first upon the roof? The cats in Germany can take this way to their loves, but not men. On the contrary, in England, the roofs make a kind of street which sometimes are better than those on the ground; and when a man is upon one, it costs him then no further trouble to get upon another than to run across a village street in winter. People will say that those contrivances have been hit upon on account of fires; but as these scarcely occur once in one hundred and fifty years in any house, so I conceive that they have rather been found advantageous to lovers driven to extremity and to thieves, who very often take this way, when they might have chosen others, and certainly always when a hasty retreat is necessary, exactly as the witches and the devil are wont to do in Germany. Finally, a right powerful prevention of intrigues is that otherwise fine and praiseworthy conceit of the post-directors in Germany, by whom a vast amount of the virtues of the times are preserved, since instead of the English coaches and chaises, in which a princess in the most delicate condition would neither fear nor be ashamed to travel, they have substituted those so-beloved open Rumpelwagen. For what mischief the convenient coaches and the most excellent highways of England may occasion, is not to be expressed by words. For, in the first place, if a maiden goes out of London with her lover of an evening, they may be in France ere the father awoke, or in Scotland ere he has come to resolve with his relations what he shall do; therefore, a writer has need of neither fairies, conjurors, nor talismans in order to bring the beloved into security, since if he can only bring them to Charing-Cross or Hyde-Park Corner, they are as safe as if they were in Weaver Melek's chest in the Persian Tales. On the contrary, in Germany, if the father misses but his daughter on the third day; if he only knows that she is gone by post-wagon, he can mount his horse and seize her again at the third station. Another mischievous circumstance is the, alas! much too good company in the commodious stage-coaches of England, which are always filled full of beautiful and well-dressed ladies, and where--a thing which parliament ought not not to suffer--the passengers so sit, that they must gaze upon one another; whereby is endangered, not only a highly dangerous bewilderment of the eyes, but sometimes a highly shameful, and on both sides a smile-exciting bewilderment of the legs of the opposite traveller; and finally, as frequently as dissolving a bewilderment of souls and thoughts arises, so that many an honourable young man who was proposing to travel from London to Oxford, has instead of that travelled to the devil. Such things, thanks to heaven, are impossible in our post-wagons; since, in the first place, no genteel ladies could possibly seat themselves in such a conveyance if they had not in their youth been after climbing hedges, magpie-nesting, apple-gathering and battering down of walnuts; since the spring over the side-ladder requires a remarkable nimbleness, and no lady can do it without setting the coach-master and the ostler-fellows that are standing round, laughing. In the second place, the passengers so seat themselves, when they at length do seat themselves, that they cannot look each other in the face, and in such a situation, whatever may be said to the contrary, cannot very well begin an intrigue. Conversation loses all its spice, and one can at the most only understand what another says, but not what he desires to say. In short, one has something else to do in a German post wagon than to gossip; one must hold one's-self fast when we come to holes, hold ourselves in readiness for a spring in case of accident; must keep an eye on the boughs, and duck at the proper time, that one's hat or one's head may be left in its place; keep an eye to the windy side, and keep strengthening the clothing on that quarter from which the attack comes; and if it rains, why then one has the property common to other creatures that live neither in the water nor on the water, of being silent when it is wet; and thus the conversation stands at once stock still. If one at length reaches a Wirthshaus (inn,) thus passes the time amongst other things--one dries himself, another shakes himself, one sucks his lozenge, another blows up his cheeks, or enacts whatever other child's megrim he may be in the habit of on such occasions. And hereby comes a circumstance into notice which makes all friendly intercourse in a Wirthshaus impossible; to wit,--that since so many miseries are bound up with post-wagon travelling, so care has been taken that the Wirthshauses shall be made so much worse than is necessary, in order to render a return to the post-wagons the more tolerable. And nobody can imagine to himself what an effect that has too. I have seen people who were pounded and knocked to pieces, and sighed ardently for repose, that when they saw the Wirthshaus in which they were to refresh themselves, with the courage of heroes, have resolved to travel on, which was similar to the fortitude of Regulus, which drove him back to Carthage, although he knew that they would there put him into a sort of German post-wagon, and so let him roll down the hill. So fall through altogether the stage-coach intrigues with the stage-coaches themselves, those true hot-houses of episodes and declarations. But, it will be said, there is now a stage-coach in Hanover. Good, I know it; and one quite as good as an English one. And must we, therefore, begin all our romances on the way between Haarburg and Minden, which we now leave so swiftly behind us that we have hardly time to see it? All that the travellers do there, is to break out in praise of the king who has ordered this coach, and to sleep; for they are generally so wearied before they get into this coach, that they then fancy they are got home, or that they lie in bed. But those are proper objects truly to fill a romance with! To introduce five sleeping merchants, all snoring; or to fill out a chapter with the praises of the king! The first is by no means a fit subject for any book, and the latter for no romance. But through this exception, I have wandered from my proper business. Yes, if there were not left yet a monastery or two, to which we can bring a loving couple for refuge, I should not know how to carry on a German romance to the third page; and when, in fact, there shall no longer be a cloister left, there is an end of German romance. * * * The majority of the company paid their tribute of approbation to this satire. The observations which they made upon it were interrupted in good time by the appearance of a steaming bowl of punch. When the guests had filled their glasses, Hoffmann seized his guitar, and accompanied the voices of the rest, who sung Schiller's famous song. THE FOUR ELEMENTS. Four Elements all thoroughly blent, Build up the world, our being cement. Press ye the juice of citrons, and pour; Harsh is of life the innermost core. Now let the sugar's tempering juice, Softly the fiery harsh strength reduce; Now let the water bright gushing fall; Peacefully water embraceth all. Let drops of spirit therein be thrown; Life to the life it giveth alone. Quaff it off quickly ere virtue goes, Only revives the well while it glows. Freisleben arose, and said, "Let us drink to the prosperity of our friend. May many happy years find him still young in his spirit, and in the love of his art. May future generations lament that he did not live amongst them. May he be continually surrounded by friends who love him as we do! May he only know sickness that he may learn more vividly to enjoy health. May so much earthly good fall to his lot, that he may live contented. To his prosperity let us give a three times thundering Live-hoch! Vivat!--vivat!--vivat!" Hoffmann.--To the prosperity of my dear friends! May you--if in the autumn of our lives we should meet again--say to me, "All that we once wished thee on thy birthday, has had its fulfilment in ourselves. But may there never come a winter in your lives!" Let us sing something in company. THERE TWINKLE THREE STARS. There twinkle three stars, oh! so friendly! I' the darkness of life do they shine, These stars, oh! they sparkle so kindly, We call them love, music, and wine, We call them love, music, and wine. There lives in the sweet voice of singing, A heart sympathizing and true; Song giveth new youth to rejoicing, And barreth the heart to all rue! But wine unto song is united, A joyous and wondrous thing; With glowing rays clothes itself brightly,-- To earth a perpetual spring! But glitt'ring and joyfully winking, When brightly the third star doth shine; It sounds in the spirit like singing, It glows in the bosom like wine. Then fill, ye three cordial planets, Our breasts with your glory divine; In life and in death our companions, Be love, and sweet music, and wine! And wine, and sweet love, and singing, They honour the festival night; Then live! who in kissing and loving, In wine and in singing delight! In wine and in singing delight! Hoffmann.--Gentlemen, don't drink yet. I must yet once more animate you; so then sing:-- Roundelay and barley-wine, Love we them for ever; Grasp them bravely where they shine,-- Cup's exhausted never! (To Mr. Traveller.) Brother, thy beloved is called?-- Mr. Traveller.--Georgina. All.--Georgina, she shall live-o! shall live-o! Georgina, she shall live-o! All.--Roundelay and true grape wine, Love we them for ever. Grasp them bravely where they shine,-- Cup's exhausted never. (To Von Kronen). Brother, thy beloved is called?-- Von Kronen.--Rapunzel. All.--Rapunzel, she shall live-o! shall live-o! shall live-o! Rapunzel, she shall live-o! So goes the song in this manner round; and each one names the actual or feigned name of his lady. Mr. Traveller.--Where, then, have you found the name of Rapunzel, Von Kronen? Von Kronen.--Look into Grimms' "Kinder und Haus-Märchen;" there you may read the moving history of Rapunzel, which has so seized upon me that I have without further ado made the poor Rapunzel my beloved. Enderlin.--I hope that thou correspondest with her. How touchingly must the subscription of the letters sound:--"Thy faithful Rapunzel," or "Thy affectionate Rapunzel." Pittschaft.--But do procure me the favour of thy Rapunzel writing something in my Stammbook. Von Kronen.--In thy bore of a Stammbook? But O yes! yes! for she is quite at liberty to write in what she will. Pittschaft.--And what, I wonder, will she write? Von Kronen.--Instead of an answer, which perhaps after all may not come, I will give thee an anecdote. Every body knows how great was at one time the rage in the universities to have Stammbücher. Every student kept one; and all the inmates of the house, the numerous members of the landsmannschaft, the whole body of the teachers and other acquaintances who approached him, each and all found their place in it. A student even came once to Dr. Semmler in Halle, with the request that he would have the goodness to write in his Stammbuch. Semmler, who, spite of his well-known and highly praiseworthy economy of time, could not repress his curiosity to turn over the leaves of the Stammbuch, found, to his great amazement, almost on every page such sentences and sayings as were not the most calculated to give him a high idea of the morality of the friends of the gentleman Stammbuch-holder. Finding a clear page, he therefore wrote--Matt. viii. 31. "Lord, suffer me, that I go amongst this herd of swine." Pittschaft.--If Rapunzel could say such stupid things as thou dost, I should set her down for a very conceited person, and would not trouble her with my Stammbuch, more particularly that she might not get a wicked notion of the morality of my friends, and amongst them of her beloved. Hoffmann.--Away with all personalities. Let us have a roundelay. There goes a drinking-law our table all around, around-- There goes a drinking-law our table all around:-- Three times three are nine-a, Ye know well what I opine-a. There goes a drinking-law our table all around. What a jolly time the damsels have though-- They're not compelled to the war to go. [Here he drinks out his glass, as each one does in his turn, after having sung.] THE KRÄHWINKLER LANDSTURM. But march you slow there before, but still march slow there before, Or the Krähwinkler Landsturm can follow no more. What a jolly time the maidens have though,-- They're not compelled to the war to go. Pittschaft--Dame hostess, cook you Millet-bree, When the Landsturm comes it will hungry be. Chorus--[As above, and repeated after the singing of each strophe.] Freisleben--Our captain is from Rudolstadt, He eats a deal, but hungers for all that. Von Kronen--Sir Captain! my follower goes so in trot, That scarcely a scrap of heel I have got. Enderlin-- At Leipsic, in the People's-Fight, We had nearly taken a prisoner quite. Eckhard-- The artillery would have fought right well, But of powder it can not bear the smell. Hoffmann (for Mr. Traveller)--The cavalry stout doth charge amain, And is always in when the dumpling's slain. Hoffmann.--Still farther goes our Lumpitus yet once more around! At Hamburgh burst a dreadful bomb, Potz Wetter! how ran we there all and some! And as the foe came galloping fast, We hid in the grass till they were past. The Krähwinkle Landsturm hath courage high, The baggage it always standeth by. Our Captain is a most valiant wight, 'Tis only a pity he can not fight. They gave us a banner moreover to show, Which way the wind did chance to blow. Run, run, brave comrades, run left and right-- A French sentry-box stands there in sight! This song was written originally in ridicule of the Austrian Landwehr. It has almost endless strophes, of which a few only are here given. It is very frequently used as a Round-song or roundelay, in which each person must sing a fresh verse, and when the known verses are at an end, some one extemporizes, so that every day it becomes richer in strophes. The sixth strophe is then usually sung as the conclusion. Hoffmann.--I fill the glasses, and then let us sound a still greater Lumpitus. Hoffman-- My brethren, when no more I'm drinking, But faint with gout and palsy lie, Exhausted on the death-bed sinking, Believe it then, my end is nigh. [Repeated as a Chorus. Freisleben-- A lordly life the Pope doth hold, He lives on absolution gold; The best of wines still drinketh he-- The Pope, the Pope I fain would be. Von Kronen-- Brothers! in this place of festive meeting, God in goodness hath us thus combined; Let us every trouble now defeating, Drink here with the friend of honest mind. There, where nectar glows--Valleralla! Sweetest pleasure blows--Valleralla! E'en as flowers when the spring hath shined. Pittschaft-- So crown with leaves the love-o'erbrimming beakers, And drain them o'er and o'er; And drain them o'er and o'er; In Europe far and wide, ye pleasure seekers,-- Is such a wine no more! Is such a wine no more! Is such a wine no more! Is such a wine no more! Enderlin-- Ca, ça, carouse it! Let us not fiery-heads become;-- Who won't here now sit, Let him stay at home! Edite bibite, collegiales Post multa secula, pocula nulla! Mr. Traveller sings "The Old English Gentleman." Eckhard-- God greet thee, Brother Straubinger, I'm glad to meet thee, tho-ough; Perhaps it is unknown to thee, That from Heidelberg I go-o. The master and the misteress, Of them I cant complai-en; But with these gents, the studi-ents, No mortal can conta-ien Chorus.-- The master and the misteress, etc. Hoffmann, in the mean time, had seated himself at the harpsichord, and drew a quodlibet from the most varied Burschen songs, leaping from one to the other, and interweaving phantasy-pieces between them. The platform in the chamber enabled the company to sing the Bavarian Folks'-song, "The Binschgauer." One chorus placed itself on the platform with the punch-glasses, the other remained by the steaming bowl. Hoffmann accompanied them on the harpsichord. THE BINSCHGAUER'S PILGRIMAGE. The Binschgauer would a pilgrimage go, Fain would they go singing, but how they did not know, Zschahi! Zschahe! Zschaho! etc. etc. The Binschgauer have got there, Now take heed that ev'ry one his knapsack bear, Zschahi! Zschahe! Zschaho! etc. etc. The Binschgauer far from their homescenes have gone; They saw many cities, and far around were known. Zschahi, Zschahe, Zschaho! etc. etc. The Binschgauer long through joy and sorrow run, Till high the holy pinnacles glanced i' the evening sun. Zschahi, Zschahe, Zschaho! etc. etc. The Binschgauer wended about that dome renowned, The vane-staff was broken, yet still the vane turned round. Zschahi, Zschahe, Zschaho! etc. etc. The Binschgauer entered the holy dome within, The saints were all asleep, and woke not with their din. Zschahi, Zschahe, Zschaho! etc. etc. The song was ended. The company became continually more jovial, and began, on the platform, to dance a most singular quadrille, to which their musician played on the harpsichord in the most extraordinary style. Von Kronen, of a tall and strong figure, stood there exactly as if he had been turned in wood, but an electrical stream seemed to run now through this, and now through that limb, and twitched him hither and thither. His motions were those of a puppet which is drawn by strings attached to every member. When the dance was become right wild, then darted he suddenly forwards, so that no one knew whence the movement came, and all squandered in astonishment His partner, the little Enderlin, made a graceful spring, and, as the tall fellow stretched wide his legs, darted boldly between them, and then danced round him with the newest steps. The other dancers had again seized each other's hands, and made such a desperate leap that they sprang almost to the top of the room. The music rushed on more wildly--the dance grew madder and madder, and with more ringing laughter of the spectators, as the pair, suddenly making a high side spring, sent a pane of glass from the window jingling down into the street. Great snow-flakes came whirling into the room through their new-made way. "It struck two!" cried several voices. "It is time to break up!" exclaimed others. All prepared themselves for departure, even the host himself, who would accompany his guests a little way. The glasses were emptied--"To a speedy and as happy an evening!" and the farewell cigars lit. The wind without had laid itself, but the snow-flakes chased each other rapidly through the air, and a deep snow covered the silent streets. In a few moments the merry home-goers were clad in a thick covering of snow; and being once thus besnowed, they separated themselves into two parties, and began to bombard each other with snowballs. One party prevailed and put the other into flight. The fleers espied a Bauer's sledge; one jumped in, the other two seized its pole, and thus rushed rapidly along the Hauptstrasse, pursued by the other party with snowballs. When they now reached one of the principal squares, the madcap chase came to an end. The sledge remained standing in the square to the amazement of the Bauer, who the next morning, after much hunting, found it there. Now sounded a general "good-night," and every one hastened home. Hoffmann reached his chamber, which filled him with that feeling of desolation, so often felt in places which a moment before were all alive with the presence of those we love. But the delightful consciousness of having enjoyed an evening to the uttermost, the still more delightful consciousness of having afforded such an one to his friends, absorbed all other thoughts. He called to mind again the good wishes of his friends, and his last thoughts in the night were, "May God, if he denies me every thing else, never, to my life's end, deprive me of the sense which renders me capable of enjoying worthily such delightful hours." DRINKING SONG. Ye brothers, when no more I'm drinking, But faint with gout and palsy lie, Exhausted on the sick bed sinking, Believe it then, my end is nigh. And die I this day or to-morrow, My testament's already made; My funeral from your care I'll borrow, But without splendour or parade. And as for coffin, that remanding, A Rhenish cask for it shall pass; Instead of lemon placed each hand in, Give me a brimfull Deckel-glass. Into the cellar then convey me, Where I have drunk whole hogsheads dry; With head unto the tap then lay me, My feet towards the wall may lie. And when you're to the grave me bringing, As follow all then, man by man; For God's sake let no bell be ringing, And clinking glasses be your plan. Upon my gravestone be inscribed, This man was born, grew, drank, and died,-- And now he rests where he imbibed In lifelong joy, the purple tide. * * * THE POPE. A lordly life the Pope doth hold, He lives on absolution gold; The best of wines still drinketh he; The Pope, the Pope I fain would be. But no! 'tis but a wretched lot, A German maiden loves him not. Alone in his great house lives he-- The Pope, the Pope, I would not be. The Sultan lives full blithe and crowse, He liveth in a golden house, With lovely ladies liveth he-- The Sultan then I fain would be. But no! he is a wretched man, He liveth by the Alcoran. No drop of wine may drink--not he; The Sultan then I will not be. Their separate fortunes, howe'er fine, I'd wish not, for one moment, mine, But would to this right glad agree, Now Pope, now Sultanus to be. Come, lovely maiden, yield a kiss, For this my reign as Sultan is. And faithful brother send a fee, For now I choose the Pope to be. * * * DRINKING SONG. Brothers! in this place of festive meeting, Let us every trouble now defeating, God, in goodness, hath us thus combined; Drink here with the friend of honest mind. There, where nectar flows, Sweetest pleasure blows, E'en as flowers when the spring hath shined. Golden time! oh revel we it through, Hanging on the friend's devoted breast; From the friend a blissful warmth we'll borrow; Of our pleasure cool in wine the zest. In the grapes pure blood, Drink we German mood, Feel we of a higher strength possessed. Sip ye not when Bacchus' fountain floweth, With full beakers to lips faintly bent; He who life by drops yet only knoweth, Knoweth not of life the full intent. Lift it to thy mouth, Drain it in thy drouth, For a God from heaven it hath sent On the spirit's light accustomed pinion, In the world the youngling plunges bold; Friends to win him, as his best dominion, And whom fast and faster he will hold. So remain mine all, Till the world shall fall; Round their friend truth's arms eternal fold. Let ye not the strength of youth be wasted; In the wine-cap doth the gold-star shine; From sweet lips be honeyed sweetness tasted, For of life is love the heart divine. Is the strength gone forth? Lose the wine its worth? Follow we, old Charon, nor repine. * * * RHINE-WINE. So, crown with leaves the love o'er-brimming beakers, And drain them o'er and o'er, In Europe far and wide, ye pleasure-seekers, Is such a wine no more! It comes not out of Hungary nor Poland. Nor where they French do speak. St. Vitus, he may fetch wine from such wo-land, Ours there we do not seek. It is from Fatherland's abundance rendered, How were it else so good! How could in it such noble peace be blended, And yet such bravest mood! Yet it grows not upon all German mountains; For many hills we trace, Like the old Cretans, dull and sluggish fountains, Which are not worth their space. The Ertzgebirge, ye need not explore there, If wine ye would behold; Thüce spring but silver and the cobalt ore there, And mischief-making gold. Thüringia's mountains, for example, bringing, A growth which looks like wine, But it is not; o'er that there is no singing, No glad eyes round it shine. The Blocksberg is the lengthy Sir Philister, As windy and as drear; Dance the cuckoo and his wild sacrister, Upon him here and there. The Rhine! the Rhine! 'tis there our vines are growing! O blessed be the Rhine! The slopes by which that noble stream is flowing They give this precious wine. So drink! so drink! let us all methods trying, For joyous hours combine. And if we knew where one in wo were lying We'd give him of this wine! CHAPTER XIII. GENERAL SYSTEM OF GERMAN EDUCATION. All our educational institutions form, of many members, an existing ring, which embraces the inhabitants of Germany so thoroughly, that every one of them must, according to his station and capacity, receive the benefit of a humane education. The university beams on this ring like a noble jewel set in gold, and while it closes the ring, as the noblest member of the whole, it touches again on the commencing portion, over which its beneficent splendour shall be diffused. So Mr. Traveller regarded these institutions, and regarded them therefore with approval and admiration. Von Kronen, who had already delivered to him a short history of the universities, promised to give him a brief notice of the general German educational system, which he had prepared, at another opportunity:--and here it is. A glance into the evolution periods of the continually ascending spiritual and material interests of an age; a glance at the state of improvement even of this time, and our latest posterity, must unite in the judgment,--with truth was the nineteenth century called "_the enlightened!_" The spirit of man lies no longer in a lethargic sleep; the nations of the _tempus novi_ appear no more the slaves of superstition and of absurdity; manhood feels its worth; discerns its destiny; and strains towards the highest limit,--towards an ennobled humane accomplishment, with all that strength which nature so affluently pours out upon it. Art and science embrace with giant arms the awakened spirit of man; they will be, and they are become, the common property; and every one seeks to make himself a partaker of them, according to the measure of his individual ability. Trade and commerce flourish; the activity of the common man, of the greater part of mankind, has therethrough acquired a nobler direction. Increasing population brings new necessities; and these, again, elicit a zealous wrestling for the means of satisfying them, whereby the spirit of man sees itself compelled continually to a persistence in the most strenuous activity. And does not all this contribute to a perpetually advancing improvement of our human heart and mind most essentially?--Does a thistle here and there thrive amongst the wheat? still the field is well cultivated, and the farmer knows very well how to separate it from the crop. If we seek now the ground, the cause, of the condition of our time in all its connexions, we find the germ laid in the primordial point of union of every kind of cultivation--in education and instruction. Where and at what time has more been done for the education of the people than now? Where and when have the Folk's-schools, those primary institutions for the accomplishment of manhood, acquired a higher and more beautiful position than at present? This interesting circumstance we shall observe somewhat more closely in these pages. Perhaps nowhere can a close inquiry into the innermost essence of a thing be more entwined with the historical developement of the same, than exactly here, when treating of schools, and their peculiar conduct and condition; and although it is by no means our intention to give here a regular history of such developement, yet we cannot avoid casting a hasty retrospective glance on the schools of a former age, since we shall thereby, on the one hand, most securely arrive at the position whence we can, as already observed, best learn to judge properly and perfectly of the nature of Folk's-schools; and, on the other hand, learn best to know the real rank of the schools of our times, and to prize their advantages. "The world's history is the world's judgment," said Schiller, and certainly he therein pronounced an important truth, of which truth where do we find a more evident testimony than here, where the most momentous portion of the intellectual cultivation of the human race is concerned? But to come to the matter. In far antiquity education was the business of domestic life; and how imperfect it was, under such circumstances, we may easily conceive. The parents, uninformed themselves, could impart to their children but very scanty information; the whole of life was rather a vegetation, a physical rather than an inward and intellectual existence. It was then first, as population increased and state compacts were organized, that a kind of schools arose, because men then learned to see that it was only by intellectual ascendency that it was possible to work upon the rude mass. The teachers of such schools were the priests; but the scholars were such alone as, according to their custom, were destined to some high office. We thus see that real Folk's schools were not then in existence; there was, in fact, no conception of them; and what more was necessary to say on the subject of the schools of former ages, we have already given under the head, Universities. Those institutions were calculated rather for the higher range of education, and are to be regarded as the forerunners of our universities, on which account we may here pass them over. It is only with the time of Charlemagne that we can begin to talk of Folk's-education and Folk's-schools. Besides the Scola Palatii, founded by him, and which was placed under the management of his friend Alcuin, he also originated and promoted in the convents the idea of a female education. He and Alfred of England are the true founders of village and country schools. National education owes to them an improvement the most excellent and rich with blessings; alas! that the age was not ripe enough to give a ready hand of co-operation to these noble reformers. Before this time, ay, from the very promulgation of the Christian religion, the priests had striven incessantly to monopolise the instruction of the people, and to throw it entirely into the hands of their order; a fact most prominently testified by the catechetical schools of the second and third centuries, the later episcopal and cathedral schools, and, after the sixth century, those most influential cloister schools. And as it had thus been their constant policy to secure the absolute possession and direction of popular instruction, this became the case again, after the death of these noble monarchs, when every thing had fallen once more into the old track, and these very institutions, which they had planned and founded, became still more effectual tools in their hands. What might and would result from such a predominating hierarchical tendency, experience has taught us. The selfish interests of a form of religion, degraded to the most crafty state-policy, were made the motives for keeping mankind in darkness. The understanding was oppressed by the diffusion of superstition; and under the hypocritical cloak of sanctity, beneath which the most unhallowed fanaticism concealed itself, the priesthood compelled humanity to wander on in blindness and error. The reforms of Charlemagne were as good as forgotten, and the proper Folk's-schools were swallowed up in the darkness of the Middle Ages. What was done in course of time through the exertions of such men as the Emperor Frederick I. took the direction of the high educational institutions, and wholly concerned the universities, which had for a long period been striving to make themselves independent, and, in fact, were so. In the fourteenth century a ruddy streak of dawn showed itself, which though but faintly pervading the darkness, yet at a later period harbingered the sun. Gerhardus Magnus first spoke out the idea of a free education with perspicuity. In 1379 he founded an educational institution at Deventer, in this spirit, and thereby led to the creation of similar institutions in the Netherlands, on the Rhine, and in North Germany. Montaigne, Bacon, and Lord Verulam, were powerful advocates of this idea, which, being only more and more stimulated by the reaction-system of the hierarchy, lead to the epoch of the fifteenth century. The well-to-do Bürger-class began to erect city-corporation, or writing-schools, as they were called, and found themselves obliged to appoint masters to them at their own cost, as the clergy more and more neglected their office of teaching. The clergy, however, exerted all their power against these schools, on grounds which touched them nearly, for they feared a diminution of their income and their power through a greater enlightenment of the people. Under these circumstances the Folk's-schools could not prosper; they either fell speedily, or totally degenerated. The city-schools which were founded in the sixteenth century, and called Latin-schools, were scantily enough endowed, and the proper Folk's-schools were in a still more miserable condition most of those in the villages falling to decay, and those which did still exist scarcely being worthy of the name. But the dawn of a new era soon broke, and the arduous and holy warfare of the Reformation threw light into the darkness of the human mind. Men were now seen to contend for knowledge, and strove to rend asunder the dishonourable bonds which, in a more animal condition, had been riveted upon them. Luther arose, and with him a new order of things in the conduct of schools was called forth. Many worthy schoolmasters, who had already gone forth from the pedagogic brotherhood of Gerhardus Magnus at Deventer, and from the Rhenish Society of Learned Men, founded by Conrad Celtes for the restoration of classical antiquity, had prepared the way for the great Reformers. How illustriously shine out in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the names of Desiderius Erasmus, Johann Reuchlin, Johann Dalberg, Rudolph Agricola, Wilibald Pirkheimer. They are like sacred signs of an approaching better time for the school affairs of the civilized world; and they all strengthened powerfully the hands of Luther, Melancthon, Zuinglius, since they treated schools, and the whole business of education, in a magnanimous spirit. To point out the active services of these men would lead us too far; it must suffice simply to remark that continually more, and fresh, and faithful teachers came forth, amongst whom, Johann Sturm, Valentin Friedland, also called Trotzendorf, Michael Neander, Johann Casselius, and Christian Hellwich, were especially distinguished. If a great want was still here and there visible, yet the path being once broken open, a retreat was by no means to be thought of, and the discovery of Guttenberg contributed not a little to make this impossible. The labours of Wolfgang Ratich and Johann Amors Comenius are of peculiar importance, whose works are known, and in which they treat of the natural and complete developement of all the powers of the human mind, especially of the understanding and the imagination. Pestalozzi's ideas here lie in embryo before us. Soon after the appearance of these men, and the springing up of schools framed according to their views, the Jesuits made every exertion to draw the management of education to themselves; and they succeeded to a certain extent, since with their usual political acumen, they easily saw that it was necessary for them entirely to imitate the form and matter of the evangelical schools. But the stratagem of these satellites of the hierarchy was soon seen through, and the best consequences were to be hoped, had not the storms of the Thirty Years' War crushed so many promising germs and scattered so much beautiful fruit. School economy, during such an epoch, could only wearily maintain itself; the miserable management of ignorant teachers, the simple consequence of that fanatical rage, made the prosperity of schools a thing beyond hope. Yet this reaction actually hastened the entrance of a better spirit, which soon found its warmest advocates in Fenelon, Ph. T. Spener, but especially in A. H. Franke. The activity of the last worthy man had an eminently auspicious influence; and other zealous characters soon enrolled themselves in the list of the friends of knowledge; as Godfried Zeidler, who simplified the mode of spelling; Valentin Hein, and Sulzer, who, 1700-1799, introduced an improved mode of teaching arithmetic. But, unfortunately, there soon grew in the Folk's-schools a deadly poison of all good--Mysticism, which was carried by the teachers to a most mischievous length. Equally blighting lay the pharisaical constraint of evangelical orthodoxy on the school system, not less influentially than that of the Romish hierarchy. It was not till philanthropy raised its head in the middle of the eighteenth century, through the influence of Locke, Rousseau, and Bassedow, that the school system appeared earnestly to seek to improve itself. Locke was the first to treat with a philosophical spirit educational tuition, as a connected whole. T. P. Crousatz followed in the same path. In Germany, the fiery Bassedow, in 1768, took up the Rousseau enthusiasm, and sought to plant the ideas of this philosopher in his native soil. We imagine that we have so far conducted the reader that he can easily follow the description of the institutions for popular education of our time. We have arrived at the position we recently alluded to, and have with it reached also, that exact point of union whence all that succeeds diverges. Although it yet remains to be shown how the various kinds of schools have gradually developed themselves, we believe we may pass over this part of the subject, as on the one hand all that is necessary may be inferred from what has just been said, and on the other, they are too much a part of the present not to be well known to all. Let us therefore proceed to an illustration of the system of our Folk's-schools, which divide themselves into higher and lower; and in the first place notice the lower, as THE ELEMENTARY, OR PROPER FOLK'S-SCHOOLS. In matters of school economy, the Catholics in Germany continued far behind the Protestants, because they cherished the notion that diffusion of knowledge amongst the people was dangerous to the state; and therefore most carefully cut off all possible opportunities for advancing popular instruction; whereas the Protestants, on the contrary, from the last half of the eighteenth century, spared no sacrifice for the promotion of such an object. Such men as Campe, Salzmann, Trapp, rendered services to instruction in a more restricted sense, since they began to reduce the science of tuition to a system; but Rochou was the first who undertook, in the spirit of philanthropy, to work a genuine reformation in the Folk's-schools. Then appeared Pestalozzi, who grounded education on the natural developement of the powers and capacities themselves. His system, which proved its worth in the severe trials that it underwent in the hands of Tillich, Plaman, Schwartz, Ewald, Türk, Ladomus, Herbert, Zeller, Harnisch, Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Jean Paul, Arndt, P[oe]litz, Stephani, Dinter, and others, found, by degrees, general acceptance; and our present school system may with perfect justice be styled the Pestalozzian. But for the necessary preparatory education of teachers themselves, earnest care was soon taken, and a great number of school-teacher seminaries were founded, in which this class of men must study and qualify themselves, and which to them must stand in the same relation as the universities to the professors of scientific and general knowledge. By these means the general improvement of the business of education experienced only accelerating circumstances; and now even Catholic countries, particularly those in which many Protestants dwell, ceased to hang back, and there is now scarcely a place in Germany which does not possess a school; scarcely a state whose government has not thrown out a plan of education more or less adapted to its end. Yes; foreign nations themselves now acknowledge the preeminence of Germany in school economy. On a closer inquiry into the organization of these proper Folk's-schools, the great variety of the same however strikes us, and we cannot here omit to notice a circumstance which is of the most essential importance. In many--yes, in most of the country schools, are the school establishments subdivided according to the different confessions of faith; and this circumstance extends itself even to the schools of the smallest villages. Although the greater part of these are placed under the jurisdiction of a High Board, and are formed, more or less, on a common plan, yet the disadvantage is not to be denied, which must necessarily result from such a system of subdivision. We have observed above how much all Catholic countries lay behind in popular enlightenment, which alone flourishes through popular instruction; and we must, we regret to say, remark that this sorrowful experience again manifests itself as an attribute of these aforesaid school institutions. How very different is it in the Protestant schools! If unlimited freedom of teaching is given to those as well as these, yet the opinions taught are very different, and the consequences of an all-too scrupulous observation of dogmatic forms, not the most agreeable, are seen in the Catholic schools. On the contrary, the Protestant schools follow, free from constraint, every direction of the mind, and the foundation of a philosophical system is here first discernible. In strong contradistinction to both these, stand the so-called Communal-schools, as those which are intended for children of each denomination. These schools, wherever they exist, exert the most beneficent influence on the people. The foundation pillars of all human happiness. Tolerance and Intelligence, find here the securest guarantees for their enduring existence; since, however much men have striven or may strive to counteract them, it continues still incontestably true, that the first impressions on the minds of children are the most vivid and permanent, and the spirit in later years of life pursues its course in accordance with such impressions. It requires no demonstration to show how rich in blessings is such a school system; and the reader will excuse us turning now to a further pursuit of our theme. It is particularly to be observed, that various attempts have been made to extend these school regulations so far as to allow boys and girls to be taught altogether in one and the same class. Such experiments were, however, for the most part confined to such places where the circumstances entirely permitted their trial, which was only here and there; and such school dispositions yet exist. But generally, the instruction is given to boys and girls in one building, but in separate rooms. Before we cast a glance at the mode of school tuition, we will passingly remark, that in most German towns there are, besides the proper Folk's-schools, many establishments for boys and girls, as well for elementary as for more complete education. These stand, however, in no connexion with the Folk's-schools, and do not profess in the slightest degree to employ the same machinery. Yet these educational establishments in the present time deserve so much attention, that to say only what is barely necessary upon them would lead us too far. The subjects of instruction in the Folk's-schools are these: reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, natural history, history; in the higher classes, mathematics, geometry; instruction in the German language;--extended also to a higher style of penmanship, drawing, and music, seldom more than choral singing, and instruction in religion, which last is not given by the teachers but by the pastors of the respective faiths. When each branch of education has not its individual teacher appointed in these schools, the charge of such instruction is consigned to a teacher expressly qualified for it. Mistresses are also appointed for the girls, as well to teach them the ordinary school branches, as hand-work. Of this organization, however, the schools only of the larger cities can boast themselves. In most of the German towns, the parents are obliged to send their children into the schools from their sixth year. If they wish to give to their children an education in another place, more particularly if they would have them privately educated, or would send them to some particular institution, they must for that purpose ask permission of the proper Board. On the part of persons of high position, or of great property, this is very frequently the case, but they are seldom on this account exempt from the payment of the school impost, as this defrays part of the expense of the system, and has, therefore, to be well looked after by government. The schools are divided into classes, according to the respective studies; that is, into systematic divisions, according to the circumstances of the increasing evolutions of the subjects of study. No age qualifies a child to advance into a higher class, but capacity and acquirement alone. And in order to give to the parents an account of the activity of the school system, as well as of the acquirements of the scholars in particular, annual examinations are held publicly, in which what has been taught and learned is brought forward with all possible despatch, and at which the parents are present, that they may convince themselves of the truth of the matter. These public examinations at the same time serve to excite the scholars to activity, as rewards for diligence and good conduct are distributed, and thus a moral value is added to the political one of these institutions. Whatever relates to the arrangement of these schools in their outward form, in their connexions and relations to the state, and the like, in a word, whatever belongs to the administration of the whole, may, in running our observations through them, be pronounced to be a good. All the teachers are placed under the control of an upper teacher: in cities where there are at the same time gymnasia, commonly under the director or rector of the same; or they are under the special oversight of the principal clergymen of the respective faiths. These are, again, dependent on the school college, or Upper Council of Studies, which, in connexion with the Upper Consistorium, constitutes the highest Board. In how far this whole arrangement constitutes one complete and homogeneous scheme of education institutions, including the universities themselves, we will hereafter take an opportunity to point out; we now proceed to describe the higher institutions for instruction which are expressly intended for the people. The next in order are THE REAL SCHOOLS;[27] CALLED ALSO MIDDLE SCHOOLS, HIGHER BÜRGER SCHOOLS, ETC. The origin of these schools we owe, as we have said, to Bassedow, who transplanted the ideas of Rousseau to Germany, which found, by degrees, a complete introduction, especially amongst the tradespeople; yet the Real-schools of that period--the end of the last century, are by no means to be considered as synonymous with the present ones, although they then excited a general interest and acquired for themselves a tolerably high position. They agree entirely in this, that they were schools for those who were not intended to go forward to the universities, and yet whose future destinations demanded, in some measure a higher education than ordinary. The subjects of instruction in them were particularly--geography, history, the natural sciences, calculation, technology, etc. The first, however, in a more extended range than in the lower class of Folk's-schools; these, as they at present exist, and especially such as are organized on the most recent plans, are not merely higher Bürger-schools, but indeed such as might qualify for an academical course. People are, however, far from agreed upon the rights of these schools; upon the determination of their relations to the gymnasia, the universities, etc.; at least, in many German states, great debates have arisen upon this debatable point, and which are yet by no means brought to a conclusion. The Real-schools divide themselves into Higher Gewerb[28]-- Polytechnical Institutions--and Provincial Real-schools, or Higher Bürger Schools. Now it is evident, that in consequence of the assumption of the higher subjects of tuition, as foreign languages, the higher mathematics, physics, etc., by the first institutions, a disadvantage may occur to the Gymnasia, insomuch as all those who are expressly educated for branches of state official service, for offices of finance, of the forests, of general administration, etc., are educated in the Gymnasia. These, and other reasons which we will explain, in noticing the Gymnasia, have been, and probably will long continue to be the causes, that no result sufficiently satisfactory to both parties, however much desired, can be arrived at. But the decidedly advantageous influence which the collective body of Real-schools exert, and which it will more and more extend by still continually extending its sphere of action, is not, however, to be mistaken; and if this excites a spirit of hostility, there cannot be a more palpable reason assigned for it than that which is drawn from a rich experience by a great philologist, and thus expressed:--"What is _new_ is not always wholesome; but even the necessary _new_, and which afterwards proves itself to be an actual _advance_, is certain in its commencement to be attacked." Let us now glance at the internal arrangements of these schools; and indeed of the Higher Gewerb-schools--literally Trade schools--as the so-called provincial Real-schools are neither more nor less than better elementary schools, or rather schools preparatory to the Higher Gewerb-schools; and as so many of the real branches of education are undertaken in them. To these provincial or preparatory schools belong the teaching of physics, natural history, the elements of chemistry, modelling, book-keeping, etc.; instruction in the French, English, and Latin languages; drawing and singing; the former subjects, however, only in the higher classes. The subjects of tuition in the Higher Gewerb, or technical schools, are, on the contrary, mathematics, algebra, plane trigonometry, analytical geometry in all its branches and modes of practical application; higher algebra, differential and integral calculus, plan-drawing and machine-drawing, botany and zoology, and physiology of plants, geognosy, geology; experimental chemistry, technical chemistry, analytical chemistry, practical chemical operations; mineralogy; mechanics, statistic and dynamic, experimental physics, free hand-drawing, modelling in wood and metal, and instruction in German, French, English and Latin languages, and history. It may easily be seen, from this glance at the subjects of instruction, how comprehensive these educational institutions are. To attempt to describe the advantages that they afford would lead us too far, and lies out of our track; but the subject deserves the attention of the whole civilized world, as its consequences must become continually more striking. The circumstances of our times demand a real education; that is, in the practical arts and sciences. One has long ceased to desire that every man shall be every thing; one wishes rather that every one should be qualified to fill with ability his particular post. The philosophical school compulsion which rules in the Gymnasia is here entirely nonexistent. The all-sided human accomplishment which the Gymnasia aim at, and ought to aim at more or less, is not arrived at in these schools, because it is contrary to their object and intention; but on the other hand, they afford the opportunity more thoroughly to throw the minds of the scholars on those subjects which are the most congenial to them, and which will consequently be most serviceable to them in their profession. We ourselves, far from being admirers of a too strict, and therefore forced and one-sided practical education, cannot help calling to mind the splendid proofs of the advantageous and excellent working of these praiseworthy schools, since they have impressed us with the conviction that in this manner able men have been educated not only for the state, but for science, notwithstanding the short time that these institutions have flourished. THE GYMNASIA May now claim our attention, which, particularly through the conflict which has arisen between them and the Real-schools, must possess an especial interest. We must, in the first place, remark, that the word itself expresses no actual conception of the thing, as a gymnasium properly means an open place, where the youth were instructed in philosophy,--in fact, an associate-school. In Athens there were three of them: the Academia, the Lyceum, and Cynosarges. The origin of the gymnasium and the nature of its internal business as a higher educational institution, are simply indicated by the term. To trace what modifications these schools have undergone from that period to the present would be a too widely excursive notice for our present purpose. We shall, under this head, understand only such as strongly mark themselves out by their tendency from the schools already described, and which properly divide themselves into the Latin-school, Progymnasium, Gymnasium, and the Lyceum. The first three are properly schools for future learned men, artists, &c; and in the state in which they exist, as in Bavaria, the studies are commenced in the Latin school, and are ended in the Gymnasium, as the school preparatory for the university. By the Lyceum, in a restricted sense of the word, we understand such a school as seems to conduct to a certain point, the education of the students of the scientific faculty; although in the first, that is, in the Gymnasia, etc., all subjects of study are facultative. For the rest it is very difficult to give a description of these schools which shall express their real character, since in every one of the German states they have different names with different meanings, and in many places bear various appellations where they possess the same tendency. The Gymnasium and Lyceum equally signify schools which give a course of education expressly preparatory to an academical career, and we shall therefore include both under the general name of Gymnasium. The elementary instruction, let it have been acquired as it will, must have made a certain advance before the scholar can enter the Gymnasium, since in the lowest classes--the Gymnasium is divided into classes in the same manner as the Folk's-schools--are taught the elements of the Latin tongue, history, mathematics, etc. Here are especial teachers for every faculty of science; that is, one teacher, particularly in the higher classes, teaches one determinate subject. The study of the ancient classics continues still the chief business, since the German philologists conceive that they constitute the only and indispensable gymnastics of the mind. This is another ground by which these schools have come into open feud with the Realist tendency of the age--why the Gymnasia have dreaded an encroachment on their rights through the rapid growth and influence of Real-schools; because they feared that the public would come to see in their effects, that there was another mode of awaking the spirit to an internal activity than by the study of the dead languages. It is not to be denied that through the study of the ancients the spirit is awakened; the sense of the noble and the great is inspired; that the poetical feeling is excited,--the taste purified, and the reason strengthened; that the mind is accustomed to a logical activity, and especially to self-reflection. But the schoolmen go too far with this. They are orthodox, and are contented that the future learned should here find their necessary nourishment. They will, in general, acknowledge no other learning or education than that of the Gymnasium, and torment every one with it who, as a future tradesman, can manage his affairs perfectly without this knowledge, and can bring by it little or nothing out of the school into his own trade. Yet at present the Gymnasia strive so far to meet the acknowledged necessities of the time, that they have adopted some of the educational subjects of the Real-schools, as mathematics, and the natural sciences in the fullest sense of the word. The subjects of tuition, with the exception of the predominant teaching of the ancient languages, are in general those of the other schools; that is, of the Folk's-schools, in a higher degree. The relation to the state is the same as that which we have already made ourselves acquainted with in the Folk's-schools; and we will now only explain a few more of the peculiarities of the Gymnasia. A totally different discipline prevails in the Gymnasia to that of the Folk's-schools. Corporal punishments here, for the most part, cease in the higher classes entirely. Tasks, shutting up, open reproof, but especially moral restraint, are the means employed for correction. The teachers also stand in a totally different position in regard to their scholars; at least in the higher classes there is less school compulsion, though probably on that account not the less pedantry to be observed. In general, the gymnasiast is already more free, and placed in greater external advantage than the scholars of the other schools; the near prospect of student life calls forth, not seldom, extravagances, which, however, are contended with more vigorously by the teachers, but through the advanced age of the youths are not readily repressed. Though it is strictly forbidden, yet the gymnasiast frequently resorts secretly to public places of diversion, inns, etc.; he also begins to smoke, and to become regardless of conventional relations. In many cities the gymnasiasts have actually endeavoured, of course only the older ones, to form corporations, and to imitate the university Chores. But spite of all this, the constant and great diligence of the gymnasiasts is not to be denied. They exert themselves, because they know that it is only by that means that they can arrive at promotion; that is, that they can obtain the right to enter the university. We must here break off a moment to notice a particular which is of essential importance. The Exemption-and-Maturity-Right[29] belongs exclusively to the Gymnasia--another cause which has called forth in many German states contentions, the other schools already making claims on this privilege. Nothing can indeed be more vexatious, and even in many cases, unsettling, than for an able scholar of the Real-school, after he has passed his examination, and has given ample proof that he is quite qualified to enter the university, to have again to make the course of the Gymnasium, again to weary himself with the reading and study of the ancient classics, entirely for the sake of the formality of promotion, which might just as well be conferred on the Real-schools, and by which money and more especially time might be spared. From the higher position which these schools have already assumed, it is, however, to be expected that this injustice will be done away with, at least, that the Exemption-and-Maturity-Right will be extended to those Real scholars who devote themselves to state science, and to those professions which are included in it. We cannot here avoid taking the opportunity of remarking that, through the contention of these two institutions, which we have thus described according to their different motives, there stands before the Gymnasium a reorganization, unless the _ancienne regime_ maintains the upper hand; that is, if the onesidedness of the strong philological party, which aims at a total isolation of the two institutions, or rather at a complete prevention of their co-operation, shall not achieve the triumph of upholding the Gymnasia in the most unlimited possession of their antiquated privileges; are not, indeed, prepared to resist the stream of time by main force, and to deprive the Real-schools of their equally high importance. The conflict is severe, because prejudices are here attacked; but the impetus of human advancement surmounts every difficulty, and the spirit of man knows no restraint which ultimately may not be broken through;--but we must return to our subject. When the gymnasiast has passed through all the classes, he then undergoes his examination. As in the Folk's-schools, so in the Gymnasia also, there are held annual public examinations for the same purpose; to which, however, is added a government commissioner, for the examination of the Abiturienten; that is, of those who are about to depart, and proceed to the university. This commissioner has to pronounce his solemn judgment upon the performances of the Abiturient, according to which his promotion is allowed or not. This is generally accompanied on the part of the Abiturient by a farewell, or other speech, which is usually composed in Latin or French, and on that of the School College by a public summons to the university, to which is added the necessary school-certificates. It is now curious to see how the Abiturient will conduct himself from the moment that he turns his back on the Gymnasium. Not a book will be looked at; not a pen will be touched; he recompenses himself immediately for the school torment that he has passed through, by a delightful do-nothing; and gives himself up in anticipation to the blessed consciousness of student life. The foretaste of awakening liberty leads him to commit a thousand follies; he imagines himself lord of the world, and knows no conventional restraints. The parents have the worst of it, as they are seldom in a situation to put a salutary damper upon the forth-bursting storm of the mind of the youth. To travel is rule the first with which the Abiturient busies himself; that is, in which he seeks to sound the depths, and explore the regions of the desired freedom. His great endeavour is now to knit up acquaintances with students, and so comes he easily into student life. But in many places it is customary that the Abiturient should give a farewell entertainment. Thither are invited the best of his friends from the abandoned school, and his new ones amongst the students; and the whole takes much the character of a Commers. It is, moreover, regarded as a ceremonial act, and is introduced by the singing of the customary song--The Land's Father. From this period the Abiturient bears the name of Camel, which he has acquired in exchange for the abdicated one of Frog. It may be sufficient to remark, that the educational institutions of every kind keep tolerably equal step with the universities. That Germany bears away the crown of school economy from all other countries, is not to be denied. Or where is the country which has more flourishing schools than Prussia, Wirtemberg, Baden, etc. We here conclude with the words with which we commenced--"the nineteenth century is the age of enlightenment;" and Germany propels at the highest speed its spirit towards intellectual consciousness. It possesses a moral vigour which no other nation of the earth possesses, and the giant arms of German art and science embrace the whole wide surface of the globe with an all-living power. CHAPTER XIV. SONG AN INDISPENSABLE REQUISITE TO THE STUDENT, AS TO ALL GERMANS. Where man sings, lie down--there certain peace is; Amongst the bad, all song of gladness ceases. Traverse the whole territory of Germany, every where, in the north and in the south, thou wilt hear German songs. What is the German's Fatherland? So name me, finally, that land! "Far as the German's free tongue springs, And hymns to God in heaven sings," That shall it be, while sun doth shine! That land, brave German, call it thine! Serious and deep feeling are characteristic traits of the German, and may indeed distinguish his character, so variously modified as it is, amid all the divisions of the German race, and by its manifold points of contact with its foreign boundary neighbours, and thus becoming tinged with so many colours. He who has the skill to clear the original colour from its foreign mixtures, will continually find it lying as the one ground colour, which always remains the same. To this depth and sincerity of feeling the songs and poetry of the Germans are a necessity. As to the man--when all the chords of his heart are shaken by some mighty sorrow; when they threaten to rend asunder under the excess of agony--as then to him comes a flood of tears as a relief; which, as it were, combines the contending feelings of his internal being, and amalgamates them with the most neutral body--water; so song presents itself as a medium to prevent us from succumbing beneath an overwhelming feeling, which the sufferer would fain clothe in words, but finds all words too poor to represent. Let a language be as rich as it will, it may possibly express all that man thinks, but not all that he feels. Nature has lent the eye to the understanding that it may serve it, and in which it may wonderfully mirror itself. In this microcosm of the eye, her creative power has marvellously repeated, in little, every part of his masterpiece--man; and has so completely furnished it, that it can answer most admirably to its destination--to conduct man to the truth. But nature has bestowed upon her favourite yet another sense, through which the fibres of his brain can instantly be put into vibration. Through this she has rendered his position in society delightful, and endowed him with sensibility to foreign communications. But shall these be the only advantages which this sense shall procure him? No; through this shall external impressions enter, which, corresponding with the laws of beauty, shall furnish him with a new enjoyment. Through this, feeling can be constantly and directly acted upon--that portion of the human soul where the animal and the divine nature so wonderfully meet. In vain would he attempt to escape from its lordship; its power extends farther than appears at the first sight; and when sufficiently observed, is found to be the ultimate spring of all human operations. Other nations may, if they please, believe that the ear was given them in order to listen to strange language,--the German is not so cruel as to rend Euterpe and Polyhymnia out of the band of the Nine Sisters. Every where in Germany are altars built to these sisters, and the goddesses smile down approval on the people, because they deem themselves worthy to scatter incense before them. The faith in the mysterious might of music and of song, which so beautifully expressed itself in the Mythology of the Greeks, shone forth also in newer Sagas; and even refined Christendom has not disdained to employ music to work upon the hearts of its votaries. Goethe has done homage to this beautiful faith when, in his Prologue to Faust, he causes Raphael to speak. The sun, in its old way, goes sounding, With brother-spheres in rival song, And its prescribed course thus rounding, Careers with thunder-speed along. Thus the Germans rejoice themselves in an affluence of popular songs, although they possess but few national poets. This latter fact easily explains itself, when one reflects how late the German speech arrived at a greater perfection, and that, at the same time that Germany achieved a literary independence and literary greatness, it lost its political freedom, and came out of its captivity a dismembered whole. Take from Germany its wine, its songs, and we might name yet a third particular of a less middle character,[30] and it will become quite another country. The German expresses the most varied feelings in song, though he does not go quite so far as the opera, in which you cannot, without smiling, hear the Czar of Russia conclude a contract with the English and French ambassadors singing, and ratify the Treaty of Peace in the most exquisite melodies. But the Germans acknowledge the truth of what Goethe has said: What I erred in, what I sought for; What I lived through, what I fought for; Are but flowers in this bouquet: And the young, the old and ailing, And each virtue as each failing, Speak their language in some lay. The common man in Germany sings as he goes to his labour; he sings while he works, in order to enliven himself, and when he has concluded he naturally sounds forth his song of satisfaction. A pleasure, without the accompaniment of singing, he does not understand. Thus the foreigner, who has a taste for singing, hears, with surprise, a chorus-song resounding from a public-house, or passing along the streets, which might not sustain a very severe criticism, but which does all honour to the uneducated singers. So they establish themselves in the smallest villages into Gesang-vereine (singing companies), and the author recollects with particular pleasure, a serenade, which he heard in returning late one evening from Schriesheim, in the village of Handschuhsheim; and also the delightful choral-song, which a company of peasants and peasantesses, frequently raised in the summer evenings in the castle-gardens at Schwetzingen, and which in the stillness of twilight, when the splashing of the distant fountains were only heard besides, produced an extraordinary effect. Thus it happens that songs of simple contents and of simple airs, spread themselves rapidly amongst the people, and by no other means in Germany can you so speedily operate on the popular mind as through the medium of such songs. In almost every different place you hear different songs. As an example of these songs, which are current amongst the people, we may here give a very favourite one, which is sung in a sort of half recitative. PRINCE EUGENE.[31] Prince Eugene, that noble captain, For the Emp'ror fain would back win, Town and fortress of Belgrade, And that they at once might do it, And the army all rush to it, Caused he that a bridge be made, When this work so far had ran on, That with baggage and with cannon They could pass the Danube flood, By Semlin struck they their tents all, And to chase the Turks they went all, To chase them far with jibes and blood. It fell on the twenty-first of August, There came a spy through rain and storm-gust, Swore to the Prince, and showed him then, That the Turks did near him hover, As far as man could them discover, With three hundred thousand men. When Prince Eugene thou comprehended, He bade that he should be attended By his generals and field-marshals; He caused them to be instructed How the troops should be conducted, And upon the foe should fall. Through the parole the word was given, That when they count one and eleven At the midnight by the clock, Every man to horse should go then, For to skirmish with the foemen, All who strength had for the shock. All to horse at once then leaping, And their swords before them keeping, Swift and silent they advance; The troopers and hussars also then, Struck right stoutly, blow for blow then, 'Twas, in truth, a lovely dance. Gunners to the walls advancing, Play ye music to this dancing, With your cannons great and small; With the great ones, with the lesser, On the Turks! and on the Heathens! Till they scamper one and all! Prince Eugenius on the right wing, Like a lion there was fighting, As general and field-marshal. Prince Ludwig rode to and fro then, "On, be brave, ye German brethren, Strike the foe with dauntless hands!" Prince Ludwig he must surrender His spirit and his life so tender, For a bullet struck him down; Prince Eugene was sorely grieved Of such friend to be bereaved, And had him brought to Peterwardein. The Bauer, the Handworker, the Sportsman, in short, each and all have their peculiar songs in abundance, which are never out of their mouths. Do all Germans then sing, and sing they everywhere? some one may ask. No, don't fear that you would actually be deafened with singing in Germany. The Bundestag,[32] when it holds its sitting; the Landtag,[33] when it is in debate; the statesman in the business of his office; the learned man writing his dissertation, and many other people, don't sing; in short, people do not sing in their solemn affairs, though the opera makes them do so. But amongst those who have nothing better to do, the little children who have yet no proper voices, or initiated ears for it, and the very old people who have partly sent their teeth before them into another world, are the only ones that don't sing. The young sing much, the care-free young still more; and the students perhaps most of all. Singest thou not through all thy lifelong hours? Yet in thy youth rejoice; We hear alone while lasts the moon of flowers The nightingale's sweet voice. _Uhland_. It is this also which gives heart to the student; and how can he who is called the son of the Muses, do otherwise than be obedient to his divine mother? The so-called Commers-Books contain a rich collection of songs, so that the student can be in no embarrassment to find one suitable to the moment. He finds here a song adapted to every occasion, and to every mood of mind. Before all, social songs are in requisition when the students are assembled at their Kneip for a merry meeting. As the larger assemblies of this kind are called Commers, so the song-books are called the Commers-Books. When a song is sung by a number of them in company, it is the duty of the Foxes to hand round these books. The popular songs live, however, without the books, permanently in the minds of the students. An individual student often sings a song solo. The greater portion of them are only what may be called natural singers; but in a large Chore this is not of much consequence. In most of the German schools a portion, but a very scanty portion of instruction in singing is given, and this mainly with the object of preventing the people from too much disturbing the devotions of the congregations in the churches by their dissonance. By this, however, so much is gained, that every one who has afterwards neglected singing, yet still retains a notion of it. There is besides sure to be found amongst such a throng of students, no inconsiderable number, who possess a really fine voice, and which has, therefore, not been neglected. These are they who in the Kneips often execute a solo, or in the choral-songs undertake the solo part, and others endeavour, by the power and steadiness of their voices, to conceal the defects of those who sing with them. When, as often happens in summer, the company suffer their songs to float in the open air, and when the cups have not gone too diligently their round, it is then a genuine pleasure to listen to them. One of the most beautiful songs, and which is most frequently sung at the German universities, is this, in which the effect of the chorus is often strengthened by the accompaniment of instrumental music:-- COMMERS SONG. From high Olympus comes our pleasures crowning, From thence our dream of youth was sent; Therefore trust brothers, spite of Envy's frowning, Who would our youthful joys prevent. Solemnly sound ye the jubilant song. Revelling brothers with beaker clang. Deep in the sea of youthful pleasure drinking, Joy smiles and beckons from the shore; Till on some evening late the bright sun sinking, Delights us with its beams no more! Solemnly, etc. So long as pleaseth God, thus friends beloved, In gladness shall our life move on; And when, some day, the curtain is removed, We'll join our worthy fathers gone, Solemnly, etc. Drink, brother, drink! thy loved one,--think upon her, She who thy youth's dream blesseth still; A glorious "Ho!" now sound we to her honour, That through her every nerve shall thrill! Solemnly, etc. And of our brethren is there one departed-- By pale Death summoned in his bloom? We weep, and wish him peace, all saddest hearted, Peace to our brother's silent tomb. We weep and wish that peace may dwell In our dear brother's silent cell. Very frequently in the students' drinking companies they sing a roundelay, as we lately saw at the evening peep at them at Hoffmann's rooms, where each one sings in turn a song, or, at least, a strophe. This, as we have seen, they term a Sauf-Comment, which we may look at a little more closely, as it is sometimes attended with variations. The president of the Sauf-Comment sings,-- There goes a drinking-law oar table all around, around, There goes a drinking-law our table all around. Ten quarts and yet one-a Ye knew well what I think on-a. Ten measures and ten mo, Fidibum! let one now go, let one now go, let one now go! Or, Three time three are nine-a, Ye know well what I opine-a. There goes a drinking-law our table all around! When all have sung round till it comes to one who can find no more song to sing, the Chore then sings-- Our brother, N. N. To pitch, to pitch, is turned again. Draw thou white-horse good, Up to the knees in mud, etc. The student has, again, other songs for festive celebrations and for fun, as for the initiation of the Foxes, by the Fox-ride; for the Commers; for the departure from the university; nor is he at all wanting in songs proper for a serenade to his beloved. Love, Wine, Fatherland, Friendship, of them the poets of a former age have sung, and of them sing the poets of our own. These the songs of the student celebrate, and the son of the Muses does not forget to enjoy his wine while he sings of it, well knowing how very often the other things exist rather in idea than in actuality. And who should be more in the humour to sing a merry song than the student, who revels in the enjoyment of the serene present, perhaps shutting out a darker future from his eyes, which is yet separated from him by his examination. This happy time, free from all cares, which darken the later life of him who grasps at riches or at the phantom of renown; this time, he knows well, comprehends but a few years,--"but the whole of life," thinks he philosophically enough, "is but a span of time, therefore let us the more enjoy these years, and celebrate with song the felicity of youth." In this spirit they often sing and act with great glee the following comic piece: AN UNBOUNDED JOLLITY. An unbounded jollity is of my life the rule, Sir, Since it leads me gaily through youth's rosy paradise: Comes a Manichean in, an old dunning fool, sir, I'm sure to give him much good advice. "'Slife! hear you now, sir, I want my gold." "Cease jaw, Camel, I've none, and that's soon told." _Spoken_.--Make thyself scarce. Old Lamentable! Give time! or I'll pay thy long bill with five silver groschen. Agio.--We'll knock it all off (pointing to his stick, and showing his five fingers.) Quickly doth the old fool fly, And I laugh till fit to die. Pray then when a-fresh the rhino cometh in, sir. An unbounded jollity, etc. Morning to the lectures go; nine-pins in the evening; Early, in old house-coat; not till late our toilet made. To Commers then haste away, For there's pawked in a Fox to-day. _Spoken_.--"Silence, Fox! hold your tongue when Old Mossy Heads are speaking."--"Ah! Heavens! I can drink no more of these healths. It makes me so ill."--"Hold thy tongue, Fox! Thou hast yet only emptied nineteen choppins of most excellent beer. It is not worth talking of. Study only three years, and thou'lt bring it up to nine-and-twenty." So we had the Commers here, Jolly still with wine and beer, For we are but young once, in our life so fleeting. An unbounded jollity, etc. Meet I now an Exquisite, who comes stately sailing, Who right flat and swelling larger draws near. Then trample I on his toe--then wondereth he; I tread it again--then waxeth be wroth. _Spoken_.---"Hear you there! Was that done purposely with the foot!"--"No; it was done with the heel."--"So! but that appears to me very strange?"--"Do me then the only pleasure; find nothing strange here. You are a Stupid Youth!" And the duel then is seen, For the wit is mighty keen;-- Strike him a thundering Winkelquartè![34] As unbounded jollity, etc. Find I then a sweet maid and loving, Then contains Ovidii Ars Amandi, good advice. "Ay, but wilt thou marry me?"--"Don't be afraid; When I've once my office got, 'twont be delayed." _Spoken_.--"Aha! that's just as it happens! First I go to Jena, there to study the _Nefas_; then go I to Heidelberg, study there the great _Fasss_.[35] That's the way of it." And then comes the tug of strife, With the Pandects, life for life. Then after, examen, office calls, and then for marriage. An unbounded jollity, etc. I'm a great philosopher, of the school of Hegel, And his system follow I to the life. The Beadle is upset, the Philistine is teased; Goes all wrong--the Prorector is appeased. _Spoken_.--"Well, Sir! last night you have again cudgelled and floored five watchmen; and for this you must spend four weeks in the Carcer."--"Your Magnificence, I think nothing of that!"--"You will go on cudgelling watchmen till you get the Consilium abeundi."--"Youth must sow its wild oats;--that's an old rule. Your Magnificence was young once: certainly it's a good while ago; but spite of this, I hope one of these days to become an honest, brave fellow, and do service to my Fatherland, and become a special honour to your Prorectorate." Thereupon drops he a tear; Thinks of his youth--"Ah! it was dear!" Gives me an examen summa cum laude. An unbounded jollity, etc. Happy are they who carry on with them this free and cheerful disposition into after-life, which for most of those who now live so gaily and happily at the university, brings an arduous succession of labours loaded with cares and fatigues, which, however, sometimes leave as their reward at the end of their career of life, a consciousness of having discovered a certain portion of truth, and of having been able to benefit their fellow-citizens. Student-life thus belongs to those things which can come only once in our existence, but which are on that very account the fullest of happiness, and must often extend their influence so far as at least to refresh by their memory a later, solemn, and joyless life. The songs of a happy youth accompany him who has entered on the more serious path of his existence, and their melody is able to bring him back for a moment now and then into the dream of his young years. With a song of sorrow the student too, follows to the grave the brother who departed this life, and then turns from the image of death, and rejoices that he yet longer can enjoy the happy Burschen period. GAUDEAMUS IGITUR. Gaudeamus igitur Juvenesdum sumus; Post jucundam juventutem, Post molestam senectutem, Nos habebit humus. Ubi sunt, qui ante nos In mundo fuere? Vadite ad superos, Transite ad inferos, Ubi jam fuere. Vita nostra brevis est, Brevi finietur; Venit mors velociter; Rapit nos atrociter; Nemini parcetur. Vivat academia, Vivant professores, Vivat membrum quodlibet, Vivant membra quælibet; Semper sint in flore. Vivant omnes virgines, Faciles, formosæ; Vivant et mulieres, Vivant et mulieres Bonæ, laboriosæ. Vivat et respublica, Et qui illam regit; Vivat nostra civitas, Mecenatum caritas, Quæ nos hic protegit. Pereat tristitia, Pereant osores; Pereat diabolus, Quivis anti-burschius Atque irrisores. CHAPTER XV. DRINKING CUSTOMS OF STUDENT LIFE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Seize the glittering wine-cup there! See ye not, no purply winking, Blood of nature, rich and rare? Let us grasp it, boldly drinking, That a fire-strength may glow Through each vein--a new creation! Sacred is of wine the flow-- Is of youth the glad elation! _Uhland_. Have the gods drunk nectar!--the gods, exempt from all the cares of mortal existence, and shall then poor mankind be envied the enjoyment of their earthly nectar? No; not without cause was it celebrated by all the ancient poets. Even the great Reformer himself joined in its praise; and Horace says-- Narratur et prisci Catonis, Sæpe mero caluisse virtus. Then come the moralists truly and say, "You should not purposely throw yourselves into an artificial gladness; the true gladness comes from within." Very true; and the genuine healing of sickness comes from within, and you shall and cannot subdue it by art? It is therefore that the Turks believe that you ought not to assist nature in her marvellous operations by a healing means. If that be your faith, do as the Turks do, and drink no wine. But have we not thus a thousand things which are to a certain degree necessary to our well-being, necessary to preserve the proper tone of mind and body? And would you blindly condemn all these? Wherefore then do you imagine that wine was made? Would you banish all poetry out of life, and say Who then would cheat himself with phantom shapes, That with a borrowed charm do clothe existence, And with a false possession follow Hope? _Schiller_. Will you do that? Then, indeed, must you banish wine; for it is, so to say, an incarnate poetry. For if it were not that, it were nothing to us; and to whomsoever it is not that, him counsel we to refrain, and to hand it over to other and happier mortals. But think well on it ere you banish all poetry out of the world. The roseate-tinted veil of dreams Falls from Life's countenance of pallid gloom, And the world showeth as it is--a tomb. _Schiller_. Who, then, would wish to live in such a world? No; we value the wine which calls forth the poetry of the inner man of him who is not totally abandoned of the Muses. But you, perhaps, reprobate the enjoyment of wine as too ignoble and material. But is it then the material portion of the wine which confers on us its witchcraft? No; it is the fine spirit, and that ethereal life which the German calls the flower of the wine. They ascend to the exhausted brain, and brace the relaxed chords. Know you then whether the strength which gives to life poetry and fresh grace, may not be one and the same? Whether the strength which is here bound to the material substratum, be not the same which there seizes thee mightily in the creations of Shakspeare? whether it be not the same which lives in the accord of the violoncello; whether it be not the same which dwells so entrancingly in the voice of the beloved? Yes, the spirits of the wine are related to others; and when they discover their brothers in the breasts of men, so combine they vigorously, and bursting their bonds, rush forth into active operation. All those noble feelings which had long, perhaps, by their possessor, who had experienced the bitter deceits of life, been beaten down and slept in obscurity--now, touched by the magic wand of wine, start again from their tomb. But when the spirits of the wine find there only strange and ignoble associates, then raise they with them a fierce conflict, in order from such guests of hell to free man; whose difference from all other beings, says Goethe, consists in this--that he be noble, helpful, and good! Therefore despise not wine, which is capable of accomplishing such rare ends, which can raise phantasies such as were dreamed in the Rathskeller at Bremen.[36] No; we acknowledge the wisdom of him who gave the wine to mankind, and of the good old patriarch who so thankfully received it. OLD NOAH. Noah from the ark had got, The Lord came to him on the spot; He smelt his offering in the wind, And said to thee I will be kind. And since a pious house thou art, Thyself shall name the gracious part. Then Noah answered, as he stood, "Dear Lord, this water smacks not good. Therefore I, poor old man, would fain Some different kind of drink obtain, Since that there hath been drowned therein All sinful beasts, and men of sin." To Paradise, God stretched his hand, And gave him thence a vine-stock grand; He gave him counsel good and right, Said, "Tend thou this with all thy might." He him instructed,--so, and so,-- Till Noah's joy no bounds did know. Both wife and child did Noah call, His servants and his house-folks all. He planted vineyards all about-- For, trust me, Noah was no lout; Built cellars then, and pressed the wine, And tunned it into hogsheads fine. Old Noah was a pious man; Soon to a row his barrels ran. To God's high praise he drained each cask, Nor deemed it, faith, a heavy task. He drank, thereafter, as appears, Three hundred yet and fifty years. A knowing man thence see it will, That wine well used, can do no ill. And farther,--that no Christian more Into his wine will water pour,-- Because there hath been drowned therein, All sinful beasts, and men of sin. The Germans never despised their cups. Tacitus, in his time, said of them--"To drink day and night brings disgrace to no one." Tacitus might, in truth, have said pretty much the same of his own people. If in the beginning they mixed their wine with water, this is not to be taken as the fact in an after period. Who does not recollect the son of Cicero, the most celebrated drinker of his time, with whose exploits in tippling scarcely the Germans could match themselves, stout drinkers as they were? It is well known that the ancient Germans transacted their most important affairs when they were elate with Bacchus, and reconsidered them, the next day, with a sober understanding. This custom they retained, in many places, during the Middle Ages, and this was the case in the free city of Bremen. Wine and song have maintained their standing in every true Brotherhood, and this still continues to be the practice in Germany. This ancient German custom then, least of all could be expected to be abandoned in Burschendom, and their songs are, for the most part, sung over the cup. We may here find a place for some words of Schluck's persiflage on the _Burschen-Comment_. "The songs which are sung by the Commerses are called Burschen songs, and besides the students, nobody may sing them--since they, "1. Are only composed in honour of the studentship; and, "2. Are chiefly composed in Latin, as the language belonging to the learned." (This is no longer the case. Latin songs become daily rarer yet some still remain in use, as--_Mihi est propositum_.) "Should a Knote dare to sing a student song, he is to be well cudgelled; not so much on account of the excellence of the song, as on account of the audacity of the Philistine, presuming to desecrate songs sacred to the students especially as it is impossible that he can have so much feeling as to appreciate the elegance and beauty of such songs." As the occasions on which men sing are very different, it is natural that the contents of the songs should be so too. Some contain-- _Firstly_.--An incitement to joy. Amongst these I reckon "Up Brothers, let us joyful be;" or, an Exhortation to Friendship, as that _bonne amitié_ song, with which a Commers is always opened, and whose object is solely to create a friendly feeling in the Old Burschen towards the Foxes. _Secondly_.--Others are Freedom and Fatherland songs; amongst which, high above all, stands "The Landsfather." _Thirdly_.--Songs which express the spirit and bravery of the students; as--"The Bursch of genuine Shot and Corn;" or "The Sword on my left side:" "Know ye the happy way to conquer;" "Brave 'tis 'neath the free blue Heaven," etc. One of these we may here give at length, as a PICTURE OF THE OLD-FASHIONED BURSCH. The Bursch of real shot and corn, His courage still doth bloom; On heavy boot the spur is worn, From hat doth sway the plume. The huge hat makes a gallant show, With the sword cut through;[37] It guards him more from thrust and blow, Than were it sound and new. The Bursch his ornament doth bear, Which him such pleasure brings, The sword which with a fearful air Upon his left side swings. As Bursch, when through the town he stirs, Majestic in all eyes, The sparks they lighten round his spurs, And fire crossways flies. What careth he, though hole there be, Upon his elbow now; The jolly Bursch remaineth he, Before whom all must bow. But wo to thee! if on his course In perfumed garb thou rub; He'll curse thee for Pomatum-horse, And threaten with his club. For friends still beats his heart so warm, He feels their grief and care; For them he wields his mighty arm, Nor would his own life spare. Whoever saw him shrink a-back, Or do a coward deed? Shame on him he would never take, Though kingdoms were the meed. They law how in the battle-shock His flashing sword he drew; They saw how from its sweep, like smoke, The slaves before him flew. Courage in danger and distress Is aye the conquering plan: Aye though all hell upon him press, He'll show himself a man! Hears he of Hermann's spirit proud, Of his high deeds the fame, His German blood warns him aloud-- "Be worthy of the name!" He drinks the German vine-juice bright, And German feels and great; In his right arm dwells giant might, And freedom's his estate. Then live hoch! every German man Who thinks and speaks as he; But they who falsehood basely plan, Extinguished may they be! Weighs care upon his heart's repose, He takes his pipe so dear, And as the Knaster fumes and glows, All troubles disappear. He is a Bursch,---lives _sans façon_ Him all their friend may deem; His heart is good, although we own At times it different seem. Fair maids he wishes free from wrongs, With joy to their life's goal; And lauds them still in all his songs, With all his heart and soul. See! though all glasses empty stand, Full jugs to us appeal; So send the wine from hand to hand, And drink the Bursch's weal. Already from the jug's full flood To glass the wine doth flow, And to our worthy Brotherhood, We'll sound this hearty hoch! Baden I call my Fatherland, As life I prize its weal; Therefore I wear the Baden Band, And guard with hand and steel. _Fourthly_.--Others are drinking songs; as "Crambambuli, that is the title;" or "When carousing I shall die;" "The year is good, the brown beer thrives;" "Bring me blood of noble vines;" "The dearest sweetheart that I have;" "I have throughout the forenoon long;" "I and my dear bottle;" "Now sing in dulci jubilo;" or that maiden song, in which the maiden is drunk for, while he who empties most measures is declared the conqueror, and entitled to marry the maiden; while the rest cry and chorus. He's done it stout, he's done it stout, So will he not be laughed right out. And the maiden, who all the while is perfectly unconscious of these proceedings, and has given no consent to them, is declared to be won, and is pronounced to be the beloved of the victor. Ah, poor maiden! so wouldst thou, not out of love, but truly contrary to thy will, be thrown into the arms of a drunkard! This maiden song is now, to the honour of the studentship, quite out of use; yet Zackariä describes such a scene as common in the days of his Renommist. And therefore filled he with beer that mighty glass, And drank it off the first unto that fair endearing--- A maiden yet whose name had scarcely met his hearing He held in hand, as sceptre, the solid room-door key, Thus acted he as chief, and to his realm gave he A sacred law, unpausing the measured draught to end; And oft his judge's arm let the heavy key descend. Wo unto him who then this law as rebel brake, When he that thunder-word _pro p[oe]na_, to him spake.\ Then must another measure his luckless throat o'erflow, Or stood he in great danger the damsel to forego. * * * * * "But now, ye Brothers--hoch! and let Selinda live. Vivat Selinda, hoch! with roughest throats now roar, Vivat Selinda, hoch! cry mightily once more! Shout for the third time--hoch!"--the very room did quiver, And on the long wet table the glasses ring and shiver. As in old Homer's story, upon the Trojan plain, Mars, like ten thousand men, sent forth a cry of pain, Till the whole army trembled, with rock, and hill, and valley, So trembled now this chamber with this Studenten sally. Then Torf her lovely countenance with such a beauty draws, That each one swearing gave a thundering applause. The Renommist then cried--who inly now grew warmer-- Here I myself do choose her--I choose her for my Charmer. "The fiend thou dost!" said Torf, right loath to give her o'er, But Raufbold straight defied him to twenty choppins more. Torf yielded up the contest--strength did his hope betray, And Leipsic's crown was thus far from the faint-heart drunk away. _The Renommist_. Certain songs belong to the conclusion of a Commers, or drinking meeting. With the last song, the glasses are turned upside down according to the old song, and the brother revellers, wish each other a good night. I take my dear glass in my hand And bear it to the Underland. I fetch again my glass so dear, And hold to th' right and to th' left ear. My glass unto my mouth set I, And drain it to the bottom dry. The right thing to the glass do we, What was above must under be. The glass must walk the land O! From one to th' other hand O! He who in drinking or singing shoots a buck--that is, has broken the rule--must _pro p[oe]na_, or in other words as a penalty, empty an extra choppin or two. He who often associates himself with a Commers, is called a Commers-brother. * * * Give us a prime good glass, so will our praise be ample, Only be 't not too scant a sample; For when on wine I must decide With mouth right full I'd have it tried. _Goethe's Faust_. So thought the German students in earlier times, and so think they still. Drinking had reached a dreadful height in the Middle Ages, and many laws were passed, but in vain, to put a check on the madness. It was the same amongst the Burschen, who carried it to a most incredible extent. At the time that those students who were the best drinkers, were most regarded amongst their fellows in the universities, a Westphalian studying in Halle, made a visit to a countryman who was studying at Jena. The Jena student, to show his friend that he understood life, immediately on the first evening, called all his companions together, and they all drank to the welcome visiter so strongly in beer and wine, that on the following morning he had hardly slept off the effects of it before twelve o'clock. Scarcely had he dressed and despatched his dinner, when he was anew conducted to the drinking-place. Thus the revel continued for eight days in succession, when he travelled back to Halle. After his return he related many strange things of the mode of life of his countrymen in Jena, and always added--"Children,--it is very curious in Jena,--there is no forenoon there." Such madness is now gone by; yet, ever and anon, there are students who might boldly challenge the gentlemen of the old school to a trial at toping, if they would rise out of their graves to it. Beer is the general beverage of the students, and as the best sorts of the same, as the Bavarian, and the formerly celebrated Heidelberg beer, are not strong, the health of the consumer, even in a long-continued course, is not injured by it, as it is in other universities, where, through the want of beer, wine and spirits are drunk. Beer, at the same time, is the cheapest liquor, and on that account is liked by the student not less than by the common man, amongst whom it is equally the custom to drink much. In one year, when the choppin (pint) of beer cost one-third of a penny, or, about half the usual price, a coachman achieved a most extraordinary feat in drinking. Some students promised to pay for a hundred choppins if he would drink it with only short intervals. He accepted the offer, and had all the hundred measures set in a row on a bench. He drank the first, walked slowly to the end of the hall and back, drank off the second, and so on till finding not another drop, he said quietly to the landlord--"So, now let me have just another choppin for my money." The students drink generally beer at their Kneips, and if this is done in the open air, a large company is accustomed to pile up the emptied jugs into a pyramid. Not by trophies, marbled over, Will posterity discover What we brothers here have done; But of triumph our memorial, These drained pitchers in their glory all, Pile, a pyramid of fun! _Hauff_. At Commers, and on other festive occasions, are also frequently drunk wine, or ardent glee-wine and punch. It is a very ancient custom, amongst drinkers, that the glasses must be emptied after certain and manifold practices and prescriptions. Horace describes a similar wont in his time, where the drinkers are accustomed to elect a king, who presided on the occasion. Such rules are now become quite voluminous amongst the students, and are collected into their so-called Beer-Comment. This, therefore, contains the guiding laws of the Beer-Court. We will give this Beer-Comment at the end of the volume, as an example of the elaborate style into which this old and deep-rooted custom of German student-life has come to be carried out. Strange as it may appear to other nations, it is a custom in Germany, old as the universities themselves; and as our object is to probe to the very bottom of student-life, and give a full and faithful portraiture of it, those of our sober readers who may not think these very wise or commendable laws, may, having read the rest of the book, there close it, without perusing this Beer-Code. We also precede the account of the Commerses with a collection of all the phrases which the Germans employ to clothe in a tolerable garb of decorum that dreamy condition into which Bacchus frequently throws his votaries. These modes of expression were collected by Lichtenberg, and a few only have been added to them. HIGH GERMAN He scents wine He has got a shot He is shot through He has got a blow He has got a touch He has got a Jesuit He has got too much He is tipsy He is foggy He has got a saintish look He has a dizziness He is inspired He is full He takes a Bauer for an earth-bear His head is heavy He has dim eyes He is not right in the upper story He has glass eyes He rocks He has something in the roof He is full and furious He has his load He has been in a good spot He has something in his head He has enough He has got a bag-wig He has drunk a glass too much He has pept into the glass too deep He is illuminated He staggers His tongue is too heavy He can't lift his tongue any more He floats He makes crosses He is sated He saw wooden cans in heaven He is up to his throat full He has made himself a beard He goes in a flourish He is well blessed He is loaded awry He has made himself black His house is haunted He tacks about He can't keep his legs He is funny He is well drunk He has been present He is ready He is off He is away He is happy He takes the sky a bass viol He sees the letters double He is as sick as heaven-hail He is dull and full He has followed his own fancy He is _à tout_ He has daubed himself He has a rattle He has a ditto He has round feet He has leaned too far over He is star-blind thick He yearns after the brandy bottle He has lamed his tongue He is as full as a bagpipe He is lost He is covered He sees two suns He is thick as poodle-hail He goes as if all houses were his He is totally away He sails with full sails He leans against a shutter He is poodle thick He has his tally He has his part He can't spit over his beard He makes a _pas frisé_ He is thick He has had too much of a good thing He has been in his cups He has something in the top He is cat thick He has washed himself He has drammed himself He has done it pretty well He has taken good care of himself He has a giddiness He can scarcely stammer He has Moses' tongue He is led about He is under the table He takes a church-spire for a toothpick He has armed himself with a sword He has sprinkled his nose He has endowed himself They have buried him He is hail-blind full He stares like a stuck calf He looks like a duck in thunder He is be-kneipt He is split He doesn't come home alone He brings Geiselbrecht with him He is a drunken swine He falls off He is in dulci jubilo He has chopped beyond the line He is tufted He cannot walk in the line In the Low German are some fifty other phrases on the same subject. CHAPTER XVI. THE COMMERS. And there is grandfather, who, letters still extant, Though now somewhat ancient, give sure text on't. In many a Commers and Burschen-feast, As sword-bearing Præses his fame increased. _Preface to the Renommist_. Our discourse shall now be of a beautiful feast of the Students--the Commers. We describe the Commers of the present day; since in earlier times this festival bore another shape, and was disfigured by rude customs, so that we may justly say of the Commers, that it has not, like most other feasts, degenerated in the course of years, but has already improved itself. We will hereafter speak of these customs of an earlier time, and of some which in many places still remain, but which do not necessarily belong to the Commers. We understand by a Commers, as it now exists, a festive assembly, which consecrates itself by a higher tone and signification by the singing of "The Landsfather." The Commers is divided into the general and the special. In the former, the assembled Chores, and all other students who wish it, take part. In describing the constitution of a Chore, we have already spoken of these. In the special Commers, only a particular Chore, with all those that are attached to it, and such other members of other friendly Chores as are invited, take part. The Commerses are distinguished into Entrance and Farewell Commerses, with which the Semesters open and close. The Fox-ride generally takes place at the Entrance-Commers. Each particular Chore, moreover, has its Foundation-Commers, on which it celebrates the anniversary of its establishment. Many Chores also are accustomed to hold a Commers in honour of the birthday of their Land Prince. First, of the General Commers. To this, assemble themselves all who take part in it, in a spacious room, either in the city or in its immediate neighbourhood. Those students who are not themselves in any Chore, attach themselves to one or other of them, and each Chore has its particular table; and two presidents sit at the head of each table. The chief president is the Senior of that Chore which has the secretaryship. When the Commers shall begin, the presidents cry "ad loca!" which command every one must be careful to obey, if he would avoid the consequence of a beer penalty. In these Commerses, the rule is to drink beer, and this is called a Commers in beer. The chief president has now to give out the songs which shall be sung, and he also dictates the particular verses. Certain songs are on these occasions brought forward from time immemorial, as "Heidelberg, live thou! hurrah hoch!" or the following, at a Farewell Commers. THE TRAVEL SONG. Away! we have drunk it, the sparkling wine, Adieu, now, ye loved ones, to wander is mine. Adieu, now ye mountains, thou fatherly home, For mightily drives me the passion to roam. For mightily drives me the passion to roam. The sun in the heaven won't pause without change, But speeds on through lands and o'er oceans to range; The wave will not cling to the same lonesome strand; The storms, they go roaring with might through the land. --(The land). With clouds, fast careering, the bird floats along, And sings in the far-land its home-loving song; Through forest and field so the Bursche is hurl'd, To be, like his mother, the wandering world. --(The world). There greet him the birds which beyond seas he knew; From fields of his home-scenes 'tis here that they flew. The sweet flowers around him familiarly grow, In airs from his country, far wafted, they blow. --(They blow). The birds! O well know they his father's own towers; For garlands of love once he planted those flowers. And love, it still follows, still gives him the hand, And makes him a home in that furthermost land. --(That land). Before each president lies a drawn sword, with which, as signal of command, he strikes upon the table. It is forbidden to every one, on pain of a beer-penalty, to interrupt the song in any manner whatever. So now the singing and drinking go forward in regular course. At a later hour a supper is eaten, and the Commers is closed by the singing of "The Landsfather," after which there is no more singing, but it immediately becomes free to every one to stay and kneip on as long as he likes. When "The Landsfather" is to begin, the presidents command "ad loca!" Every one must quietly take his seat, and it is allowed to no one, as otherwise commonly happens at kneipings, to take off his coat, and sit in his shirt-sleeves. All must be conducted solemnly and seriously. All voices join in-- THE CONSECRATION SONG, OR LANDSFATHER. Silence all ye, each one call ye Unto solemn tones his ear! Hark, the song of songs I raise now, German brothers, join in praise now, Sound it, Sound it back a chorus clear! Of your Fatherland the song; Fatherland! thou land so famous, Sacred to thy glory claim us;-- Germans proudly, swell ye loudly, We, our swords, to thee belong! Life and living to thee giving, We are all prepared to bleed: Ready at each hour for dying, Death, with all his wounds defying, If our Fatherland it need. He who feels not; he who zeals not, In true worth to be arrayed,-- He shall not our bond dishonour; This our Bride,[38] swear not upon her; Nor the German sword degrade. Song the proudest, swell it loudest; Brave and German be we too; See the consecrated band here, As brave Burschen take your stand here, And the free-cap strike ye through. See it gleaming, softly beaming, In my left this stain-free glave; Thus I strike the cap through, swearing, Honour bright for ever wearing, Still to be a Bursché brave! During the singing of the preceding stanzas, the two presidents hold their swords across each other, each holding his sword in his left hand, and placing the fingers of the right on it, to ratify the oath; and this being done, they pierce their caps through, and leave them hanging on the swords. While they do this, all sing: Thus thou strik'st the cap through, swearing, Honour bright for ever wearing,-- Still to be a Bursché brave! Each president then sings thus to his next neighbour while he reaches him the cup:-- Drinker! swimming, bright o'erbrimming, Take this Fatherlandish cup! The presidents give their swords each to their next neighbours. These, who sit opposite to each other, have risen from their seats, and now hold the swords which they have received from the presidents, crossed, over the table. The presidents continue their song: Thy left hand the keen sword bearing, Boring through the cap, and swearing-- To thy country drink it up! [Here they empty the cups. The two who have drunk now sing,-- See it gleaming, softly beaming, In my left this stain-free glave! All repeat--"See it gleaming, softly beaming," etc. Each of the two individuals sings on:-- Thus I strike the cap through, swearing, Honour bright for ever wearing, Still to be a Bursché brave! While all repeat this in chorus, the caps of the two are spitted on the swords to the former two. With the last words the presidents take back the swords, and as they hand the caps to the next two, sing, "Drinker! swimming, bright o'erbrimming," etc. So go the presidents, repeating the same ceremony with each opposite two, till they reach the bottom of the table. Here they exchange with each other the swords, on which the assembled caps are hanging, but without changing their respective sides of the table. As they do this each president sings: Come thou, drawn sword, consecrated, Of freemen the weapon free! With transpierced cape thus freighted, Yield it solemnly to me. Let us gaily it discumber, Cover each one now his head; And unspotted in his bed, Till next feast-day let it slumber. All sing-- Up! ye feast companions, guard them, All our hallowed rites and fair; All your heart and soul award them, As stout men should ever dare! To the feast, ye brothers valiant,-- Worthy of your fathers, stand! And may he ne'er wield the brand, But who noble is and gallant! Each president now reaches across the table to the brother sitting opposite to him, his cap, which he has taken off the sword, and stretches the sword over his covered head; both the presidents singing:-- So take it back;-- Thy head I now will cover, And stretch the sword it over, And live to this our Brother, hoch! A dog's-foot who insult him shall! Wherever we shall meet him, We'll aye, as Brother greet him, And live to this our Brother, hoch! While all are singing, the president reaches to him whose head he has covered, his right hand. The presidents thus gradually, and in succession, cover all heads, till they have again arrived at that place at the table where they have presided. Returned thither, they cover each other under the same ceremonies. In conclusion, all sing:-- Rest thee from the Burschen feast-rites, Now, thou dedicated brand, And be each one's high endeavour-- Freedom for his Fatherland! Hail to him who still is haunted With his father's &me in field; And the sword may no one wield, But the noble and undaunted! This is the simple description of a Commers, as it is now celebrated; and when we ask what it is which distinguishes the Commers from other festive meetings, the reply must be, that it consists in the singing of "The Landsfather," as its solemn and ceremonial conclusion. To this celebration we certainly are not at all disposed to refuse our approbation. It contributes strongly to maintain a unity amongst the students, divided and subdivided as they are into different Chores, and separated again from the private people--as the Camels, as a more polite name, are called. They contribute to bring back to the consciousness of every one, that Germany, though separated into so many states and territories, is yet One Germany! The hole which is pierced in the cap is at once a symbol of death of the Fatherland, and a memorial of Commers pleasures enjoyed in companionship with those of many names and places. In order to bring under notice certain customs of the Commerses, which, however, are not general, and which in recent years at least have not been practised in Heidelberg, we may here give the regulations of the Beer-Comment thereupon, and which indeed take up the Comment, where it will be found left off at the end of this volume, and conclude it. TITULUS X. OF THE BEER-COMMERS. Section 142.--Beer-Burschen alone can preside, and out-to-be-fought Branders, who then, as presidents, have unlimited power. (By out-to-be-fought Branders, are to be understood those who, in this same Commers, shall be advanced to Young Burschen.) Section 143.--The Beer-commers proceed in the following manner. After the presidents have cried, "ad loca!" and every one has seated himself, they command silence, and every one must pay the strictest attention to this command, upon which the song begins. Section. 144.--When the song is ended, one of the presidents cries "_Smollis_, ye brother presidents," which is answered by the other presidents, with "_Fiducit_ and _Smollis_, gentlemen;" upon, which all the commanders answer "_Fiducit_." _Smollis_ is, in this place, a kind of salutation; whence comes the word _Smolliren_, by which it is understood that the parties drink to a brotherhood; so that the two new friends or brothers, from this time forward, instead of the polite term "You," use to each other the familiar word "Thou." When two individuals _smolliren_ with each other, it is thus performed. The two kling, or touch their glasses together, drink them quite off, and then reach to each other the right hand, saying to each other, "Be thou my friend." When this is done with a number in a Kneipe, they are accustomed, holding the glass in one hand, to link that arm with the other arm of the new Thou-brother, and thus turning and crossing to touch each other's glasses and drink them off, as already it is described in the Renommist. The hands to the Smollis, entwined thus crossing-- "_Fiducit_, Sir Brother," together _antossing_.[39] It is the custom in some universities, that all students address each other with "thou." This is called the "Thou-comment," in contradistinction to others; as Heidelberg, where the "You-comment" is in use. But students who in any manner are often associated in parties of enjoyment, will soon become "Thou-brothers," and it arises of itself amongst those who are of the same Chore. Therein it is the custom that the younger student always offers the Smollis to the elder; if the contrary happens, it must be regarded as a peculiar favour. That in the very different paths of life which succeed the university-years, it must give occasion to some singular scenes, when the early university-companions, who so quickly knit this kind of bond of amity, in after-life find themselves together again, and are obliged to use towards each other their familiar "Thou," we may well imagine. Section 145.--After this, the song is sung "The Foxes under the bann have gone." Upon which the Crass-Foxes, with bare heads, standing up, must each drink off half a choppin; the Brand-Foxes, with bare heads, sitting, must drink each a choppin. Section 146.--When the song is sung, one president asks the rest, "Has any of the brother presidents any thing to dictate, or to recommend?" Whereupon, each of the presidents dictates or commands to them who have disturbed in any manner the song or the Commers. But they may not command to any one more than two choppins at one time. Section 147.--If any one does not drink the quantity dictated to him within five minutes, the president has the right, without further proceeding, to write him down on the Beer-tablet as a Beer-schisser. The quantity which he has yet to drink is to be added to the four choppins. Yet is the Beer-schisser regarded during the Commers as Beer-honourable. Section 148.--If the presidents declare that they have nothing further to recommend or to dictate, there follows a short pause, during which each Beer-Bursch can fore-drink to the presidents, what these have immediately to after-drink. But during this pause the quantity fore-drunken to any one of the presidents must not exceed four choppins. Section 149.--If all is now drunk, the presidents may dictate nothing further, but they close the presidentship with the exclamation--"_Ex est! Colloquium!_" Section 150.--There may be no fore-drinking during the presidentship, except to the presidents during the pause after their dictation and the commendation. As already stated, these customs, which must always precede the singing of "The Landsfather," are not every where observed in Commers, and do not necessarily belong to them. In earlier times, the word Commers had a wider comprehension. It meant, in general, a convival meeting, in which a president had the direction and control of the singing and drinking. The meetings were often of a very rude character, and if we even do not hold up the Commerses of the present day as specimens of temperance, yet they acquire a nobler sentiment from the solemnity of "The Landsfather." To those earlier Commerses, rather than to the present, apply those satirical remarks in the Dissertation of the Old Schluck. He makes these observations:-- "A Commers is a drinking-meeting, in which a number of students elect one from amongst themselves, under whose presidency to sing and drink. The drinking goes on partly at their own cost, and partly at the cost of others. He who invites others, as guests, and pays the shot (schmaust),[40] is styled host, or hospes, from hoc and spes; as if some one should say, I have placed my hope on him. He who directs the drinking-meeting, is president. "A Commers is more or less strict. It is a strict Commers when the members of the company mutually pledge themselves faithfully to perform whatever the president commands, be it even with danger of life. The signs of the unlimited power of the president, are-- "(1) A sceptre, generally a house-door key,[41] with which he either dispenses with drinking, or exhorts the delinquent to drink or sing, or finally points out the defaulters. "(2) A naked sword, which is laid on the table, and with which the disobedient are compelled to obedience. Hereupon it is clear: "(_a_) That no one, without the permission of the president, may stand up. If any one withdraws himself, without having asked permission aloud, he must, for his culpable stiffneckedness, drink from two to four glasses. "(_b_) That no one may refuse to drink the glasses which are dictated to him, since, as shown above, he is pledged to obedience, even at the risk of his life. _Quere_--Can one who has drunken so much that he falls dead in the Commers be obliged to drink more? _Answer_--No! since death discharges all obligations." These Commerses, of an earlier and ruder time, are discarded. In the Renommist such a one is described, and it concludes with these lines: Worn fairly out with song, with drinking and with noise, Go reeling now along, those three wild roaring boys. Mid shattered pipes and glass, their staggering way they strive, Till in the distant market, by lamplight they arrive. As other men awake, to bed they take their flight, And bellow to each other--"Sir Brother, a good-night!" CHAPTER XVII. THE SPECIAL COMMERS. Bumpers in oar left-hands draining, We will drink thy long maintaining, Ancient, jovial Burschendom! Swords in our right hands extending, We will fight for thy defending, Free and gallant Burschendom! _Hauff_. These lines of Hauff's, who himself enjoyed in Tübingen the pleasures of the Burschendom with a fresh spirit, express the sentiments which altogether in the life of the student, but especially in its most beautiful feast, the Commers, are felt and abound. We have described the General Commers; and we have now to make our readers acquainted with the so-called Special Commers, that which each individual corps celebrates at the commencement and conclusion of each Semester. These Commerses are seldom held in the city. We see a jocund train issuing forth from one of the city gates. A troop goes before on horseback, who, in earlier times, were still more distinguished by their peculiar style, but who still may sometimes be seen in full costume, that is, in buckskins and huge jack-boots, Polonaise frocks; on their heads, their Cerevis caps; over their breasts, wearing the broad Chore-band, while they carry in their right hands their naked swords. The rest follow them in carriages drawn by two or four horses; or the Senior precedes in a four or six-horse equipage, and the rest follow in two-horse ones. In their customary negligent student-dress, they lounge at their ease in their carriages, smoking their long pipes. The Foxes show themselves especially consequential, since it is the first time that they have been privileged to present themselves to the eyes of the astonished world in such a public procession. The Pawk-doctor is always invited to this festivity, and frequently honours the Chore with his presence; but the Red Fisherman is an invariable attendant, arrayed in the oddest style, as the black frock-coat, and his other habiliments, by no means correspond with the open breast and outlying shirt. He is generally posted as servant behind the last carriage. If now the reader were, on such a day, already at Neckarsteinach, so might he, from the little pavilion in the garden of the Gasthouse[42] of the Harp, right commodiously observe the approach of such a train, as it emerges from one of the windings of the road which follows the serpentine course of the Neckar, and permits him even from afar to see the flashing of the drawn swords, and the shimmering of the coloured caps and Chore-bands. Or he sees the new guests approaching in a barge which they have mounted at Neckargemünd, where they have left their horses and carriages. The barge is hung with garlands and festoons, pennons stream from the masts; the sons of the Muses, in their many-coloured costume, are picturesquely grouped, and some of them are singing in the overflowing of their spirits to the sound of the jocund music. The inhabitants see gladly these guests arrive in the place; as the Burschen, on one such day, make a greater expenditure, or in common parlance, moult more feathers than as many honourable inhabitants of the little town do in a whole year. On this account, their approach is first announced to the spectator in the garden of the Harp, by the firing of small cannon, which are planted for the purpose of doing all possible honour to these high guests, on the Dielsberg, a town opposite, situated on a lofty conical hill, where the earliest view of the approaching train is obtained, and by others fired from one of the old castles of Neckarsteinach. The garden of the inn now speedily swarms with the jovial Burschen, who here play off all sorts of pranks and whims. But within, the whole house is in the most universal bustle. House-servants and waiters run to and fro; in the kitchen all the hands of the cooks are in active agitation, in order to fulfil the command of the landlady. There will sit a sleepy maid nodding in a chair, since for two days, that is, since the Commers was announced to them, there has been no sleep in the eyes of any of the ministering spirits; but she is quickly roused up with a vengeance in order to assist in the general activity. All, however, is still and solitary in the yard; for the poor feather-cattle have been compelled to yield up their young lives in order to parade on the table of these honoured and swarming guests. Above, in the great hall, is a long table covered. Every window is adorned with green and flowery garlands and festoons, and at that end of the hall where the seat of honour is placed, there is emblazoned on the wall the great and painted coat-of-arms of the Verbindung, embellished with flowers and ribands. The musicians now take their places in the orchestra above; the sons of the Muses appear in the hall, and the feast is opened. After the cloth is drawn the proceedings at table are such as we have described in the General Commers, except that, at this Commers, no beer is drunk, but wine only; and you may soon hear the report of outflying Champagne corks, as the toasts of the Chore are given, or those upon and connected with the Land Prince, when the Commers is celebrated on his birthday. In the so-called Foundation Commers, it is customary for the Senior, to deliver a short speech, in which he takes a review of the fortunes of the Verbindung, or Chore, from its establishment, and particularly mentions the names of those who have belonged to it, and are now gone forth from it into busy life. As they do not return from such a Commers, at the earliest, till the noon or the evening of the next day, all kind of follies and madcap playfulness are resorted to, to make the time pass merrily. Amongst these may be classed the "Lord of Fools." A great throne is built up of tables and chairs, upon which one of the students is placed. He is equipped as a king, with his crown, sceptre, and other insignia. The others are his devoted subjects, who bring him a great humper, or large glass, such as every Chore possesses. The Prince of Fools now sings:-- THE PRINCE OF FOOLS. Prince.--I am the Prince of fooling, Here, o'er the topers ruling; And ye the gods do send on, My Princeship to attend on. All-- To wait on your divineness, With wine of every fineness, That's why we here are standing, All at your dread commanding. Prince.--Ye sportsmen with your thunder Shoot me the foxes under, And ye there all before us, Blow in your horns a chorus. All.-- 'Ith horn, 'ith horn, 'ith hunter's horn, 'Ith horn, 'ith horn, 'ith hunter's horn, Drink off, drink off, thou Prince of Fools. Drink off, drink off, thou Prince of Fools. As they sing this, he empties his humper. The Prince.--What helps me now my lofty throne, My sceptre, wad my Burschen-crown? What helps me now my high command? I lay it down in N. N.'s hand! He now descends from the throne, and the next takes his place, till it has thus gone the whole round. The convivial meeting sits till late in the night; and the next day they amuse themselves with all kinds of frolics and merriments, in which the Red Fisherman often becomes the butt of no gentle jokes. They sometimes make processions through the village at the head of which one of them rides on the back of the Red Fisherman, or on an ass. They climb the neighbouring ruined castles, which are perched on the mountains, and let their songs thence resound over the country. These gambols and outbreaks of youthful spirits, full of life, strength, and enjoyment, and which thus are ready to overleap all bounds in the excitement of leaving behind for a day or so all study, and giving themselves up in fine weather, and beautiful scenery, to the full swing of their fancies and feelings, especially such a troop of youngsters being together, have always characterized the students. An old popular ballad describes their pranks in these rural Commerses, as far back as 1650; probably then a little more freely indulged in than at present. WAYS OF THE STUDENTS. Queer chaps are these students, say folks every where, Although you should have them but once in the year; They make in the village such riot and reek, There's nought else left for us but plague for a week. Now must we be caring for St. Mary's day, And every one is wishing that Galli come may; Then come they with swords and fowling-pieces too, And make in the village a horrid to-do. There's nothing then in safety; no pigeon, no hen, As though they were made but for plunder of men; No goose dare even venture out into the meadow, These gents with their swords would soon whip off its head oh. Are gardens with boards and bars all fenced too? They burst them asunder that the sun doth shine through; In clambering for apples the trees too they break, 'Tis well if each home but a pocketful take. With fire and with powder we're in constant fears, That e'en our small house be burnt over our ears; Their crackers they let on our roofs hop and bound, And a devil cares not though they burn to the ground. Has one a good dog by his house-door to stay, And that from his chain could not break away, Straight let they him loose, when, troth 'twere no need, Potz hagel! they've shot, and the poodle is dead! Students 'ith Wirthshouse, are jolly and able. For all that they need is a great mighty table; They drink and they shout, as the house theirs had been: They drink and they cry till they're sky-blue and green. Now they talk Lapodeinish![43] I know not what 'tis; But one knows very well, it is we that they quiz-- Now they dance in the market, they leap and they play, And take from the hinds their own dance-place away. Then turn the men-servants, and cudgel them out, Till like mice they are running the streets all about; They gather to battle in furious throngs, And smite, lunge, and cry with right deafening lungs. Then they're off through the fields with their play to undo them, 'Tis just as if thunder should tear its way through them, They tread down the corn-field, they don't understand, What 'tis to eat black bread raised by their own hand. Is a horse in the meadow, his strength to recruit? The students soon seize on the poor weary brute, They're up, and their heels in his sides go ding-dong, Ah! might he, at least, but go slowly along! Two centuries have produced a proportionate improvement in the students; though as full of fun as ever, the country people have nothing like the wanton mischief here recorded to fear from them. The Commers then, being brought to a close, they generally return by boat to the city of the Muses. If this is in the evening, the barge is illuminated, and when they approach the city, fireworks are played off. As they land they proceed to their Kneip, and there wind up the feast. On the arrangements of a Kneip, nothing further is necessary to be said, as we, in becoming acquainted with the Beer-tablet, beheld the only particular in which it differs from other drinking-places; but, in speaking of the different drinks that are consumed in a Kneiping, we must not forget the Crambambuli. In order to prepare this liquor, an earthenware dish is used, into which a sufficient quantity of sugar is poured, and it is then filled up with rum. It is then set fire to; and the company, who sit round the flaming dish, sing-- THE CRAMBAMBULI SONG. Crambambuli, this is the title Of that good drink we love the best, It is the means of proof most vital, When evil fortunes us molest. In evening late, in morning free, I drink my glass Crambambuli. Have I into the inn ascended, Most like some noble cavalier? I leave the bread and roast untended, And bid them bring the corkscrew here. Then blows the coachman--trantanti-- Unto a glass Crambambuli. Are head and stomach both distracted; For eating have I little zest; A plaguy cold have I contracted; Have I catarrh within my chest? What need the doctor trouble me, I drink my glass Crambambuli! Were I a prince of power unbounded, Like Kaiser Maximilian, For me were there an order founded, 'Tis this device I'd hang thereon:-- Toujours fidele, et sans souci, C'est l'ordre du Crambambuli! Comes there no bill my needs to better? Have I at play my money lost? My maiden, writes she not a letter! Come grievous tidings by the post? Then drink I, from anxiety, A brimming glass Crambambulli. Ah! if the dear old folks but knew it, How we young Gents, their sons, were stead, How we must pinch and sorely rue it, They'd weep till their old eyes were red. Whilst make themselves the Filii So bene by Crambambuli. And has the Bursch his cash expended? To sponge the Philistine's his plan. And thinks it folly all extended, From Burschen unto Beggarman. Since this is the philosophy In spirit of Crambambulli. Shall I for fame and freedom stand then; For Burschen weal the sword lift free? Quick blinks the steel in my right hand then, A friend will stand and second me. To him I say, Mon cher ami, Before a glass Crambambuli. It grieves me sore, ye foolish-hearted, That ye love not, and drink not wine; To asses are ye now converted, And might be angels all divine. Drink water like the cattle free, And think it is Crambambuli. Crambambuli, it still shall cheer me, When every other joy is past, When o'er the glass Friend Death draws near me, And mars my pleasure at the last. I'll drink with him in companié The last glass of Crambambulli. Then who 'gainst us, Crambambulisten, His spiteful mouth with envy screws, We hold him for no kind of Christian, Since he God's blessings doth abuse. I'd give him, though for life cried he, No single drop Crambambuli. * * * During the singing the rum has burnt out, and the beverage, of a syrupy consistence, is ladled into the glasses. At eleven o'clock at night, which is the hour of the police, the kneips are closed. For some years it has been the practice in Heidelberg that a bell should be rung at this hour, which should be the signal for all landlords to close their houses. At first this order received much opposition from the students, and they endeavoured to make it ridiculous. As the order was, that at eleven the bells should be rung, on its first appearance in the Heidelberg wochenblatt (newspaper), at this hour all the dogs of the students ran about the city with bells hung to their necks, and their masters, to fulfil the order to the letter, began, to the terror and amaze of the inhabitants, to set all the bells of the private houses in full swing. CHAPTER XVIII. NEW YEAR'S EVE. The year's last hour retreating, Peals out with solemn sound; Drink brothers! your last greeting, And wish him blessings round. 'Tis gone! with gray years blended, That are for ever ended. It brought much gladness, many woes, And leaves us nearer to our close. _Voss_. The last evening of the year had arrived. It found the two friends Hoffmann and Freisleben in the room of the latter, where the friends were accustomed gladly to assemble. "Shall I light the lamp?" asked Freisleben. "No! let us sit in the dark. When the eye does not distract itself with outward objects, it then turns with delight to those images which memory brings before the mind." So the two sate; and they thought over all which this year had given and taken away; on all, after which they had striven, and which they had achieved; and on much, after which they had desired to strive and accomplish. Each was lost in this internal review, and the silence was only broken by one of the friends being so powerfully seized with the recollection of the past, that he must communicate his feeling to the other. "So then," said Freisleben, "another year of this beautiful university life is over! and when I call to mind that this year is a quarter, or a fifth of the whole, the words of a German writer are irresistibly forced upon me:--'The world may easily roll on, as it has hitherto done, yet for a million years; and in that period, five thousand years would be exactly proportionate to a quarter of a year in the life of a man of fifty,--scarcely a twelfth of our university life!' What have I done in the last quarter of a year? Eaten, drunken, electrified, made a calendar, laughed over the tricks of a kitten, and so are five thousand years of this little world run out, in which I move!" Hoffmann.--Away with this calculation! To embellish the life of our friends, and to enjoy ourselves that life cheerily, that is the business of existence. Freisleben.--The time spent at the university is certainly the most lovely time of our life; but even in that I am amazed to-day how one can be so merry, when one recollects how much more of unpleasant than pleasant the year has brought. Hoffmann.--There I differ. Past pain is pleasant in memory, and past pleasure is pleasure both future and present Thus, it is only present and future pain that troubles us; a strong presumption of a sensible preponderance of enjoyment in the world, which is augmented by this circumstance, that we are constantly endeavouring to create enjoyment, whose fruition we can, in many cases, foretell with tolerable certainty, while, on the contrary, future pain can be much seldomer prognosticated exactly. "Yes, to be sure! That is now clear, and I understand it," said Von Kronen, who had caught the end of this demonstration, "but that on which I have been reflecting is not yet clear to me. Perhaps you gentlemen who to-day are in so philosophical a mood can enlighten me upon it." Freisleben.--What will come of it then? Von Kronen.--The phenomenon is one of the most mysterious in nature. Yet-- Hoffmann.--Only out with it! Von Kronen.--Tell me then how it comes to pass that cats have holes in their skins exactly where their eyes are? Hoffmann.--Thou whimsical herring! Von Kronen.--Without a joke, this is one of the three riddles that I will lay before you. If you can solve them, you shall smoke the whole evening genuine Havanna cigars, that I have received from Hamburgh as a Christmas present. Freisleben.--That's worth something! Hoffmann.--Samiel, help! Von Kronen.--The first you have; so solve it. Freisleben.--I will explain it to thee. The nose has here stretched the skin too much outwards, so that it has cracked it on both sides, exactly where the eyes are. Von Kronen.--Well hit! Now for the second. Why do the hares sleep with open eyes? Hoffmann.--Because their skin is too short to permit them to shut their eyes. Von Kronen.--Bravo! Now the third. Where go the cats when they are three years old? Hoffmann.--With thy confounded cats! If the talk was of foxes, or of some other reasonable cattle? Von Kronen.--Yes! dear Lord Abbot[44] put it together, or I must pronounce sentence of asses on you. Hoffmann.--Stop! I have it. They go into their fourth year! Von Kronen:-- O damsel! O damsel! O damsel! now marry I thee, Now marry I thee! Mr. Traveller enters.--How are you, gentlemen? What an Egyptian darkness there is in the streets! It was all I could do to find the house. Hoffmann.--There is moonshine in the calendar to-day. Freisleben.--The police regulations in our city are very much like the clapper-mills in the cherry-trees. They stand still when the rattle is most needed, and make a terrible larum when, on account of the high wind, the sparrows don't come. Von Kronen.--Tell me, Hoffmann, can a man blush red in the dark? Hoffmann.--Another hard question! That a man may become pale with fear in the dark, I can believe; but blush red scarcely, since a man may be pale of himself, but blush only on account of himself and another. Von Kronen.--Ay, that is true; but the question whether ladies can become red in the dark is a very difficult question; at least, one that cannot be settled in the light. Freisleben.--Ask the magistrate why he does not light the streets better; that would be much more serviceable than these subtleties. Von Kronen.--Dear Freisleben, in a country where the eyes of people who are in love shine in the dark, there is no need of lanterns. Freisleben.--For thy satirical impertinence thou shalt go into the streets with me, on a voyage of discovery after some red wine. We will make booty of some bottles in one of the kneips, and then manufacture some glee-wine. It will relish with the cigars. Mr. Traveller.--Capital! Hoffmann! let us hasten out too. We will buy sugar and spices. Hoffmann.--Good! So every one makes himself a useful member of society. In a short time all were again assembled; the table was moved forward to the stove. A light odour of cigars filled the room, and the wine, which was played around by the flames in the little coffee-kettle, began to sing. The cloves were now thrown in, the guests each took sugar, and Freisleben filled the glasses. Hoffmann had brought a guitar with him, and accompanied on it the following song:-- Down, down with the sorrows And troubles of earth! For what is our life made But drinking and mirth! Drink, and be glad, sirs, Laugh and be gay; Keep sober to-morrow, But drink to-day! Love's a deceiver,-- He'll cheat if he can; Sweet innocent woman Is wiser than man! Trust her not, trust her not, She will deceive! Who wins her may gather The sea in a sieve! Laying up money Is labour and care; All you have toiled for Is spent by the heir! Knowledge is wearisome, Save when the wise Study whole volumes In beautiful eyes! So, down with the sorrows And troubles of earth! For what was our life made But drinking and mirth! Then drink and be glad, sirs, Laugh and be gay; Keep sober to-morrow, But drink to-day. "Seven Temptations." By Mrs. Howitt. All repeat the last verse, and drink. Freisleben.--Mr. Traveller, that song originates in your Fatherland. She who wrote it shall "live-hoch!" (They touch glasses.) Now, Von Kronen, let us have a German one. Von Kronen sings:-- THE SONG OF WINE. The song of wine is short and fine, And joy and drinking doth combine. Oh! he who cannot sing it yet, Will learn it now we here are met. The song of wine, etc. Ye chat not long your cups among; Wine fires the spirit into song, He who can sing, high be his laud,-- He who sings not can hum accord. Ye chat not long, etc. Wine clears the blood, gives bolder mood, And makes the heart all mild and good. Wine is the death-blow to old Care! A glorious call to do and dare! Wine clears, etc. The wine-elate, without estate, And without castle 's rich and great. Yes, gods we are when wine flows clear, And old Olympus yet stands here. The wine-elate, etc. Join hand in hand; in Bacchus' land All men are free, and equal stand. O magic drink! thou noble wine! The golden age for ever's thine. Join hand in hand, etc. Freisleben.--Our absent friends shall live! (They touch glasses.) Mr. Traveller.--Will they return soon? Von Kronen.--We expect them to-morrow, and their Christmas presents, which their Frau Mamma and Mamsel have given them. Pittschaft will be well packaged again, who would not on any account fail to spend his Christmas-eve in his Father-city. Mr. Traveller.--The exchange of gifts at Christmas, as it is practised in Germany, pleases me much; and I am especially delighted with the Christ-tree. Von Kronen.--Have you seen the huge tree at the Sattlermüllerei,[45] where the Hanseatic students hold their Christmas? Mr. Traveller.--No. Do the students then also present each other with Christmas gifts? Von Kronen.--One or other of the Chores frequently amuse themselves with this sport. I recollect that a society to which I belonged agreed to exchange Christmas gifts, of which none was to cost more than six kreutzer--twopence English money. The most droll things imaginable were brought on the occasion. Hoffmann.--The glee-wine is famous; it warms one right through and through. Let us sing a beautiful song. He plays and all sing. TABLE-SONG. FROM GOETHE. Heavenly joy entrances me Far beyond exploring; Shall it one day bear me up To the star-lands soaring? Yet, in truth, remaining here, More is to my liking; By the wine-glass and the song-- On the table striking. Friends, I pray ye, wonder not At my thus deciding; For no blessing yet is like-- On the earth abiding. Therefore swear I solemnly, Without all concealing, That I shall not recklessly Out of life be stealing. But as here we all have met Time to speed with pleasure; Should, methinks, the Beakers chime To the Poet's measure. Good friends must, a hundred miles, Move from one another; Therefore you met here, stoest-an Brother as with Brother! Live then he who is of peace And of good a donor! First and foremost to our king, His of right's the honour. 'Gainst all enemies, the state, Still he doth defend it; To uphold it planneth much; Much more to extend it. Now the next, salute I her,-- Her the true alone one! And let each, as gallant knight, Think upon his own one. Should a lovely maiden guess Her of whom I'm thinking; Let her archly nod to me-- To her own love drinking. To our friends!--the two or three-- Be the third cheer voicéd, Who with us in sunny days Quietly rejoicéd. They who from our night the gloom Swift and lightly scatter-- Lift to them a hearty--hoch! Old friends, or the latter. Broader now rolls on the stream With augmented billows; "Live they, hoch!" resound the cheer Unto all good fellows. They who with combined strength Plant themselves together; In the sunshine of good luck; In the worst of weather! As we are collected here, Thousands are collected: May their sports and joys run high-- Higher than expected. From the spring unto the sea Many mills are turning, Wider far!--my heart streams out-- For the whole world burning! CHAPTER XIX. NEW YEAR'S EVE CONTINUED--SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF HEIDELBERG UNIVERSITY. The company were raised into the best spirits by the song. The splendid cigars, such as seldom wander to the banks of the Neckar; the sparkling wine, which welled out of the little machine as inexhaustibly as cash out of Fortunatus' purse--all contributed to render the conversation, which turned on the recent festivity, animated and delicious. The Christmas festival, one of the very few people's feasts, which divided Germany yet maintained inviolably universal, had given especial pleasure to the Englishman, to whom it was a novel circumstance. Above all, he could not sufficiently extol a walk which his friends had taken him on Christmas-eve. He who has ever witnessed in Germany a celebration of Christ's gifts to the children, knows well the joyful expectation with which the children await in an adjoining room the ecstatic moment when the doors of Paradise shall be opened to them. How beats their hearts, when at length the bell rings, after whose sound they have for weeks long yearned, and in anticipation of which, they have often calculated how frequently the Sandman[46] must do his duty before that moment arrived. And now, the instant that it is become dark, the impatience of the little ones can be no more restrained, and in all, even the poorest houses, the Bescherung, or distribution of the presents, begins. The shutters on this evening are closed in scarcely any of the houses, so that in the dark, as you pass along the streets, you see into the rooms lit up and embellished for the occasion. The Christ-tree covered with lights, throws its beams into the very darkness of the street; and the jubilant cries of the rushing-in children are heard, as transported with the view of their individual presents, they fly to each other to show them. This scene his friends had brought to his observation, and he could not sufficiently thank them for it. A modest supper was now brought out; the friends seated themselves round the table, and while they addressed themselves to discuss it, they heard the reports of pistols every where resounding in the streets. The conversation turned itself upon the festivity of the present night, and on the different modes in which it is celebrated in different countries. "That shooting," said Freisleben, "is a pleasure that we will surrender to other people; but the Vivat! we will help to accomplish. The Chores, Mr. Traveller, which betake themselves this night to their kneips, make, about twelve o'clock, a procession through the city, and bring to some of the Professors a 'Lebe hoch!' But till the hour arrive, we will endeavour to entertain ourselves with the recollection of a former occasion of this kind. It is so natural, at the conclusion of the year, for us to bring its circumstances once more before us, and with what must ours knit themselves?--Certainly with the University-city. I therefore make the proposal, that every one of us, in rotation, relate something which has a particular reference to remarkable persons and events, occurring or existing in Heidelberg in former times, and which were never wanting in Ruperto-Carolo; and in order to make a worthy beginning, our great historiographer, Von Kronen, may, as he lately was on the point of doing, communicate some of the most striking passages from the annals of the City of the Muses." The proposal met with general acceptance. The glasses were again replenished; the cigars sent their curling fumes into the air; and Von Kronen, throwing himself back in the corner of the sofa, began-- Heidelberg is one of our most ancient university-cities. Heidelberg, in the unfolding history of German science and German spirit, took a distinguished stand, and yet exists it, in the full-grown image of this scientific life of Germany, an important and essential member. At the mention of this university, start up in the memory renowned names, the recollection of great crises in the history of literature. It is, to the whole student youth of Germany, the spot of promise and of desire. It stands foremost amongst those German universities to which even from abroad, from beyond the Rhine, the Alps, even the ocean, scholars assemble themselves. The most numerous and the most living traditions of German literature and German spirit amongst the French and English, date from Heidelberg, and Heidelberg is therefore pre-eminently the representative of our education, the type of the German universities, with those nations. The founding of the university took place in the year 1386; a period in which, though literature flourished in Italy, a deep night still brooded over Germany. The then Emperor Charles IV. had erected a school of general study at Prague, on the model of the Paris university; and the advantages of this institution could not escape the eyes of the Elector, a friend of the Emperor's, in his frequent visits to Prague--advantages which were derived to the whole country from this establishment. He, therefore, resolved to erect a university in his city of residence, Heidelberg. On the other hand, the foundation of the university had a political object. It was intended to prove an instrument for advancing the interests of Pope Urban VI., whose partisan Rupert I. of the Pfalz was. In this cause it stood forth in opposition to the university of Paris, which had declared for the other pope, Clement VII. Notwithstanding this circumstance, it was equally formed on the model of that of Paris, and received part of its first teachers thence. As there, the scholastic studies acquired an exclusive influence. Theology was in the ascendant; the Aristotelian philosophy, and the Canon Law, followed in immediate connexion; medicine, somewhat later, raised itself out of its scanty beginnings. Dialectical contentions take up nearly the whole of the early history of the university. Yet it is to be remarked, that the returned spirit of living experience announced itself, as it had earlier done here, through the predominance of Nominalism. Perhaps the study itself of the physical writings of Aristotle, slight and confined as it always was, might lay the first foundation of the empirical researches into nature; which later, here, as in Paris, came forth so conspicuously. On the contrary, the university closed itself resolutely against the humanity tendency, which penetrated into Germany out of Italy, and which Philip the Upright also was anxious to plant in Heidelberg; but which Frederick II., and his successor Otto Henry, were the first to accomplish, preparing thereby a way for the Classical languages and literature themselves. Through Micyle, Ehem, and Melancthon, the university was reorganized; the predominance of the theological faculty restrained; and thus, together with the philosophical and humanity studies, a wider circle of operation opened to the practical sciences. The study of law flourished under excellent teachers; in the faculty of medicine professorships of therapeutics, pathology, and physiology, were established. The storm which now burst out in the train of the Reformation reduced the universities to great straits; religion became matter of politics, and the personal connexions and opinions of the princes, determined often in a very powerful manner the course of knowledge. The unfortunate embarrassments of the Elector Frederick V., led to the storming of the castle of Heidelberg by the Bavarians; to the expulsion of the professors and students; to the sending away of the valuable library; and finally, to the total suppression of the university. Carl Frederick had it entirely to reinstate anew. He did it with a noble zeal, in the spirit and according to the needs of the time. The most distinguished teachers, as Cocijus, Spina, Frank, Freinsheime, and Textor, were called to it; a professorship for State and Popular law, the first founded in Germany, was established; and entrusted to the celebrated originator of this new doctrine, Samuel Puffendorf. A freer spirit arose in both speech and writing; and Carl Ludwig laid it under no restraint. New agitations of the time, again disturbed this happy condition of the university; the political rule changed with the personal affairs of the princes; and literature felt the influence of this, in the strongest and most immediate manner. The teaching of philosophy was at a later period made over to the Lazarists; a dark reaction commenced against the liberal spirit; and at the same time that the peculiar speculative element of Heidelberg university fell into the shade, the empirical sciences rose up again into new existence on all sides. A society had already, in 1734, established itself under the auspices of Professor Heuresius, for the cultivation of the history of the Fatherland, which however fell again. In 1769, a philosophical and economical society was founded in Lautern; and in 1774, a school of state economy. Both of these were removed to Heidelberg in 1784, and richly furnished with books and collections. From Heidelberg went forth the first impulse towards a scientific treatment of the doctrines of State economy. The House of Zähringen now stepping into possession of the Pfalz, thus presided over the university. The second of the newly acquired territories, the Breisgau, erected in the university of Freiburg a rival to Heidelberg; a circumstance which was not without its effect on the latter. By the removal of the Catholic seminary to Freiburg, the scope and operation of the theological Faculty in Heidelberg were strikingly constringed; but only the stronger, and in this respect in opposition to the Freiburg university, and in more conspicuous superiority, advanced the other Faculties of Heidelberg, especially the judicial and medicinal, and of the philosophical, the section of state economy; which last, through the new organization of the university, constituted an especial department, and was placed in rank, at the head of the philosophical. This scientific tendency has raised itself on the preponderating necessity of the nation and the times; upon it grounded itself the fame and consideration of Heidelberg in foreign countries; and the new government was sagacious enough not to disturb this natural and historical position of the university by ill-timed interference. The demands of modern education were so far conceded to, that, by calling into it men of the highest celebrity in all departments, a combination of the various ruling tendencies of the spirit of the times, a universality of studies, was attempted. The two Vosses were won in order to give new splendour to the university, and demonstrate the taste for classicality; and a new impetus was given to the novel speculative tendencies in philosophy and theology. But it soon became sufficiently convincing that these elements of education did not naturally assimilate themselves to the scientific life of Heidelberg, but were only artificially engrafted; that Heidelberg has not its mission to represent in itself the spirit of modern science and art; but the simple vocation of working out education and accomplishment suited to the necessities and interests of the practical life of the state and of civil offices, in both their wider and their more circumscribed spheres. It was then suffered to retain the character which it had established for itself, and those endeavours to force it into directions which did not naturally originate in its own bosom and nature, were discontinued. Thus it came to pass that the philosophy and the speculative theology altogether dragged; that the classical and antiquarian studies became one-sided; that even in the practical sciences certain methods became prevalent; that the electrical shocks of the stream of the new literary topics and of scientific revolutions in vain thundered and lightened and raged round the professors of the old--professors who, from their isolated stools, smiled over that rushing and confused scene of excitement; and that the men of modern culture, the genial spirits, the speculative heads, with one voice called down anathemas on that Heidelberg Philisterium. But this anathematized Heidelberg Philisterium yet possesses an internal strength and freshness, with which the hollow inflation of the _soi-disant_ intellectual world found it difficult to measure itself; these old gentlemen, who seem so far removed from the spirit of the age, yet rest themselves in the real soil of the time, in the spirit of the period, in the progression of political and social life, far deeper than those genialists who in high-sounding theories and systems imagine that they have seized on the world-spirit. This scientific life which seems to stagnate, flows on without intermission noiselessly, steadily, but not by fits and starts. Hoffmann.--The old gentlemen shall live, and to their health we will rub a salamander. Every one prepare a half-glass, and then I will command. All seize their glasses, which are half-filled. They rub with them on the table in circles before them, all the time saying--"Salamander, salamander, salam--," Hoffmann commands, One, two, three! and at the three the glasses are emptied; One, two, three! they are again set down on the table altogether with a clap, where they continue rattling with them, till the command again One, two, three! when they are all lifted aloft, and at the final command once more set down altogether on the table with a thump. CHAPTER XX. NEW YEAR'S EVE CONTINUED.--UNIVERSITY STORIES.--VON PLAUEN. Hoffmann.--I will now, for a change, give some passages from the life and deeds of a hero, whom, were I a Zachariä, I would celebrate in a no less magnificent epic than he has done the exploits of his Renommist. The Herr von Plauen, to whom I allude, studied for more than ten years here, and enacted more mad pranks than the whole united university besides would have been able to do. He was a little, broad-set fellow, of prepossessing exterior and expressive countenance, who stood particularly well with the ladies. His uncommon strength; his accomplishment in all bodily exercises; his overflowing humour continually gushing forth in witty conceits, procured him a constant good reception in the student world, and in the social circles of the city; and he long played in his Chore, as well as in the ball-room, a distinguished part, till his total sacrifice of character, and his really reprehensible actions, which were all alike to him so long as they carried him to his object, completed his ruin. By his strength he frequently put to shame the travelling Hercules who exhibit their powers for money; since, poising himself on a perpendicular pole, he would stretch himself out horizontally, so as to form a right angle with the pole, and at his pleasure, could double up strong silver coins. In the gymnastic ground, which yet existed, no one could stand against him; and in the fencing-school he beat down every one's guard. As he once travelled in the Upper-Rhine country without a passport, and a _gendarme_ on horseback, would have detained him, he threw both the man and his horse into the ditch by the roadside, and so left them. He was especially expert in the then so-much-liked shooting of geese, and thus made many a Philistine the poorer. Understand me right, Mr. Traveller; to shoot, in studenten phrase, means to abstract without yet doing any thing unjust or contrary to honour; since, especially in the olden times, this was a student custom. Small things, as penknives, sticks, etc., if they were not dedicated, were shootable. One might take them from another, and with the words--"This is shot," he took possession of them. It may easily be conceived that it was only the elder students who indulged themselves in this practice against the Foxes, and no one could secure himself from this Spartan plundering but by instantly declaring a thing, which another seemed to have a design upon,--unshootable. Von Kronen.--This expression dates itself from the practices of the schools of the fifteenth century. As then the teacher, with his helpers, was only engaged by the inhabitants of a place there for a year or so; so if the parties disagreed, the master, with his assistants, to whom generally a number of boys added themselves, proceeded from land to land, and supported themselves with alms, with singing before the houses, and with all manner of petty plunderings. The scholars, who stood expressly under the protection of the assistants, must deliver to them geese, ducks, hens, and the like, which they became very expert in carrying off from the villages, and which, in their language, they termed shooting. Hoffmann.--I have never before heard of this custom of antiquity. It is a pity that so beautiful a practice is become obsolete, or I could, as a musician, make most profitable use of it. Freisleben:-- Friends beloved! there were finer times once Than are these times--that must be conceded,-- And a nobler people lived ere we did. Hoffmann.--But to come back to our story. Herr von Plauen possessed a more admirable dexterity in shooting than any of the schoolboys just referred to could possibly have; and no wonder,--as they were only schoolboys, and he was a student. Plenty of stories are related of him; how he twisted the neck of many a living goose, and popped them under his cloak; how with ladder and hook, he brought many a plucked goose down from the lofty store-room; yes, and how he came most easily at one ready stuffed and roasted. On Holy St. Nicholas's-day, a worthy citizen of the place, whose little son also was called Nicholas, prepared a feast for some guests, the chief ornament of which was a goose, as fine as ever gabbled and screamed in the Pfalz. The goose was carried up; the guests had not, however, yet made their appearance, but the little son was impatient, and howling and crying desired a slice from the goose. The father strove in vain to quiet him; he howled and cried on. "Then," said the old man, "I will give the goose to the Pelznickel." (In our country there goes from house to house, on St. Nicholas's-day, fellows in disguise, who inquire into the past behaviour of the children, and give to the good ones apples, nuts, and little cakes, but warn the bad and threaten them with the rod. These disguised personages are styled Pelznickel.) With the word the old man set the dish with the goose in it on the outside of the window! This frightened the little one; he promised to be quiet if the father would take the goose in again; whereupon the father reached the dish in again, but to his astounding, the goose was gone! It was already rapidly on its way to the city of Dusseldorf, (a Wirthshaus in Heidelberg), where the Herr von Plauen and his companions found it smack right delectably with their red wine. A similar passage once befell our hero in the village Schlangenbach, where he was for a long time the guest of the Amtmann. They both, he and the Amtmann, who had himself been a lusty student, made a call on the Frau Pfarrerin, the parson's lady. They talked of this and that; of husbandry, and of poultry and geese. "Ay," said the parson's lady, "I have a goose hanging above; you may match it if you can. But with what care and labour have I fed it myself; and stuffed it myself with the best Indian corn that was to be got. But, gentlemen, you shall judge for yourselves. I invite you next Sunday to discuss this famous goose." "And yet," said Plauen, "I will wager that the Amtmann has one that is quite as good." "Impossible!" exclaimed the Frau Pfarrerin. "Amtmann," rejoined Plauen, "you won't admit that! I challenge you to invite the Frau Pfarrerin and her husband to-morrow, Saturday, also to eat a goose, and we will afterwards see which goose is the best." "Done!" said the Amtmann. "We'll see!" said the parson's lady. The residence of the plucked goose was soon ascertained by the two. It was up in the chamber in the roof, where it hung, and made many ornamental swings and gyrations in the wind that blew through the dormant windows. It was a ravishing sight, which the world only was allowed to enjoy for this one day. It was brought away in the night, and the next day at noon, most deliciously dressed, was served up before the invited guests. "Now, how does the goose please you, Herr Pfarrer?" asked Plauen. "My husband understands nothing of the matter," interposed the Frau Pfarrerin, "but I tell you the goose is good, but mine is much better. You shall convince yourselves; that I promise you." Alas! the Frau Pfarrerin was not able to keep her word; for on the morrow she became aware, to her horror, that her plucked goose had taken a greater flight than it had ever done while it was yet unplucked. She was excessively annoyed; and to propitiate her, the waggish companions sent her a handsome cotton dress. On the package was inscribed--"A dressing for the goose." The good woman was completely conciliated, and highly delighted; but her husband thought that the words would bear more than one construction. Freisleben:-- The Pfarrer's wits were sharp and sound, So let us all drink to him round. (They drink.) Hoffmann continued.--Another time, in a cold winter, he put, one night, the figure of Hercules, which adorns the Brunnen in the market-place, a shirt on, much to the bewonderment of the market people when they arrived in the place the next morning. Another time, as it was the fair, the students, at his suggestion, got all the strolling organists together in the fair, who each kept on playing a different tune, which, with the accompaniment of the barking of their assembled dogs, produced the most astounding effect. I must relate yet another of his tricks, which, however, he played off in another university city directly before he came to Heidelberg. An innocent youth, who was just come raw from the school, recognised in Herr von Plauen a countryman, and begged of him, as he would go away the next day, that he would accompany him to one of the professors, in order to enter himself as an attendant of his lectures, as he really did not know how it was proper to conduct himself on such an occasion. "With pleasure," answered Von Plauen, gave the Fox at once his arm, and conducted him to one of the professors, who was completely deaf. As they entered the room, the rogue presented the new-comer, with the words,--"Here, thou old Philistine! I bring thee a young gentleman who will do thee the favour to listen to thy lectures. Take care, however, that thou art not too tedious with him, for he is my friend." The startled Fox seemed to have dropped at once out of the clouds as he heard his friend speak in this manner, and his astonishment mounted to its height as he heard him again say, as he took his leave--"Farewell, old Camel!" which salutation the professor answered with a very gracious bow. "But for God's sake, then," asked the Fox, "may one then speak in this manner to a professor of the university?" "So, and no otherwise," replied he, "must you address them all; they are accustomed to nothing else; and moreover, they soon lose all respect for him who does not cock his thumb a little at them. Besides this, I have been particularly civil to-day, that I might not astonish thee too much, as is the case generally with youths when they first come from the school. But thou wilt quickly acquire the proper tone." "O! if it comes to that," said the Fox, "I'll soon be ready for the gentlemen." Von Plauen laughed in his fist as he rode forth the next morning through the city-gate; and he soon learnt by letters that his protégé, in proceeding to enter himself with the next professor, whom he addressed in the same style, was speedily sent head foremost down the steps, as he had unluckily happened to come across a professor who not only had an excellent pair of ears, but a very fiery temper. Some pranks which our hero permitted himself afterwards, laid the commencement of his fall. Once he feigned himself delirious, raged and cried out, for no purpose, but to have the pleasure of spitting in the face of the physician who was called in, having, as it is asserted by some, betted a considerable wager on this point. He spared the fair sex as little in his wild conceits; which were not, however, always very graciously received. He asked permission from one lady in the open street to be allowed to light his pipe at her eyes. Another time, a carriage, in which were some ladies setting out to the ball, being drawn up across a narrow street, up which he was coming, he opened the door, sprung in, and out at the other door, followed by all his companions in succession, about twenty in number. Once he went with his acquaintance to walk in the Heidelberg Castle. It began to rain heavily, and the mistress of a ladies' school, with her pupils, had taken refuge in the so-called Octagonal House, on the terrace, which was then not completely closed, and had only one entrance. This the wild troop beset, and refused egress to the young ladies, except on the condition that each student should be favoured with a kiss from one of the ladies. The ladies heard the proposal with horror, and long held out siege in the little building; but as night was fast approaching, and not a soul appeared within view, or hearing, on account of the bad weather, they were at length compelled by necessity to accept the horrid condition, and were then conducted safely home by the wilful students. By this exploit, however, Von Plauen, sunk dreadfully in credit with the world of beauty, as he was well known and immediately recognised. Finally, our hero was counselled or ordered to withdraw himself, for a stated period, from the university on account of his repeated duels, and concluded with himself to pass the half-year of his exile in the Hessian Neckarsteinach. As he was intending to withdraw without paying his debts, he found that his testimonial was taken possession of by his landlady: for Mr. Traveller, you are perhaps aware, that if a creditor fears that a student meditates quitting the university without satisfying his just claims, he lays before the Amtmann of the university the amount of his bill, and the exit-testimonial, without which a student cannot be admitted to another university, is refused him till he has discharged his debts. Plauen immediately procured all the Hellers (each in value of the twelfth of a penny English, or two hundred and forty to the gulden, or twenty-pence English) that the place afforded, and sent them, to the whole amount of his debt, to the poor landlady in a bag, which, of so small a coin, were so many as took her several days to count them out. On a fine spring day he was, to every one's astonishment, seen dressed as for a festival, leading in a rich silk riband, a lamb gaily adorned with flowers, along the banks of the Neckar. To those who wondered at his proceedings, he said that this was the custom of his Fatherland on that particular day. So went he on to Ziegelhausen, where he spent the night, and where he was the better entertained at the Wirthshaus, because he had attracted many people into the house by this unusual spectacle. The next morning he made a present of his lamb, which, however, was speedily reclaimed by its real owner, from whom Plauen had "shot" it; and then betook himself to Neckarsteinach. Here he played the pious Catholic. On Corpus Christi day, when the Catholics parade in solemn procession round the town, singing and praying, and say mass at certain altars which are erected in the open air, he followed the priest, himself clothed for the occasion, and carried the train of his robe. Soon afterwards he showed every where a letter sealed with black, which he professed to contain the intelligence of his mother's death. Every one took the deepest interest in his apparently deep-felt grief, and the more so as he caused masses to be said in all the churches whose priests he had before so much flattered. His mother, however, lived long afterwards, and the whole was only invented on purpose to have the masses said. Equally false was a later assertion, that he had received information that they had appointed him a canon in his Fatherland; and from that time he went about the little place in full costume, and carrying a cross. When the period of his banishment was completed, he returned to the city on a day in the evening of which there was to be a ball. An officer who was a countryman of his, then resided in Heidelberg, and had frequently visited him in Neckarsteinach. He hastened to his house, and then found that he was absent on a journey. As an old acquaintance, he ordered his rooms to be opened, managed easily to open his commode, and to draw out a new uniform of the officer's. Into this, which was indeed much too tight for him, he forced himself, and appeared in it that evening at the ball, where he told the people one lie upon another, of his having succeeded to this new post of honour. He looked, however, comical enough in the uniform, which was so narrow that when his partner in the dance let fall her rosette, he was not able to stoop to pick it up for her. Von Plauen soon found again a swarm of acquaintance, and again played over his old tricks. One of his acquaintances received from his native town, which was somewhere not very far distant, a large and most famous cheese, and a hamper of good wine. The others soon got wind of it, and wanted to persuade him to make a merriment over these things. But he assured them that he could not touch a single thing of them, as he expected an immediate visit from his family. His father, he said, had written him that he yet hoped to eat of the cheese with him, and to drink a glass of the wine with him; and on that account he should leave every thing untouched till they arrived. They pressed him no farther, but one day at noon, as the lawless set knew that he was fast at his lecture in the college, they rushed into his chamber, drank the wine, and filled the bottles with water; and the cheese they scooped so skilfully out from beneath, that nothing but the outward rind remained standing. They set it again in the dish so that nothing was to be seen. It may be imagined what was the poor fellow's dismay as he set the cheese before his newly-arrived relations, and saw it, at the first cut, fall into mere fragments of peel; and what a face the old man made as he came to taste of that flat water instead of his famous Rhine-wine. Soon afterwards, the student thus treated, missed a sum of money, of some three hundred gulden, which had been remitted him in order to defray the expenses contingent on the taking of his doctoral examination. Von Plauen, who had spent the night with him shortly before the theft was discovered, fell under strong suspicion, more especially, as, at the same time, he was accused of forging bills of exchange. He was thrown into the university prison, and his examination begun. But he did not await his sentence. One evening, as he knew that the fat beadle to whom the care of the prison was entrusted, remained alone in the house, he tore the lock from the door with his hands and hastened down into the beadle's room. The beadle had the keys belonging to the different rooms in the house, just then in his hand,--"How came you here, Herr von Plauen?" demanded he. The prisoner seized a knife that lay on the table, and warned him that if he did not deliver up to him the keys, he would stick the knife into his fat paunch. The terrified man instantly surrendered the keys; the prisoner shut him in his own room, secured him, and escaped from the house. He hastened over the bridge. There he threw himself over the gate, which then was closed every evening; but he stepped up to the window of the gatekeeper, knocked, and laid down a kreutzer, saying, "I will cheat no man of his money." He was pursued, but without avail; and various reports are in circulation concerning his latter fortunes. Some say that he became a fencing-master in England, and yet lives there; others, that he continually gave himself more and more to drinking, and finally died in the hospital of a great German city, where, in the last hour, he called for a choppin of beer, and drank it off. Freisleben.--So let us, in a better liquor, wish that he had left a better memory. His tricks, if they were not always the best, have at least served to amuse us; and so may it go well with him in the other world, where, as his deeds certainly could not conduct him upwards, let us hope, though somewhat against hope, that a deep and final repentance prevented his going inevitably downwards. They touch glasses. STORY OF THE BLACK PETER. Mr. Traveller, the turn now comes to you to relate something; but it really is a difficult task for you to have to relate something which is connected with Heidelberg. Mr. Traveller.--Luckily I have recently heard the history of the life of a student, who formerly studied here, and I think it is sufficiently interesting;--I shall, therefore, relate as much of it as I recollect. Some twenty or thirty years ago, a young man came to Heidelburg, whose name was Schwartzkopf, a native of Fulda in Hesse. His father had been an officer in the Hessian service, but he died early, and his widow was compelled to straiten herself severely, in order to be able to educate her only son out of the proceeds of her small property, and still smaller pension. Nature had made amends to the son of the widow for his poverty by many fine endowments of person and mind, and proudly gazed the affectionate mother on her darling son, as with little solid cash, but on that account with the more well-intended exhortations, and with many tears, she dismissed him on his journey to the university. Many were the anxieties that filled her mind when she thought that her son indeed possessed a good heart, but was still very giddy and of easily persuaded mind. He, with joyful spirits, and full of good resolves, proceeded to his new place of residence. He studied the greater part of the first year with zeal, and he wanted not good friends with whom he could spend his hours of the Muses in the most agreeable manner. His evil angel then caused him to be involved in a duel, and on this occasion he made some acquaintances that were of disastrous influence to him. Through them he became acquainted with play, to which he soon gave himself up passionately. It is true that at first he played only in his leisure hours, when his old friends were not about him; but he soon came to neglect these, and his leisure hours soon became continually less and less able to satisfy his desire for play, and then his studies were sacrificed. His friends grew tedious to him, because they had other interests; his books were covered with thick dust; and if he sometimes attended the lectures, they showed only how far he had fallen behind in the race of knowledge, and he hastened in vexation to the kneip, in order to drown in beer and play the upbraidings of his conscience. Thus he continued to live on for a long time; he returned to his room only to pass the night, even not that always. In the morning he fled from it as early as possible, because all there looked desolate. His books were at length sold, and by degrees he had disposed of every thing to the Jews, except the wretched clothes on his back, in order to feed his unhappy passion. Many a time would he fall into a horror, when he awoke out of a dream, which had carried him back into his early life, and saw around him that empty room, or when he received a letter from his affectionate mother, which was full of tender warnings,--from his mother, who denied herself even the most necessary things, that he might not want that money which he thus consumed on his ruinous habits. But these terrible reflections drove him only for a brief space out of his wild life, for he was already too deep sunk in it, and felt no longer the strength necessary to work himself out of the gulf. It was then that he one day received a letter addressed by a strange hand, and sealed with black. His mother was dead, and the letter was from his guardian. Far as Schwartzkopf was already fallen, yet this letter deeply shook him; it embittered the melancholy intelligence beyond words, since his guardian, a severe man, wrote him, that he had driven not a few nails into his mother's coffin; that he had wasted his property; that he should immediately return home, in order to be made acquainted with the real state of his affairs, which left him little other alternative than that of becoming a soldier in the ranks. His state of mind for the first few days was horrible, and he was at the very point of self-destruction; but this went by, and he concluded, after more quiet reflection, that it was the best to turn his footsteps homewards, in order, if possible, to move his guardian to more moderate measures, or, came it to the worst, to enlist into the army. His debts were paid, and he put up the slender remains of his possessions in his knapsack, with which, early one morning, he passed through the gate leading towards Frankfort. In the evening of the second day he had arrived in a great wood, which extended towards Fulda. The forest seemed to stretch itself out endlessly before him. It was already nearly dark; and a violent wind against which he had to labour, bent the tall and gloomy pines, which groaned awfully. Full of melancholy he wandered forward; the memory of the past came over him with subduing power; and he almost wished that one of the mighty trees might be dashed down by the tempest, and bury him in its fall. He began to sing a song, in order to chase away those painful thoughts,--when, as he turned an angle of the path, a rough voice cried "Halt!" and at once three men sprung out of the bush. The coarse hunting-garb, the pistols and hangers with which they were armed, and the disguised faces, left him in no doubt that they were some of the gang that kept that part of the country in disquiet. The student feared them not; fear had never been any part of his nature, and least of all now, when life to him was made indifferent by despair. "Leave me alone," said he, "I have nothing for you." "But with your permission," said one of the robbers, "we will make a rather nearer acquaintance with your knapsack." "With all my heart," answered the student quietly, handing over to them the knapsack, at the same time that he filled his pipe, and asked one of them for a light, as he had himself lost his fire-apparatus. He seated himself to rest on a block of stone by the side of the road, and requested the robbers not to detain him too long, as he had yet far to go to his night's quarters. They could not refrain from a laugh at the _sang froid_ of the student. "You seem to me sad fellows," said Schwartzkopf, "that you don't understand your business better; at thirty paces distance you might have seen very well, that you would get nothing, from me." "Be silent, hound!" cried one of them, "or in a moment we will cut thy throat." "And a right noble deed too," added the student, "for three men to cut the throat of one. If you were not miserable Philistines, I should be obliged to call upon one of you to give satisfaction for that word, hound!" "By all the devils, he is right, Heiner," said another; "he has a right to it, since he has shown himself so brave, and as there is nothing in the knapsack, except a few miserable articles of covering." "Does the fellow think I'm afraid of him?" cried Heiner. "Ay, to be sure I do," said the student, quietly smoking on. The robber was raging, and demanded on the instant to fight the audacious student; but his comrades disapproved of it. It was too dangerous an undertaking to decide this affair on the highway. They proposed to adjourn to their encampment; and offered in a manner friendly enough to the student, if he were not killed in the combat, to give him quarters for the night. He was obliged to content himself with the matter, and so they put themselves in motion. They went on long, still deeper and deeper into the thick of the wood, and on the way made inquiries from the student, whom they watched pretty well, as to the circumstances of his life; which he related to them truly. At length they came to an open place in the forest. Here the surrounding hills formed a sort of basin, which on the one side was shielded from the wind by a pile of rocks, and on the other by a screen of stupendous trees. A little spring gushing out from the foot of the rocks, wound itself through the carpet of grass, upon which the robber-troop, consisting of about twenty men with their wives and children, had built some huts. The sentinels on the outposts had first announced their approach, and they were speedily surrounded by the troop. When they learned the intention of Heiner and the student, they gave it their hearty applause; and as soon as all had refreshed themselves with food and drink, a battle-ground was selected; Schwartzkopf received a hanger, and the robbers formed a circle round the combatants. The women kindled great pine-torches, in order properly to light up the scene. The robber fiercely attacked his opponent; and the whole scene had a singular aspect. The powerfully built figures of the men, whose bold features yet more strongly stood forth in the light of the torches, as they, smoking their short pipes, looked on the strife, full of expectation of its issue; and the women dispersed amongst them in singular and various attire, which they had selected for themselves out of the plundered stores. All watched the fight in deep silence; which was only broken by the clattering of the swords, the dashing of the water, and the rush of the winds as they raged through the woods. The student, by far superior to his antagonist in skill of fence, parried with the utmost coolness, quietly meeting with his sword every blow of his opponent; but as the robber began to press upon him closer and closer in a furious attack, he suddenly struck in before the stroke of his adversary, and in the same instant the robber let his sword drop, and the blood spouted hotly from the arm-wound through his sleeve. The men had seen the contest with astonishment; the arm of the wounded robber was bound up, and the rest of them gathered together in a group in earnest consultation. The student continued standing alone, doubtful whether he should make an attempt at escape, or should wait the upshot of the consultation, which might be fatal to him. He concluded to wait. A robber now stepped up to him, and said, "Our captain fell in a skirmish a few days ago. We have all seen, with admiration, your perfect coolness, your courage, and your swordsmanship; when you arrive at home little good awaits you; remain with us, and be our captain, and so will you find a better life than amongst those miserable soldiers." Schwartzkopf hesitated only a short time. He weighed the attraction of the proposal against the life which he had otherwise before him. He reflected how dangerous it would be to refuse; and if scruples arose in his mind, he silenced them again by the thought that he could again give up this life when he pleased. After a short rumination, he gave his pledge of adhesion and fidelity to the robbers. The intelligence spread itself with rapidity through the whole robber troop; the wives brought wine-cups, and all drank to the health and prosperity of the new captain. They caroused till deep in the night, and drank brotherhood to Schwartzkopf, who, under the name of Black Peter, was speedily known and feared through the whole country round. About half a year from this event had flown away. The complaints of the country people in the neighbourhood of Fulda, of the oppressions of the robber band, had ceased. But from time to time it undertook greater exploits, with such calculation and astonishing boldness, as testified the new spirit that was come amongst them since they were led by the Black Peter. The real name of Peter Schwartzkopf, from which this was derived, was not recognised. The former student, of whom people had so often read in the newspapers, was believed to be dead, or to have fallen into the hands of the recruiting officer, and to serve in foreign lands. The captain, however, was known as the Black Peter, from two other causes. He always wore a black mask; and he had never been seen otherwise than riding on a black horse. The inquietudes of the war had hitherto made impossible any earnest attempt to put down those disturbers of the public security; and this was rendered the more difficult as the band never lingered long in one and the same place, but, immediately after the perpetration of some bold deed, vanished from their haunt, and exchanged it for the Bergstrasse, or the country of the Main. Already the storm of war had retired many weeks from the neighbourhood of Fulda, and the robber band appeared also to have left the country, perhaps out of fear of a more vehement pursuit. The inhabitants of the little city of Schlüchten rejoiced themselves in the prospect of the enjoyment of a more refreshing rest than they had for a long time been favoured with. One afternoon a heavily loaded travelling-carriage rolled slowly into the city, and aroused universal attention as it drew up before the Gasthaus Zum-Stern. A swarm of lounging Bauers collected about it, and out of every window peered curious countenances. But how much greater was the astonishment as the people learned from the coachman and valet, who, both of them clad in military costume, looked, in their mustaches, most formidable fellows, that their master, a Graf of high standing, had been attacked on the way by robbers, and now lay severely wounded in the carriage; and that they only owed their escape and life to the fortunate interposition of a patrol party belonging to the Graf's own regiment. At this intelligence the whole city was thrown into an uproar, and not the least the landlord of the Star, who with his loud and eager orders for the proper care of the noble gentleman, made the heads of all his people dizzy. The stranger Graf was finally lifted out of the carriage by his servants, aided by some of the others. He was a tall, stately man, pale with the loss of blood; his eyes were closed, and many deep wounds in the head were only rudely and hastily bound up. While he was carried to his bed and given into the care of the surgeon, who was called in, the Amtmann was hastily sent for; and, from the statements of the coachman, who caused at the same time his own arm-wounds to be bound up, dictated to his clerk a long protocol. The whole police corps, with an addition of some armed Bauers, immediately set out in pursuit of the robbers, without, however, being able to discover the least trace of them. In the meantime the stranger lay in the most frightful delirium. The servants forbade any one, besides the surgeon, from entering the room; such, they said, being the orders of their lord. The surgeon wondered sometimes at the fearful phantoms that haunted the imagination of the strange nobleman, which the servants calmly remarked proceeded entirely from the last battle, and from the attack of the robbers. For some days the Graf hovered between life and death, but shortly a decided improvement manifested itself in him; and after many weeks he was so far recovered, as to be able to receive the visits of the first people of the place, who anxiously desired to make the acquaintance of so distinguished a personage; and indeed, shortly afterwards, to return them. He styled himself Graf Pappenheim; gave out that he was a native of the north of Germany, and had quitted his regiment on account of a difference with his superior officer, and was about to retire to his estate. He possessed a great partiality for Hesse, as his mother was a native of that state, whence he himself had a Hessian accent in his speech, which was strong enough to strike the ear of the people. In short, the Graf was a most genteel man in society, had the most agreeable manners, and was soon a favourite in all the circles of the little city. When the Bauers had at first seen the many heavy chests of the stranger, they said, "he is a rich man, the Graf;" and said they again, with one accord, as they saw him first ride out on a black horse, purchased of the Chief Forest-master, "he is a very handsome man, the Graf." The Graf brought a new life into the little city; he was the soul of all companies, and himself gave the finest entertainments in the Star; in short, he had always something new with which to entertain society. He treated every one with the most condescending courtesy, but above all the lovely daughter of the Chief Forest-master, who was not a little envied on that account by the other ladies. As it now one day became known that the Graf had proposed for the Forester's lovely daughter, and contemplated buying an estate for himself in the neighbourhood for his future abode, many of the young ladies made truly a sour face; but all said, "We have long thought that," and hastened to present to the young lady their congratulations. The marriage was immediately afterwards celebrated at the new castle of the Graf, with the greatest eclat. About five miles from the city lay, in the midst of a wood--a former hunting castle of the prince--a wide-stretching building. This the Graf had recently purchased. The Chief Forest-master thought indeed the castle much too solitary, and of too great an extent; but his son-in-law quieted him on that head, with the prospect of the noble hunting which they could here enjoy together. That the carriage was always at the command of his wife, and he hoped constantly to have company from the city with him. The extensive accommodation was, moreover, very convenient to him, as, on account of the not yet perfectly restored security of the country, he should send home for the greater part of his servants to attend him here. And it was not long, in fact, before the rooms of the castle were filled with about a score of fresh servants. They were altogether strong, wild-looking fellows; and the Graf said that he had selected these expressly, because people yet, here and there, talked of the robber band; and it was possible that they might some day attempt an attack on his house or property. It was the more necessary for him to do this, as he was himself a restless spirit, and could not live without now and then making a little expedition. But this he could not do unless he felt at the same time that he left his house in perfect security. The people in the city considered this all very reasonable, and conceived a still greater opinion of the affluence of the Graf, who was able to maintain so great an establishment. The Forest-master's daughter lived with her husband in the happiest manner; and when he sometimes, accompanied by some of his servants, made a little excursion into the country round, she invited always some of her friends from the city, and never sent them back without the most beautiful gifts. The Gräfin, indeed, wondered with herself, that her husband, who otherwise gratified all her desires the moment they were uttered, never took her with him on these little excursions; but she loved him too well to chagrin him by pressing entreaties. The winter was now come, and yet the excursions of the Graf did not cease. They were it is true, more seldom, but they often stretched themselves into weeks; and the young wife frequently felt herself excessively solitary when she, with her maid, the only other female who was in the castle, sate in the large room, and the wind without shook the naked branches of the trees fearfully. During this period the vicinity was not at all disturbed by the robber band, notwithstanding the repeated accounts of housebreaking and highway robberies in the countries of the Main and the Neckar. The Graf seemed almost totally at ease on that subject, for he often took with him all the servants, with the exception of two or three, in his journeys. The young wife made many reflections on this strange conduct of her husband, who always so suddenly resolved on these marches; yes, sometimes even was awoke by a servant in the night, and at once went forth numerously accompanied. It also struck her that many of the presents which he brought her were clearly not new; and if she asked him the cause of it, he told her that they had been sent for by him from his native seat, and that he had been in a neighbouring city to fetch them. In that part of the castle in which the servants resided, was a room which was always closed to the women, as there, the Graf said, were preserved family documents of the highest importance, to which none but himself must have access. Strange did it seem when Lisette, the chambermaid, asserted to her lady, that she had often seen one of the servants in that room with her lord; and the Gräfin was equally annoyed at the familiarity between master and servants, when the Graf, till late in the night, in one of the rooms appertaining to the servants, was accustomed to talk and drink with them. "They are true souls," said he, "who have been brought up with me, and I must be good to them, as I have caused them to come into a country so strange to them." All this, and the relations of Lisette, who, amongst other things, asserted that she had seen the Graf, on his entering the house, take off a black mask, disturbed the poor lady in the highest degree, and she resolved at last to throw light on the mystery, let it cost what it would, but till then to conceal her anxiety from her relations. One evening, as she heard the Graf and his followers come riding in, she hastened quickly into the neighbourhood of the suspected room, into which her husband was accustomed always to go first, and concealed herself in an unused fireplace. With beating heart she saw the Graf enter with two servants. With light steps she approached the mysterious door and listened. What she then heard was sufficient to inform her of her dreadful fate. The Graf, and the notorious robber-captain, the Black Peter, were one and the same person. Near to fainting, the unhappy wife glided away to her own room. Soon after the Graf appeared, and expressed his regret that, on account of family intelligence which he had received, he must yet ride out again this night, but would be back by break of day. Scarcely had the Graf and his troop ridden away, when the poor wife called her maid, communicated to her the dreadful truth, and both determined on instant flight. They left the lights burning in the chamber, and stole silently down into a room below. Happily the one robber whom they had left behind, was yet within the mysterious chamber. They escaped through the window, and made directly for the nearest way to the Forest-master's house. Like two alarmed roes they hastened on through the night, and often shrunk together when the moon lighted up a distant tree, so that they fancied one of the robbers stood behind it. Continually looking round to see that no one was pursuing them, they at length came distantly into view of the Forest-master's house. Their anguish became almost insupportable when so near the goal; they thought to themselves they might yet be overtaken. At last they reached the house, full of joy that they yet saw a light in the room of the Chief Forest-master. He rose up in amaze, when he heard a knocking at so late an hour; but how much greater was his astonishment as his daughter flew to him, and sunk breathless in his arms. As soon as the old man was able from his exhausted daughter to learn the cause of her thus wandering in the night, his wrath burnt fiercely at the false son-in-law. He called up his huntsmen: the Bauers in the little city were armed, and with all possible speed they set out for the wood castle. But the robber had vanished with the mysteries of the closed chamber. It was empty. All the other rooms were still just in the state that the fugitives had left them, but gold there was none to find. The next day, the castle was surrounded by soldiers that were sent out from Fulda, but the robbers had evacuated the country, and came not again. After many vain attempts, it occurred at last that one of the robbers was seized on the Bergstrasse. This led to further discoveries; and finally, they had the good fortune to take prisoner the captain himself. He was confined over the Manheimer Gate in Heidelberg, and was to be delivered over to the Hessian authorities, when he escaped in a most extraordinary manner out of his prison, but was speedily recaptured. After an examination, in which he was hard pressed without their being able to bring any confession from him, he was dismissed at eight o'clock in the evening. At half past nine o'clock the same evening, the gaoler announced to the magistrate who had presided on the inquiry that the Black Peter had escaped from his confinement. The watch had shot at him, but had missed him. It was found that, without any negligence on the part of his keepers, he had got out in a scarcely imaginable manner, in his shirt only. He had taken the whole of the circular window of his prison with its frame out. By means of a sharp holdfast, with which the frame of the window had been secured, he had broken the two new and good locks of the chain with which he was chained crossways; taken off the chains; torn up his bedclothes, and twisted them into a rope-ladder, from ten to twelve feet long, and had slipped through the wonderfully narrow opening of the strong window-shutters, which, by proof made there and then, would admit the passage of no other head. When he had reached the bottom of his rope he had still nine or ten feet to drop to the earth; and the shot, which was instantly fired at him, passed close to him. Immediately on his escape be sprung into the neighbouring Neckar, and concealed himself under the floor of a swimming-school, which was erected on a boat, where he continued many hours up to the mouth in water. He saw the pursuers on both banks of the Neckar, and in the swimming-school itself. It was not till after midnight that he attempted to wade through the Neckar, which, luckily for him, was then very low; but he had not reached the other bank of the river when he became aware of the watchers placed there also. He continued yet for a long time sitting on a rock in the middle of the flood. Finally, he made another attempt, reached the bank, sprang up it, and by a rapid and breathless flight succeeded in reaching, in spite of all the straining efforts of his pursuers, the hills and the woods. In order to make his appearance in the wood the less striking to people that he might happen to meet, he slipped his legs through the sleeves of the shirt, and held the lower part of the shirt about his neck with his hands. He thus ran on to a great distance. He met two Bauers in the woods, to whom he feigned himself crazed and dumb, and begged of them by signs, and was so lucky as not only not to be seized, but to obtain an alms from them, with the pity of the givers. With this alms he purchased some bread at a solitary mill in the mountain. The people inquired the cause of his singular dress, or rather want of it; and he invented a lie which answered his purpose. He fled still farther; till, at evening, he was arrested by some Bauers of less easy faith, and who had already became apprised of his flight, and the reward offered for his recapture. He was brought back to his prison, and soon afterwards delivered over to the Hessians, and confined in a high tower. But even from this he effected his escape in the most ingenious manner possible. One morning, the sentinel who was on duty at the foot of the tower looking up, observed a hole worked in the wall, from which a tolerably long rope hung. He immediately and with all speed gave intelligence of the circumstance to the police officers. All hastened up into the tower, and saw with amazement a hole made through the wall, of the width of a man's body of ordinary size. Into the wall, a piece of iron, part of the broken chain, was driven, and to this the rope was fastened; the rope itself was made from the torn up cover and tick of the prisoner's straw bed. They could not sufficiently wonder how a man could pass through such a hole; how he could trust himself at such a terrific height to such a brittle rope; and how he could by any possibility, when he reached the end of this rope, the length of which was insignificant in comparison with the height of the tower, drop to the ground without certain destruction. While they were thus lost in these wonders, the prisoner, who all the time was in the room concealed under the straw taken out of his bed and heaped up behind the door, crept silently out, passed the open standing door unobserved, descended the stairs, and completely effected his escape. He lived afterwards in various places and by various means; and on the breaking out of the war, enlisted for a soldier. The Battle of Waterloo, which cost so many honourable men their lives, ended also his. "And his former wife?" asked Hoffmann. "She soon died of grief, or, as they say in England, of a broken heart." THE STUDENT STARK. After a short pause, Freisleben addressed himself to the telling of his story: and for that purpose drew forth a letter. After he had seen that the company were supplied with glee-wine, he said-- We have had enough of evil and evil deeds, and it may, therefore, be permitted me to relate something out of the life of a good man; namely, out of the life of my friend Stark, whom you have become acquainted with in his passing through here lately, face to face. His father was the pastor of the village of Greenwiesel, and had, as is only too much the case with the country clergy, a very scanty income. The boy received his first instruction in the Folks'-school of the place, and afterwards from his father, who, being an industrious man, contrived to spare so much time from the duties of his office, as was necessary to the due progress of his son. Private teachers he could not afford, nor the expense of his maintenance in a neighbouring town, so that he might attend the Gymnasium there. This was only an advantage to Stark, as he could not easily have enjoyed an education which was at once so well grounded, and so free from all pedantry, as that which his father gave him. An old officer who had long spent his pension in the village, and was a friend of the pastor's, spared no pains to instruct him in the mathematics, which he loved above all things. But the scholar listened with still more delight to his instructor when he talked to him of the armies in which he had served, and of the battles in which he had been engaged against the French. The intercourse with the old officer, and the books which he put into his hands, contributed not a little to inflame the boy's enthusiasm for liberty and Fatherland. With avidity he devoured the German history of Kohlrousch, and was accustomed then to rush forth into the wood, in order that he might stretch himself under the German oak, and felt altogether as German should. Nowhere was he so delighted to be, as abroad amid God's free nature; and as the other boys of the village could not understand his internal feelings and impulses, he was thus daily accustomed to roam about alone, which occasioned him many a reproof from his father. If it was fine weather, he used to take out his Tacitus with him, his favourite author, or he recited with a loud voice a passage from Ossian, of which the old officer had given him a German translation. Nothing, however, gave him greater pleasure than to battle with the winds; and the more it thundered and lightened, the more drenchingly poured down the rain, the more exulting was his feeling of the strength of his youth. When wet through, and looking wild, he returned home, his mother would clasp her hands in wonder at his foolishness, as she termed it. Yet she loved him extremely, as he on his part, above all things, loved his parents and his sister, and did every thing to please them that he could discern would be acceptable to them. The first bitter tears that he shed, and bitter ones indeed they were, was when his old friend and instructor, the old officer, died. But a still greater misfortune soon befell him and his family. At the time that young Stark should have entered one of the higher classes of the Gymnasium of a neighbouring town, the old pastor was seized with an apoplectic stroke, as he returned from preaching. His speedy death spared him the painful reflection, that he left a widow and two uneducated children helpless in the world. The family removed to the next town, and there hired a poor dwelling in a small side street. The young Stark, who attended the Gymnasium, felt, indeed, that he must consider himself as the head of the family, and must provide for it. He discharged his duty in the most exemplary manner. Besides that, he received his school instruction free, he also enjoyed a stipend which was awarded him in consequence of his having passed a brilliant examination. It was very small indeed, but Stark knew how to circumscribe his wants. He laboured zealously, in order to advance as rapidly as possible, while at the same time he devoted every leisure hour to instruct a considerable number of boys in the city, in their elementary learning. With the united proceeds of this stipend and these labours he maintained his family; and thus, when he had toiled through the day as learner and teacher, the evening found him by his study-lamp, where he sate fixed till late in the night. But he was cheerful and contented. His strongly-grounded constitution enabled him to support these exertions, and the glad consciousness of being able to stand independent, and to provide for the necessities of his mother, and of one dearly beloved sister, made sweet to him that monotonous life. Another removal of the little family was necessary when the young man went to the High School. For the rest, his family continued to live after that removal as they had done before, and Stark pursued his studies with double diligence, in order yet better to maintain them. His teachers in the university took an interest in the brave youth, and amongst the students he found congenial friends, who, more favoured by fortune, took a pleasure in procuring him many enjoyments of life, without touching too closely on the delicacy of his feelings. They visited him gladly in his modest room, where, besides the most necessary articles of furniture, there was nothing to be found but books, and some maps which he made use of in his studies, and which hung on the whitewashed walls. Yet was no one happier than he when he shared the frugal meal in the evening with his family, or with a friend chatted over a glass of beer and a pipe. He went very simply, but yet very neatly dressed. His tall, strong figure; that earnest, somewhat pale countenance, to which the slightly aquiline nose, the friendly, thoughtful eye, and a background of black whiskers, gave interest and effect, produced on the beholder a highly favourable impression. Every one with pleasure heard him speak, for his voice was strong and well-toned, his speech fluent, and when he became zealous, carried you irresistibly along with it. But when he sung, he affected every one. His bass voice was, however, too powerful for a small room. It made every window vibrate, and was, indeed, a voice made to sing the songs of German freedom under the German oak. Cruelly did fate startle him out of this monotonous yet quiet and happy life. A nervous fever which then raged, snatched away his mother; and his only sister, who had been her true nurse on her sick bed, soon followed her. Stark was strongly bowed down by these severe losses. So much the more did he attach himself to a maiden, whom he had now known for some years, and to whom he had now been for half a year affianced. The father of Emily, his promised bride, lived near the city. Emily had a very attractive person, was always merry and good-humoured, and possessed many good qualities; but was in the highest degree giddy and fickle. My friend would never admit the last characteristic. He was blind enough only to see in the maiden, noble and beautiful qualities, which he worshipped. But he came to be bitterly convinced to the contrary. A wealthy merchant's son, who just then was commencing business for himself, announced himself as a lover of Emily to her father. The father, although pleased with the proposal, yet gave his daughter free choice, and she was heartless enough to prefer the characterless, pretty, and glib-tongued merchant, to the poor Stark, who, since his recent trials, truly had become more grave, and might possibly have wearied her with many melancholy retrospections of his lost mother and sister. Emily shrunk from writing herself to my friend, but informed him, apparently in an unfeeling manner, through a third person, that the connexion must be broken off; and assigned as reasons, besides some other unimportant things, that her father was favourable to the pretensions of the other lover, and had forbid her to hope for his consent to a union with Stark. Her father, who through the whole affair conducted himself as an honourable man, answered a letter which my friend addressed to him. This answer kept strictly to the truth; but at the same time expressed a wish that it might be the last; moreover, requesting the return of the letters of Emily. I will here communicate to you the letter which my friend wrote to the false one. He permitted me, as I was long the confidant of his attachment, and frequently the bearer of his letters, to take a copy of this, and also to show it to any good and tried friend. You may in it see the real nature of his character. "Emily!--Thy father has requested me to renounce our verlobment; to break off the correspondence. I had already written to give him this assurance, but he had not the goodness to receive the letter. Consequently I have not given it him, and his will is for me no unconditional law. "But thou appearest to be of the same mind, and thy wishes shall be sacred to me till my last breath. Fear not that I will embarrass thee with further importunities: only I cannot deny myself the melancholy pleasure, once more, in this last letter, to speak to thee from my heart. I will justify myself to thee, justify thou also thyself to thyself. My heart shall and must be silent: I have cause to fear that its language will no longer be understood; and I will not desecrate its sensibilities. It has for some time been my employment to read over again all thy letters with a bitter feeling. It is as if the lovely deception yet still played round my heart; as if it could not awake out of the sweet dream. I know many kinds of doubts, but none gives such a scorpion sting as the doubt with which thou hast inspired me. I have been happy,--happy in my vain belief! and I thank thee for it. Thou mayst be proud;--no other woman has made me so happy as thou. Thou mayst be very proud;--none can henceforward make me happy. Thou bringest me back to my old philosophy respecting the fair sex, and indeed at the right time. "Emily, thou hast not dealt nobly, not honestly, with me, not wisely with thyself. Why hast thou not told me the truth? Thinkest thou that I shun the truth, even when it strikes me to the earth? I observed thy change immediately with the holiday. I ran to and fro, full of anguish, like one possessed. No greeting came from thee--no affectionate inquiry--no question after a letter, which I had, in fact, written seven times and tore again to pieces. My spirit was on the rack. Then informed me, Neuburg, that the connexion must cease; that thou wished it--thou! who only a fortnight before, sent me the most sacred protestations! Thy father had taken away all hope from thee; had menaced thee with his curse! "Of all this nothing was true, as I learned from thy father's letter. What course, thinkest thou, then was left me to pursue in accordance with my character, but to write to thy father directly, as from thy messenger I must understand that he knew all. Hadst thou but said the truth to me, I should, after a short struggle, have returned every thing to thee. "Thou complainest of my pride, and takest great pains to humble me. Perhaps thou mayst succeed; perhaps not. Thy father will receive no further letter from me; thy mother, none; thou thyself perhaps, none. That cannot humiliate me. I find my conduct tolerably consistent,--as consistent as a man in my state of mind can be. "What shall I now do? It was thy desire,--thine, and thine only to break off. Thou wouldst have spared me, and thyself, and thy parents, many painful feelings, if thou hadst acted with somewhat more consideration. It seems as if thou hadst made it thy pleasure to wind up my sensibilities to such a height, in order then to make me feel my nothingness. Thou hast succeeded. The maiden who, but shortly before, hung on my neck, and prayed assurances of my truth, has now not once the courage to say that she loves me. I am too serious for gallantry; and thou hast wofully erred, if thou hast classed me amongst such men. It seems we have neither of us known each other, and need therefore make no complaints of each other. That I have disturbed thy peace, forgive me. That thou hast created in me so many beautiful hopes, only again to destroy them; that through thee my joys are dashed to the ground, that will I forgive thee; lament my simplicity, and again class thee amongst the ordinary crowd of maidens. "Could I but do that, Emily, I should yet be happy enough. My seriousness has not pleased thee; and, in order to cure it, thou hast poured bitterness into it. I complain not of thy parents; they act according to their notions of duty; but how thou actest according to thy conception of duty, I cannot perceive. Thou hast neither acted towards thy father nor towards me as thou shouldst. The reasons which thy father gives are valid enough, as thou givest weight to them; but one thing more than all has struck me--it is called the fickleness of women. "Thy father does thee justice. Emily, thou shouldst have been honest with me. I am not the man that will abuse the tender heart of a maiden. I challenge thee to speak the truth. Have I not been open-hearted with thee? Have I stolen thy affections? My whole soul hangs yet on thee, and never will it be able to loose itself from thee. If thou wert unworthy of me, would I weep and lament over thee? Tell me then candidly thy desires, and trust me that I have generosity enough to satisfy them all, even if it cost me my life. Thou canst charge nothing upon my honour. Thou would long ago have had thy letters, if thy father had not demanded them. He shall not receive them, but he shall read them if he desires it, for his own satisfaction and thy justification. Hast thou written any thing that thou art ashamed to acknowledge? Hast thou cause for shame? Then are we both to be pitied; thy father and I, and thou most of all. Then shall they, to extinguish all mistrust, be destroyed in thy presence. If I am reluctant to come into thy father's presence, yet I will not be ashamed before him. I am wont to compel respect, if indeed I can acquire no attachment. I can well imagine how many disadvantageous things people will tell thee at my expense. If thou canst believe them without examination, then, indeed, have I expended on thee every sentiment of my heart in vain. I pity thee in all my misery far more than myself, since I shall probably so long as I live continue a living reproof to thee. My conduct will be thy punishment. I assure thee, love, that I shall never lose thee out of my soul. I have with no other maiden stood in a nearer relationship. Thou art the only one that has firmly fixed herself in my heart. Go whither thou wilt, I shall bear thee with me to the grave. Thirty years hence thou wilt most probably hear from me exactly the same tone, if thou art by any circumstance reminded of me. "Emily, thou shouldst have dealt more honestly with me. By God! I would have sacrificed every thing for thee. Wilt thou be happy when at thy wedding I sing a song of sorrow, that my friends may weep with me? "Emily, I pray thee, for God's sake, by the happiness that thou yet hopest, be worthy of thyself: I cannot believe any thing bad of thy heart. Be the friend of thy father, if thou canst no longer be my beloved. If my kiss has not ennobled thee, then am I an outcast, or thou a creature without mind. Do nothing--nothing secret. What I did was done on thy account; otherwise I walk ever in the light. For my sake, also, show this letter to thy parents; I will not, when occasion requires it, conceal from them that I have written this letter. "Allow me once more to deceive myself with the sweet delusion of the harmony of our souls. Thou hast destroyed a beautiful work, love, which thou shouldst not have done, or shouldst not have helped to build it up. Thou askest what I think, and not what I feel? I am infinitely sorrowful; and of what kind my affections are thou mayst read hereafter in my countenance. I may, perhaps, never again be so happy as to speak another syllable with thee, but my heart will accompany thee, since I am unchangeable! "S. ----." It is an old, old story, Yet bides for ever new; And he to whom it chances, It breaks his heart in two. _Heyne_. It came not truly so far with my friend; but happiness of his life was for a long period destroyed: the manly and high-toned character of his mind, however, saved him from sinking permanently under the weight which would have prostrated many a one of equally sensitive and strongly-devoted temperament. But, as an English poet has said, he resolved not to sacrifice His name of manhood to a myrtle shade. The fervour of his passion for political liberty, his admiration of heroic actions, and his pride in his native country, were very near, in the excited state of his mind, leading him to involve himself in the grand but ill-digested plans of the Burschenschaft for the consolidation of Germany into one magnificent empire; and probably the blowing up of those plans by the government measures which followed on the wild deeds of Sand and others, just at that crisis, saved him from the fate which most probably would have awaited one so ardent and qualified to take a prominent part--flight, or exile, from his native country. Therefore, turning his eyes away from this hopeless track, he studied with renewed severity, passed a splendid examination, and soon after wrote a work on the German political constitution, which at once attracted attention, and excited the admiration of all the lawyers in Germany. It was soon translated into most of the languages of Europe, and brought him a call from the principal university of one of the first states of Germany, where he now occupies the chair of jurisprudence with the most splendid reputation. He is no less distinguished by the clearness and grasp of his reasoning powers, than by the eloquence of his style, by which he contrives to diffuse a charm and a life into the driest topics; and he is equally so for the liberality of his principles, and the ardent devotion of his mind to the liberties of mankind. He is beloved by the students who attend his lectures, for the affability of his manners, and by his cordial readiness on all occasions to give them his advice in any of their troubles or perplexities. Having himself fought his way through a narrow and a rugged path, he knows how to sympathize with others in the same circumstances. His triumphs over his own impediments have not inspired him with arrogance; nor the sorrows and disappointments of his dearest hopes seared his sensibilities, but on the contrary, softened and mellowed his heart. In public, he wears in his pale and grave countenance traces, not only of his native tone of mind, but of the shattering baptism of spirit that he has passed through; but in the social circle, though often on his first entrance silent and reserved, the warmth of his imagination and heart are sure to triumph over the sadness of habitual reflection; and he charms every one with the poetry and the animated references to the great deeds and great men of his Fatherland, that show you that he is still at heart the same as when he listened in breathless attention to the stories of the old officer, or sung out Ossian on the forest hills. Of Emily, we have little to say. Hidden, herself, in the retirement of private life, she would have seen with an inextinguishable regret the splendid career and wide fame of the man whom she had abandoned, had she possessed a mind worthy of becoming the companion of such a man and of such a destiny; but the great error of Stark's life was that of investing a lovely but not high-minded woman, with the poetry and the magnanimity of his own spirit. But he himself is a striking example of the virtues, the talents, and the indefatigable labours by which many a German Professor fights his way out of narrow circumstances, and through the shades of native obscurity, into the broad light of fame and public usefulness. Such instances are not rare, and they----but, hear I right? it even now strikes twelve! In confirmation of this was heard on all sides the reports of fire-arms. "Prost Neu-Jahr! gentlemen," cried Freisleben. "Prost Neu-Jahr!" resounded they in reply. Freisleben declared that his story was at an end; they drank off their glasses _anstossing_ for the first time in the new year, and hurried into the street. * * * CONCLUSION OF NEW YEAR'S EVE--THE TORCH TRAIN--THE EXPLOIT OF THE RED FISHERMAN. Following the distant sound of the fire-arms, they soon came to the troop of students, which was marching round to bring to the Prorector, and to some of the most popular professors, a "Vivat!" Music went before, accompanied with torches; and a noisy swarm of students followed it,--some in cloaks and great coats; some in dressing-gowns, and with their long pipes in their mouths. You could easily see that they had all of them suddenly started away out of their kneips, where they had celebrated the termination of the old year. They now arrived at the dwelling of a professor. The musicians placed themselves in the centre of the street, surrounded by the torches; the students closed in around them in a dense circle, and the music played a tune. A student then stepped forward, and gave a loud "hoch!" to the Professor. All joined in it three times, while the music blew a flourish, and the pistols thundered off all round. As the third "hoch!" ceased, a window opened above, a dark figure showed itself, and immediately below "Silentium" was commanded. All were still, and the Professor spoke as follows:-- "Gentlemen! Ever since I have resided in Heidelberg as teacher, have you annually paid me this testimony of your respect and esteem; but were I to live to be as old as Methuselah, and was this scene every year renewed, it would give me a fresh satisfaction. "Gentlemen! Let the world judge of our worth as men; let the republic of the learned, which you are growing up to become a part of, decide on our services as learned men, on our ability as teachers,--the means of alone coming to a just conclusion oh those points will still lie constantly in the hands of the student youth. May they always use them with wise consideration, and free from all party spirit. So long as we are able to labour with the vigour of men for the good of the High-School, will our honest endeavours to fill our posts worthily as teachers, not be in vain; and we rejoice in this glad consciousness that we find in the acknowledgments of the student youth, only an echo of that which our inner self declares. But when the zenith of our career is past, so comes by degrees the weakness, and with it the doubtfulness of age; and then does it delight us to find in the acknowledgments of others, the conviction that, although our hair has become whitened with the snow of age, yet our labour still preserves its freshness and its green. And the Ruperto-Carola is also an ancient and venerable stem, which ages in their flight have already visited with their storms; but, if these storms have often and fiercely shook it, they have never been able to uproot it. So long as teachers dwell under the shadow of this tree, who, anxiously seeking its prosperity, cherish and nourish the old trunk; so long as scholars make to it their pilgrimage, who seek knowledge earnestly, so long shall Ruperto-Carola flourish and bloom." [Here the Professor went over the past year in review, and stated what it had brought both of good and evil to the university, and then continued.] "May Ruperto-Carola ever possess scholars, of whose approval an honest man will be proud! May yet many an age on the festive day resound the cry of--'Vivat Ruperto-Carola!'" The sons of the Muses here joined in with their thundering "vivats!" The music made a flourish--the pistols resounded. "Once more," cried the Professor, in conclusion, "my hearty thanks for this proof of your love. May your Fatherland receive you in a while with pride from our arms, where it yet only reluctantly leaves you for your good. May you live long and happy!" The professor withdrew from the window; the music played yet another tune, and the troop then marched onwards. The four friends having separated themselves from the throng, in order to return home, heard yet for a long time, the distant uproar of the merry students, and the sounding of the fire-arms. We must here further observe, that not only such night-music is brought; but also on some occasions, in order to do the more honour to the professors, the so-called solemn night-music, attended by a greater procession of the students, who carry torches, and have their appointed marshals and officers, to maintain order in the procession. The description of a torch-train will yet follow. Before this arrives at the house of the Professor, two or three deputies proceed thither in a carriage. These, in full gala costume, wait upon him for whom the compliment is intended, and make him a short address. The Professor returns them his thanks, and as he has always become aware of the intention of the students, he has his bottle of champagne ready, which he sets before the deputies, and _anstosses_ with them. They retire as the torch-train approaches the house, and when the customary hochs! have been given: first, by the students to the honour of the Professor; and then by the Professor in his speech to the prosperity of the university, the officers who have stepped forward for the purpose clash their swords wildly together. Before retiring they generally sing--"Stosst an! Heidelberg live thou!" and the torch-train marches away. In some places, as in Munich, it is the custom that the Prorector when the New-Year's-night "Hoch!" is brought him, invites the students in, and treats them with punch. It may readily be imagined how much of this liquor is consumed on such an occasion, and into what a predicament a Professor once fell in Munich, who had prepared his punch, but waited for the students in vain, who out of dislike omitted to pay him this visit of honour. But it was destined that the Englishman and his three friends, to whom we must now return from this digression, should not on this night yet retire to rest. They had just arrived in the Karl-platz, as a man galloped past, crying out with all his might,--"The ice goes! The ice goes!" This messenger was from Neckargemünd, sent to announce to the inhabitants of Heidelberg this event, which the people living on the banks of the river, and especially the boat-people, always look forward to with great anxiety, and take their measures of precaution accordingly. But especially in that winter were people full of apprehension, as the ice-covering had acquired an extraordinary thickness; and indeed, in some places, could no longer be called a covering, since the flood in shallow places was completely frozen to the bottom. After a fierce and early-occurring season of severity, the actual warmth of spring suddenly broke out, and the soft south wind melted the snow so rapidly on the hills that the waters ran in streams down their sides. But all was in readiness; and as soon as the four students reached the bridge, they saw, wherever the houses on the banks of the Neckar did not completely occupy its strand to the edge, groups of men, who had provided themselves with cressets with rolls of pitched torches, called pitch garlands, and awaited the spectacle with eager looks. The bridge itself was covered with men, and scarcely a place at the balustrade was to be fought out. From this place an interesting scene presented itself. So far as you could see the banks of the Neckar, the torches flamed, and threw their flickering lights on the surface of ice, on the crowding spectators, and on the neighbouring landscape. In the city itself, most of the houses were lit up for the festival, while above them, in the country, the mountains and the old castle shrouded themselves in the deepest gloom. Most of those who had assembled on the bridge, were men in their ordinary dress, who had, on the announcement of the ice-break, hastened hither from the punch-bowl. But others had been roused from their beds, and exhibited themselves in costumes singular enough, over which they had hastily thrown their cloaks; out of which their nightcaps peeped above. The explosion, as of distant thunder, was now heard, and the floods of water that rushed up through the disrupted ice were seen pouring over the surface. The ice in the neighbourhood of the bridge cracked and groaned aloud; deep fissures opened, and ran with lightning speed far and wide. But as the mass of waters still rushed nearer and nearer, and the ice continued to resist its pressure, the floods rose, and forcing into the streets, made the people assembled on the banks flee back precipitately. On the other side of the bridge, all hands in the mean time were busy removing the piles of fire-timber which were ranged there, and in conveying them to a safe distance. The huge fragments of the already up-torn ice were sent with fury over the ice-surface that yet resisted; in some places, piling itself up into actual bulwarks, and in others was heaved into the streets. Thus it happened, that a little boy who, forgotten of the rest in their flight, had escaped to the top of a pile of wood, above the bridge, was, by one of the masses of ice which was forced forward by the water and driven directly under the pile, carried aloft, together with the pile. Ere any one could spring to his assistance, the moment was come when the opposing ice could no longer maintain its resistance to the accumulating flood. It burst with loud explosions, and raising itself furiously with the other fragments rushed forward towards the bridge. Through the long contest, the water had acquired the most terrible agitation, and when the victory came at once, it formed itself into a headlong stream, which carried the mass of ice on which the boy was, rapidly towards the middle of the flood. The boy, surrounded by the raging element, shrieked in the most fearful manner for help. His cries of misery were scarcely to be heard, but they were not necessary to fill every spectator with terror and commiseration. But who shall help him! Many an able swimmer was there, but none would undertake so desperate an enterprise. Some cried out to throw a rope from the bridge, that the boy might lay hold of, but this was impracticable, for in the moment in which the ice-masses struck the piers of the bridge, they were scattered into fragments, and the stone bridge itself trembled with the shock of their dashing against it. Already the ice-mass, on which the boy sate in despair, approached the piers. Every spectator watched the horrible catastrophe with breathless expectation; when the masses of ice which now passed in countless numbers, blocked up first one and then another arch of the bridge. There was a momentary pause in the progress of the ice. At the crisis of this terrific spectacle, a band of lively music approached the bridge. It was the wild troop of students, who, having completed their round, and finished all their Vivats! and Lebe Hochs! were marching past with their torches, and amongst them was seen the Red Fisherman, who holding in one hand a torch, and in the other a pipe, was striding on with open breast, and in his shirt-sleeves. "Ackermann! Ackermann!" shouted the multitude, "he must help! He alone can do it!" The approaching train rushed upon the bridge; the torch-bearers flew to the balustrades to cast a light upon the scene--the music ceased in an instant The Red Fisherman, on whom all eyes were turned, cast but one glance towards the child; threw his torch on the ice below, and ran down from the bridge to the banks of the Neckar. It was high time, for the ice-masses again began to put themselves in motion. Boldly the fisherman sprung from one block of ice to another; already was he near the boy, when the ice broke beneath him; yet he fought desperately against the rushing water. He reached the boy, and endeavoured to raise himself upon the ice-mass;--at the same moment it went to pieces, and both the fisherman and the boy disappeared for some seconds. The people gave them up as lost for ever, when a voice was heard from the other side of the bridge, crying "A rope! a rope!" It was the fisherman himself, who stood on the basement at the foot of the pier with the boy in his arms! He stood up to the middle in water, but he held fast by a projection of the pier. A rope with a large piece of wood tied to it was speedily let down by some of the fishermen, and Ackermann with the boy was hauled up with the help of the students. As soon as his head appeared on a level with the parapet, he handed over the boy to the people, and then himself leaped over the iron balustrade. With a loud "Vivat!" he was here received; and the musicians blew the finest flourish that they had executed on this remarkable New-Year's night. The troop of students accompanied the Red Fisherman with loud acclamations, who quickly put himself in dry clothes; not regarding some slight wounds which he had received from the ice-masses. The students took him into their midst, and "Free-night! free-night!" resounded on all sides. This cry of triumph means that they will revel the whole night through; and this takes place either at the room of some student, or at a kneip. In the last case, the permission of the police is necessary. These free-nights are only held on extraordinary occasions, or, as in many cases, when without any particular cause the sons of the Muses find themselves in a thoroughly joyous humour. These were especially frequent formerly amongst the so-called Lumpia. This means a union of students, who bind themselves for a certain time to give themselves up to the Lump; that is to doing nothing, and to the wildest pleasures,--to drinking, playing at hazard, and so on. To the honour of the students these wild engagements are rare, and are in the strictest manner prohibited by the laws. The Red Fisherman warmed his stiffened limbs at the kneip with punch, and a collection was made on the spot, whose proceeds were handed to him as his reward. The four friends in the mean time had taken the child, and brought it into a neighbouring inn, where it was undressed and put to bed, until the mother, who did not till some time afterwards learn the whole of the circumstances, could be fetched. After the many events of the night, the wearied party hastened home, to dream over again what they had witnessed, variously metamorphosed by fancy, and one image mixed up and exchanged with another. CHAPTER XXI. THE MARCHING FORTH. We Burschen freshly forth to the number of seventeen hundred; thou at our head, and butchers and tailors and shopkeepers behind us, and innkeeper and barber, and all the trade guilds of the city, swearing to storm the place, if a hair of the Burschens' heads is but crumpled.--_Schiller's Robber_. Before we permit the Student to depart from the happy Burschendom into Philisterium, we will see in what manner he generally takes his farewell of the university. For this, there are three ways: either the quiet way, in which we shall presently see Mr. Traveller depart; or the still quieter one in the stillness of the night, in order to avoid the hands of his creditors; or, finally, the compulsory one, which the Bursche must generally take who has made too much noise in the world. We have already made ourselves acquainted with different excesses on which lie the penalties of banishment, and we will here speak of the greatest of all these excesses, at least of that, in respect to its application to members, the very greatest--the Marching Forth. As the duel is resorted to, to enforce justice from one student towards another; so it is the Marching Forth, in which the students not merely leave the bounds of order, but the university-city itself, which is regarded as the means of avenging the injured body upon the whole city, for an encroachment upon its rights. That the reader may obtain a clear notion of the Marching Forth, we will describe the one which took place amongst the students of Heidelberg, in the year 1828. The Museum in Heidelberg, a building dedicated to social entertainment and pleasures, was built in 1827, and completed in the following year. The rules for the management of the institution, which, after careful consideration and proof, were adopted, did not in some particulars please a part of the students; others, however, found nothing to object to, and about seventy students immediately enrolled themselves as members. Instead now of leaving every one to his liberty, a part of the discontented came to the conclusion, that the museum must, so far as the university was concerned, be put altogether under the bann. As it was now found that they laboured zealously to this end, the teachers took the proper measures to prevent such a circumstance. A member of the senate, in whom the better portion of the students had always the strongest moral reliance, endeavoured by every means to make such of the students as stood high in the respect of their fellows, clearly to comprehend, that such a bann had the severest enactment of academical law against it; that it might render the Baden students unfortunate for life, if they allowed themselves to become partisans; that it might lead to the most angry contentions, if those who had already become members of the Museum, would not suffer themselves to be compelled to such an act of evacuation; and the Senate could not remain unconcerned spectators, by any means, of such disorder, not just then especially, as on the near approaching name-day of the Grand Duke, the Museum was to be solemnly and ceremoniously opened. But the intelligence quickly spread, that the Burschenschaft, which by degrees and secretly had again sprung up, had pronounced the bann with great formality and haste, and that they were labouring with all their might to compel all other persons into the undertaking, and even to draw the natives into the matter along with them. Active measures were therefore unavoidable on the part of the Senate. It accordingly decreed, on the 13th of August, that immediately with the break of the following day, the members of the Burschenschaft should be brought to trial on account of the promulgation of the bann, and that they should be arrested in such a way, that there might be no concerted plan laid, upon what they should state in their defence, and in such a way also that no student should be absent from home. On the 14th of August, the beadles received at a quarter to four in the morning, the order to pronounce house-arrest to some, and to remove others to the university prison, preparatory to their being called up for hearing. The trial began immediately, and would have been completed the same day, had the laws found obedience. But immediately on the sitting of the court, there arose in every street, the cry of "Bursch, come forth!" This is a call which every student must unconditionally obey, on pain of proscription. It is therefore, as a compulsion in opposition to the laws, and as the most convenient method of speedily raising a tumult, punished with the sharper expulsion. So ran the ringleaders through the city with a loud "Bursch, come forth!" drew the students together from all quarters, and rushed with them, with great uproar, into the front of the university, where the Senate had speedily assembled, and stood in presence of the tumultuous throng at an open window. Instead of applying to the Prorector, as they should have done, had they ground of complaint, they even treated with contempt two summonses from the Senate to send deputies to explain their claims or demands, and immediately in the face of the Senate proceeded, with loud outcries, to make a desperate onset on the door of the adjoining academical buildings, with sticks and kicks, so that the upper beadle, to prevent further mischief, was obliged to liberate the incarcerated students. This being accomplished, they commenced their march forth towards Schwetzengen. The whole city was in uproar. The shops were closed out of fear of the wild faction. Every where chaises rattled through the streets; the boot-foxes ran here and there; the inhabitants looked full of trouble out of their windows; when a student, with his sword in his hand, galloped through the streets with the fearful cry--"Bursch, come forth!" Most of the students went along with the train, only because the Comment, or Students' Code of Laws, demanded it, without well knowing for what purpose. The wild throng rushed into the houses of the dilatory, in order to rouse them out of bed. Hastily, every one packed up what was most necessary and threw it into the carriage, or buckled it upon a horse; and when no longer carriage or horse was procurable, the boot-foxes must become baggage-bearers. In order to rouse all into a necessary degree of resentment, and to keep it up, the ringleaders circulated false stories. They spread it every where that the authorities had dragged the students out of their beds in the night; that they had thrust them into a hole where none could stand upright, and where there was not a single seat to rest upon; while the fact was, that they who were said to have suffered so much maltreatment in the night, were conducted to the academical buildings in clear daylight. Yet, in the excitement of the moment, these false reports found credit, and with the "Bursch, come forth!" which raged like a running fire through the streets, they availed in a very short time, to bring the whole student host together. They who were on horseback placed themselves at the head of the procession; rode hither and thither, in order to quicken the motions of the dilatory, and to maintain the whole train in order. A long line of carriages followed them, of every description that could be got together in the haste of the occasion. Part were chaises, in which the students rode; part were wagons, on which were hastily loaded their packages. All the students had armed themselves in haste, as well as they might, with swords, rapiers, and pistols. They who found no place in the carriages, or on horseback, went on foot, and a great swarm of boot-foxes followed who were loaded with all kinds of house-gear, as pipes, dressing-gowns, coats, and so on. A vast crowd of people, consisting of school-youths who had to thank the students to-day for a holiday, and of all kinds of people who, in a university city, draw support from the students, added themselves to the train, and increased the uproar and alarm, with curses and insults, that the students should be suffered to go away. The inhabitants of the city looked down in wonder and curiosity from their windows roused from their sleep by the noise, and gazed on the motley throng who, with shouts and singing of Burschen-songs, swept by. At length the rear of the train disappeared through the city gate, and a strange silence reigned in the deserted town. The doors opened, and the Philistines stepped out into the streets together, to talk over the fatal story. In the mean time a professor might be seen, with serious countenance and hasty steps, hurrying through the streets, and people looked doubtfully after him, or one or another of the citizens detained him to snatch a couple of words as to what was to be done in this necessity of the Fatherland. Here and there also might be seen a solitary student who had not been able to join the train in time, now hastening towards one or other of the city gates; since every one is compelled, on pain of entire proscription, to quit the city in case of a Marching-Forth, even if he does not join the train. When the train arrived in Schwetzengen, the discontented saw that the territory of Baden was not safe for them, and that by passing the frontier they would enjoy more freedom. Suddenly there followed them from many quarters the report "The dragoons come, to fall upon us!" and all ran with wild haste to Ketsch, a village on the Rhine, where they caused themselves to be ferried over into Rheinish Bavaria. This false report of this falling of the troopers upon them had thus arisen. Immediately on the occurrence of the excess here related, the Senate held it necessary for the protection of the city, hastily to request a hundred dragoons to be sent for from Mannheim. These hundred dragoons marched out of Mannheim, about nine miles below Ketsch, only at half-past two o'clock in the afternoon, after the students had, in fact, crossed the Rhine at Ketsch; and they never directed their march at all against the students, but rode direct to Heidelberg. As it was then there well ascertained that the Marchers-Forth had taken up their quarters for the present in Frankenthal, where part of them were lodged in the town, and part of them had encamped in the neighbourhood under tents, and that many of them had become involved in the transaction through erroneous information, a member of the Senate was requested by the Curatorium to proceed to Frankenthal, and to endeavour to bring the young men to reason. This took place on the sixteenth of August, but without success. On the contrary, the emissary of the Senate was sent back with a remonstrance, very numerously signed, which concluded with a menacing clause, and demanded that the Senate should guarantee the whole body of students against all penalties, on account of this transaction, and should cause Heidelberg, without delay, to be evacuated by the troops. It was also added, by word of mouth, that the bann pronounced on the Museum, could not be retracted. A similar endeavour, made through the university Amtmann, on the eighteenth of August, received as little attention, although the Museum, in many points, had yielded to their demands, and thereupon was immediately relieved from the proscription. The resentment against the Senate continued unabated; and therefore, on the evening of the eighteenth, in all haste, the academy was declared to be under the bann; this, however, was not done through the voting of individuals, but effected by the dreaded ringleaders pronouncing the bann, demanding then the others to accede to it, though many were opposed to it; and thus the resolution was passed in a painful silence, since individuals saw dangers on all sides of them if they refused. Yet in that night, and in the course of the next day, numbers quitted Frankenthal, and returned towards Heidelberg. Here, when they came to understand exactly the real circumstances of the case, there was regret and general discontent. A great number of the most noble young men loudly declared the bann to be dishonourable, to be null and void, because brought about by deception; to be contrary to all custom and precedent, and thereupon came some of the most artful proceedings to be talked of: for example, that in the remonstrance sent to the Senate, there were forged names of students who were absent at the time, and that the menacing clause had been surreptitiously introduced. In fact, the natives of Baden had had no part in the declaration of the bann. On the twentieth of August the classes again were opened, while the trials were still proceeding. The ringleaders were punished with expulsion; others were banished for a certain term; and a greater number imprisoned for a longer or shorter period. The attention of the court was turned by these events afresh on the still continuance of the Burschenschaft, and it was pursued with yet greater severity of proscription than before. But the Studentschaft had so far achieved its original object, that its demands on the Museum were for the most part conceded. Such Marchings-Forth are of rare occurrence, yet this is not the only one that has taken place in Heidelberg. Many years before this, occurred a something similar one, on account of contentions with the military, which then lay in Heidelberg. A student, as he went past the watch-house, forgot to take the pipe from his mouth. He came into contention thereupon with the soldier on guard, who called an officer, by whom the student was very much insulted. This gave occasion to a Marching-Forth, which, however, proceeded no further than to Neuenheim, about a mile from the city, whence the students at once returned, all their demands being complied with; which, were, that a full amnesty should be guaranteed for all that was past, and that the soldiers should be removed. Moreover, the military were obliged to post themselves on the bridge, the officer at their head, and so present arms while the students marched past again into the city in triumph, and with music playing before them. Where soldiers and students are brought together in one city, collisions are inevitable; at least in the smaller cities, where both cannot be sufficiently mixed and lost in the great mass of the people. Many contentions have heretofore arisen out of such collocation; and thus occurred also the Marching-Forth from Giessen in the year 1819. The military having in the most unallowable manner acted towards the students, and one of the students coming to a quarrel with an officer, was extremely insulted by him. There appeared in consequence of this a ministerial rescript, in which it was ordered that the military in future should only be called out against the students by a requisition from the Senate, and that all acts of illegality already alleged against the military on the part of the students should be strictly investigated, and every just satisfaction made to them. There immediately appeared a judgment on the part of the military college, by which the officer who had insulted the student was condemned to fourteen days' close arrest, which was immediately to take place; and was, moreover, required, in the presence of the rector of the university and of the colonel of the officer, to beg pardon of the student. The aforesaid ministerial rescription was now made known to the students by four deputies of the Senate, who waited on them in the place of their retreat; whereupon they immediately resolved to return to Giessen, and to restore every thing to its old course and order. To give yet another example of a Marching-Forth, we may take the disturbance in Göttingen in the year 1818. Contentions arose between the then students and the members of some of the trade guilds; amongst others, with that of the butchers' guild. The house of a butcher who had especially insulted the students was very much damaged, and the windows of another house beaten in. A commission was despatched by the government to Göttingen to inquire into and quell the disturbance. The means, however, which were adopted in order to bring the incensed student youth again within the bounds of order, were not the most fitting; and the calling in of the military only made the matter worse. The students refused to succumb to a strange power. They boldly attacked the hussars; these drew their swords, and in the skirmish many students were dangerously wounded. About eight hundred of the students now marched out to Witzenhausen. They sent by the hands of four deputies, a memorial to the Senate, who delivered it and returned. In this document they complained, that one of their fellow-students had been maltreated by a butcher, and that the butcher had not been visited with the punishment due to his offence; that the sending of a royal commission altered the condition of their rights; that the authority of the same had been so far illegal that the reigning prince had not yet confirmed it; and finally, that the people had been attacked by the military in time of peace, whereby many had been wounded. The ministry, thereupon, issued a rescript, which commanded the whole body of students to return, and if they refused obedience, threatened them with the loss of every claim to future employment by the state, as well as of all stipends that they might enjoy. After an absence of more than eight days, the greater part of the students, who had scattered themselves through the country, returned, exerting, however, on their side a right of retaliation, by declaring the university to be for two and a half years under the bann to all foreigners. The foreigners immediately took their departure, and only about six hundred students were left in Göttingen,--about half of the number who had studied in it before those disturbances took place. In Witzenhausen the people had fleeced the students of nearly all their cash. All necessaries of life, during their abode there, were raised to a monstrous price, and the burgers of that place charged them individually for a week's lodging as much as a louis-d'or. Therefore now, to quit Göttingen, they were obliged to dispose of every thing that they could possibly spare. Many natives also, spite of the menaces of the ministers, quitted the cities; and Göttingen, in fact, presented a melancholy aspect. The departure of the foreigners was injurious to the city, in two respects; many workmen depended on them for subsistence, and besides this, they left many debts behind them. It was natural, in these circumstances, that many workmen too should quit the place, since their means of livelihood had failed, and thus the emptiness of Göttingen became still more apparent. The sentence of the ministry upon these disturbances condemned one student to entire expulsion; many to the Consilium abeundi, or confinement in the university prison; and the master butcher also was punished with eight days' imprisonment, with bread and water. There was a further commission appointed for the trial of the originators of the bann, and these also were punished. Thus peace and order were again restored; and in order to maintain these, precautionary measures were adopted; namely, every one studying in Göttingen, and every fresh comer, must sign a declaration, that he would take no part in the carrying into effect the bann pronounced against the university; and that he would never, either by word or deed, allow it to be supposed that he acknowledged that bann as actually existing. Spite of all these regulations, it was a very long time before Göttingen was able to regain its former state of prosperity. These Marchings-Forth may serve to show how jealously the students defend their privileges, not only against individuals, but even against the state. The student avenges himself upon any one by whom he is unjustly attacked. A ludicrous story connected with these practices occurs to our recollection, which happened very shortly after the tragic act of Sand. An actor, who played heroic characters in the theatre at Darmstadt, was at the supper-table in the inn there, and gave a loose very freely and sourly to his remarks upon students and universities. A student from Heidelberg, who was present, and had in his possession a letter to deliver to this very actor, determined to punish him a little for his observations, and therefore on this evening did not present him the letter. In the morning he went to the dwelling of the actor, caused his room to be shown to him, and finding him alone, inquired with a dark countenance--"Are you the Herr Court-actor F----r?" "Yes."--"Are you really the Herr Court-actor F----r?"--he reiterated sternly. "Yes!"--"Now!" cried the student, with a loud voice, and thrusting his hand into his bosom. The poor hero, who imagined he had got a dagger there, darted at full speed away. The student laughing called him back. "Stop!" said he, "stop! it is only a letter!" In recent times, when people are not so pliant towards the students, the Marchings-Forth have more and more disappeared. In the year 1838, the students conceived that their rights were infringed by the gendarmerie. They assembled at the Hirschgasse; one of them stated the case to the rest, and invited them to subscribe a memorial on the subject to the Senate, requesting the removal of those gendarmes. As the doors were in the meantime all guarded by the Chore people, so all complied with the invitation. When all had signed, they returned to the city in one body, two and two abreast; sang "Free is the Bursch," and presented their memorial to the Prorector. They derived, however, little satisfaction from this proceeding; and as the document contained expressions dishonourable to the Senate, some of the ringleaders were punished. But the cry "Bursch, come forth!" has not always been employed for the purpose of effecting a Marching-Forth in opposition to the laws. It has on many an occasion served to assemble speedily the Burschen for the noblest objects. It was thus in Heidelberg, when at one time the bitterness against the Jews had spread itself through Germany. Suddenly a great throng of Handwerksburschen in this city also, and others of that class who have nothing to lose and always a chance to win something in every revolution, had got together, and scoured the streets, crying "Hep! Hep!" They hastened to the houses of the Jews, to plunder them and mishandle their inmates. The city soldiers were called upon to disperse the rioters, but in a cowardly manner refused to do their duty. People were in a great perplexity how to protect the unfortunate Jews. Some students met the then Prorector, who was on his way to the Senate, and engaged to him speedily to restore quiet if he would only allow them to cry, "Bursch, come forth!" The Prorector took the responsibility upon himself, and scarcely was the shout of "Bursch, come forth!" raised, when from all sides came running the students, armed with their swords. One of those who came first, placed himself at the door of one of the richest Jews in the city, against whom the mass of the mob were most desperate, and drawing his sword, called to the pressing throngs, full of zeal for the good cause--"Only over my corpse lies your way into this house!" The assailants fell back with terror; other students speedily came to his aid, and chased away the rabble. One of the professors took a sword from the hand of a student, and led on the sons of the Muses. They surrounded the houses which the rioters had already forced their way into, holding their drawn swords before the windows so as to prevent all escape, while others, rushing into the house, seized the plunderers, and gave them into the hands of the police. Peace was in a very short time restored. The Jews made a public acknowledgment of their thanks to the academicians, and the Senate cited before them such of the students as had most distinguished themselves, in order to thank them themselves, and through them to thank all the others who had given such timely and successful aid. In other circumstances of danger too, the students have often distinguished themselves. This has been especially the case in fires, where, placing themselves in long rows from the scene of burning to the river, they have made the water-buckets pass from hand to hand with astonishing celerity, and all the time have relieved their work with singing. Once also they executed, in Heidelberg, justice in the promptest manner. It was when, at the instigation of Prussia, Baden lost again the freedom of the press, which the Grand Duke Leopold had conferred on it at his entrance on the government. Over this circumstance a great bitterness was felt in Heidelberg. Just at this crisis the Prussian students at that university celebrated the birthday of their king, as they are accustomed to do every year. This took place in a Commers in Neckarsteinach, and as they are often accustomed, they returned to the city in the evening in an illuminated barge, down the Neckar, with fireworks. A report had spread itself, that the people, who beheld the spectacle from the Neckar bridge, would insult the Prussians, when they passed under the bridge. The police were concerting preventive measures, when the other students requested to be allowed to maintain the peace. It was granted to them; and in the evening, they awaited quietly in their kneips the intelligence of the approach of the festive barge. They then spread themselves amongst the crowd upon the bridge. As the boat now drew near, and the customary "Vivat, the king of Prussia!" was heard resounding from it, the mob on the bridge began to bawl out a "Pereat!" and one Handwerksbursch was bold enough to fling down a stone. In a moment such a storm of cuffs and boxes on the ears was rained down from all quarters on the disturbers, that they were compelled to fly from the hands of those who were an overmatch for them; thus the bridge was speedily evacuated by the whole tribe, and the barge came to its anchorage without further molestation. Another cause which often compels the students to quit the university, and indeed in all stillness, is debt. That the young men at the High-School may readily fall into debt, is easy to conceive. Most of them were till this time at schools where they were quite dependent on their parents, and have now, for the first time, considerable sums in their hands; and beyond this, the way into debt is made so particularly easy to the student. The landlords, the shopkeepers, and all others, who derive an advantage from the students, freely give credit, or _pump_, as the students term it. They do it the more willingly, since it is a good opportunity to make the account a little larger (since the English and students, as the student says, generally chop above the ear, that is, suffer themselves to be overcharged); and moreover, the students look on it as a certain prerogative, of which many are compelled to avail themselves, who, especially in their first year, need more than their remittances. A master tailor who was much in mode amongst the students, once attempted to put an end to this silently acknowledged privilege, but it cost him dear. This man sent round a list amongst his colleagues, by which every one who signed his name bound himself to give no more credit to any student. But this list had not circulated far, when the students became aware of the fact. They assembled themselves that evening at their kneip, armed with their swards, proceeded thence to the house of the tailor, dashed all the windows in, broke open the doors, and rushed into the workshops and store-rooms of the tailor; where they cut to pieces, and bored through all his pieces of cloth and ready-made clothes, so that they were totally ruined. The actors, indeed, were punished, and required to pay all the damages, but the tailor had for ever lost the business of the students, and his fellow-tradesmen took warning from the transaction. The academical laws have endeavoured to put a check on this facility of debt-making, by determining that all demands for credited wines and spirituous liquors, excepting the regular choppin of wine or beer set before his guests by the landlord or master of an ordinary,--all demands of the masters of coffee and billiard-rooms, as such,--all play debts, demands for carriage, sledge, or horse-hire for more than one journey, which may be made on students, shall not be recoverable in a court of law; and it is also enacted to what extent credit for all necessaries of life, for books, and such things, may be given, so as yet to leave a legal right of recovery. In order to make themselves secure against a student, whom they are afraid may attempt to quit without discharging his debt, the creditor is accustomed to take the usual and effectual way, that is, to go and lay an arrest on his departure-testimonial, which will then not be handed to the student by the university office, till he has paid his debts; by which means it becomes very difficult to quit the place without a fair settlement with his creditors. One way, however, remains for him. In the university cities are people who lend money to the students at a high rate of interest. These the student pumps, as he calls it,--and, as claims for money lent to students are untenable before the court, these people generally get the loss when a student runs off, as well as all those other creditors who have not protested against the delivery of his testimonial. This burning through, or running through the rags, as starting without paying is called, was formerly much more frequent than at present. If it now sometimes happens, yet the cases are very rare in which they do not afterwards pay as soon as they are in circumstances to do it. When these escapes were made, it was generally at midnight; or in this manner,--the youth's companions accompanied him in a Comitat, or one of their regular departure-processions, but another student was set in the first carriage, in the place of honour, as though it were he who was leaving. When they had, however, quitted the city, the real departer took the place of honour, and the pretended one then quietly returned to the city. On such occasions was song the song, of course not till the immediate danger was past-- Forth from here, the Manichæans watch us. The Manichæans are the creditors, so called after the old much reprobated sect of the Manichæans, who in the third century held the doctrines of the Persian heretic Manes. Upon a wearied steed, a Jena student flew, In stumbling career, the fields and meadows through; And full of dread, with which the Philistines imbued him, Still wildly looked behind, lest creditors pursued him. _The Renommist_. Mr. Traveller had now, in Heidelberg, studied for half a year the customs and general life of the students. Gladly would he yet longer have sojourned amongst his new friends; but he could only remain on the continent till autumn, and wished to make use of this time, in acquainting himself with some others of the most celebrated of the universities of Germany. After long delay, a day was finally fixed during the Easter vacation. His way lay through Leipsic and Berlin, and it was agreed to set out in a hired carriage as far as Weinheim, there, till the arrival of the post-wagon, to celebrate the last farewell. Towards five o'clock, on the appointed morning, Freisleben and Hoffmann went to call their friend Von Kronen, and were astonished to find the long-sleeper already up and prepared. "I'll tell you how it happened," said he; "I had given my boot-fox orders to rouse me out of bed at four o'clock, be it as it would. This morning, while it was yet quite dark, he rushed into my room with his lantern, and startled me out of the sweetest dreams, with the cry of 'Fire! fire!' 'Where then, where?' I demanded. 'Get up,' said he, 'in a moment, and come with me.' I sprung out of bed, threw on my clothes, again demanding, 'Tell me though, where is the fire?' He then quietly answered, 'Here, you see it, in my lantern!'" The friends laughed at the ingenuity of the boot-fox, and hastened to Mr. Traveller. They found him already dressed, and busy with his boot-fox, in packing the dress-suit in which he had yesterday paid his farewell visits to the professors. The room looked desolate and inhospitable; and on the walls on every side peeped forth the nails, on which had been suspended pipes, pictures, and other house-gear. On the floor, packing paper lay every where in heaps; here and there lay a pair of old shoes, some old boxes, and the like; upon one chair a trunk, and on another a hat-case. In one corner of the room lay a heap of books which were to be sent direct to England. The writing-desk was open, and there lay the purse, the watch, and all that belongs to the pocket, whilst a stick, and the umbrella in its case leaned against it. Astonished at these changes, Freisleben's spaniel ran about the room, smelling at every thing in the most particular manner. The carriage now rattled up; the stout driver made his appearance, and announced that all was ready. Hastily the maid brought in the coffee, and hastily was it drunk. The driver and the boot-fox carried down the luggage; Mr. Traveller put on his travelling coat, the friends lit their pipes, and all hastened to the carriage. The maid was below and wished a happy journey; the boot-fox, to whom some remaining pipes and the little coffee-machine was given, said--"I thank you many times; and, fare you well;" and as the carriage set off, the old House-Philistine thrust his head with his white nightcap out of the window above, and with sleepy voice cried--"a happy journey!" But the maid remained standing at the door, and looked after the carriage till it turned the next corner. Mr. Traveller carried with him from Heidelberg only happy recollections, and rarely can we say this of a place; therefore, as the carriage swept round the turn of the road at Neuenheim, he bade a last and regretful farewell to the little city which, stretched along the bank of the Neckar. Having arrived in Weinheim, the friends first took a walk up the lovely Birkenau Thal. They had just returned thence, and seated themselves in the inn to a breakfast _à la fourchette_, when a whole troop of youths arrived on foot. They were clad in blue-and-white frockcoats and blouses, with belt round the waist, wore for the most part straw hats; carried each a stout knapsack on his back; in their hands held short cudgels; and had a basket-flask suspended by a riband that passed over the breast. They were Wurtzburg students, who had penetrated by Wertheim into the Odenwald, and had traversed that ancient and forest land in every direction. Von Kronen and Freisleben found amongst them some old acquaintances. They gave them a hearty welcome; and the new-comers, who were full of life and good humour, related many of their travel adventures,--how they came to a village where it was the Kirchweih, or wake; and how the young bauers came to hard cudgels with them, because they had enticed from them the loveliest maidens on the dancing ground; of the Wild Hunter, the Felsenmeere, or Sea of Rocks, and of the solitary Jäger-house, where they had been obliged to pass the night on straw, as there were no beds to be found for so many guests. They felicitated themselves on all the pleasure that they promised themselves in Heidelberg. The whole company was very merry; they did not spare the excellent Hupberger, and totally forgot that on the heels of this welcome must come a speedy parting. But suddenly the landlord stepped in, and announced that the Eilwagen had arrived. The whole company broke up hastily, and accompanied Mr. Traveller to it. It was high time when they arrived at it, and the Englishman had scarcely leisure to take a hurried leave of his friends. He promised to send them notice of the other universities that he should visit, gave them another hearty shake of the hand--the postilion had blown his bugle, and the wagon rolled on its way. "Tell the English," cried Freisleben to him, as he still looked out of the window, "that the German students are not so bad as they have been described to them." "Honi soit qui mal y pense," replied Mr. Traveller. While this passed, the other students had raised the SONG OF THE DEPARTING BURSCH. A Mossy Borsch now forth I wend, O God! Philister's house defend.[47] Yes, native home, I come to thee; Myself must now Philistine be. Farewell, ye crooked streets and straight, Through you no more I walk elate: With songs no more make you astir, With noisy joy and clink to spur. Ye Kneips, why would ye me delay, My sojourn here has passed away. Oh! beckon not with your long arm, Make not my thirsty heart thus warm. God bless the College! How she there Stands in her stately grandeur fair! Ye twilight halls, both great and small, Ye win me back no more at all. And thou too, from thy gabled height, O Carcer! see'st in vain my flight, For wretched lodging, night and day, A Pereat, greet thee thus for aye! But bloom thou--and, as thus I go, Old Battle-house, still "Live thou, hoch!" Yet many a victor-garland be, Thou house of honour, won in thee! Then come I--ah! to Liebchen's door,-- Look out, dear girl, look out once more! Look out with thy sweet eyes so clear, And with thy dark and clustering hair. And shouldst thou e'en have me forgot, A like reward I wish thee not. Go, thou mayst seek a lover new, But be he gay, like me, and true. But farther, farther, now awaits My course, stand wide ye ancient gates! Light is my heart, and glad my track; My blessing, city, waft I back! Ye Brothers! now, around me press, Let my heart feel not its distress. On gallant steeds with gladsome song, Go ye with me the way along. In the next Dorf will we alight, In our last wine our friendship plight. Now, here ye Brothers,--wo's the case!-- Our last glass take!--our last embrace! _Gustav. Schwab_. CHAPTER XXII. THE STUDENT'S FUNERAL, ETC. And of our brethren, is there one departed-- By pale Death summoned in his bloom? We weep, and wish him peace, all saddest hearted; Peace to our brother's silent tomb. We weep, and wish that peace may dwell In our dear brother's silent cell. "What becomes then of the student at the last?" the reader will ask--"of him whom we have to this point followed in silent observation through all his ways, and along his whole course?" If, as has often been the case, we were to consider the Student-life as a disease, we should say with the Pathologist:--"Every disease can, by possibility, have, only one of three terminations: the first, in health; the second, in some other disease; and the last, in death." But we are far from looking upon it in this light. Yet we can, regarding the Student-life in its great outlines as a state of health, assign it the same issues, with the exception that we hold the Philisterium, to use the student's own language, to be the natural sequence of the natural university life. It is truly a sorrowful reflection, that of the numbers who seek the university at the same time, it is only the smaller portion of them who reach that goal after which they strive, or should strive. Not that we mean to say that death snatches away so many from the midst of them. No; the mortality in general, and especially in Heidelberg, amongst the student youth, is very small indeed. But what we now have in our eye will be more clearly shown, if we explain ourselves on the nature of the object to be attained by the student. Has he, indeed, attained that object, when he has piled up in his head laboriously and without order, a store of things worthy to be known in his peculiar profession? No, that is not it; although people who are destitute of an enlightened grasp of mind, are accustomed to see great perfection in the education of a young man who, returning from a learned institution, is found to have gathered up all facts like a schoolboy with amazing diligence, so that when any one says A to him, he can immediately say B and C. We believe, for our part, the fruit of inquiry to be this: that the young man learns to perceive that the individual study to which he especially devotes himself, is only one branch of the great tree of knowledge; that no science, sundered entirely from the rest, can proceed prosperously to its own completion; that a science pursued alone and in an isolated manner, cannot be properly called a science; but that all the sciences stretch forth their sisterly hands to each other, and form themselves into a beautiful circle, out of which they will not suffer themselves to be torn by an unskilful person. He will perceive, that a well-grounded study of professional science even, can only base itself on a philosophical foundation; and that he who, on the contrary, falls into one-sidedness, must become merely a clever plodder, or a charlatan. He will perceive that the arts and sciences are as intimately connected, as the capacity for the true, the good, and the beautiful is united in the spirit of man with the understanding. But is there one who has acquired no single perception of all this; has he only crammed into his head the dusty chaff of learning; has he, in the acquisition of this false learning, lost the taste for all that is good and beautiful!--it had been better that he had never entered on this field, which for him has had no result but that of drying up his brain with the heat of a confused and unfruitful knowledge. Truly, there are yet other results of student-life than such as these: namely, those of a spurious erudition; results which for the quondam student, are yet more sorrowful, and which fill the heart of the spectator with pity and abhorrence. We mean the consequences which habits of drinking, and of other wild practices--such as the miserable passion for play, draw after them. It is true that we see many wretched creatures glide trembling about, who have laid the first foundations of their aberrations at their university. But we see equally many, or more such miserables, who never visited such an institution: and if we find many sorrowful histories in the university city, of the students who had taken their own lives because they had plunged themselves into inextricable debt; if we hear many a one at the end of his academical career lament bitterly over his lost and misspent time; we may be seized with a horror of such places as strong, as when we read what Jean Paul has depicted in such fearful colours of a similar unfortunate:--"And he brought out of the whole rich life nothing but errors, sins and diseases; a wasted body and a weary soul; a breast full of poison and an age full of remorse. His beautiful youthful days now changed themselves into spectres, and dragged him back to that sweet morning where his father had first placed him, at the point of the diverging paths of life, the right hand of which leads into the sun-path of virtue, into a wide quiet land, full of light and of harvest-fields, and of angels; and that of the left conducts down through the mole-burrowings of crime, into a black cavern full of down-dropping poison, of darting snakes, and of a damp and sultry vapour. Ah! the snakes hang on his bosom, and the poison drops on his tongue, and--he knew where he was. Wild, and with inexpressible horror and anguish, he cried to heaven--'Give me my youth again! O Father! place me again on the diverging path that I may choose differently!'" I say, we, and more especially the foreigner, hearing and seeing such things, should regard those places with horror. But let the latter think, how many young people here are collected together; and that amongst them must of a certainty be many very thoughtless, and no few of them decidedly bad characters. Let him recollect that these numbers, who have just escaped from the strict bondage of the schools, now suddenly stand free, torn loose from all family bonds, to act without restraint, and at their own pleasure. Let him reflect that they are in a place where opportunities for every species of extravagance are so freely offered; where, if their purses are exhausted, so many are at hand ready to lend. Let him again reflect, that the student is exposed to all those temptations at an age at which the passions rage often with a fearful strength; at an age which causes him to stagger between its extremes. Let him, and let us, weigh all this, and then we cannot wonder, if many a one in this contest goes down; if many a one fails to accomplish the aim of his ideal activity; and we shall even rejoice that so many honourably pass through the ordeal, and choose the right. Goethe's Wahrheit und Dichtung presents us with a passage which is particularly applicable to this subject. "All men of good disposition feel, in the progress of their education, that they have a double part to play in the world--an actual and an ideal one,--and in this feeling is to be sought the ground of every thing that is noble. What of the actual is allotted to us, we find only too clear; what concerns the ideal, we can seldom come into a distinct conception of. The man may seek his higher destiny on the earth or in heaven, in the present or in the future; but on that account he remains exposed to a constant wavering from within, and to a constantly disturbing influence from without, till he once for all takes the resolution to declare that is the right which is conformable to his individual condition and character." But before we take our leave of those who, as we have said, have chosen the right, and now leave the university to enter upon a new life, let us cast one sorrowful retrospective glance at him, whom death so early has snatched away from his brethren. And here it rejoices us to behold how the student seeks to honour and preserve the memory of the for-ever departed. When youth, in its strength, in its beauty and freshness, is snatched away, and is borne to the grave, who does not feel sorrow at heart, even if he were a stranger to the departed? But in such sorrowful moments we feel a peculiar pleasure in mounting higher and higher into a sentiment of grief, till the exhausted spirit dissolves itself in an infinitude of wo. In the decoration of the funeral procession with every symbol of sorrow, we behold the desire of friends to do the greatest possible honour to the deceased in the eyes of the world, and to bring even this to participate in the mournful interest. If then this be the intention of the last honours, no one has perhaps more completely accomplished the object than the student, when he accompanies his departed friend to his last resting-place by night, and with the light of torches. In the streets a curious multitude has gathered together to behold the solemn train, and moves hither and thither. The tolling of the funeral bell, announcing the setting forward of the train, has brought us also to the window, and in silence we look forth into the yet dark streets. Busy fancy carries us quickly far away to the parents of the deceased, who now, in unspeakable grief, bewail perhaps the only son, him whom they hoped soon again, after the years of separation, to have folded in their arms; who, so thought they, should now cheer and enliven their old age. Then conducts it us to his solitary death-bed, where in vain he called on the names of those whom he loved--of those who watched his childhood; where sorrowfully he thought of their pain; where, finally, he thanked the friends who, though they had been but for a short period united to him in friendship, had, through their sympathy and faithful affectionate care, softened and made consolatory his last hours. An uncertain and ruddy light now plays upon the houses and the waving folk's-mass, and the night brings to us the long-drawn tones of the trumpets, which, wailing with sorrow, make every chord of our inner life vibrate. Now they call back to us the dear ones that we have already borne to the grave, and the uncertain light of the torches causes their forms to sweep before our excited imaginations in a spirit-train. Now these thrilling notes seem to lament the transitoriness of all earthly things, and to complain of the dreadful ordinations of heaven. The scene becomes continually clearer and brighter; the individual torches and their bearers appear distinctly, and behold! the mass of people separates before our eyes. To right and left they shrink back, as if the multitude feared that advancing train would yet snatch another out of this moving throng, out of the gladsome drift of life into the chill of the grave. A numerous band of music comes at the head of the procession, lighted by torch-bearers. Then follows the funeral car, covered with black cloth and drawn by black horses. Upon the car lies the Chore-band, the Chore-caps of the deceased, and two crossed swords, all covered with mourning crape, and surrounded with mourning wreaths. We remark also particularly one smaller garland; it is formed of white roses, and is, so we are told, from the sorrowing hand of some unknown fair one. This car, this coffin, incloses the mortal remains of the student whom so lately we saw traversing these streets in the freshness of youth, whose strong arm has lifted one of these swords in defence of his honour. This city, the witness of his fresh and lively existence, will soon have forgotten him. Through life's course unto his goal With the tempest's speed roan driveth; Then within the true friend's soul Yet a little while surviveth. _Uhland_. Immediately before the car, go two of the beadles carrying fasces wreathed with crape. On each side and behind the car, walk the companions of the Chore, all in simple black mourning, and with hats. Immediately behind the Chore also we see two clergymen in black costume walking. This whole group is surrounded by the torch-bearers. Then come all the other students who were acquainted with the deceased, and who have added themselves to the train. Before them goes the leader of the procession, with two attendants or marshals. The peculiar mourning costume--the buckskins and great jack-boots--the large storm or two-cocked hat, bordered with black and white crape, with sweeping feathers--the great leathern gauntlets--the sword trailing in its sheath--the broad Chore-riband, veiled in crape; all these particulars point him out. His two attendants are similarly attired, but without the storm-hat. The students then follow two and two, in divisions according to their Chores, and others add themselves. In two long lines they advance slowly on each side of the street, and from time to time we observe an officer marching between these lines, distinguished by his cerevis cap and riband, while he carries in his hand his sword, its colours also veiled in crape, and its sheath hanging from his left side. These maintain the order of the procession. Formerly it was customary for them to be more ceremoniously attended, similarly to the leader of the train. In the same costume as the leader of the train, however, comes its closer, also accompanied by his two attendants; and these personages are chosen by the Chores from amongst their tallest members, as a matter of state. Thus the procession moves on slowly through the streets, and we see a seriousness expressed on the countenances of most of the attendants, which the peculiar paleness that the torchlight is wont to give, greatly heightens. While the murmur of the thoughtless multitude announces to us the termination of the train, let us hasten, by a shorter cut than they, to the Friedhof, the churchyard where the students are interred. Here the train assembles itself around the open grave. The clergyman steps into the midst of the silent throng, and having pronounced his address, closes it with his last benediction. Then steps forward one of the friends of the deceased, to clothe in words once more before the assembled crowd, his painful feelings. Yet once more calls he to their remembrance the true friendship of the departed, his manly worth, and his genuine German mind. Yet once more he dwells on all that they have lost in him. A few stanzas are sung, from the beautiful hymn "From High Olympus," which he had so often joined them in. And now the coffin must descend; and all press forward to discharge to him their last duty, by throwing each a handful of earth upon him. Lastly, the lowered swords are crossed over his grave, and their clash is the signal for the return of the train. We perceive in many of these funeral ceremonies a similarity to those with which the deceased soldier is interred; and this is still more strikingly shown in the manner in which they return to one of the larger squares, there to burn the torches--a manner which we can by no means approve. No longer solemnly and silently tread back the throng; but instead of mourning airs, we hear the march, nay, even the merry waltz and the gallopade. Arrived in one of the larger squares, the train march round it, and turning towards the centre, at a given signal, let their torches fly up into the air, and fall on a heap in the midst. They whirl up, describing many a fiery circle and convolution ere they reach the flaming pile; and now, while this one animated and huge torch lights up all around with a strong radiance, and the dark and giant clouds of smoke, which rolling up, mixed with the many-coloured flames, spread themselves to the heavens, the voices of the assembled students join in chorus the music-accompanied song of Gaudeamus igitur, Juvenes dum sumus. And we see how speedily youth can step from one feeling to another. We see also the thought--"Though an individual falls, the great whole yet continues; it was for that, that he laboured, and his exertions have not been in vain;" we see this thought expressed in-- It shall live! the Academical Freedom! which bursts forth from a thousand voices, amid the clashing together of the swords. Finally, the torch-pile having nearly consumed itself in its splendid light, is extinguished--an image of the high-aspiring youth who has been borne to the grave; and-- As nothing had occurred now all is silent; The bells have pealed out, the songs are ended. _Uhland_. We have deferred the description of a torch-train, which is, on solemn or festive occasions, conducted in honour of a professor, etc., to this chapter; and it is only necessary here to remark, that on these occasions, the mourning attributes and contingencies of course being absent, the general arrangement and proceeding is the same. Only such students who have distinguished themselves in a Chore, and are on that account well known to the whole student body, are buried with the honour of a torch-train. Others are interred in the day, and the attendants follow either on foot or in mourning coaches. The permission for a torch-train must always be obtained from the Academical Senate. The students in like manner join themselves to the funeral train of a teacher of the university, with the rest of the members of the High-school, as well as other mourners. If it be that of a professor little known or little esteemed, only those of his own faculty attend; but if it be the funeral of a man distinguished for his eminent talents as a teacher, for the excellence of his character, and for his services to the university, they scarcely omit one of their number. CHAPTER XXIII. THE COMITAT. But we have hitherto only turned our attention to the images of death; let us now accompany the more happy youth who sails out of the joyful Burschen world into Philisterium, on his progress. During the student period, the academician generally far separated from his connexions, sometimes pays them a visit in the vacation. And when again he visits us!--O God! my wish is won! I see him with his black mustache the real Muses' son! "The Ferien[48] now ended--I must away--adieu! And now until I've finished, I come no more to you." If the student always so lived as during the whole last year or half-year of his university-life, we might have been spared the labour of writing the tenth and other chapters of our volume. There he sits now, in his solitary little room. Instead of frolicksome brothers, the old folios surround him; he has even forgot the Commersing, and instead of that he sips his cup of coffee, in order again to revive the exhausted spirit of his life. His duelling wrath is directed against the flies that disturb him in his studies, and his pipe is the only friend that cheers his spirit in his solitude. Students who have lived jovially, are accustomed to denote that they have arrived at this melancholy termination of their campaign by exchanging the cap for the Philistine hat, and their cronies are reasonable enough then to perceive, that nobody may disturb them in these their arduous exertions, as, indeed, the Burschen-life cannot last for ever. After these glorious exertions, the son of the Muses plunges boldly into the doctoral examination. This is partly made in writing, partly orally, and is conducted under the superintendence of the Dean, who also selects the questions, to which the youth under examination, isolated in a room of the Dean's house, gives his answers. The examination is seldom closed under a week; after which he receives, as its result, from the examining professors of the faculty, one of the usual degrees of the university, unless his acquirements have been so indifferent, that his evil-star, as the students say, has caused him to fall through. The usual degrees are these four--"Summa cum laude;" "Præclara cum laude;" "Insigni cum laude;" "Magno cum laude;" (feliciter evasit, as the student jocosely says.) In most states the doctoral examination precedes the state examination, and the examinee acquires the right to be admitted to the latter when he has passed his doctoral examination, and has written a dissertation. In other states, as in Baden, the reverse is the fact. Is the new doctor then dubbed?--he has sworn his oath on the fasces, and he hastens to announce this new distinction to his delighted connexions, and to apprise them of his speedy return home. See! Father, see! a letter! his student days are done, A Doctor they've created, with high applause, thy son. By the next post, so writes he, to-morrow e'en to dine! He comes--"Then, mother, fetch thou thy last flask of good wine." _Chamisso_. When now the quondam Bursch returns home, in order then to prepare himself to pass the State's examination, the portal of Philisterium, his university companions accompany him in procession out of the city. This accompaniment they call the Comitat. What rings and sings in the street out there! Open the windows, ye maids so fair. 'Tis the Bursché, away he wendeth-- The Comitat him attendeth. _Uhland_. Such a comitat was, in former times, more stately and striking than at present. Before rode in Kollar and Kanonen, that is, in buckskins and jack-boots, the assembled Chore-brothers, wearing the Chore-caps and bands, in their right hands their drawn swords. Then followed in a carriage with four or six horses, the senior in the fullest gala dress, and wearing the storm-hat, and holding two crossed swords. Then followed in a carriage drawn by the same number of horses, the Departing Bursch. He sate on the left side in the old Burschen dress, with the old cap on, while on his right hand sate two Foxes, dressed in the highest gala uniform, who were attending on him with the greatest assiduity, performing every possible service for him, especially in lighting his pipe for him. On each side of the carriage was generally wont a student also to ride. The rest of the students who joined the procession, now followed in two-horse carriages, and the Pawk-doctor did not fail to appear in the train. The train-closer came last, in the style in which we have before described him, either on horseback with his drawn sword, or in a carriage holding the crossed swords. So moved on the picturesque procession to the next place, where they once more assembled themselves to enjoy the Burschen-life. Finally, the Mossy Bursch must say a last farewell to the university city; finally, must he tear himself from the arms of his companions, and hasten towards his home. He carries with him out of the city of the Muses many a delightful remembrance, and brings to his parents and relations, to whose arms he returns, as the testimony of his scientific acquirements, the diploma of Doctor. THE OLD BURSCH. Think'st thou thereon how in the Burschen season, So light and free, life unto thee did show? Think'st thou thereon--how, and with fullest reason, Lovely it seemed to feel young friendship's glow? Rememb'rest then, what glad throngs thou didst see soon As Brothers greet thee--true in joy and wo? When near us lies nor foul deceit could won?-- Speak, Ancient House! oh! think'st thou yet thereon? Rememberest thou, the good old time and tide then, In German coat, long hair, and open breast; Heft under arm,[49] the rapier by the side then, With zeal and courage we in college pressed, And fought our way all through the deep-and-wide fen, Of the most learned lecturer's wild-goose quest. Then by conceit nor rank imposed upon?-- Speak, Ancient House,--oh! think'st thou yet thereon? Thinkest thou yet how the Philistines fearéd, Yet still gave credit when the Bursché came; To the Prorector when with plaints they faréd, The Landsmannschaft did straight the Bann proclaim? Thinkest thou yet how boldly then we daréd With lovely maids, who still, so mild, so tame-- How in Commers to heaven we have gone-- Speak, Ancient House! oh! think'st thou yet thereon? Rememberest thou each tragi-comic action-- How we did fight, since I had thee touchirt? But when the bleeding wound gave satisfaction, How heartier than ever we smollirt? And how we then, both true unto our paction, In Carcer two long moons each other cheered? In Carcer even clinked glasses,--cared for none? Speak, Ancient House! oh! think'st thou yet thereon! I think thereon! oh! ne'er shall I forget it! The good, the dear, the ancient Burschentide! Oh! that 'tis gone! that heaven each brief term set it! East, west, the brothers scattered on each side! And villany! since then I oft have met it! Yes, life disgusts me--all so cold and wide! Courage, Old House! sing "Gaudeamus" on! Canst "thou" it yet? Ah! God! I think thereon! CHAPTER XXIV. SUMMARY OF THE ACTUAL MERITS AND DEMERITS OF STUDENT LIFE. Prove all things; and hold fast that which is good. The life and habits of the student are closed with the last chapter. We have accompanied him from the time when he advanced from the school into the free atmosphere of the university, till that in which, turning his back on the joyful Burschen-world, he sailed forth into the Philisterium. The English reader has attended us on a progress through a strange country, which lay so near him, and yet was so enigmatical to him; and we hope that his trouble has not proved irksome to him. It is true that the Student-life has its rough and eccentric side; and this, as falling most prominently under the eye, has not escaped the foreigner. On the other hand, many have endeavoured, in their writings, to represent these in the most exaggerated manner. But the Student-life has also a beautiful and a poetical side, and this many do not think worthy of their time and attention, while others have no sentiment for it, and therefore no perception of it. When, moreover, in English periodicals are exhibited such caricatures and calumnious portraitures as genuine delineations of what would be, truly, very singular proceedings and persons; if the reader has carried away with him these as true, because they have been written in Germany and with an air of authority, we need not wonder that he turns from these monstrous and bizarre pictures with shuddering and contempt, and if he laugh at the folly and reprobate the immorality of the German youth. But after we have sketched the true features of German Student-life, we leave it to the reader to make his reflections upon it, and to extract the grains of wheat from the chaff. There remain for us, however, still several questions which the more particularly demand answers, because hereupon the most singular notions prevail. What gains the student by this academical life? What does he carry with him out of it? and what does he leave behind in it? and what becomes of him next! When we have decided upon the advantage which the student derives from the academical life, we shall then feel ourselves prompted to say a few words upon the tendency of certain institutions of the German universities; on the scientific and moral spirit which prevails amongst the students. We shall further proceed a little to explain some singular-seeming customs and, practices, and, so far as these are concerned, as we always speak particularly of Heidelberg, to cast some glances of comparison upon other German and foreign universities. In such a parallel it is also interesting to observe how the universities, as institutions of education, operate thus essentially on the political relations of states, and on the other hand, how they are determined in their developement by these. These proposed points are difficult; and their thorough discussion would lead us too far. We must therefore content ourselves with distinctive indications. Justly says Thiersch--"The universities are a vastly intertwined and entangled whole, at which people and ages have laboured, in order to bring it to its present extension." The first and only true object of the academician is, and for ever remains, the study of science. This constitutes the central point, which all intently seek, and where all find themselves, without regard to external circumstances. Knowledge, and the strife after it, are sacred to the student; and these are the anchor, which, dropped into the heart of every one, has lashed to it that internal spiritual bond which embraces the whole class. The single aim of the academician is the free pursuit of knowledge. It is true that the majority of those who seek the university, have the object, at a later period, of entering on state offices; and the acquisition of knowledge made at the university, places them in a condition to be able properly to discharge the duties of those offices, which are the means of their future existence. But the later practical application of this knowledge, which is so far the medium of his profession, comes before the eye of the student in the background. In the society of young people who are in the pursuit of knowledge, in the intercourse with teachers whose object is the diffusion of the same, and surrounded by external institutions which all bear upon the advancement and the facilitation of study, he remains far from the thought that knowledge is to be regarded as a milch-cow, which will furnish him hereafter with butter. The unfolding of his intellectual capacity in every direction; the following out one or the other in particular, appears to him the business of life in these years. It is exactly this which essentially distinguishes the corporation of students above every thing else;--of which the student is so proud. He despises the Philistine, who, in all circumstances of his life, is only thinking of his petty gains. It is grounded psychologically on this feeling of individual worth as a disciple of wisdom, that the Burschen honour springs up, and holds every student equally high and equally dear. As a corporation, one stands for all, and all for one; and without drawing a moral death upon it, this honour cannot suffer itself to be wounded. Study is pursued at the German universities with zeal and radicality. Proofs of this, are the great numbers of young men who every year pass through the State's-examinations, and testify their ability in all the offices of their country: proofs are, the writers of Germany, who owe their accomplishment to these institutions: proofs, finally, are, the preponderating number of well-educated men compared with those of other countries, who draw their support from the academical foundations. But we must not go so far. Let any one compare the German student, whose acquirements are weighed by a competent judge, with the student of any foreign university. Manifold indeed have been the complaints of the laziness of the first period of the academical life; and we can only repeat what we have said on this subject in an earlier portion of our volume. There is an abrupt transition from the studies of the Gymnasium to those of the University; and the newling at the university wastes and wears away much time, especially in the first months, and indeed during the whole first semester, before he has accustomed himself to the free condition, and the free and fresh atmosphere of the university. But is this of such mighty importance? It is the transition into a state of greater self-dependence which demands this sacrifice; and he only who has no conception of the strengthening and fortifying influence of university life,--he who does not perceive with what higher advantage this material loss is counterbalanced, can alone break out into lamentations on this head. He who is accustomed to chase youth out of one pen into another, and to begrudge every free breath, every lighter moment, every refreshment of over-passing Muse--who trembles and shakes lest by such trivial circumstances they should have lost both body and soul; will indeed judge otherwise, but deserves, in fact, to be sent back into the school of literary and pedagogic necessity, out of which he was expelled by some mischance. That portion of the youth however, who have arrived on the threshold of the university honest and well-disposed--and this portion is so predominant that the remainder appears in comparison insignificant--this large and elect portion of the better endowed, soon pass through the first rude shock of difficulty and surprise, and through the mere pleasure-rambling in the garden of the Muses. The student zealously busied to develope his intellectual constitution, healthily and in all its members, will find himself in the strongest manner supported by the regulations of the German university; and of these we will speak anon. On the other hand, the free intercourse with his cotemporaries operates most favourably. When the youth enters the university, he steps at once into a corporation composed of the most opposite materials. Every student brings with him the peculiarities of his Fatherland, in manners and speech; and how manifold is the variety! To say nothing of the foreigners who frequent our different universities, what a difference is there yet between the different races which speak the German tongue. What gradations from the cold, ceremonial North German, who clings fast to etiquette, and with difficulty attaches himself to others, to the good-natured South German, who, knowing little of outward forms, readily finds a friend to whom he can ally himself. Every foreigner retains the characteristics of his own land, and often takes a pride in exhibiting them, by which means he becomes a person detached from the mass. We find the strongest antagonisms of this kind; and it might make one doubtful of the reciprocating influence of this cause, had we not found by experience that the result was a favourable one. The intellectual bond of knowledge here embraces the sons of all nations; and thus these apparently heterogeneous elements can only operate auspiciously, since the advantage is not to be overlooked which the close and mutual contact affords, of learning to know foreign manners and customs, and for each to recognise his own in the true light. And here we must again call attention to the fact, of the essential difference between the result of academical life, and that of burger life. As to the moral side of the question, there have not been wanting people who have laboured to represent the university as a gulf which swallows up the flower of the youth, as a pool out of which only a few are happy enough to escape without ruin of soul and body. These are ridiculous and malicious exaggerations. No one will attempt to deny the dangers of university life, the temptations to deviations from propriety; and according to time and situation must every university, in a greater or less degree, be exposed to these; but every one who is not blinded by excess of prejudice or enmity, knows that, besides those who give way to temptation, by far the greater number return to their friends from the High-school, as sound in body and mind as they came to it. The hope would be idle, to chase evil quite away; such a hope is opposed to the total experience of all people and times, to the nature of advancing manhood, and to that degree of freedom, which must be allowed to youth in the years of its growing developement for the prosperous completion of this developement itself, and which every where, though it may be under different forms, will be afforded. There is no law, no precaution, which can possibly preserve the youngling on the higher steps of his career if he does not watch over himself; and one cannot forget the just observation of the old English vicar, that the virtue that needs continual watching, is not worth the cost of a sentinel. But this is the common lot of all manly youth; and we may boldly assert, that aberrations amongst the other classes--amongst the younger ranks of the military, of the mercantile, and of other departments of trade, are not less, but probably more extensive; yes, it is satisfactory to know that in these respects the academical life is in a progressive state of steady improvement. But if we inquire further what are those things which most particularly strike the foreigner in the student; those things which are most ridiculous, and disapproved; we find that, briefly, they are the following,--the singular dress of the student, the strong smoking, and his habits of beer-drinking and duelling. That the student in early times, more than at present, adopted a singular costume, arose from two causes, either out of convenience or vanity. In both cases, the matter is a very innocent one, and the academical boards did wisely to permit him these fancies, so far as they were not the signs of an interdicted verbindung. The life at the university, as we have had now abundant occasion to observe, is a peculiar one. When this extends itself so far that a separate court of justice is allowed to the students, is it at all to be wondered at, that the Student who feels himself in every respect so distinct from the Philistine, should also seek to express this distinction by his costume? He only does this so long as he belongs to the High-school, and with the conclusion of this period, ceases also naturally, the occasion for this peculiarity. Considerations of _convenance_ weigh little with the students amongst themselves,--they weigh little with them towards those who surround them, as it is by no means an object of the student to seek advantage from those moving around him, nor to render himself particularly acceptable to them. Therefore in small cities these peculiarities of dress, chosen according to every individual fancy, strike the eye more; while in larger cities the student, playing a more subordinate part, unites himself more to the general mass of society, and loses himself more in family circles. There he will surrender himself to the existing order and convenances of society, since, so soon as he enters the salon, he conducts himself strictly by the rules of etiquette. But he is no slave of fashion. This is repugnant to his freedom of thought; and he believes himself to have as good a right to choose his own dress, as the lawgiver of fashion has from the capital of France to prescribe what shall be held good ton in external appearance. He is by no means so tyrannical as that personage, since he desires from no comrade that he shall herein follow his example; since he leaves, herein to every one perfect freedom, and allows the native student to observe the stricter ceremonial of his father-city. And is his, really as it often is a most fantastic costume, more singular or more contrary to nature, than the fashionable attire in which many show themselves in the capitals of the whole world, and above all, in which they present themselves to the eyes of the public in the fashionable watering-places? Is he indeed the only one who herein overleaps the bounds of etiquette? They who have seen the grotesque paraphernalia in which the foreigners from beyond the Channel suffer themselves to appear in Germany, will certainly not assert this. And these do this in a foreign country; the student only in his German Fatherland. Are there so many sects too, who distinguish themselves by their peculiar dress, and shall this be so sharply objected to in the student? The smoking of tobacco is an accusation which the student shares in common with the other classes of the community, and which only looks the more striking in him. We will not defend this practice, on which so much has already been said, nor that of beer-drinking; but we must again take leave to observe, that in all this there is no compulsion. The reader has probably alarmed himself by perusing the Beer-code, which we have given at the end of this volume. It is well known that in older times much more was drunken at the university, and that this pernicious custom, especially in some of the German universities, prevailed to a most lamentable degree. In those times many of these beer-laws might be of great advantage, insomuch that they restrained from greater excesses. As they now exist, no student is subjected to them, who does not voluntarily submit himself to them, by associating himself with the companies that assemble at the kneip. And even here it is at his perfect option, at any moment, to declare that he will drink no more, only he cannot break this declaration without paying the penalty. We are as little disposed to defend the duel. A reconciliation of disputes between contenders, by the exertion of and through the means of reason, either in the disputants themselves, or through their friends; or if this were found impracticable, through the establishment of a court of honour amongst the students, or through an appeal, in serious cases, to the academical court, would certainly be a more civilized proceeding. We may, indeed, hope that this will be accomplished in time, and the more so, because the number of duels at the universities, compared with former times, is already so much diminished, and as the voices of many students are now raised against this practice. Yet we must not judge the students too hardly on account of the duel, but ought to take into the account the following considerations in mitigation of our opinion. No one is compelled to fight, who in the commencement declares that it is contrary to his principles. Let it be recollected, that in the university cities, more than elsewhere, young people are crowded together, and compelled briskly to push and jostle each other, as it were, in their course. Let it be remembered, that though we may pronounce of the bulk of them, that they are well-educated youths, yet at the same time, in comparison with the circumstances of other young people, it is undeniable that far more frequent and greater occasions for antagonist attrition occur amongst them--in part, no doubt, on account of the greater pecuniary means in their possession, and still more on account of the unavoidable necessity of social life amongst themselves, especially in the lesser university cities, in which they cannot mingle with the family circles. The foreign universities, where the duel does not exist, cannot be brought in evidence on this head, because they want other peculiarities of the German universities, which are of apparently great advantage. The constitution of the English universities, in particular, is totally different to ours, and more resembles that of our seminaries, where the students enjoy no such freedom. It must also be remembered that the regulations of our universities make them accessible to those without property, and who spring out of the lower classes, while in England only the rich young men, and those out of the higher classes of society, can possibly exist, with a few exceptions, at the great universities of England. The advantage of the German universities in this respect no one can deny, if he only turns his regard on the great number of the most distinguished of the learned men of Germany, whose talents have, through this very accessibility of the universities, been made beneficial to the public. On the other hand, one cannot expect from the student who has sprung from one of the lower grades of society, the same degree of refinement as graces those of a higher stand. Thus, no wonder, if through these who have been accustomed to move in a ruder sphere of society, occasions for contentions are more readily created. It must be remembered that the student, be he who he may, regards himself on an equality with his fellow-student; but on that account so much the more jealously watches over his own honour, and on that account also more readily believes himself insulted. Hence the customary formula of a challenge, "Stupid youth!" which inevitably draws a duel after it, is characteristic, as it clearly indicates that the feeling of burschen-honour is grounded on the dedication to knowledge, whose disciples can naturally in no way be so insulted as by the epithet "stupid," which implies that he is totally unfit for a priest of Minerva. Let these facile occasions of strife be borne in mind, and then let persons of practical experience be asked how many young people of other grades are wounded and even killed in scuffles and cudgellings, they will then be induced to judge more leniently of the duel amongst students, and rather pardon the extremes of a feeling of honour, than that the chance should possibly arise of a provoked student becoming in effect the homicide of his fellows. Thus we may regard the duel, under its regular form, as a sort of discipline which the students exercise amongst themselves, and thus banish every ruder and not seldom dangerous explosion of passion. We say the duel in its regular form, and thereupon recall to the reader's memory the following particulars. According to the regulations for the arrangement of duels in Heidelberg, every challenge must be withdrawn when the opponent declares that he gave the insult in a state of intoxication. Every duel shall, before it is undertaken, be made known to the Senior-Convention, and by it an accommodation shall be attempted. When these regulations are violated, this does not arise from the regulations themselves, but from the partisans who have neglected to demand from the seniors the execution of their own laws. The completion of the duel, according to the Comment regulations, by sword stroke and not by lunging, and with defensive costume, which covers almost every exposed part of the body, renders any dangerous consequences almost impossible. There is no instance, from time immemorial, of any such regularly and formally completed duel in Heidelberg, being attended with fatal consequences, or one which rendered life thereafter a burden, as is only too frequently the case at universities where the duel in _every_ form is punished more severely than as a breach of discipline, and where, on that account, more dangerous but more easily concealed weapons are resorted to. By these observations we would by no means defend duels, but merely, in some degree, excuse them. Laws against such customs, which are fast rooted in old prejudices, are seldom very effectual. As little as the fist-law could by power and at once be extirpated, so little, according to our opinion, can this be accomplished with the duel. It is true that there lies in the hands of the German governments, by means of the State's-examination, a power of punishing and suppressing this practice which foreign realms do not possess. They might, it may be said, pass a law, that whoever had been engaged in a duel, should forfeit his right to the State's-examination, and thereby state service. But it must be answered, that this would be in the highest degree severe for a small offence, which in itself the regular duel really is; thus, to punish a young man in such a manner that this one folly should put an end irrevocably to the whole of his life's prospects and career. Further, it has been seen, that exactly at those times when the duel of every kind was the most strictly interdicted and repressed, the most dangerous duels by lunge and shots became more than ever frequent. And yet these draw a punishment after them which has often made a young man miserable for the remainder of his life. So long as it is not the general opinion amongst the students, that the duel cannot be held as satisfaction, so long will they, in case of actual insult, not be deterred by the most stringent punishments from resorting to it. Till then, would it not be the most reasonable course to visit the most dangerous kinds of duelling with the most severe punishments of the law, but to pursue the ordinary and less dangerous not so harshly? If this alone remains to the student, he will by degrees convince himself of the ridiculousness of such a sham-fighting, and the duel will, as it is already become less piquant, cease altogether. It will be the duty of the teacher to promulgate better views upon the nature of duelling by speech and by writing, and thus to conduct their pupils out of the spirit of it. This the greater number of them have even taken suitable opportunities of doing. As an example we quote a part of the speech which the Obermedizinalrath and Professor Dr. J. N. Ringseis delivered on the 3d of December, 1828, in the hall of the High-school at Munich, at a time when the duel there had become exceedingly predominant and reckless. "It is a sign of a noble mind to regard true honour as the highest good, as higher than life itself. He only who does not fear death, really possesses life. We will all strive after higher honour; and every one of us must be prepared at any hour to sacrifice our life for it. It is a duty through noble manners to honour ourselves; he only who maintains a nobility of conduct himself, can respect the manners of another. It is honourable to belong to a brave union; more mightily works the spirit of every one in union. It is honourable to love your native place, be it on the Isar, the Danube, the Rhine, or the Main, since what German territory has not a host of glorious recollections? It is an honourable, proud feeling to be able to wield the sword skilfully, as if it were a member of our body. But he who honours himself, his society, his native home, honours this feeling in another; he who recognises the sacred destiny of the sword to be the protection of the highest good of mankind, dishonours it not by unholy aims. The officers of our army covered themselves with evergreen laurel,--how rare is the duel amongst them! The hero youth of the universities of North Germany performed miracles of bravery in the memorable Liberation war; and the duel was, amongst those who returned, almost without example. Rare indeed is it in the circles of the highest society; to the noblest nations of antiquity, the Greeks and Romans, it was wholly unknown. "I repeat not the thousand-times-reiterated arguments against the irrationality of the duel, since I know well that they have fought, even excellent men, although convinced of the perversion of the practice--have fought, bowing to the lordship of opinion, spite of the certainty of losing office, property, freedom, and life itself. Truly there belonged to such conduct a kind of obstinate bravery; but greater, nobler, more worthy of the sight of heaven is the courage which tames itself; the courage of him, who although fearless, although practical in arms, although secure from discovery and punishment, yet fights not; the hero-courage of a free obedience, which our poet sings:-- Courage has the Mameluke--obedience in the Christian law. "How is it, friends, that we feel ourselves too effeminate to contend for this loftiest laurel of courage and obedience? Certainly the nobler, the more honourable, in every accomplishment the more advanced, a man, a union, a people,--there for ever is and was the more rarely to be found the duel. What, then, must be thought of men to whom the duel is become a chief business of life? of youths called hereafter to become the leaders and the lights of your people? How, ye jurists! ye who hereafter will nicely weigh in the balance the right--will sharply reprove insolent opposition to the law--and would rather suffer shame and death than perpetrate the smallest injustice,--will you open the way through audacious contempt of the laws? "Medical men! called to wound that they may heal, not to destroy, will you commit that double crime against the state? "And could a philosopher--a theologist, so grossly deride the Divine Teacher's word--'Do good to those who hate you; bless those who curse you; pray for those who despitefully use you?' "And, noble friends! can true honour prevail, where drinking, quarrelling, and insult give the shameful occasions for the duel? True honour! where he who refuses to fight a duel is exposed in rude verses in public places, and is even maltreated with vulgar violence? True honour! where in aggravation of disobedience, dishonourable lies are also added? I glow with shame to the very depths of my mind, that any amongst us, however few in number, could be so mean as to deny the deed, could harden themselves shamelessly to make the denial a point of honour! Oh! hideous spectre of honour, without the courage of truth and of obedience! The courage of truth and obedience is the highest honour; and he who binds himself to a union pledged to lies and to disobedience, he has from the beginning no conception of honour; unfit for a priest, unfit for a judge, unfit for a physician! "O my friends, I see you burn with a noble indignation; you are all on fire for honour, for the highest honour of manhood. Up then! there is a vast, a boundless field of laurels for you, for us all, to contend for. Shame to ignorance! shame to immorality! shame to the rude might of arms, without knowledge, without morals, without obedience! shame to obedience towards unions in things which God and the king forbid! In knowledge, in morals, in obedience, in glowing love to King and Fatherland--in them let every individual endeavour to outstrip another, every union the other, our university all others. I call you, my friends, to such a noble contest; and to it call you your honour, the fame of our university, the fame of the Fatherland, and of our King!" These abuses, which we have just now alluded to, that is, the passion for the duel, and the strong drinking, are the causes which make the Verbindungs, which are known under the name of Landsmannschafts and Chores, odious. In fact, if one puts these dark adjuncts out of mind, then the student life, and in particular the Chore life, has only a cheerful aspect. The close incorporation of students into unions, which have regular meetings in some particular place, from which every uninvited disturber of order is banished; meetings for social entertainment and exhilaration; for practice in bodily exercises, as in fencing and gymnastics; these could only serve to a more speedy accomplishment of active and intellectual men, and would be certainly approved of by all reasonable persons. These dark adjuncts have brought the Chore life into great unpopularity, and have induced many governments to prohibit the Chores themselves, as the vehicles which contain and maintain these pernicious practices. Yet it must be remembered that practices so deeply rooted are not to be expelled by force, but only through the advancing march of humane knowledge; and it must be further acknowledged, that the Chores by the maintainance of order in these things themselves, only prevent a greater outburst of the wild Burschen-spirit. The governments have made use of the Chores frequently in order to bring the student youth to a quicker adoption of resolutions which would be for the good of the university, or of the state; and this continues to be the case in those states where they are yet allowed. Let us imagine the Chores purified from their dross; they would then represent unions which had their own constitutions, and where those in reality who distinguished themselves most in outer life, would take the first places. Let it not be believed that in such a case the proper acknowledgment would be denied to him who, unincumbered with social life, devoted himself exclusively to knowledge. This happens by no means to those who belong to the present Chores under their present circumstances. That the student jealously watches over his honour; that he easily imagines this honour affected, grounds itself on the equal standing which he gives to every one of his fellow-members. He makes this sufficiently obvious himself, in that he will not permit the usual duel between the Student and the Philistine. We cannot blame this strict vigilance over the Burschen honour; but the means resorted to, to restore wounded honour, are truly foolish, and worthy of punishment. If we imagine the duel superseded by the sentence of a court of honour, which condemned the guilty to beg pardon, or some other proportionate punishment, there would be nothing further to be desired. But the reasons which the government assigned for the proscription of the Burschenschaft were totally different. They were determined to this prohibition by this principle; that the student who is at the High-school in order further to develope his intellectual faculties, and to arrive at a scientific and political freedom in his views--that he, the scholar, is not called to step forth here already as a teacher of the people; that he is not called upon to overturn the constitutions of states, before he has yet learned properly to analyse their nice and elaborate construction; since it is a true assertion, that it is much more easy to pull down than to build up; and it was a piece of presumption in the youth to attempt to hurl down by violence a fabric, which the best and wisest of the people had with their best strength erected. In Heidelberg, since the Marching-Forth of 1828, the Burschenschaft, as its especial promoter, was anew strictly proscribed, but the Landsmannschafts were sanctioned; and from each new-springing Verbindung the word of honour was taken, by the academical board, that it was no Burschenschaft. After some years, however, these Landsmannschafts were forbidden also. So far as the Burschenschaft was a union which, on account of its ideal object, claimed prerogatives beyond the other Verbindungs, in so far by that prohibition is its return to the High-school made impossible. But so far as the Burschenschaft spirit is a real constitutional spirit, we may in Heidelberg assert with pride, that it never was abandoned by the young burgers of our High-school, and that all our present existing Verbindungs are animated by this same noble feeling. This constitutional mind has already displayed itself prominently on so many occasions, that it is not necessary to bring evidences of it. We may simply allude in confirmation, to the interest which the students have always manifested in the proceedings of the Landtag, and to the testimonies of acknowledgment which they have always given to those teachers who have there exerted themselves for the good of the people, and for the maintenance of constitutional freedom. We may notice the sympathy with the unhappy state of Poland, which the students publicly, by word and deed, expressed to the Polish officers who passed through the city. Hence, because these unions do not assume as their object the preparation for the realization of some certain idea, but merely a pleasant social life during the university years, it does not follow that the hearts of these young do not beat warmly for knowledge, for right and freedom, and that no individual amongst them pursues this noble aim, nor does it follow that these unions set themselves in opposition to such more ideal aims as may already be begun there to be pursued. An esteemed German philologist says--"Most of our German universities bear the humane character of fine manners and chivalric bearing. They array themselves in the clear, radiating colours of the dreams of youthful pleasure; and is there conspicuous, indeed, in the academic life itself, the foam of a bubbling fermentation, this clears itself with time, and becomes in the end a noble and strong spirit." A finer panegyric we cannot pronounce; but we may corroborate it, when we add to the observations already made, how much the spirit of the young man is stimulated at the university to activity; and with what noble energy, which so eminently distinguishes the student class, he employs this activity in all directions. As there is no rule without its exception, so there is, indeed, such here; but we must not lay the measuring-wand of a general judgment on these few extravagances, though in the full elucidation of the subject we may not pass them entirely without observation. Abroad, people have had such singular notions of the German students, that they could not for their lives conceive what could be made, in after-life, of such wild fellows; and have been amazingly astonished to hear, that they afterwards became like other reasonable people, and administered all sorts of offices of the state conscientiously, and with the most exemplary and calm discretion. We recollect a passage in the humorous work of Mr. Hood, "Up the Rhine;" at which certainly many a German student has already heartily laughed, as he has read it there as something new--that "it is notorious that these Burschen come in, according to the proverb, as Lions and go out as Lambs,--some of the wildest of them settling down in life as very civil civilians, sedate burgomasters, and the like." Let it never be forgotten that the students represent a peculiar class, of which they who compose it, however, are but temporary members. Shall the student then carry over with him into the Philisterium, his singular attire, and his Chore-colours? It would seem as if foreigners had quite supposed this must be so. But we would ask them whether it ever occurs that a member of parliament makes a speech in his place in the House, arrayed in the student-gown which he wore at Cambridge? Shall the student, indeed, carry with him his sword, that with eccentric courage he may defend the Burschen honour, when he has himself long become a Philistine? Shall the quondam student forsake wife and children, in order to go and vindicate the injured majesty of studentdom, in order to join himself to the Marching-Forth? Could such things be, then must the German academies truly be regarded as so many great lunatic asylums, and nothing better or wiser could be done than to extirpate them, root and branch. A few words yet remain to be said on the actual advantage derived by the German student from this life, and carried forward with him out of the green Burschendom, into the seriousness of his later vocation, and on what his after-vocation may be. The great business of the student, as already stated, is the pursuit of science; and it is less the mass of knowledge here harvested, which brings him future advantage, than the capacity which he acquires, let him move in later life in what circle he may, of comprehending and acting in a pure scientific and philosophical spirit, upon every matter which may be thrown into his path. The student-life has many favourable influences on the character of a young man. Though the Bursch, as it regards his social position, naturally allies himself most closely to his landsmen, yet he feels himself compelled by those causes already pointed out, to exert a general tolerance towards his brethren, which though often abandoned and again submitted to, yet inoculates him with a greater degree of sufferance, which on his departure from the academical, for a more general life, unfolds itself more freely, and extends itself to all social relations. The student, indeed, as such, knows little tolerance towards non-students; yet the patience which he learns to exert towards his fellow-students, is not without its consequence, and when he steps out of his confined sphere, it then clothes itself in another outward form, and takes a general direction. The student maintains strictly and perseveringly his own views, though consequently, often erroneous ones; but this serves in after-life, to lay the ground-work of greater steadfastness of character. This firmness continues with him to his grave, though his views and principles modify and purify themselves, as his growing intelligence directs him more and more into the track of truth. And as the student stands upon his honour, for which full of the highest enthusiasm he glows, and joyfully offers up property and life, so stands he in the bonds of truth and friendship. Such bond of friendship is to him sacred as his own life, and it is to him continually a guiding-star through the gloomy paths of existence. It is to him the noblest treasure which he carries with him into the tumult of life, and he continues to it inviolably faithful. In addition to this, the student has learned to arrive at the poetical side of life. He has continually sought and enjoyed pleasure and satisfaction; and let no man imagine that these foretell only a future trifler. No, he is thereby invited to enliven the stupidity of every-day life, and to throw new interests around the path of existence. That, however, every character, according to its own individuality, more or less favourably developes itself, and that these influences of student-life here described differ in degree in different individuals, needs no stating. We seek only to show general causes, and these are certain. Scientific merit, self-confidence, consciousness of being able to thank his own individual strength for his existence, the honour of men, and the truth of friends,--can more beautiful or delightful results than these be found? Even on the outward appearance of the quondam Bursch, the student-life has a favourable influence. The moment that the young man has entered the Philisterium he adopts the existing convenances, so far as appear conducive to his purpose, but only so far as that he can yet maintain that independence of fashion which he has already asserted. His outward manner of life continues free and unrestrained; and this, united to the practice of making a greater tour after his examination has passed, as well with scientific as with other objects, gives to the former academician a higher bearing, an acquired tact, which adheres to him through existence, and again pronounce in their consequences the greatest advantages of student-life. That the Burschen-life, through the greater freedom which it enjoys, may also bring great disadvantages to him who has abused it, and which may poison later life; who will attempt to deny? We have already pointed out the rocks and breakers of this ocean of transition life. The Burschenschaft agitations of a former period also plunged many into misfortune; but this danger is now in a great measure past, and for the last time gleamed up a political tendency for a few moments in the Verbindung, like glimmering ignis-fatui, in the years 1830-32. When the student now quits the university, where he has left behind him the follies of youth, and bearing with him a greater or less amount of intellectual acquisition, he enters immediately on the service of the state. After his State's-examination it is very customary to make a tour, before the young man for ever knits himself to one abode. Besides those who in practical state's-service, or as teachers in the schools and universities, work themselves forward, step by step, with more or less speed, according to the degree of their ability and of their diligence, or in proportion as they are favoured by fortune,--others exert themselves in the wide field of daily literature, zealously labouring to win the fame of authors and of poets. But follow whichever path he may, let fortune smile on him or not--let him crown himself with laurels, or strive for the wreath of glory in vain--never will he who has been a genuine Bursch, become a Philistine; that is, in that sense in which the student understands it. The words of the celebrated Arndt express most lucidly this meaning of the word Philistine. "A Philistine is a lazy, much-speaking, more-asking, nothing-daring man; such a one who makes the small great, and the great small, because in the great he feels his littleness and his insignificance. Great passions, great enjoyments, great dangers, great virtues,--all these the Philistine styles nonsense and frenzy. He will rather have life in the pocket edition than in the folio, so that it can but be carried through with the very least possible acting, thinking, and daring. Rest, and rest again, and at any rate; a state of laziness, that he loves, that he desires, that he preaches up, and for that he cries to heaven and earth, if there is any chance of his being disturbed in it." Into these faults he will never fall, who has once imbibed the principles of a German university; and will only in so far belong to the Philistines, as the student in a wider sense terms every one a Philistine who no longer belongs to the Burschen. What we have now been saying may convince us how beneficial is the influence of the student-life on that which follows. Nobler principles of action awake in the breast of the academician, and are nourished; that here and there starts up amongst them something perverse, is not denied; but the kernel is good, it germinates, it grows into a tree, and bears excellent fruit, which the quondam Bursch and his cotemporaries are destined to enjoy. CHAPTER XXV. A REVIEW OF THE POLITICAL ASPECT OF STUDENT LIFE. If we have hitherto regarded the life and pursuits of the university in an isolated manner, and entirely on its own account, yet it can by no means have escaped the reader that this life does not stand so completely sundered from the general stream of events, but that the mind and spirit of the university life is determined by the spirit of the times, and that, on the other hand, it operates again powerfully on the developement of the institutions and condition of the times. This must have become sufficiently clear to us in noticing the earlier Burschenschaft, and to increase and complete that conviction, we have only to take a hasty review of what has been now written, and to add a few other remarks. The universities reflect the spirit of the times: its progress, its weakness, its strength, are all imaged forth again in the science of the age; and the schools are therefore exposed to the changes and revolutions of the times, but are not unconditionally subjected to them. They have strengthened that spirit of the time and of the people in their exhaustion, by their inquiries and results; and not less through teaching and the invisible power with which they have elevated and ennobled the minds of the youth. They have enriched the sciences, and adorned public affairs with beauty and wisdom. They have in part laid the foundations of the intellectual greatness and high accomplishment of Germany; in part strengthened and guaranteed them; and are the pillars of the fairest and most unrivalled glory which our country in the most recent times, and before the eyes of all Europe, has achieved. The university is the central point and the heart of science. From all sides stream to it the spirits which are athirst for knowledge; and as they are ennobled, again from that central point disperse themselves through all the members of Germany, diffusing through them fresh nourishment and a splendid growth. The teachers and accomplishers of the people go forth out of them. The battles of the church were fought out in the university; and if, as it happened in the contest of the Reformation, the faith of the Princess was forced upon the High-school by the hand of power, yet the teachers and scholars of the university seldom bowed before it. The teachers abandoned a place, which would lay their consciences in chains, and sacrificing office and income, sought an asylum in foreign lands. They often found a refuge in another university which held the same faith as themselves; they carried with them the troop of their scholars, who, as their faithful bodyguard, attended them; and there fought anew and victoriously for the success of the good cause. The Professors of the High-schools have pre-eminently cooperated in working out the constitution of the German States, and many excellent men amongst them have contended for the freedom of the people, and have boldly stood forward against every usurpation of despotism. We need only give one example, and that of the most recent date; we need only call to the reader's mind the Seven Professors of Göttengen, who opposed themselves to the arbitrary violation of the constitution of the state with all their power, and on that account in the most unprincipled manner were ejected from their professorships. This scandalous, and in Germany till then, unheard-of example of despotism, notoriously threatened the destruction of the Georgia-Augusta, and for a long time annihilated its prosperity; but other states, by their reception and establishment of these professors, have shown that they approved of their proceeding, and the exiled professors were every where received by the German students with the testimonies of the deepest veneration. If the Bundestag did not condemn the King of Hanover as guilty, yet the judgments are well known, which many German universities at its desire gave in, and in which they expressed in the most strong and unqualified language their sense of the injustice of the deed. We call to mind that the tyrant called on the King of Wirtemberg to punish the audacity of the professors of Tübingen who had sent in such a judgment, according to the enormity of their crime,--an audacity which in Hanover would be expiated in chains; but the noble monarch answered that in his land the freedom of teaching was a sacred possession, which he would never infringe; but, for the rest, he observed sarcastically, he left it to the High Court of Justice at Celle to pronounce sentence on the guilt or innocence of his faithful professors. If the universities in such a manner grapple mightily with the circumstances of the times, so are they, on the other hand, influenced by them. They receive from the times the impressions, the tendency, the frivolity as well as the earnestness, and distinguish themselves only from the other circles of society in this, that in them the good and the evil of the times more rapidly unfold themselves and take a determinate form. The moral effeminacy of the nation at the time of the French domination, operated on the ignoble natures amongst the youth, scattering and dissolving; while it spurred on the nobler to those Verbindungs out of which, at a later period, went forth hosts to do battle for the liberation of the nation from a foreign yoke. After the rising of the nation and its consequence--victory over the foe,--as all hearts felt themselves elevated, all exertions felt themselves refined, the new form of the time stood forth in the yet pure aims of the Burschenschaft, which at the time when the Tugend-bund extended itself, constituted, on its first appearance, a continuation of the brotherhood-in-arms, the Waffengenossenschaft, which with the student youth returning from the war, had this object,--to purify academical life from its dross, and to present it as an image of the union and ennobling of all the German races. Hereupon followed the period of undeceiving, of counteraction, of degeneracy, which run into so unrestrained a career, that to the wise and prudent, the beautiful time of enthusiasm, appeared as the dream and frenzy of good-natured fools. As the youth would not abandon the objects of their endeavours, whether rational or chimerical, but, on the contrary, held them equally fast as something great and noble, a portion of them fell a secure prey to the unquiet, the revolutionists and political intriguers, who abused their inexperience, and poisoned their noble endeavours by infusing a resistance to public order. The teachers of the universities were blamed by many, as though they were chargeable with being concerned in these aberrations of the youth, or, at least, were so far culpable that they had not prevented them. So far as a direct participation of the teachers in these political disturbances is concerned, we may be well assured that, if only a single professor had at any time been an accomplice, or indeed only a concealer and protector, of the guilty, the exact, the strict, and in many places for years protracted inquiries, would to a certainty have come upon the trace of their crimes, and the guilty would have been conducted from the professorial chair to the dungeon. There remains only the question, whether they, though taking no part in the views and proceedings of the young people, were yet aware of them, and took no steps to prevent them. But were the youths who fell under the power of the law, the only ones who trod the same dangerous path? Were there not amongst the others, some, perhaps even as many, who, through the warnings and exhortations, or through the moral influence of distinguished teachers; and, in short, through the better spirit which every well conducted university developes amongst the nobler part of the youth, were preserved from that mischief? But, so far as the actually implicated students were concerned, the professors were in the same case with the Boards, expressly organized for the watching over the youth, and the matter was quite unknown to them, since the youths who were mutually pledged to that object, concealed it from the eyes of the professors just as scrupulously as from those of the university Commission of inquiry, and the Boards of police. But to the liberation of Germany from the dominion of Napoleon, the High-schools contributed no little. Joyfully their scholars gave themselves up to death, and scholars and teachers roused the nations to bravery through inspiriting songs; of which the names of Arndt, Schenkendorf, Körner, Hauff, Follen, Voss, Stolberg, Scharnhorst, and Haupt, stand as glorious testimonies. Yet once more the youth wandered from their laudable endeavours in the years 1830-33, and one portion of them although a small one, suffered themselves to become the work-tools of political fanaticism. The revolution in Poland, and the unhappy fate of that country, had made a vivid impression on their minds. Demagogic agitators again were busy in secret; private Verbindungs were formed; the catastrophe of the French Revolution of July occurred, and flung the firebrand into the powder magazine. People thought they must follow the example of France, and began loudly, with writing and by speech, to attack the governments and to abuse the princes. But the youth who attached themselves to these agitators, were no longer the old Burschenschaft, who steadfast to their one idea,--"One Fatherland, which should declare itself the worthy antagonist of the arch-enemy France; one church, and freedom," fought out this with word and deed: no, the modern Burschenschaft, an abused work-tool of a greater party, had sworn death to the hereditary princes, and did not shrink, as a means of achieving such an object, to offer the hand even to the old enemy, to France itself. They would dare the highest extremes; and, allured by the apparent quietness of the government, the assembly at Hambach, which has become so widely celebrated, was held in 1833, where the French colours, and the tri-colour of the Burschenschaft, fluttered from the same staff. There, death to the princes was sworn, and within a short time revolutionary movements broke out in all parts of Germany. A number of the academic youth plunged themselves into misfortune through the attempt at Frankfort, since the governments now found it necessary to exercise stringent measures with all their power, and all partisans of such demagogue Verbindungs were quickly either arrested, or, having been timely warned, fled. It may well be supposed that from this time forward, a much stricter eye was kept upon every sort of Verbindung of the students. No Landsmannschaft dare lift its head, and the academical liberty was in many particulars restricted. Another injurious effect also became apparent. Many states, more particularly Prussia and Russia, forbade their subjects to frequent any but their own universities, and no university felt the loss occasioned by this order more than Heidelberg, where the attendance of Prussian subjects has only again been recently permitted. Yet, after all, only a small portion of the student youth, suffered themselves to be carried away by these imprudences; and what might be the reacting effect of these lamentable occurrences, the reflection of the students on themselves and on their calling, on what became them and was for their real advantage, further strengthened and quickened by the seriousness with which the governments pursued the guilty, produced in them a greater exactness, and gave thereby a higher moral firmness to the academical life, so that far from being represented as a sink of wickedness, as some people believe it, it may much more justly be regarded now as a fruitful, purified, well-drained, and well-sown, field. The channels, constructed to lay dry the boggy places, are cleared; the unsound spots are probed and made good; and if the watchful superintendence of circumspect and well-disposed Boards, and the professional faithfulness of the majority of the academical teachers continue what they are, this corn-field of our future will yet bear continually more beautiful and affluent harvests. CHAPTER XXVI. A PARTING GLANCE AT OTHER UNIVERSITIES: GERMAN AND FOREIGN. We have in conclusion, only to say a few words of comparison between the university of Heidelberg and the other German universities; and between these generally and those of other countries. In the description of a German university, we have always had that of Heidelberg in our eye, touching only occasionally one or another of the other German universities. The institutions of these are essentially alike, yet each one has its own peculiarities; and this is not to be wondered at, when one reflects how many influences determine the course of the developement of a High-school. It shapes itself on the circumstances of the times, according to the will of the Princes under whose protection it stands; according to surrounding causes, in respect to nature and art; and more than all, according to the spirit and character of the teachers. To take a comparative review of these peculiarities of the other universities of Germany would be highly interesting; but when we reflect that in such a course all alleged influences must be carefully weighed; and, in fact, that not merely the present but all the past fortunes of the High-schools must be brought under the eye, it will at once be seen that so wide a scope of observation does not belong to this work. We can as little go into the narrative of the foreign universities; because personal inspection is wanting to us, and because we can give little faith to the statements of foreigners--statements which often contradict each other, and for the most part are as little worthy of credence, as those fabulous accounts of German universities which have been circulated abroad The last few years have brought us intelligence of the English universities, which represents them as the nurseries of all that is mischievous and corrupt, and which paints them in colours as repellant as, at the same time, have been daubed over the caricatures of German universities there. The false representations which foreigners, who, in fact, have lived for some years at a German High-school, have made of the diligence and moral condition of the same, warn us not to pronounce a similar opinion on academical institutions which we have not seen with our own eyes. We will only here devote a few lines to some advantages which our institutions appear to us to possess over those of England. The great wheel of the mechanism of a German university is, next to the payment for the lectures, the division of the teachers into ordinary and extraordinary professors, and private teachers. Through the income appointed by the government, the professor is not dependent on his hearers, and is not tempted to care more for his income than for science. The first duty of a professor is towards science; not towards the students. That is the principle of all genuine university professors; and in this exactly differs the university essentially from the Gymnasium. The state must secure a moderate income to the professor, independent of the number of his hearers; since a lecture which has only seven or eight attendants may be of incalculable benefit to science; as for instance, those on the higher analysis, or the higher philology. A great mathematician ought not, in order to acquire emolument merely, waste his time in teaching the inferior branches of his science. But on the other hand, the state is not bound to give to every individual a scientific education gratuitously, and to its own ruin; and it would be unjust to extract money from the pockets of all citizens for the benefit of only a very small number. A suitable and secure income, which furnishes a professor with what is necessary and with leisure; and paid lectures, which in proportion to his success shall better his condition,--these, in this respect, constitute the true means; since a professor should never forget the higher interests of science, nor in the brilliant lustre of a transcendent genius content himself with only a certain degree of success, and only a moderate number of hearers. There is also this advantage to be added, that the students frequent with more zeal and perseverance the lectures for which they pay. What happens in these respects in France is exactly the contrary. In the French faculties of language and science, the doors are thrown open, and every man can enter without paying. This at the first view appears excellent, and worthy of a great nation. But what is really the consequence? That an audience is like the pit of a theatre; one goes in, and then goes out again, in the midst of the lecture; another comes once, and then comes no more if the professor does not tickle his ear. The attendants listen with distracted attention, and in general you see more amateurs than students. The professor who does not lose a _sous_, let him do his work as ill as possible, either neglects it, and expends little trouble or talent on his lectures, or loving fame, anxious for his reputation, and yet despairing to win a serious audience, labours at least to assemble a numerous one. In this case there is an end to science; for in order to make it attractive, he must sink himself to the level of his hearers. There lies in this great number of attendants an almost magnetic influence, which bows to its yoke even the strongest minds; and he who would be an earnest and admirable professor for attentive students, becomes for frivolous, airy, and superficial hearers, light and superficial himself. In fine, what remains to the multitude of that instruction to which they have given a gratuitous attendance?--a confused impression, just about as profitable as that which an interesting drama in the theatre would have left behind. But is this to be compared for a moment with the persevering zeal of fifty or a hundred hearers even, who have paid beforehand for the lectures; who follow their progression obstinately, in order to sift them, and to give themselves an account of them, without which they have thrown away both their time and money. Thus excellent is the arrangement that the student shall pay something, and at the same time the state shall guarantee to the distinguished and learned men who are chosen as professors, a secure and fitting support. The three degrees of teachers at the High-schools of Germany are in the happiest manner divided from each other, and yet bound together. The foundation, the root of the professorship, the inexhaustible and everspringing nursery of the German university, are the young doctors, to whom it is allowed, under certain conditions, and with the permission of the faculties, to deliver public lectures. Every able young man may thus arrive at the higher offices of teaching, but none without raising, at least good expectations. He is tried, but without entering into any actual engagement with him; without any thing being promised to him, or given him. If he does not by correspondent results, realize the hopes which have been entertained of him; if he fails to attract hearers, and to do honour to the faculty which admitted him; it is seen that a vain anticipation has been attached to him, and he is not raised to the rank of extraordinary professor. He himself, after some years, withdraws himself from the hopeless pursuit, which brings him few hearers and little profit, and betakes himself to some other career. On the contrary, if he fulfil the hopes raised by him; if he gather numerous hearers, and write works which excite attention; he is then declared Extraordinary professor, a title which is irrevocable, and which gives him a small fixed salary, which, with the income derived from his hearers, encourages him, and supports him in his career. If he maintain this happy progress, if he prove himself an able man, the state, in order to retain him, increases by degrees his income, and finally names him Ordinary professor. This distinguished title is never given on account of hopes: which may be found false by experience, but on account of tried effects, of distinguished talents, and established reputation. It is very rare that this title is received before a certain age; and there is not a professor in Germany, who is not a man of a reputation more or less distinguished, since this position is entirely the reward of his talents. Great and successful results, be they in writing or lecturing, these in Germany nominate the Ordinary professor, and an unlimited choice is afforded in the multitude of young teachers. Talent, with the aid of time and perseverance, wins the prize, and that is the genuine and proper contest. As age and time dull the zeal and diminish ability, and the professor now grown old, neglects or does not advance with the advances of science; an innovator in his youth, does he now become a loiterer, what is to be done? His hearers, ever attracted by the spirit of the time, desert his lectures; and seek those of an Extraordinary professor, or perhaps those of a private teacher--young and zealous, and often to excess, fond of innovation and bold inquiry; and the university suffers not through the retreat of those, who formerly served it faithfully and well. This happy mechanism rests on the distinction into extraordinary and ordinary professors, and private teachers; which in France correspond with the titulaires, adjoints, and agregés. Let us now only reflect how different altogether is the practice in France. A man is put in the list of competitors for a few weeks, amongst such young people as frequently have not written two lines; have taught scarcely a single year; and now, after giving in some stated proof, are often in their twenty-fifth year endowed with an irrevocable title, which may be held till their seventieth year without doing any thing; which, from the first day of their nomination to the end of their life, draws the same salary, whether they have many hearers or few; whether they distinguish themselves or not; whether they thenceforward live in ignorance, or become celebrated men! Another great disadvantage in France is, that in this country the different faculties of which a German university is composed, are separated from each other, scattered about, and in this isolation are as it were, lost. Here are faculties of science, in which lectures upon chemistry, physics, and natural history, are held, without a medicinal faculty at their side, which might thence derive benefit; there--faculties of law, and of theology, without history, literature, and philosophy. So are there perhaps twenty miserable faculties scattered over the whole surface of France, and nowhere a genuine home for science. Thence comes it, that in France study is for the most part so unphilosophically pursued; although able professional men are accomplished in jurisprudence and medicine, the studies which are there the most in esteem. We leave it to the English reader, who is better acquainted with the universities of his native land, than we are--to decide, how far the deficiencies here attributed to the French universities also affect those of Britain. Oxford and Cambridge, the two most ancient universities of England, have remained true to the old institutions, to the old mode of living altogether in colleges, which the German public has long abandoned as not answering the purpose. They have a greater self-dependence and independence than the German ones, which are submitted to the superintendence of the state. Yet the German institutions in this respect reap many advantages, so long as the government is no despotism. Through such high-standing Boards, boards which respect the interests and claims of all parties, and administer to them all justice with strict impartiality, the chairs of science are preserved from incapacity; the meritorious are made known and elevated; obstructions are removed; help is duly administered, morals are protected, defects are remedied, better and more effectually than can be done by a corporation alone, and without such a well-disposed and wise superintendence of their interests; and which places the university in a condition to exercise a fresher and more unimpaired strength in the great pursuit of science and of accomplishment, and with more decisive effect; and to remain mistress of the great movement of inquiry and of knowledge. That the advantages of the German High-schools are, however, acknowledged in England, is proved by the foundation of the liberal University in London in the year 1825, wherein they have sought to combine many of the German plans, whose value was recognised, with the old English ones. But yet more than by this fact, is paid the tribute of recognition of the excellence of the German High-schools, by the great number of young men who, not alone from the European countries, but from distant regions of the earth, hasten to place themselves at the feet of their teachers. No country has so many and such excellent universities as Germany,--and the proofs of their advantages exist in the great number of illustrious learned men and authors, which quench their thirst of knowledge at these immortal wells of science; men, whose creations daily more and more receive abroad their just recognition, and in no country more than in England. THE GENERAL BEER-COMMENT OF HEIDELBERG. Many a one is a more true Diogenes, not when he is in the tub, but when the tub is in him. TITULUS I. DIVISION OF THE STUDENTS AS IT REGARDS THE BEER COMMENT. § 1. All Students are divided into Crass Foxes (or Fat Foxes), Brand Foxes, and Beer-Burschen. 2. Every student, during the first course of his academical career, is a Fat Fox. 3. He becomes a Brand-Fox when he is burnt at one of the regular kneips of the respective Chores, with the proper solemnities; yet this shall not occur before the Farewell Commers of his first, nor later than four weeks after the entrance Commers of his second, semester. 4. The Brand-Fox becomes a Beer-Bursch, if he be _pawked_ in (initiated), at the end of his second course, but after the Farewell Commers, or at the commencement of his third course; this, however, shall only be done in beer. 5. Comes one here who has already studied two semesters at another known university, he must at the commencement of his third semester be here _pawked_ in, or otherwise, till he be pawked in, he can only, as it regards the Beer-companies, be considered as a Brander. 6. Every one who has studied three semesters at another known university, has on that account the rights of a Beer-bursch. 7. A Fox who is the Chore-bursch of an existing verbindung or union, has the rights of a Beer-bursch, yet must he suffer himself to be _pawked_ in as a Beer-bursch. 8. The following is the mode of pawking in. At one of the appointed kneips of the respective Chore, the in-pawking Beer-bursch drinks to the in-to-be-pawked at least half a choppin of beer, after the singing of every strophe of a song then sung, and the in-to-be-pawked must _a tempo_ drink as much. Moreover, it is well understood that the in-to-be-pawked pays for the beer of the in-pawker which is thus drunk. TITULUS II. OF THE FORE AND AFTER DRINKING. § 9. From the Foxes, whether Crass or Brand Foxes, the Beer-bursch is not bound to take a beer challenge; yet can the Brand-fox _nachstürzen_ (that is, command the person who is going to drink before him, to drink twice the quantity that he proposes). Amongst themselves the Foxes have equal rights. 10. No one must accept a challenge of less than half a choppin, or more than four choppins at once. The graduated quantities of the Comment, are a half, a whole, two, three, and four choppins. 11. The interval between the fore and after drinking of each agreed-upon quantity must be no more than five minutes (that is, the accepter must drink his quantity within five minutes after the challenger). And every earlier challenge must be drunk before the latter one. 12. If four choppins are agreed upon, so must the foreswearer or challenger, drink each choppin separately within five minutes of each other; and not till he has drunk these four choppins, must he take a challenge from another person. Also, the challenger must have first drunk his whole contracted quantity before his antagonist is bound to drink his. 13. He who has a challenge of four choppins on his hands, is not bound to take another challenge till that is drunk out. 14. If a challenge is made, and the challenged excuses himself on the plea that he has already four choppins to drink, the challenger is justified in obliging the challenged to show him each of those four allege choppins as he drinks them. 15. If a challenge is given, and the challenged _nachstürz_, the quantity, (that is, insists that it shall be doubled,) the challenger is obliged to drink the doubled quantity. 16. The challenged may not more than double the quantity proposed by the challenger. 17. The _nachstürz_ become invalid the moment the prescribed quantity exceeds two choppins, except in a challenge _à faire_. 18. If one pauses during the drinking, leaves a Philistine in the glass, (that is, if he leaves the bottom of the glass still covered with beer,) it is to be considered that he has not drunken his quantity, and he must instantly drink another in the proper manner. 19. The case is the same when an umpire declares that so much beer has been spilt in the drinking as would cover the bottom of the glass. 20. In every quantity which is drunk in successive portions, the §§ 18 and 19 shall apply to the party whom the umpire shall have declared to have drunken informally. 21. As well in the fore as the after drinking, the antagonist can select an umpire, who, if he judges that the fore or after quantity is deficient, must see that it is made complete, and that it is properly drunken. 22. No one is bound to accept a challenge of more than one choppin at a time out of a vessel which will hold more; unless the two drinkers agree differently between themselves. TITULUS III. OF ANSCHISS-SAUFEN; OR DEFINING OF WHAT ARE PENAL CASES IN DRINKING. § 23. Foxes, whether Crass or Brand Foxes, may neither _touche_ an honourable Beer-bursch in beer, that is, challenge him to a beer contest; nor, if he be challenged by an honourable Beer-bursch, may he _nachstürz_, or double the quantity. If one of them does this, then must he be _verdonnert_,[50] or condemned in thunder, to pay for a _viertel_, that is, sixteen choppins. The Foxes have also here equal rights amongst themselves. 24. The degrees of the beer challenges are the following:--A Learned Man stands for a half-choppin; a choppin is a Doctor; two choppins, a Professor; three choppins, an Amtmann; four choppins, a Pope. 25. If any one has given his cerevis, that is, made an assertion on his beer-word against another, and it cannot be proved who has given his cerevis wrong, so must the two drink out a Learned Man--such cases, however, excepted as are before the Beer-court. 26. No one is bound to accept _ex abrupto_ more than a _Learned Man_; yet must the Foxes accept, _ex abrupto_ every challenged _Doctor_, from an honourable Beer-bursch. 27. The provoker to a beer-challenge must be challenged within five minutes. If he will double on the challenge, he must do it immediately, and according to the fixed gradations of §24. The settling of the challenge must be completed within five minutes after the challenge is given; and the drink-duel must be immediately contested, if the challenged has not yet an older scandal[51] to defend. 28. Every earlier scandal must take precedence of a later. If any one asserts that he has yet an earlier scandal, he must name the person with whom it depends. The antagonist has a right to name an umpire, who must take care that the scandal is effaced in its regular order, or otherwise the umpire must write the name of the first on the beer-table with the penalty belonging to the offence. 29. The proceeding in fighting out a scandal is as follows:--Each pawkant or combatant appoints a second, of whom the seconder of the challenger, on his cerevis, makes the weapons equal. If the weapons, however, appear unequal to the other second, he can call an umpire, who decides whether they are equal or not. If the umpire declares that the weapons are not equal, he who calls the umpire, has, after the scandal is fought out, to propose the proper penalty for the second who failed to make the weapons equal, according to § 131, No. 11 (a). 30. At the place of the challenged the weapons are made equal, and the beer-scandal is there fought out. 31. If the weapons are equal, the second of the challenged gives the following commando, "Seize it! put to! loose!" 32. Before this commando, the drinking must not begin; and should it begin, either of the seconds must cry halt, and the weapons must be again made equal. But halt cannot be cried after the word "loose" is given. 33. Both parties must drink instantly on the command being given, whereupon the commanding second, after both have drunk, first declares his judgment, and then the other second either admits this judgment or not. If the latter be the case, so the seconds themselves must drink off a Learned Man, be the quantity what it may for which they stood seconds, except in the cases stated in §§ 34 and 35. 34. Drinks not one of the two combatants on the given commando, the prescribed quantity, or bleeds he, or pauses during the drinking, or leaves a Philistine in the glass; so is he a defaulter, and must, within five minutes, drink once more the prescribed quantity. If he do this not, he is put under the beer-bann, and the quantity which he has failed to drink is written on the beer-tablet against him. 35. He is equally a defaulter if he breaks his glass in setting it down, or overturns it, except, in the last case, he can set it up again before his antagonist is ready. 36. Every one must second the moment he is called upon to do so; yet if one second be a Beer-bursch, he is not obliged to accept a Fox as his opposite second. If any one refuses, without a sufficient ground of excuse, to become a second, he is to pay the penalty of a viertel. 37. The parties concerned in a beer-scandal, must, neither with one another, nor with others, engage in a fresh scandal, neither can others engage them in such. But should this happen, the provoker must immediately revoke, or be condemned to a viertel. 38. The beer-scandal arising between seconds, as in § 33, is to be fought out in manner following: The second who declared himself first, names his umpire, before whom the scandal is to be fought out, and through whose declaration it is to be concluded. TITULUS IV. OF ENGAGEMENT À FAIRE. § 39. The engagement _à faire_ is the contract between two to measure themselves in beer drinking. 40. Those who will make an engagement _à faire_, must let this be proclaimed clearly three times by a beer-honourable Beer-bursch; whereupon all who are already concerned with these parties in a beer-scandal, may state their claims, so that they may fight out their scandals with them before this new engagement comes on. 41. Both combatants must, at least, empty one choppin in every five minutes, or be the quantity greater they must still do the same. 42. Neither of these combatants may accept any thing from a third, nor fore-drink to him; neither may they provoke to a fresh scandal or be provoked to it. Those who do, fall under the penalty of a viertel. 43. They may not officiate in beer-affairs; nor be seconds, witness, nor umpires; nor sit in the Beer-comments, nor convoke, or cause such to be convoked; they may not aid in removing the beer-bann, or drink with him from whom it is to be removed, otherwise they are condemned to a viertel. 44. This Beer-strife is ended by one or the other declaring that he can drink no more, but not by agreement to drink no more. He that yields must quit the kneip within five minutes, or will be condemned to two viertel. Besides this, he is regarded as under the bann for the rest of the day; but during the five minutes that he stays, he is not obliged to accept any fresh challenge. 45. The conclusion of the Beer-strife shall in the same manner as its commencement, be loudly proclaimed by a beer-honourable Beer-bursch. TITULUS V. OF THE DECLARATION. § 46. If any one has no desire to either fore or after drink, or to concern himself in beer-suits, he must cause this to be declared by a beer-honourable Beer-bursch. If from the beginning he drinks no beer at the kneip, he need not declare himself. 47. He who receives this declaration is bound to proclaim it aloud. 48. The declared may not be challenged in beer. Should this happen, the challenger must instantly revoke, or he will be condemned in a viertel. If the declarer challenges, he falls under the same penalty. 49. If any one has already drunken beer in the kneip, and then says, without having declared himself, that he goes away, he must not accept a challenge. But if he remains in the kneip five minutes after this declaration of going away, then every one can fore-drink him; and in so far as he does not after-drink according to the regulations, he may be mulct. 50. Each declaration can then only be accepted, when the declarer has drunk out all his contracted quantities, and all scandals in which he has been engaged have been fought out. 51. He who in the commencement of a kneip declares that he is unwell, is for the evening declared, but he cannot during that evening take back his declaration. 52. If a declarer appears before the Beer-convention as a complainant, he must bring two witnesses. 53. The declaration is removed:-- (1) Through fore or after drinking of any quantity, even should the declarer use the proviso, "without prejudice to my declaration." (2) By making a counter declaration. (3) By the declarer mixing himself in beer-suits. 54. They mix themselves in beer-suits, who-- (1) Demand or give the cerevis. (2) Sit in a Beer-convention; witness, call a Beer-convention, or cause it to be called. (3) Is an umpire, a second in a Beer-scandal, or drinks with him who is to be released from the bann. (4) Who challenges in beer. (5) Who engages himself with another _à faire_. TITULUS VI. OF THE UMPIRES. § 55. A beer-honourable Beer-bursch only can be an umpire. 56. Every one must obey the call to be an umpire, unless he can advance some available excuse. If, without being able to do this, he declares, he must be mulct in a viertel. 57. If a Fox accepts the office of an umpire, he falls under the penalty of a viertel. 58. The umpire may stand with none of the parties in a beer-scandal; but should this be the fact, the case cannot stand over, but another umpire must be called. 59. When an umpire is called forth, he cannot be challenged of any one: the offender in this case is punishable with a viertel. 60. If any one holds the judgment of an umpire to be unjust, he is at liberty to summon him before a Beer-convention; but this must be done before the quantity which has been made equal by the umpire, is drunken. 61. The umpire can always be called before the Beer-convention, on account of his decisions, except when he pronounces the penalty incurred in the act of releasing one from the bann, or upon him who drinks with him; in which case the condemned person cannot appeal to a General Beer-convention. 62. If the decision of the umpire is declared unjust by the Beer-convention, he goes into Beer-banishment; but if that be not the case his accuser is without further procedure condemned to Beer-banishment. TITULUS VII. OF THE BEER-CONVENTIONS. (_a_) OF THE SPECIAL. § 63. The Beer-convention is that competent Board which is called by a beer-honourable Beer-bursch, in order to decide upon a fact before it, of a nature to be punished by a beer-penalty, or on other beer-business. It consists of three Beer-honourable beer-burschen. 64. A Fox may not sit in a Beer-convention; if he dares to do that, he is to be be-thundered in a viertel. He falls under the same penalty if he calls a Beer-convention. 65. So soon as a Beer-convention is called, the functionaries and all parties concerned must neither _touche_, _foreswear_, nor fore nor after drink so long as the business lasts. As little may this be done by another person towards them. Whoever violates this rule is regarded as a disturber of the convention. 66. The Beer-convention being called, is conducted as follows. The beer-judge summons the accused; the accuser then lays the case before the court, which he confirms on his cerevis, which the convention demands from him, and makes his petition. Hereupon he names his witness, who is questioned on the alleged fact, and his cerevis also taken upon it. 67. The accused is now required to bring forward his defence; whereupon the convention also demands his cerevis, and his witness is heard, also on his cerevis. 68. Accuser and accused, as well as every one of the judges, have the right to demand that the witnesses of both parties state the facts upon which they give their cerevis, fully. 69. When the two parties, with their witnesses, have been heard in this manner, the beer-judge demands whether either party has yet any thing further to advance. If this is not the case, the minutes are closed, and the judge immediately pronounces his judgment. 70. The beer-judges give their judgments in the same order of succession in which they were called to be judges by the accuser. The last-voting judge must, on a penalty of a viertel, within five minutes after the closing of the minutes, write on the beer-table the name of the be-thundered, or appellant. 71. The agreeing judgments of two beer-judges constitute a sentence, with the exception of the cases in §§ 81 and 84. 72. No beer-judge is allowed to state publicly the grounds of his judgment, when he gives that judgment. 73. No beer-judge may give his vote before the examination is concluded, and the minutes closed. If he fails in this respect, either of the parties can expel him from the Beer-convent. In this case, the accuser has to call another judge. The same is the case when a beer-judge closes the minutes before the examination is complete. If the case is disputable, the party who has the right to expel, may call an umpire, who shall decide. 74. If the Beer-convention has cited the accused, and he omits to appear and make his defence, he is, on that account, held to be convicted. 75. No one can refuse to be a beer-judge because he would act as witness to the accused; but the accused can object to a judge, in case he takes the office, being received as his witness, but this, at the latest, must be done before the examination of the witness of the accuser had been heard, upon which the accuser must choose another judge. 76. The accuser must put in his petition before his witness is heard. A petition once put in, cannot be changed. If the accuser puts in a false one, or none at all, the case will be decided in favour of the accused. 77. Every accusation must be confirmed by the witness or the beer-tablet. If this is not the case, the accusation is nullified, and the accuser is nonsuited. 78. If the assertions of both parties are positive, the judge must decide in favour of the accused. 79. An assertion is negatived when it totally contradicts the fact of the opponent without supplying another fact, which supersedes the first fact. 80. Every beer-honourable student, be he Fox or Beer-bursch, can appear as witness before a Beer-convention. 81. A witness becomes amenable to punishment by giving false evidence on his cerevis. Whether he has given a false cerevis remains for the Beer-convent to decide, before which he has appeared as witness, which, without further proceeding, can immediately be-thunder him as beer-banned, and mulct in a viertel; but this requires that all the Beer-judges shall be unanimous. 82. Each party may only call three witnesses in succession. If none of these speak out satisfactorily, it is to be held that he has no witness. For the rest, neither party can present more than one sufficient witness in support of its assertion. 83. Such witnesses as were not present at the fact on which the Beer-convention has to decide, are held as false witnesses. 84. Intruding witnesses; that is, such as without being called by name as witnesses by the parties, offer themselves as witnesses, shall not be accepted, and are to be punished with the beer-bann. The judges must, however, be unanimous on this head. 85. A beer-judge having once given his vote cannot recall it. 86. No beer-judge can, during the proceedings, speak to any of the parties concerned, out of the regular course of inquiry. He who does this is punishable with a viertel. 87. In no case is any one allowed to disturb the proceedings. He who does this for a fourth time, having thrice been ordered to be quiet, is to be be-thundered by the same Beer-convention to the Beer-bann, and penalty of a viertel without further delay. The beer-judges must, however, be unanimous. 88. When a punishable fact is not laid before a Beer-convention within three days, it cannot be laid at all, unless the actual absence of accuser or accused creates sufficient hindrance. But a cerevis given for a future day, or which requires time to prove whether it may not be false, forms an exception. Farther, a cerevis given for a future day is not nullified by a Beer-bann falling between that time and the time for which it is given. 89. A Beer-convention may only be postponed three days, and only then when the witness of the accused is absent. 90. If one is accused on account of a quantity not drunken at the right time, or not drunken at all, the said quantity is to be added to the penalty in his be-thundering. 91. If a quantity has been fore-drunken to the be-thundered, before the commencement of the Beer-convention, which he has not after-drunken, then must they who have fore-drunken this quantity on his be-thundering show this same quantity to the Beer-convention, corroborating their assertion with their cerevis and a witness, whereupon also this must be added to his Beer-penalty. 92. The same is the case when he has contracted a beer-scandal with any one before the Beer-convent sate, and has not fought it out: but the latter party with whom he has made this contract, must drink the prescribed quantity before the Beer-convent. 93. Not more than one Beer-convent can be called over one and the same person on account of the same fact, except if a Beer-convention is postponed; or a Beer-convention being called, is rendered null by a Fox, or one under Beer-bann having been called upon it, and in it having sat. 94. A Fox may neither for himself nor for another call a Beer-convent, but he must procure this to be done through a beer-honourable Beer-bursch. The last can, however, call himself as one, in case other beer-honourable Beer-burschen are wanting for the Beer-convention. 95. Only one Beer-convention may be called at the same time in the same kneip. (_b_) OF THE GENERAL BEER-CONVENTION. 96. The general Beer-convention, which must consist at least of five Chore Burschen, is the highest and last Court of Appeal; and therefore its decision is final and unalterable. 97. Every Saturday evening, at an hour fixed in the beginning of each course, is the General Beer-convention held, to which every Verbindung then existing in Heidelberg, must send a Chore-bursch, who must, however, be a beer-honourable Beer-bursch. Should less than five Chores exist, the S. C. must take care that still five beer-judges must sit in the General Beer-convention. 98. These judges must assemble themselves, at the appointed hour, at the kneip of the Secretary, under the penalty of a quarter-crown for coming late, and of a half-crown for not coming at all. A beer-judge comes late when he is not present on the striking of the fixed hour. 99. In case that, at the fixed hour, the Beer-judges of all the Verbindungs are not present, five beer-judges are sufficient to open the court and proceed to business. 100. When the required number of beer-judges are present, the Beer-convent must be opened with the stroke of the appointed hour. If they find no appellant, they must wait half-an-hour. If no one appears at the expiration of this time, the judges are authorized to withdraw. 101. If, after the expiration of this half-hour, five judges agree to wait longer, they can still represent the General Beer-convention; but the General Convention must be closed at the end of an hour, unless instantly occurring and pressing business make that impossible. 102. It is free to the accuser as to the accused to appeal to the General Beer-convention, against a sentence of the Special Convention; but this must be done within five minutes after the declaration of the sentence, and the judges concerned must be cited at the same time. The appeal must come on at the General Beer-convention, at the fixed place, the next Saturday evening. 103. If the appellant exceeds this time, without being able to show the impossibility of then proceeding with the business on which the Beer-convention has to decide, he loses the right to appeal, and moreover, must pay a viertel. If on the contrary, one cited to appear before the General Beer-convention is prevented, he can, though a proxy, bring forward his excuse; upon the acceptance of which the General Beer-convention is to decide. If it finds the excuse satisfactory, the business stands over to the next General Beer-convention. 104. An appeal to the General Beer-convention can indeed be revoked, but this must be done within five minutes after declaring an intention to appeal, and, in fact, before a Beer-convention called for the purpose. If it he revoked later, the revoker must pay a viertel. 105. He is excluded from the right to appeal to a General Beer-convent who has been declared to be a false or intruding witness by a special Beer-convention, and is, on that account, be-thundered; and so is he also who has more than three times disturbed the proceedings of the Special Beer-convention. 106. The proceedings of the General Beer-convention in matters laid before it, is the same as that of the Special Beer-conventions, with the following exceptions. If the parties cited before the General Beer-convention do not appear, nor appoint proxies, they may, after the accuser has made his complaint, and corroborated it by witnesses, be punished for contempt of court. (1) Moreover, any one who has to appear before the General Beer-convention, must present himself before the table with uncovered head. (2) No beer-judge of the General Beer-convention is bound to take a beer-challenge from any one while he sits in the General Beer-convention. (3) The General has the right to punish with the punishment, for the disturbance of Beer-conventions, prescribed by the Comment, any one who, during one and the same proceeding, shall have broken the silence enjoined four times; and he who more than four times shall have broken the same, shall, moreover, be reported to the S. C. and by it be fined a half-crown. 107. The majority of voices decides here, as in the Special Beer-conventions. Is the number of the represented Chores equal, the representative of the Chore to which the secretary belongs gives the casting vote. 108. No appellant can lay his complaint before the General, till he has set before it a viertel; but, in case he carries his charge through, he has the right to name one of the condemned to the General, who shall reimburse him this viertel. Should the accused be be-thundered, so go they every one into Beer-banishment, and have two viertels to set forth; but that viertel which has been reimbursed by one of them to the accuser is reckoned off. If the appellant is cast, he is equally condemned to two viertels. But as he has already set one viertel before the General, he is only written down on the beer-tablet one viertel. If he was the accuser before the Special Beer-convention, the General has to give its commission, to wipe him out from the beer-tablet, and to write him down as chargeable with a viertel under its order. If he was the accused, so must he, according to the commission of the General, be wiped out of the beer-tablet with the B. A., and with the prescribed penalty of the Special Beer-convention, together with the new viertel, be written down on the beer-tablet, under the order of the General. The appointed penalties are written down in the Special Chore-kneip. 109. During the vacation, the number of five beer-honourable Beer-burschen are authorized to represent a General Beer-convention, without respect to Verbindungs. Such a General Beer-convention in the vacation, must be called within eight days, or, otherwise, if no sufficient grounds of excuse are brought forward, the sentence of the Special Convention remains in full force; the appellant is be-thundered, and the right to further appeal is lost. TITULUS VIII. OF THE BEER PENALTIES. I. SIMPLE. (_a_) OF THE BEER-BANN. 110. The Beer-bann is that punishment by which the beer-honourable student, while he is be-thundered to four choppins, loses all his beer-rights in the Special Kneip in which he stands inscribed. 111. The Beer-bann, besides the loss of all beer-rights, has also this consequence, that the be-thundered, neither mediately nor immediately, can bring his beer to the table where the Beer-honourable kneip. Should he do this, every beer-honourable is at liberty to throw the beer of the be-thundered upon the ground. 112. The beer-banned appellant, indeed, equally forfeits all beer-rights, yet can he bring his beer to the table where the beer-honourables kneip, and he may not be called a beerschisser, or beer-banished-man, and can for and after drink with any beer-honourable that he can engage to do so. 113. But on account of such quantity either for or after drunken, a Beer-convention cannot be called by either party. 114. No beer-honourable is allowed to either fore or after drink with a beer-banned man; does any one this, he goes into beer-banishment. 115. A beer-banished man can never be called before a Beer-convention and be be-thundered on account of a fact which renders him liable to beer-banishment, but only on one which renders him liable to pay a viertel. He then renders himself liable to a viertel when he calls a beer-honourable, or a beer-banned appellant, a beerschisser. 116. If any one perpetrates an act against a beerschisser, which renders him liable to a setting forth of a viertel, the beerschisser can call this person before the Beer-convention, but he must do it through a beer-honourable Beer-bursch, and lay his complaint through the same, strengthening also his accusation by two beer-honourable cerevises. 117. A term of eight days is appointed to the beerschisser (the beer-banned) from the day of his be-thundering, during which time he must cause himself to be fought-out in the following manner. If he exceeds this term, and that without special grounds of excuse, as sickness or absence, he is be-thundered in two viertels; which penalty, from eight days to eight days, if he does not fight himself out, is doubled. 118. The fighting cutis in this manner. The beerschisser, who will fight himself out, requests a beer-honourable Beer-bursch to call his name out in the kneip on whose beer-tablet he stands inscribed; but this can only be done in the presence of three beer-honourable Beer-burschen. The out-fighter must at every one of the four choppins, three times slowly and formally demand who will drink them with the beerschisser. The fighter-out is not an umpire. If any one is not satisfied with the proceedings of the fighter-out, this last must name an umpire. 119. The beerschisser must from five minutes to five minutes drink each of the choppins. 120. If any one announces that he will drink a choppin with the beerschisser, this person must name an umpire, who must make the weapons equal, and who, as in a Beer-scandal, has to command. Each one to be fought-out has at least two choppins to drink. If two out of the whole four choppins are not yet accepted the fighter-out has to drink out the remaining quantity with the to-be-fought-out person, in the regular time, and in the presence of an umpire. 121. He who, as umpire, has commanded during the last choppin which the beerschisser, as such, drinks, must immediately proclaim him three times loudly and formally in the kneip as beer-honourable. In case the beerschisser has already drunk two choppins, and no one announces himself for the fourth, the fighter-out has this duty to perform. The order must, at the same time, be given, and where it is possible, to a Fox, to wipe the beerschisser from the beer-tablet. If the umpire proclaims the out-to-be-fought as beer-honourable too early, or too late, he himself goes into beer-banishment. 122. Both parties must drink at once, on the word of command. If the beerschisser does this not, he is be-thundered to a viertel; if the other, who, according to the declaration of the fighter-out, has to drink with the beerschisser, drinks not at the same time, he goes into beer-banishment. 123. If the beerschisser does not drink, after the command is given, his choppin in the five minutes, he continues a beerschisser, and the choppin not drunken by him is written on the beer-tablet in addition. 124. In all these cases the commanding umpire has the right to pronounce the penalty on the defaulters, without further proceeding, and cause them to be written on the beer-tablet, nor can he for this be called to account. 125. If one has been be-thundered on account of an unperformed quantity of fore or after drinking, he must drink the quantity still due, from five minutes to five minutes, after he has again been declared beer-honourable. 126. This must be done before those whom he has to drink after; or, should they be absent, before two beer-honourable witnesses. 127. The beerschisser has all the choppins that have been drunken with him during the fighting-out by the out-fighters immediately to pay for. 128. If the beerschisser has requested any one to call on him to be fought-out, he cannot again revoke the call; if he does this, he is mulct in a viertel. 129. The beerschisser has the right, during the pawking, or fighting-out, to have the beer necessary for the out-pawking upon the table at which the beer-honourables kneip. 130. Only one beerschisser can be pawked-out at one time. 131. He goes into beer-banishment-- (1) Who gives a false cerevis. (2) Who offends against § 34. (3) Who permits a beer-touche, or provocation, to stand against him beyond the regular time, and neither challenges, fixes the time, nor fights out, without having any sufficient ground of excuse to give. The sufficient grounds are-- (_a_) Older scandals, but not fore or after drinking quantities. (_b_) If he has received no beer, spite of its having been immediately ordered, after challenge or fixing of the time has taken place. (4) Who has declared a beerschisser, either by word or deed, to be beer-honourable. This happens through-- (_a_) He who contracts a scandal or fights one out with a beerschisser, and kneips with him in beer; that is, (a) He who fore or after drinks with a beerschisser. (§ 114). (_b_) He who has his beer standing on the same table with that of a beerschisser. (_c_) He who plays with a beerschisser at a beer-play. (_d_) He who with the beerschisser pours out of the same vessel, or drinks with him out of the same glass. (b) He who "catches out"[52] a beerschisser in the kneip, where the same stands inscribed as beerschisser on the beer-tablet. (c) He who calls a Beer-convention upon a case against a beerschisser, which does not render him liable to a penalty of a viertel. (§ 115). (d) He who submits to the same a beer-case for decision, or calls him as witness. (e) He who too early proclaims the fought-out, beer-honourable. (§ 121). (5) He who too late declares the fought-out, beer-honourable. (§ 121). (6) He who calls a beer-honourable, or a beer-banned-appellant, a beerschisser. (7) He who does not set out the appointed quantity within eight days. (8) He who in pawking-out a beerschisser commands on a bad choppin. (9) He who ought to drink with a beerschisser in his out-fighting, and does not drink at the right time, or drink at all. (10) He who makes a quantity common; that is, fore or after drinks a quantity with a third person also, which he ought to drink with one only. (11) The umpire whose decision before a Beer-convention is declared to be unjust (§ 62). (12) The second who has to make the weapons equal, but who, according to the decision of a called-up umpire, has unjustly declared them to be equal. (_f_) He who declares the decision of an umpire to be unjust without being able to show that it is so. (13) Intruding witness. (§ 62). (14) He who does not call a Beer-convention on account of a fact which is directed against himself, and which is punishable with beer-banishment. (15) He who does not within five minutes drink the quantity dictated to him by the President of the Beer-convention. (§ 146). (B.) OF SETTING FORTH BEER. § 132. Every viertel to be set out (that is, four measures, four jugs, or five bottles) is written down on the beer-tablet, and must within eight days, be set before a Beer-convention. He who exceeds this term, goes into beer-banishment. The Beer-convention which has be-thundered him, has at the same time to give the order that he and this quantity be wiped off the beer-tablet, and that he be written down anew under this date. 133. The Beer-convention, and he who sets it out, have equally participation in this beer, and should the setter-out be a Fox, he too, who called the Beer-convention for him; but the Beer-convention can, if it please, make this quantity over to the General company. 134. A viertel must set-out-- (1) The Fox who _touches_, or provokes a beer-bursch to a challenge in beer, or in a beer-challenge doubles on him. (§ 23.) (2) The Fox who has called a Beer-convention, or sits in one. (§ 64.) (3) The Fox who becomes an Umpire. (§ 64.) (4) The Fox who touches the beer-cudgel of the President in a Beer-commers. (5) Every one who, being called on to second, refuses without sufficient ground. (§ 36.) (6) He who offends against § 37. (7) He who offends against §§ 42 and 43. (8) He who touches in beer a Declarer, and does not immediately revoke the touche. (§ 48.) (9) A Declarer who touches another who has not declared. (§ 48.) (10) He who refuses without justifiable ground to act as umpire. (§ 48.) (11) He who cribs beer in drinking, or spills the beer of another, or fouls it. (12) He who forgets his Smollis.[53] (13) He who touches an Umpire, knowing him to be such. (14) He who insults or calumniates a Beer-convention. (15) He who declares the decision of a Beer-convention to be unjust; but this shall not include the appeal to a General. (16) The Beer-judge who offends against § 34. (17) He who declares that he will appeal to a General, and yet does it not on the proper day. (§ 103.) (18) He who has declared that he would appeal to a General, but makes this later than five minutes after his declaration. (§ 104.) (19) The beerschisser who sits in Beer-convention, or at all acts in beer-suits. (20) The beerschisser who, after he has allowed himself to be called upon to be fought-out, revokes. (§ 128.) (21) The beerschisser who in the fighting-out does not drink in time. (§ 122.) (22) The beerschisser, who calls a beer-honourable or beer-banned-Appellant, a Beerschisser. (§ 115.) (23) He who alters or writes down any thing on the beer-tablet, or expunges any thing, without the right to do it (§ 136.) (24) He who writes down, by his own fault, the name of the be-thundered, or of the accuser-appellant, wrong. (§ 139.) (25) The be-thundered or accuser-appellant who purposely spells his name wrong to the writer-down. (§ 139.) (26) He who, indeed, writes down the name of the be-thundered, or of the accuser-appellant on the tablet correctly, but who states a false date or a false quantity. (27) He who does not convey the commission of writing down or expunging within five minutes. (28) Every one whose duty it is to write down or expunge from the tablet, and does not do this within five minutes. (29) He who gives to another without due authority, an order to alter, or to write down upon, or to expunge any thing from the tablet. (§ 138.) (30) He who does not call a Beer-convent upon a fact which renders liable to the setting-forth of a viertel. (31) When one is caught-out--that is, if he lifts the lid of a covered glass (and jugs and bottles are also included) in which so much beer yet remains as will cover the bottom, so far that another can insinuate his hand between the vessel and the lid, and thereupon cry "caught-out;" or when one is caught-out who covers an empty glass, though this latter person is under no necessity to cover the empty glass again. (32) He who catches out without cause--that is, he who catches one out, who in the lifting of his lid has said--"without catching-out;" or who, while the beer is pouring puts his hand between; or who makes an erroneous catching-out with an empty glass. (33) He who speaks ill of any of the Faculties. II. SHARPER BEER PENALTIES. § 135. The sharper beer-penalty is, when any one is be-thundered at the same time to more than one viertel, or to beer-banishment and beer-setting-forth. (_a_) HE IS CONDEMNED TO MORE THAN ONE VIERTEL, (1) Who offends against § 44. (2) The accuser who, going before the General, fails to make good his accusation, and is mulct in two viertels. (§ 108). (3) The Beerschisser, who does not cause himself to be fought-out within the proper period, falls under the penalty of § 117. (_b_) THEY ARE CONDEMNED TO BEER-BANISHMENT AND BEER SETTING-FORTH: (1) False witnesses, (§ 81.) (2) Those who disturb the proceedings of the Beer-convention for the fourth time, either by speaking, crying out, singing, or whispering to one another, after silence has been three times commanded. (§§ 87 and 106.) (3) All those who act contrary to § 65. (_c_) THEY ARE CONDEMNED TO THE SETTING OUT OF TWO VIERTELS AND TO BEER-BANISHMENT. (1) The Beer-judges whom the General Beer-convention reproves. (2) He who abuses this Beer-comment, or alters any thing in it. TITULUS IX. OF THE BEER-TABLET. § 136. In every special kneip a Beer-tablet is to be hung up; upon which the names of Beerschisser, Viertel-out-setters, and Accuser-appellants are written, under different rubrics, with addition of their respective dates and quantities. 137. No one may write any thing upon the Beer-tablet, alter, or expunge any thing, who has not received a commission to that purpose, from a beer-judge, an umpire, a president of a beer-commers, or from one who has declared the Beerschisser to be Beer-honourable. 138. He who has received the commission for expunging or writing down, must do this within five minutes: otherwise he is be-thundered in a viertel. He who gives an unauthorized commission falls under the same penalty. But in this case, he who has received the commission to write down or expunge, is not punishable. 139. If any one has received a commission to write down a be-thundered in the Beer-tablet; but the be-thundered declares that he shall appeal to the general Beer-convention, the writer-down must note this by the addition of the two letters B. A. under the name of the be-thundered. So also the writer-down must place in the proper rubric him who has proceeded as accuser before a special Beer-convention, and declare that he will appeal to a General one. 140. Every one who has received a commission to write any one down in the Beer-tablet, has a right to ask the same how he writes his name, whereupon that person must clearly spell it out to him. If the commissioner does not ask the name of the to-be-written-down, or has this person spelt his name out rightly to him, and he yet, in both eases, write it down wrong, he is thereupon be-thundered in a viertel, without in this case the one to-be-written-down being freed from his penalty. But if the to-be-written-down gives him his name wrong, then he falls under the penalty. 141. He who has written down any one with authority on the Beer-tablet, and has written him down wrong, is to be called before a future Special Beer-convention. This Beer-convention has to take care that the fault of him who received the commission be amended. [The remainder of this Beer-Comment is given in the chapter describing a Commers.] FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 1: The author here makes no charge against the great numbers of high-minded and gentlemanly young men who pass through, and confer distinction on, our universities; but, as before observed, alludes only to that class and those parties, which are not only depicted by the Westminster Review, but so fully described by the Editor of the Quarterly Review, in "Reginald Dalton."] [Footnote 2: The term _Rechtspracticant_ implies the commonest, the lowest, and most tedious stage of a statesman's career: in fact, while he is acting as a clerk or pupil in the amtmann's office, he acquires _practical_ knowledge of the administration of justice.] [Footnote 3: The words in the original are "on their Cerevis," a student term, "on their beer;" meaning, in the beer-court, on their honour.] [Footnote 4: Inhabitants of the Marsch.] [Footnote 5: In the Graffschaft Mark.] [Footnote 6: Play on the grandiloquent words of Kotzebue.] [Footnote 7: About a pint.] [Footnote 8: Probably to prevent Kotzebue's retreat.] [Footnote 9: No person in Germany can fill any office in a state, not even that of a postmaster, or captain of police, nor follow any of the high professions, those of law, divinity, and physic, after he has passed his college examinations, and taken his degree, without having undergone another examination before a board expressly appointed by each state.] [Footnote 10: The founder of the Orphan-House.] [Footnote 11: The established word for shirt-collar in Germany is the very odd one of Vater-mörder, literally "Father-killers;" and they are said to have acquired this name from an anecdote manufactured on their first introduction, in order to ridicule their extravagant size and stiffness, as worn by buckish young men. It was said that so large and stiffly-starched had a young student his collar, that when he went home, in rushing to embrace his father, he run him through the neck with the point of it, and killed him on the spot.] [Footnote 12: This word, to suit the air, must be pronounced postilyòn, with a strong accent on the last syllable.] [Footnote 13: Cicero, humorously here thus pronounced, because a party among the classics insist that it was anciently so pronounced.] [Footnote 14: Labours hard, like an ox.] [Footnote 15: As we have no word or short phrase in English to express this German custom, we retain their own term, which means touch your glasses together; their mode of expressing civility, as in our drinking to each other, and used by them on all occasions of festivity and rejoicing, as in giving a health, a vivat, or a toast.] [Footnote 16: The Chore colours.] [Footnote 17: A dandy.] [Footnote 18: While translating this passage, the tidings have come across the river, that a student is shot dead in the wood opposite to my windows behind the Hirsch-gasse, in a duel with pistols.--Tr.] [Footnote 19: In English money, from about three to seven pounds.] [Footnote 20: The bell which it rung at a quarter to eleven at night, at the hearing of which all persons are to evacuate public-houses, and betake themselves home.] [Footnote 21: The university of Heidelberg.] [Footnote 22: The everlasting subject of regret to the merchant in Kotzebue's comedy _Pagen-Streiche_.] [Footnote 23: Because it was the Burschenschaft riband, and therefore a great desecration to be worn by a Knoten.] [Footnote 24: A well known Wirthshouse.] [Footnote 25: A Besom is a girl.] [Footnote 26: The Senior.] [Footnote 27: Schools in which all the real and practical branches of education necessary or advantageous to the business of life, are taught, in contradistinction to the ideal and more ornamental branches, as literature, metaphysics, the more critical prosecution of the classics, etc.] [Footnote 28: These are not to be confounded with common Gewerb-schools, which are merely for mechanics: by keeping in mind the _Higher_ Gewerb-school, the distinction is clear.] [Footnote 29: Right of matriculation in the universities on the ground of the applicant having properly matured his studies in the Gymnasium.] [Footnote 30: Here the learned author undoubtedly alludes to the universal passion for smoking. Germany is truly, in every sense a _piping_ nation.] [Footnote 31: This is translated with the same free defiance of rhyme and metre as distinguishes the original, and which may find plenty of parallels in our own old ballads of the people.] [Footnote 32: States Confederation.] [Footnote 33: Parliament of a State.] [Footnote 34: A slanting cut in the left cheek.] [Footnote 35: Great tun.] [Footnote 36: A tale of Hauff's under that name.] [Footnote 37: See the Special Commers.] [Footnote 38: We have here introduced Körner's idea for the sake of euphony.] [Footnote 39: Touching their glasses. The humorous Schluck says that Schmollis is by some derived from the obsolete word Schmollen--to blow one's-self up, to make one's-self great; that is, before another, by drinking. Schmollen, at the same time means to be angry, to make a face, etc.; meanings, however, which are not to the purpose. Others derive it from the two syllables, Schmal aus (schmalus, schmollis,) equivalent to clean out, that is, the glass to the last drop, as the old song says--"There remains not a nail's proof even within."] [Footnote 40: Remark of the translator of Schluck's Latin. "This is false. No real student does pay his shot."] [Footnote 41: A stick, or rather a cudgel, but a rapier is the most reasonable.] [Footnote 42: Inn.] [Footnote 43: Lateinisch (Latin.)] [Footnote 44: Bürger's Abbot, with the king's three questions. The same legend as the Abbot of Canterbury and King John.] [Footnote 45: The Wirthshaus of Sadler Müller.] [Footnote 46: It is a popular expression in Germany when children are rubbing their eyes, a symptom that they are sleepy and ready for bed--that the Sandman has thrown sand in their eyes.] [Footnote 47: House of the Philistine in which he had lived.] [Footnote 48: Holidays--the vacation.] [Footnote 49: College portfolio, which the student is continually carrying about under his arm. With the exception of the sword, this is one of the most striking descriptions of a student of the present day imaginable.] [Footnote 50: Literally be-thundered.] [Footnote 51: The cause and matter of the challenge, and the business of the strife itself till decided.] [Footnote 52: In the Kneip they drink out of glasses with lids. If the user of a glass as he sits so far lifts up the lid that the next person can pass two fingers under, and cries "abgefasst," "I've caught thee out!" the person is said to be "caught out," and pays a penalty in beer. To avoid this, he must when he lifts his lid, say "ohne abzufassen," "without being liable to be caught out."] [Footnote 53: His agreement with another to thee and thou, and, forgetting it, addresses him as you.] THE END. 
7521	----	THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE AND PROGRESS CONSIDERED AS A PHASE OF THE DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION BY ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY TO MY WIFE FOR THIRTY YEARS BEST OF COMPANIONS IN BOTH WORK AND PLAY PREFACE The present volume, as well as the companion volume of _Readings_, arose out of a practical situation. Twenty-two years ago, on entering Stanford University as a Professor of Education and being given the history of the subject to teach, I found it necessary, almost from the first, to begin the construction of a Syllabus of Lectures which would permit of my teaching the subject more as a phase of the history of the rise and progress of our Western civilization than would any existing text. Through such a study it is possible to give, better than by any other means, that vision of world progress which throws such a flood of light over all our educational efforts. The Syllabus grew, was made to include detailed citations to historical literature, and in 1902 was published in book form. In 1905 a second and an enlarged edition was issued, [1] and these volumes for a time formed the basis for classwork and reading in a number of institutions, and, though now out of print, may still be found in many libraries. At the same time I began the collection of a series of short, illustrative sources for my students to read. It had been my intention, after the publication of the second edition of the Syllabus, to expand the outline into a Text Book which would embody my ideas as to what university students should be given as to the history of the work in which they were engaged. I felt then, and still feel, that the history of education, properly conceived and presented, should occupy an important place in the training of an educational leader. Two things now happened which for some time turned me aside from my original purpose. The first was the publication, late in 1905, of Paul Monroe's very comprehensive and scholarly _Text Book in the History of Education_, and the second was that, with the expansion of the work in education in the university with which I was connected, and the addition of new men to the department, the general history of education was for a time turned over to another to teach. I then began, instead, the development of that introductory course in education, dealing entirely with American educational history and problems, out of which grew my _Public Education in the United States_. The second half of the academic year 1910-11 I acted as visiting Lecturer on the History of Education at both Harvard University and Radcliffe College, and while serving in this capacity I began work on what has finally evolved into the present volume, together with the accompanying book of illustrative _Readings_. Other duties, and a deep interest in problems of school administration, largely engaged my energies and writing time until some three years ago, when, in rearranging courses at the university, it seemed desirable that I should again take over the instruction in the general history of education. Since then I have pushed through, as rapidly as conditions would permit, the organization of the parallel book of sources and documents, and the present volume of text. In doing so I have not tried to prepare another history of educational theories. Of such we already have a sufficient number. Instead, I have tried to prepare a history of the progress and practice and organization of education itself, and to give to such a history its proper setting as a phase of the history of the development and spread of our Western civilization. I have especially tried to present such a picture of the rise, struggle for existence, growth, and recent great expansion of the idea of the improvability of the race and the elevation and emancipation of the individual through education as would be most illuminating and useful to students of the subject. To this end I have traced the great forward steps in the emancipation of the intellect of man, and the efforts to perpetuate the progress made through the organization of educational institutions to pass on to others what had been attained. I have also tried to give a proper setting to the great historic forces which have shaped and moulded human progress, and have made the evolution of modern state school systems and the world-wide spread of Western civilization both possible and inevitable. To this end I have tried to hold to the main lines of the story, and have in consequence omitted reference to many theorists and reformers and events and schools which doubtless were important in their land and time, but the influence of which on the main current of educational progress was, after all, but small. For such omission I have no apology to make. In their place I have introduced a record of world events and forces, not included in the usual history of education, which to me seem important as having contributed materially to the shaping and directing of intellectual and educational progress. While in the treatment major emphasis has been given to modern times, I have nevertheless tried to show how all modern education has been after all a development, a culmination, a flowering-out of forces and impulses which go far back in history for their origin. In a civilization such as we of to-day enjoy, with roots so deeply embedded in the past as is ours, any adequate understanding of world practices and of present-day world problems in education calls for some tracing of development to give proper background and perspective. The rise of modern state school systems, the variations in types found to-day in different lands, the new conceptions of the educational purpose, the rise of science study, the new functions which the school has recently assumed, the world- wide sweep of modern educational ideas, the rise of many entirely new types of schools and training within the past century--these and many other features of modern educational practice in progressive nations are better understood if viewed in the light of their proper historical setting. Standing as we are to-day on the threshold of a new era, and with a strong tendency manifest to look only to the future and to ignore the past, the need for sound educational perspective on the part of the leaders in both school and state is given new emphasis. To give greater concreteness to the presentation, maps, diagrams, and pictures, as commonly found in standard historical works, have been used to an extent not before employed in writings on the history of education. To give still greater concreteness to the presentation I have built up a parallel volume of _Readings_, containing a large collection of illustrative source material designed to back up the historical record of educational development and progress as presented in this volume. The selections have been fully cross-referenced (R. 129; R. 176; etc.) in the pages of the Text. Depending, as I have, so largely on the companion volume for the necessary supplemental readings, I have reduced the chapter bibliographies to a very few of the most valuable and most commonly found references. To add to the teaching value of the book there has been appended to each chapter a series of questions for discussion, bearing on the Text, and another series of questions bearing on the Readings to be found in the companion volume. In this form it is hoped that the Text will be found good in teaching organization; that the treatment may prove to be of such practical value that it will contribute materially to relieve the history of education from much of the criticism which the devotion in the past to the history of educational theory has brought upon it; and that the two volumes which have been prepared may be of real service in restoring the subject to the position of importance it deserves to hold, for mature students of educational practice, as the interpreter of world progress as expressed in one of its highest creative forms. ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY _Stanford University, Cal. September_ 4, 1920 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: THE SOURCES OF OUR CIVILIZATION PART I THE ANCIENT WORLD FOUNDATION ELEMENTS OF OUR WESTERN CIVILIZATION GREECE--ROME--CHRISTIANITY CHAPTER I. THE OLD GREEK EDUCATION I. GREECE AND ITS PEOPLE II. EARLY EDUCATION IN GREECE CHAPTER II. LATER GREEK EDUCATION III. THE NEW GREEK EDUCATION CHAPTER III. THE EDUCATION AND WORK OF ROME I. THE ROMANS AND THEIR MISSION II. THE PERIOD OF HOME EDUCATION III. THE TRANSITION TO SCHOOL EDUCATION IV. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AS FINALLY ESTABLISHED V. ROME'S CONTRIBUTION TO CIVILIZATION CHAPTER IV. THE RISE AND CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY I. THE RISE AND VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY II. EDUCATIONAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH III. WHAT THE MIDDLE AGES STARTED WITH PART II THE MEDIAEVAL WORLD THE DELUGE OF BARBARISM; THE MEDIAEVAL STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE AND REËSTABLISH CIVILIZATION CHAPTER V. NEW PEOPLES IN THE EMPIRE CHAPTER VI. EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES I. CONDITION AND PRESERVATION OF LEARNING CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES I. SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED AND INSTRUCTION PROVIDED CHAPTER VIII. INFLUENCES TENDING TOWARD A REVIVAL OF LEARNING I. MOSLEM LEARNING FROM SPAIN II. THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY III. LAW AND MEDICINE AS NEW STUDIES IV. OTHER NEW INFLUENCES AND MOVEMENTS CHAPTER IX. THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES PART III THE TRANSITION FROM MEDIAEVAL TO MODERN ATTITUDES THE RECOVERY OF THE ANCIENT LEARNING; THE REAWAKENING OF SCHOLARSHIP; AND THE RISE OF RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY CHAPTER X. THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING CHAPTER XI. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING CHAPTER XII. THE REVOLT AGAINST AUTHORITY CHAPTER XIII. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS I. AMONG LUTHERANS AND ANGLICANS CHAPTER XIV. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS II. AMONG CALVINISTS AND CATHOLICS CHAPTER XV. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS III. THE REFORMATION AND AMERICAN EDUCATION CHAPTER XVI. THE RISE OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY CHAPTER XVII. THE NEW SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND THE SCHOOLS I. HUMANISTIC REALISM II. SOCIAL REALISM III. SENSE REALISM IV. REALISM AND THE SCHOOLS CHAPTER XVIII. THEORY AND PRACTICE BY THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY I. PRE-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL THEORIES II. MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS PART IV MODERN TIMES THE ABOLITION OF PRIVILEGE; THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY; A NEW THEORY FOR EDUCATION EVOLVED; THE STATE TAKES OVER THE SCHOOL CHAPTER XIX. THE EIGHTEENTH A TRANSITION CENTURY I. WORK OF THE BENEVOLENT DESPOTS OF CONTINENTAL EUROPE II. THE UNSATISFIED DEMAND FOR REFORM IN FRANCE III. ENGLAND THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC NATION IV. INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN AMERICA V. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION SWEEPS AWAY ANCIENT ABUSES CHAPTER XX. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION I. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE II. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN FRANCE III. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN AMERICA CHAPTER XXI. A NEW THEORY AND SUBJECT-MATTER FOR THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL I. THE NEW THEORY STATED II. GERMAN ATTEMPTS TO WORK OUT A NEW THEORY III. THE WORK AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI IV. REDIRECTION OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHAPTER XXII. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN PRUSSIA I. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION II. A STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM AT LAST CREATED CHAPTER XXIII. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE AND ITALY I. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE II. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ITALY CHAPTER XXIV. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND I. THE CHARITABLE-VOLUNTARY BEGINNINGS II. THE PERIOD OF PHILANTHROPIC EFFORT (1800-33) III. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONAL SYSTEM CHAPTER XXV. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES I. EARLY NATIONAL ATTITUDES AND INTERESTS II. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS III. SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES IV. ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS, AND PROPAGANDA CHAPTER XXVI. THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS I. THE BATTLE FOR TAX SUPPORT II. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA III. THE BATTLE TO MAKE THE SCHOOLS ENTIRELY FREE IV. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH SCHOOL SUPERVISION V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM VI. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM CHAPTER XXVII. EDUCATION BECOMES A GREAT NATIONAL TOOL I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION CHAPTER XXVIII. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PROCESS I. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION II. NEW IDEAS FROM HERBARTIAN SOURCES III. THE KINDERGARTEN, PLAY, AND MANUAL ACTIVITIES IV. THE ADDITION OF SCIENCE STUDY V. SOCIAL MEANING OF THESE CHANGES CHAPTER XXIX. NEW TENDENCIES AND EXPANSIONS I. POLITICAL II. SCIENTIFIC III. VOCATIONAL IV. SOCIOLOGICAL V. THE SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE LIST OF PLATES 1. THE CLOISTERS OF A MONASTERY, NEAR FLORENCE, ITALY 2. THE LIBRARY OF THE CHURCH OF SAINT WALLBERG, AT ZUTPHEN, HOLLAND 3. SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS 4. A LECTURE ON THEOLOGY BY ALBERTUS MAGNUS 5. STRATFORD-ON-AVON GRAMMAR SCHOOL 6. EDUCATIONAL LEADERS IN PROTESTANT GERMANY 7. THE FREE SCHOOL AT HARROW 8. MAP SHOWING THE SPREAD OF JESUIT SCHOOLS IN NORTHERN TERRITORY BY THE YEAR 1725 9. TWO TABLETS ON THE WEST GATEWAY AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY 10. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS (1592-1670) 11. JOHANN HEINRICH PESTALOZZI 12. FELLENBERG'S INSTITUTE AT HOFWYL 13. TWO LEADERS IN THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA 14. FRANCOIS PIERRE GUILLAUME GUIZOT (1787-1874) 15. JOHN POUNDS' RAGGED SCHOOL AT PORTSMOUTH 16. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE VOLUNTARY SCHOOL 17. TWO LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL AWAKENING IN THE UNITED STATES 18. TWO LEADERS IN THE REORGANIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL THEORY LIST OF FIGURES 1. THE GREEK CONCEPTION OF THE WORLD 2. ANCIENT GREECE AND THE AEGEAN WORLD 3. THE CITY-STATE OF ATTICA 4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION OF ATHENS AND ATTICA, ABOUT 430 B.C. 5. A GREEK BOY 6. AN ATHENIAN INSCRIPTION 7. GREEK WRITING-MATERIALS 8. A GREEK COUNTING-BOARD 9. AN ATHENIAN SCHOOL 10. GREEK SCHOOL LESSONS 11. GROUND-PLAN OF THE GYMNASIUM AT EPHESOS, IN ASIA MINOR 12. SOCRATES (469-399 B.C.) 13. EVOLUTION OF THE GREEK UNIVERSITY 14. THE GREEK UNIVERSITY WORLD 15. THE KNOWN WORLD ABOUT 150 A.D. 16. THE EARLY PEOPLES OF ITALY, AND THE EXTENSION OF THE ROMAN POWER 17. THE PRINCIPAL ROMAN ROADS 18. THE GREAT EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 19. A ROMAN FATHER INSTRUCTING HIS SON 20. CATO THE ELDER (234-148 B.C.) 21. ROMAN WRITING-MATERIALS 22. A ROMAN COUNTING-BOARD 23. A ROMAN PRIMARY SCHOOL 24. A ROMAN SCHOOL OF RHETORIC 25. THE ROMAN VOLUNTARY EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, AS FINALLY EVOLVED 26. ORIGIN OF OUR ALPHABET 27. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE END OF THE FOURTH CENTURY 28. A BISHOP 29. A BENEDICTINE MONK, ABBOT, AND ABBESS 30. SHOWING THE FINAL DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE AND THE CHURCH 31. A BODYGUARD OF GERMANS 32. THE GERMAN MIGRATIONS 33. THE KNOWN WORLD IN 800 34. A GERMAN WAR CHIEF 35. ROMANS DESTROYING A GERMAN VILLAGE 36. A PAGE OF THE GOTHIC GOSPELS 37. A TYPICAL MONASTERY OF SOUTHERN EUROPE 38. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF A MEDIEVAL MONASTERY 39. INITIAL LETTER FROM AN OLD MANUSCRIPT 40. A MONK IN A SCRIPTORIUM 41. CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE, AND THE IMPORTANT MONASTERIES OF THE TIME 42. WHERE THE DANES RAVAGED ENGLAND 43. AN OUTER MONASTIC SCHOOL 44. THE MEDIAEVAL SYSTEM OF EDUCATION SUMMARIZED 45. A SCHOOL: A LESSON IN GRAMMAR 46. AN ANGLO-SAXON MAP OF THE WORLD 47. AN EARLY CHURCH MUSICIAN 48. A SQUIRE BEING KNIGHTED 49. A KNIGHT OF THE TIME OF THE FIRST CRUSADE 50. EVOLUTION OF EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES 51. SHOWING CENTERS OF MOSLEM LEARNING 52. ARISTOTLE 53. THE CATHEDRAL OF NOTRE DAME, AT PARIS 54. THE CITY-STATES OF NORTHERN ITALY 55. FRAGMENT FROM THE RECOVERED "DIGEST" OF JUSTINIAN 56. THE FATHER OF MEDICINE, HIPPOCRATES OF COS 57. A PILGRIM OF THE MIDDLE AGES 58. A TYPICAL MEDIAEVAL TOWN (PRUSSIAN) 59. THE EDUCATIONAL PYRAMID 60. TRADE ROUTES AND COMMERCIAL CITIES 61. SHOWING LOCATION OF THE CHIEF UNIVERSITIES FOUNDED BEFORE 1600 62. SEAL OF A DOCTOR, UNIVERSITY OF PARIS 63. NEW COLLEGE, AT OXFORD 64. A LECTURE ON CIVIL LAW BY GUILLAUME BENEDICTI 65. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, IN HOLLAND 66. A UNIVERSITY DISPUTATION 67. A UNIVERSITY LECTURE AND LECTURE ROOM 68. PETRARCH (1304-74) 69. BOCCACCIO (1313-75) 70. DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLES (1424-1511) 71. BOOKCASE AND DESK IN THE MEDICEAN LIBRARY AT FLORENCE 72. TWO EARLY NORTHERN HUMANISTS 73. AN EARLY SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PRESS 74. AN EARLY SPECIMEN OF CAXTON'S PRINTING 75. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO CHRISTIAN EUROPE BEFORE COLUMBUS 76. SAINT ANTONINUS AND HIS SCHOLARS 77. TWO EARLY ITALIAN HUMANIST EDUCATORS 78. GUILLAUME BUDAEUS (1467-1540) 79. COLLÈGE DE FRANCE 80. JOHANN REUCHLIN (1455-1522) 81. JOHANN STURM (1507-89) 82. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS (1467-1536) 83. SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL, LONDON 84. GIGGLESWICK GRAMMAR SCHOOL 85. THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN STUDIES 86. JOHN WYCLIFFE (1320?-84) 87. RELIGIOUS WARFARE IN BOHEMIA 88. SHOWING THE RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS 89. HULDREICH ZWINGLI (1487-1531) 90. JOHN CALVIN (1509-64) 91. A FRENCH PROTESTANT (c. 1600) 92. TWO EARLY VERNACULAR SCHOOLS 93. THE FIRST PAGE OF WYCLIFFE'S BIBLE 94. LUTHER GIVING INSTRUCTION 95. JOHANNES BUGENHAGEN (1485-1558) 96. EVOLUTION OF GERMAN STATE SCHOOL CONTROL 97. A CHAINED BIBLE 98. A FRENCH SCHOOL OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 99. A DUTCH VILLAGE SCHOOL 100. JOHN KNOX (1505?-72) 101. IGNATIUS DE LOYOLA (1491-1556) 102. PLAN OF A JESUIT SCHOOLROOM 103. AN URSULINE 104. A SCHOOL OF LA SALLE AT PARIS, 1688 105. THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS BY 1792 106. TENDENCIES IN EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EUROPE, 1500 TO 1700 107. MAP SHOWING THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA 108. HOMES OF THE PILGRIMS, AND THEIR ROUTE TO AMERICA 109. NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENTS, 1660 110. THE BOSTON LATIN GRAMMAR SCHOOL 111. WHERE YALE COLLEGE WAS FOUNDED 112. AN OLD QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE AND SCHOOL AT LAMPETER, PENNSYLVANIA 113. NICHOLAS KOPERNIK (COPERNICUS) (1473-1543) 114. TYCHO BRAKE (1546-1601) 115. GALILEO GALILEI (1564-1642) 116. SIR ISAAC NEWTON (1642-1727) 117. WILLIAM HARVEY (1578-1657) 118. FRANCIS BACON (1561-1626) 119. THE LOSS AND RECOVERY OF THE SCIENCES 120. RENÉ DESCARTES (1596-1650) 121. FRANCOIS RABELAIS (1483-1553) 122. JOHN MILTON (1608-74) 123. MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE (1533-92) 124. JOHN LOCKE (1632-1704) 125. AN ACADEMIE DES ARMES 126. A SAMPLE PAGE FROM THE "ORBIS PICTUS" 127. PART OF A PAGE FROM A LATIN-ENGLISH EDITION OF THE "VESTIBULUM" 128. AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANCKE (1663-1727) 129. A FRENCH SCHOOL BEFORE THE REVOLUTION 130. A HORN BOOK 131. THE WESTMINSTER CATECHISM 132. THOMAS DILWORTH (?-1780) 133. FRONTISPIECE TO NOAH WEBSTER'S "AMERICAN SPELLING BOOK" 134. TITLE-PAGE OF HODDER'S ARITHMETIC 135. A "CHRISTIAN BROTHERS" SCHOOL 136. AN ENGLISH DAME SCHOOL 137. GRAVEL LANE CHARITY-SCHOOL, SOUTHWARK 138. A CHARITY-SCHOOL GIRL IN UNIFORM 139. A CHARITY-SCHOOL BOY IN UNIFORM 140. ADVERTISEMENT FOR A TEACHER TO LET 141. A SCHOOL WHIPPING-POST 142. AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GERMAN SCHOOL 143. CHILDREN AS MINIATURE ADULTS 144. A PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY 145. FREDERICK THE GREAT 146. MARIA THERESA 147. MONTESQUIEU (1689-1755) 148. TURGOT (1727-81) 149. VOLTAIRE (1694-1778) 150. DIDEROT (1713-84) 151. JOHN WESLEY (1707-82) 152. NATIONALITY OF THE WHITE POPULATION, AS SHOWN BY THE FAMILY NAMES IN THE CENSUS OF 1790 153. THE STATES-GENERAL IN SESSION AT VERSAILLES 154. ROUSSEAU (1712-78) 155. LA CHALOTAIS (1701-83) 156. ROLLAND (1734-93) 157. COUNT DE MIRABEAU (1749-91) 158. TALLEYRAND (1758-1838) 159. CONDORCET (1743-94) 160. THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE 161. LAKANAL (1762-1845) 162. THOMAS JEFFERSON (1743-1826) 163. THE ROUSSEAU MONUMENT AT GENEVA 164. BASEDOW (1723-90) 165. IMMANUEL KANT (1724-1804) 166. THE SCENE OF PESTALOZZI'S LABORS 167. FELLENBERG (1771-1844) 168. THE SCHOOL OF A HANDWORKER 169. THE KINGDOM OF PRUSSIA, 1740-86 170. A GERMAN LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SCHOOL 171. DINTER (1760-1831) 172. DIESTERWEG (1790-1866) 173. THE PRUSSIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED 174. AN OLD FOUNDATION TRANSFORMED 175. COUNT DE FOURCROY (1755-1809) 176. VICTOR COUSIN (1792-1867) 177. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE FRENCH STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM 178. EUROPE IN 1810 179. THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY, SINCE 1848 180. COUNT OF CAVOUR (1810-61) 181. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE ITALIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM 182. A RAGGED-SCHOOL PUPIL 183. ADAM SMITH (1723-90) 184. THE REVEREND T. R. MALTHUS (1766-1834) 185. THE CREATORS OF THE MONITORIAL SYSTEM 186. THE LANCASTRIAN MODEL SCHOOL IN BOROUGH ROAD, SOUTH-WARE, LONDON 187. MONITORS TEACHING READING AT "STATIONS" 188. PROPER MONITORIAL-SCHOOL POSITIONS 189. ROBERT OWEN (1771-1858) 190. LORD BROUGHAM (1778-1868) 191. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE SCHOOL IN 1840 192. EXPENDITURE FROM THE EDUCATION GRANTS, 1839-70 193. LORD T. B. MACAULAY (1800-59) 194. WORK OF THE SCHOOL BOARDS IN PROVIDING SCHOOL ACCOMMODATIONS 195. THE ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AS FINALLY EVOLVED 196. THE FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE BUILT BY THE FREE SCHOOL SOCIETY IN NEW YORK CITY 197. "MODEL" SCHOOL BUILDING OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SOCIETY 198. EVOLUTION OF THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 199. DATES OF THE GRANTING OF FULL MANHOOD SUFFRAGE 200. THE FIRST FREE PUBLIC SCHOOL IN DETROIT 201. THE PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL ELECTIONS OF 1835 202. THE NEW YORK REFERENDUM OF 1850 203. STATUS OF SCHOOL SUPERVISION IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1861 204. A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND ACADEMY 205. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES 206. THE FIRST HIGH SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES 207. HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860 208. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ESTABLISHED BY 1860 209. THE AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL LADDER 210. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF DENMARK 211. THE PROGRESS OF LITERACY IN EUROPE BY THE CLOSE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 212. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 213. THE JAPANESE TWO-CLASS SCHOOL SYSTEM 214. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL LADDER 215. BARON JUSTUS VON LIEBIG (1803-73) 216. CHARLES DARWIN (1809-82) 217. LOUIS PASTEUR (1822-95) 218. MAN POWER BEFORE THE DAYS OF STEAM 219. THRESHING WHEAT A CENTURY AGO 220. A CITY WATER-SUPPLY, ABOUT 1830 221. THE GREAT TRADE ROUTES OF THE MODERN WORLD 222. AN EXAMPLE OF THE SHIFTING OF OCCUPATIONS 223. THE PHILIPPINE SCHOOL SYSTEM 224. THE FIRST MODERN NORMAL SCHOOL 225. TEACHER-TRAINING IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860 226. EVOLUTION OF THE ELEMENTARY-SCHOOL CURRICULUM, AND OF METHODS OF TEACHING 227. AN "USHER" AND HIS CLASS 228. REDIRECTED MANUAL TRAINING 229. HERBERT SPENCER (1820-1903) 230. THOMAS H. HUXLEY (1825-95) 231. A REORGANIZED KINDERGARTEN 232. THE PEKING UNION MEDICAL COLLEGE 233. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TRADES IN MODERN INDUSTRY 234. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF AMERICAN CHILDREN, FOURTEEN TO TWENTY YEARS OF AGE 235. ABBÉ DE L'ÉPÉE (1712-89) 236. THE REVEREND THOMAS H. GALLAUDET TEACHING THE DEAF AND DUMB 237. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS MAINTAINED BY THE STATE 238. KARL GEORG VON RAUMER (1783-1865) 239. THE ESTABLISHED AND EXPERIMENTAL NATIONS OF EUROPE 240. THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE FUTURE GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY In addition to the List of Readings and the Supplemental References given in the chapter bibliographies, the following works, not cited in the chapter bibliographies, will be found in most libraries and may be consulted, on all points to which they are likely to apply, for additional material: I. GENERAL HISTORIES OF EDUCATION 1. Davidson, Thomas. _History of Education_. 292 pp. New York, 1900. Good on the interpretation of the larger movements of history. *2. Monroe, Paul. _Text Book in the History of Education_. 772 pp. New York, 1905. Our most complete and scholarly history of education. This volume should be consulted freely. See analytical table of contents. 3. Munroe, Jas. P. _The Educational Ideal_. 262 pp. Boston, 1895. Contains very good short chapters on the educational reformers. *4. Graves, F. P. _A History of Education_. 3 vols. New York, 1909- 13. Vol. I. _Before the Middle Ages_. 304 pp. Vol. II. _During the Middle Ages_. 314 pp. Vol. III. _In Modern Times_. 410 pp. These volumes contain valuable supplementary material, and good chapter bibliographies. 5. Hart, J. K. _Democracy in Education_. 418 pp. New York, 1918. An interpretation of educational progress. 6. Quick, R. H. _Essays on Educational Reformers_. 508 pp. 2d ed., New York, 1890. A series of well-written essays on the work of the theorists in education since the time of the Renaissance. *7. Parker, S. C. _The History of Modern Elementary Education_. 506 pp. Boston, 1912. An excellent treatise on the development of the theory for our modern elementary school, with some good descriptions of modern practice. II. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES OF EDUCATION 1. Cubberley, E. P. _Syllabus of Lectures on the History of Education_. 358 pp. New York. First ed., 1902; 2d ed., 1905. Gives detailed and classified bibliographies for all phases of the subject. Now out of print, but may be found in most normal school and college libraries, and many public libraries. III. CYCLOPAEDIAS *1. Monroe, Paul, Editor. _Cyclopedia of Education_. 5 vols. New York, 1911-13. The most important Cyclopaedia of Education in print. Contains excellent articles on all historical points and events, with good selected bibliographies. A work that should be in all libraries, and freely consulted in using this Text. Its historical articles are too numerous to cite in the chapter bibliographies, but, due to the alphabetical arrangement and good cross-referencing, they may be found easily. *2. _Encylopaedia Britannica_. 11th ed., 29 vols. Cambridge, 1910-11. Contains numerous important articles on all types of historical topics, and excellent biographical sketches. Should be consulted freely in using this Text. IV. MAGAZINES *1. Barnard's _American Journal of Education_. Edited by Henry Barnard. 31 vols. Hartford, 1855-81. Reprinted, Syracuse, 1902. _Index_ to the 31 vols. published by the United States Bureau of Education, Washington, 1892. A wonderful mine of all kinds of historical and educational information, and should be consulted freely on all points relating to European or American educational history. In the chapter bibliographies, as above, the most important references are indicated with an asterisk (*). THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION INTRODUCTION THE SOURCES OF OUR CIVILIZATION The Civilization which we of to-day enjoy is a very complex thing, made up of many different contributions, some large and some small, from people in many different lands and different ages. To trace all these contributions back to their sources would be a task impossible of accomplishment, and, while specific parts would be interesting, for our purposes they would not be important. Especially would it not be profitable for us to attempt to trace the development of minor features, or to go back to the rudimentary civilizations of primitive peoples. The early development of civilization among the Chinese, the Hindoos, the Persians, the Egyptians, or the American Indians all alike present features which to some form a very interesting study, but our western civilization does not go back to these as sources, and consequently they need not concern us in the study we are about to begin. While we have obtained the alphabet from the Phoenicians and some of our mathematical and scientific developments through the medium of the Mohammedans, the real sources of our present-day civilization lie elsewhere, and these minor sources will be referred to but briefly and only as they influenced the course of western progress. The civilization which we now know and enjoy has come down to us from four main sources. The Greeks, the Romans, and the Christians laid the foundations, and in the order named, and the study of the early history of our western civilization is a study of the work and the blending of these three main forces. It is upon these three foundation stones, superimposed upon one another, that our modern European and American civilization has been developed. The Germanic tribes, overrunning the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries, added another new force of largest future significance, and one which profoundly modified all subsequent progress and development. To these four main sources we have made many additions in modern times, building an entirely new superstructure on the old foundations, but the groundwork of our civilization is composed of these four foundation elements. For these reasons a history of even modern education almost of necessity goes back, briefly at least, to the work and contributions of these ancient peoples. Starting, then, with the work of the Greeks, we shall state briefly the contributions to the stream of civilization which have come down to us from each of the important historic peoples or groups or forces, and shall trace the blending and assimilating processes of the centuries. While describing briefly the educational institutions and ideas of the different peoples, we shall be far less concerned, as we progress down the centuries, with the educational and philosophical theories advanced by thinkers among them than with what was actually done, and with the lasting contributions which they made to our educational practices and to our present-day civilization. The work of Greece lies at the bottom and, in a sense, was the most important of all the earlier contributions to our education and civilization. These people, known as Hellenes, were the pioneers of western civilization. Their position in the ancient world is well shown on the map reproduced opposite. To the East lay the older political despotisms, with their caste-type and intellectually stagnant organization of society, and to the North and West a little-known region inhabited by barbarian tribes. It was in such a world that our western civilization had its birth. These Greeks, and especially the Athenian Greeks, represented an entirely new spirit in the world. In place of the repression of all individuality, and the stagnant conditions of society that had characterized the civilizations before them, they developed a civilization characterized by individual freedom and opportunity, and for the first time in world history a premium was placed on personal and political initiative. In time this new western spirit was challenged by the older eastern type of civilization. Long foreseeing the danger, and in fear of what might happen, the little Greek States had developed educational systems in part designed to prepare their citizens for what might come. Finally, in a series of memorable battles, the Greeks, led by Athens, broke the dread power of the Persian name and made the future of this new type of civilization secure. At Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea the fate of our western civilization trembled in the balance. Now followed the great creative period in Greek life, during which the Athenian Greeks matured and developed a literature, philosophy, and art which were to be enjoyed not only by themselves, but by all western peoples since their time. In these lines of culture the world will forever remain debtor to this small but active and creative people. [Illustration: FIG. I. THE EARLY GREEK CONCEPTION OF THE WORLD The World according to Hecataeus, a geographer of Miletus, Asia Minor. Hecataeus was the first Greek traveler and geographer. The map dates from about 500 B.C.] The next great source of our western civilization was the work of Rome. Like the Greeks, the Romans also occupied a peninsula jutting southward into the Mediterranean, but in most respects they were far different in type. Unlike the active, imaginative, artistic, and creative Greeks, the Romans were a practical, concrete, unimaginative, and executive people. Energy, personality, and executive power were in greatest demand among them. The work of Rome was political, governmental, and legal--not artistic or intellectual. Rome was strong where Greece was weak, and weak where Greece was strong. As a result the two peoples supplemented one another well in laying the foundations for our western civilization. The conquests of Greece were intellectual; those of Rome legal and governmental. Rome absorbed and amalgamated the whole ancient world into one Empire, to which she gave a common language, dress, manners, religion, literature, and political and legal institutions. Adopting Greek learning and educational practices as her own, she spread them throughout the then-known world. By her political organization she so fixed Roman ideas as to law and government throughout the Empire that Christianity built firmly on the Roman foundations, and the German barbarians, who later swept over the Empire, could neither destroy nor obliterate them. The Roman conquest of the world thus decisively influenced the whole course of western history, spread and perpetuated Greek ideas, and ultimately saved the world from a great disaster. To Rome, then, we are indebted most of all for ideas as to government, and for the introduction of law and order into an unruly world. In all the intervening centuries between ancient Rome and ourselves, and in spite of many wars and repeated onslaughts of barbarism, Roman governmental law still influences and guides our conduct, and this influence is even yet extending to other lands and other peoples. We are also indebted to Rome for many practical skills and for important engineering knowledge, which was saved and passed on to Western Europe through the medium of the monks. On the other side of the picture, the recent great World War, with all its awful destruction of life and property, and injury to the orderly progress of civilization, may be traced directly to the Roman idea of world empire and the sway of one imperial government, imposing its rule and its culture on the rest of mankind. Into this Roman Empire, united and made one by Roman arms and government, came the first of the modern forces in the ancient world--that of Christianity--the third great foundation element in our western civilization. Embracing in its early development many Greek philosophical ideas, building securely on the Roman governmental organization, and with its new message for a decaying world, Christianity forms the connecting link between the ancient and modern civilizations. Taking the conception of one God which the Jewish tribes of the East had developed, Christianity changed and expanded this in such a way as to make it a dominant idea in the world. Exalting the teachings of the fatherhood of God, the brotherhood of man, the future life, and the need for preparation for a hereafter, Christianity introduced a new type of religion and offered a new hope to the poor and oppressed of the ancient world. In so doing a new ethical force of first importance was added to the effective energies of mankind, and a basis for the education of all was laid, for the first time, in the history of the world. Christianity came at just the right time not only to impart new energy and hopefulness to a decadent ancient civilization, but also to meet, conquer, and in time civilize the barbarian hordes from the North which overwhelmed the Roman Empire. A new and youthful race of German barbarians now appeared upon the scene, with resulting ravage and destruction, and anarchy and ignorance, and long centuries ensued during which ancient civilization fell prey to savage violence and superstition. Progress ceased in the ancient world. The creative power of antiquity seemed exhausted. The digestive and assimilative powers of the old world seemed gone. Greek was forgotten. Latin was corrupted. Knowledge of the arts and sciences was lost. Schools disappeared. Only the Christian Church remained to save civilization from the wreck, and it, too, was almost submerged in the barbaric flood. It took ten centuries partially to civilize, educate, and mould into homogeneous units this heterogeneous horde of new peoples. During this long period it required the strongest energies of the few who understood to preserve the civilization of the past for the enjoyment and use of a modern world. Yet these barbarian Germans, great as was the havoc they wrought at first, in time contributed much to the stream of our modern civilization. They brought new conceptions of individual worth and freedom into a world thoroughly impregnated with the ancient idea of the dominance of the State over the individual. The popular assembly, an elective king, and an independent and developing system of law were contributions of first importance which these peoples brought. The individual man and not the State was, with them, the important unit in society. In the hands of the Angles and Saxons, particularly, but also among the Celts, Franks, Helvetii, and Belgae, this idea of individual freedom and of the subordination of the State to the individual has borne large fruit in modern times in the self-governing States of France, Switzerland, Belgium, England and the English self-governing dominions, and in the United States of America. After much experimenting it now seems certain that the Anglo- Saxon type of self-government, as developed first in England and further expanded in the United States, seems destined to be the type of government in future to rule the world. It took Europe almost ten centuries to recover from the effects of the invasion of barbarism which the last two centuries of the Roman Empire witnessed, to save itself a little later from Mohammedan conquest, and to pick up the lost threads of the ancient life and begin again the work of civilization. Finally, however, this was accomplished, largely as a result of the labor of monks and missionaries. The barbarians were in time induced to settle down to an agricultural life, to accept Christianity in name at least, and to yield a more or less grudging obedience to monk and priest that they might thereby escape the torments of a world to come. Slowly the monasteries and the churches, aided here and there by far- sighted kings, worked at the restoration of books and learning, and finally, first in Italy, and later in the nations evolved from the tribes that had raided the Empire, there came a period of awakening and rediscovery which led to the development of the early university foundations, a wonderful revival of ancient learning, a great expansion of men's thoughts, a great religious awakening, a wonderful period of world exploration and discovery, the founding of new nations in new lands, the reawakening of the spirit of scientific inquiry, the rise of the democratic spirit, and the evolution of our modern civilization. By the end of the eleventh century it was clear that the long battle for the preservation of civilization had been won, but it was not until the fourteenth century that the Revival of Learning in Italy gave clear evidence of the rise of the modern spirit. By the year 1500 much had been accomplished, and the new modern questioning spirit of the Italian Revival was making progress in many directions. Most of the old learning had been recovered; the printing-press had been invented, and was at work multiplying books; the study of Greek and Hebrew had been revived in the western world; trade and commerce had begun; the cities and the universities which had arisen had become centers of a new life; a new sea route to India had been found and was in use; Columbus had discovered a new world; the Church was more tolerant of new ideas than it had been for centuries; and thought was being awakened in the western world to a degree that had not taken place since the days of ancient Rome. The world seemed about ready for rapid advances in many directions, and great progress in learning, education, government, art, commerce, and invention seemed almost within its grasp. Instead, there soon opened the most bitter and vindictive religious conflict the world has ever known; western Christian civilization was torn asunder; a century of religious warfare ensued; and this was followed by other centuries of hatred and intolerance and suspicion awakened by the great conflict. Still, out of this conflict, though it for a time checked the orderly development of civilization, much important educational progress was ultimately to come. In promulgating the doctrine that the authority of the Bible in religious matters is superior to the authority of the Church, the basis for the elementary school for the masses of the people, and in consequence the education of all, was laid. This meant the creation of an entirely new type of school--the elementary, for the masses, and taught in the native tongue--to supplement the Latin secondary schools which had been an outgrowth of the revival of ancient learning, and the still earlier cathedral and monastery schools of the Church. The modern elementary vernacular school may then be said to be essentially a product of the Protestant Reformation. This is true in a special sense among those peoples which embraced some form of the Lutheran or Calvinistic faiths. These were the Germans, Moravians, Swedes, Norwegians, Finns, Danes, Dutch, Walloons, Swiss, Scotch, Scotch-Irish, French Huguenots, and the English Puritans. As the Renaissance gave a new emphasis to the development of secondary schools by supplying them with a large amount of new subject-matter and a new motive, so the Reformation movement gave a new motive for the education of children not intended for the service of the State or the Church, and the development of elementary vernacular schools was the result. Only in England, of all the revolting countries, did this Protestant conception as to the necessity of education for salvation fail to take deep root, with the result that elementary education in England awaited the new political and social and industrial impulses of the latter half of the nineteenth century for its real development. The rise of the questioning and inferring spirit in the Italian Renaissance marked the beginnings of the transition from mediaeval to modern attitudes, and one of the most important outgrowths of this was the rise of scientific inquiry which in time followed. This meant the application of human reason to the investigation of the phenomena of nature, with all that this eventually implied. This, slowly to be sure, turned the energies of mankind in a new direction, led to the substitution of inquiry and patient experimentation for assumption and disputation, and in time produced a scientific and industrial revolution which has changed the whole nature of the older problems. The scientific spirit has to-day come to dominate all lines of human thinking, and the applications of scientific principles have, in the past century, completely changed almost all the conditions surrounding human life. Applied to education, this new spirit has transformed the instruction and the methods of the schools, led to the creation of entirely new types of educational institutions, and introduced entirely new aims and methods and purposes into the educational process. From inquiry into religious matters and inquiry into the phenomena of nature, it was but a short and a natural step to inquiry into the nature and functions of government. This led to a critical questioning of the old established order, the rise of new types of intellectual inquiry, the growth of a consciousness of national problems, and the bringing to the front of questions of political interest to a degree unknown since the days of ancient Rome. The eighteenth century marks, in these directions, a sharp turning-point in human thinking, and the end of mediaevalism and the ushering in of modern forms of intellectual liberty. The eighteenth century, too, witnessed a culmination of a long series of progressive changes which had been under way for centuries, and the flood time of a slowly but steadily rising tide of protest against the enslavement of the intellect and the limitation of natural human liberties by either Church or State. The flood of individualism which characterized the second half of the eighteenth century demanded outlet, and, denied, it rose and swept away ancient privileges, abuses, and barriers--religious, intellectual, social, and political--and opened the way for the marked progress in all lines which characterized the nineteenth century. Out of this new spirit was to come the American and the French Revolutions, the establishment of constitutional liberty and religious freedom, the beginnings of the abolition of privilege, the rise of democracy, a great extension of educational advantages, and the transfer of the control of the school from the Church to the State that the national welfare might be better promoted thereby. Now arose the modern conception of the school as the great constructive instrument of the State, and a new individual and national theory as to both the nature and the purpose of education was advanced. Schools were declared to be essentially civil affairs; their purpose was asserted to be to promote the common welfare and advance the interests of the political State; ministers of education began to be appointed by the State to take over and exercise control; the citizen supplanted the ecclesiastic in the organization of education and the supervision of classroom teaching; the instruction in the school was changed in direction, and in time vastly broadened in scope; and the education of all now came to be conceived of as a birthright of the child of every citizen. Since the middle of the nineteenth century a great world movement for the realization of these new aims, through the taking-over of education from religious bodies and the establishment of state-controlled school systems, has taken place. This movement is still going on. Beginning in the nations which were earliest in the front of the struggle to preserve and extend what was so well begun by little Greece and Imperial Rome, the state- control conception of education has, in the past three quarters of a century, spread to every continent on the globe. For ages a Church and private affair, of no particular concern to government and of importance to but a relatively small number of the people, education has to-day become, with the rise and spread of modern ideas as to human freedom, political equality, and industrial progress, a prime essential to the maintenance of good government and the promotion of national welfare, and it is now so recognized by progressive nations everywhere. With the spread of the state-control idea as to education have also gone western ideas as to government, human rights, social obligations, political equality, pure and applied science, trade, industry, transportation, intellectual and moral improvement, and humanitarian influences which are rapidly transforming and modernizing not only less progressive western nations, but ancient civilizations as well, and along the lines so slowly and so painfully worked out by the inheritors of the conceptions of human freedom first thought out in little Greece, and those of political equality and government under law so well worked out by ancient Rome, Western civilization thus promises to become the dominant force in world civilization and human progress, with general education as its agent and greatest constructive force. Such is a brief outline sketch of the history of the rise and spread and progress of our western civilization, as expressed in the history of the progress of education, and as we shall trace it in much more detail in the chapters which are to follow. The road that man has traveled from the days when might made right, and when children had no claims which the State or parents were bound to respect, to a time when the child is regarded as of first importance, and adults represented in the State declare by law that the child shall be protected and shall have abundant educational advantages, is a long road and at times a very crooked one. Its ups and downs and forward movements have been those of the progress of the race, and in consequence a history of educational progress must be in part a history of the progress of civilization itself. Human civilization, though, represents a more or less orderly evolution, and the education of man stands as one of the highest expressions of a belief in the improvability of the race of which mankind is capable. It is such a development that we propose to trace, and, having now sketched the broader outlines of the treatment, we next turn to a filling- in of the details, and begin with the Ancient World and the first foundation element as found in the little City-States of ancient Greece. PART I THE ANCIENT WORLD THE FOUNDATION ELEMENTS OF OUR WESTERN CIVILIZATION GREECE--ROME--CHRISTIANITY CHAPTER I THE OLD GREEK EDUCATION I. GREECE AND ITS PEOPLE THE LAND. Ancient Greece, or Hellas as the Greeks called their homeland, was but a small country. The map given below shows the Aegean world superimposed on the States of the old Northwest Territory, from which it may be seen that the Greek mainland was a little less than half as large as the State of Illinois. Greece proper was about the size of the State of West Virginia, but it was a much more mountainous land. No spot in Greece was over forty miles from the sea. Attica, where a most wonderful intellectual life arose and flourished for centuries, and whose contributions to civilization were the chief glory of Greece, was smaller than two average-size Illinois counties, and about two thirds the size of the little State of Rhode Island. [1] The country was sparsely populated, except in a few of the City-States, and probably did not, at its most prosperous period, contain much more than a million and a half of people-- citizens, foreigners, and slaves included. [Illustration: FIG. 2. ANCIENT GREECE AND THE AEGEAN WORLD Superimposed on the East-North-Central Group of American States, to show relative size. Dotted lines indicate the boundaries of the American States--Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, etc. All of Greece will be seen to be a little less than half the size of the State of Illinois, the Aegean Sea about the size of the State of Indiana, and Attica not quite so large as two average-size Illinois counties.] The land was rough and mountainous, and deeply indented by the sea. The climate and vegetation were not greatly unlike the climate and vegetation of Southern California. Pine and fir on the mountain-slopes, and figs, olives, oranges, lemons, and grapes on the hillsides and plains below, were characteristic of the land. Fishing, agriculture, and the raising of cattle and sheep were the important industries. A temperate, bracing climate, short, mild winters, and a long, dry summer gave an opportunity for the development of this wonderful civilization. Like Southern California or Florida in winter, it was essentially an out-of-doors country. The high mountains to the rear, the sun-steeped skies, and the brilliant sea in front were alike the beauty of the land and the inspiration of the people. Especially was this true of Attica, which had the seashore, the plain, the high mountains, and everywhere magnificent views through an atmosphere of remarkable clearness. A land of incomparable beauty and charm, it is little wonder that the Greek citizen, and the Athenian in particular, took pride in and loved his country, and was willing to spend much time in preparing himself to govern and defend it. THE GOVERNMENT. Politically, Greece was composed of a number of independent City-States of small size. They had been settled by early tribes, which originally held the land in common. Attica, with its approximately seven hundred square miles of territory, was an average-size City-State. The central city, the surrounding farming and grazing lands, and the coastal regions all taken together, formed the State, the citizens of which--city-residents, farmers, herdsmen, and fishermen--controlled the government. There were in all some twenty of these City-States in mainland Greece, the most important of which were Attica, of which Athens was the central city; Laconia, of which Sparta was the central city; and Boeotia, of which Thebes was the central city. Some of the States developed democracies, of which class Athens became the most notable example, while some were governed as oligarchies. Of all the different States but few played any conspicuous part in the history of Greece. Of these few Attica stands clearly above them all as the leader in thought and art and the most progressive in government. Here, truly, was a most wonderful people, and it is with Attica that the student of the history of education is most concerned. The best of all Greece was there. [Illustration: FIG. 3. THE CITY-STATE OF ATTICA] The little City-States of Greece, as has just been said, were independent States, just like modern nations. While all the Greeks regarded themselves as tribes of a single family, descended from a common ancestor, Hellen, and the bonds of a common race, language, and religion tended to unite them into a sort of brotherhood, the different City-States were held apart by their tribal origins, by narrow political sympathies, and by petty laws. A citizen of one city, for example, was an alien in another, and could not hold property or marry in a city not his own. Such attitudes and laws were but natural, the time and age considered. Sometimes, in case of great danger, as at the time of the Persian invasions (492-479 B.C.), a number of the States would combine to form a defensive league; at other times they made war on one another. The federal principle, such as we know it in the United States in our state and national governments, never came into play. At different times Athens, Sparta, and Thebes aspired to the leadership of Greece and tried to unite the little States into a Hellenic Nation, but the mutual jealousies and the extreme individualism of the people, coupled with the isolation of the States and the difficulties of intercommunication through the mountain passes, stood in the way of any permanent union. [2] What Rome later accomplished with relative ease and on a large scale, Greece was unable to do on even a small scale. A lack of capacity to unite for coöperative undertakings seemed to be a fatal weakness of the Greek character. THE PEOPLE. The Greeks were among the first of the European peoples to attain to any high degree of civilization. Their story runs back almost to the dawn of recorded history. As early as 3500 B.C. they were in an advanced stone age, and by 2500 B.C. had reached the age of bronze. The destruction of Homer's Troy dates back to 1200 B.C., and the Homeric poems to 1100 B.C., while an earlier Troy (Schliemann's second city) goes back to 2400 B.C. This history concerns the mainland of Asia Minor. By 1000 B.C. the southern peninsula of Greece had been colonized, between 900 and 800 B.C. Attica and other portions of upper Greece had been settled, and by 650 B.C. Greek colonization had extended to many parts of the Mediterranean. [3] The lower part of the Greek peninsula, known as Laconia, was settled by the Dorian branch of the Greek family, a practical, forceful, but a wholly unimaginative people. Sparta was their most important city. To the north were the Ionic Greeks, a many-sided and a highly imaginative people. Athens was their chief city. In the settlement of Laconia the Spartans imposed themselves as an army of occupation on the original inhabitants, whom they compelled to pay tribute to them, and established a military monarchy in southern Greece. The people of Attica, on the other hand, absorbed into their own body the few earlier settlers of the Attic plain. They also established a monarchy, but, being a people more capable of progress, this later evolved into a democracy. The people of Attica were in consequence a somewhat mixed race, which possibly in part accounts for their greater intellectual ability and versatility. [4] It accounts, though, only in part. Climate, beautiful surroundings, and contact with the outside world probably also contributed something, but the real basis underneath was the very superior quality of the people of Attica. In some way, just how we do not know, these people came to be endowed with a superior genius and the rather unusual ability to make those progressive changes in living and government which enabled them to make the most of their surroundings and opportunities, and to advance while others stood still. Far more than other Greeks, the people of Attica were imaginative, original, versatile, adaptable, progressive, endowed with rare mental ability, keenly sensitive to beauty in nature and art, and possessed of a wonderful sense of proportion and a capacity for moderation in all things. Only on such an assumption can we account for their marvelous achievements in art, philosophy, literature, and science at this very early period in the development of the civilization of the world. CLASSES IN THE POPULATION. Greece, as was the ancient world in general, was built politically on the dominant power of a ruling class. In consequence, all of course could not become citizens of the State, even after a democracy had been evolved. Citizenship came with birth and proper education, and, before 509 B.C., foreigners were seldom admitted to privileges in the State. Only a male citizen might hold office, protect himself in the courts, own land, or attend the public assemblies. Only a citizen, too, could participate in the religious festivals and rites, for religion was an affair of the ruling families of the State. In consequence, family, religion, and citizenship were all bound up together, and education and training were chiefly for citizenship and religious (moral) ends. Even more, citizenship everywhere in the earlier period was a degree to be attained to only after proper education and preliminary military and political training. This not only made some form of education necessary, but confined educational advantages to male youths of proper birth. There was of course no purpose in educating any others. [5] From Figure 4 it will be seen what a small percentage of the total population this included. Education in Greece was essentially the education of the children of the ruling class to perpetuate the rule of that class. Attica almost alone among the Greek States adopted anything approaching a liberal attitude toward the foreign-born; in Sparta, and generally elsewhere in Greece, they were looked upon with deep suspicion. As a result most of the foreign residents of Greece were to be found in Athens, or its neighboring port city (the Piraeus), attracted there by the hospitality of the people and the intellectual or commercial advantages of these cities. After Athens had become the center of world thought, many foreigners took up their residence in the city because of the importance of its intellectual life. Foreigners, though, they remained up to 509 B.C. (See page 40.) Only rarely before this date, and then only for some conspicuous act of patriotism, and by special vote of the citizens, was a foreigner admitted to citizenship. Unlike Rome, which received those of alien birth freely into its citizenship, and opened up to them large opportunities of every kind, the Greeks persistently refused to assimilate the foreign-born. Regarding themselves as a superior people, descended from the gods, they held themselves apart rather exclusively as above other peoples. This kept the blood pure, but, from the standpoint of world usefulness, it was a serious defect in Greek life. [6] Beneath both citizens and foreign residents was a great foundation mass of working slaves, who rendered all types of menial and intellectual services. Sailors, household servants, field workers, clerks in shops and offices, accountants, and pedagogues were among the more common occupations of slaves in Greece. Many of these had been citizens and learned men of other City-States or countries, but had been carried off as captives in some war. This was a common practice in the ancient world, slavery being the lot of alien conquered people almost without exception. The composition of Attica, just before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War (431 B.C.) is shown in Figure 4. The great number of slaves and foreigners is clearly seen, even though the citizenship had by this time been greatly extended. In Sparta and in other City-States somewhat similar conditions prevailed as to numbers [7] but there the slaves (Helots) occupied a lower status than in Athens, being in reality serfs, tied to and being sold with the land, and having no rights which a citizen was bound to respect. [Illustration: FIG. 4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION OF ATHENS AND ATTICA, ABOUT 430 B.C. (After Gulick)] Education, then, being only for the male children of citizens, and citizenship a degree to be attained to on the basis of education and training, let us next see in what that education consisted, and what were its most prominent characteristics and results. II. EARLY EDUCATION IN GREECE Some form of education that would train the son of the citizen for participation in the religious observances and duties of a citizen of the State, and would prepare the State for defense against outward enemies, was everywhere in Greece recognized as a public necessity, though its provision, nature, and extent varied in the different City-States. We have clear information only as to Sparta and Athens, and will consider only these two as types. Sparta is interesting as representing the old Greek tribal training, from which Sparta never progressed. Many of the other Greek City-States probably maintained a system of training much like that of Sparta. Such educational systems stand as undesirable examples of extreme state socialism, contributed little to our western civilization, and need not detain us long. It was Athens, and a few other City-States which followed her example, which presented the best of Greece and passed on to the modern world what was most valuable for civilization. 1. _Education in Sparta_ THE PEOPLE. The system of training which was maintained in Sparta was in part a reflection of the character of the people, and in part a result of its geographical location. A warlike people by nature, the Spartans were for long regarded as the ablest fighters in Greece. Laconia, their home, was a plain surrounded by mountains. They represented but a small percentage of the total population, which they held in subjection to them by their military power. [8] The slaves (Helots) were often troublesome, and were held in check by many kinds of questionable practices. Education for citizenship with the Spartans meant education for usefulness in an intensely military State, where preparedness was a prerequisite to safety. Strength, courage, endurance, cunning, patriotism, and obedience were the virtues most highly prized, while the humane, literary, and artistic sentiments were neglected (R. I). Aristotle well expressed it when he said that "Sparta prepared and trained for war, and in peace rusted like a sword in its scabbard." THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. At birth the child was examined by a council of elders (R. I), and if it did not appear to be a promising child it was exposed to die in the mountains. If kept, the mother had charge of the child until seven if a boy, and still longer if a girl. At the beginning of the eighth year, and until the boy reached the age of eighteen, he lived in a public barrack, where he was given little except physical drill and instruction in the Spartan virtues. His food and clothing were scant and his bed hard. Each older man was a teacher. Running, leaping, boxing, wrestling, military music, military drill, ball-playing, the use of the spear, fighting, stealing, and laconic speech and demeanor constituted the course of study. From eighteen to twenty was spent in professional training for war, and frequently the youth was publicly whipped to develop his courage and endurance. For the next ten years--that is, until he was thirty years old--he was in the army at some frontier post. At thirty the young man was admitted to full citizenship and compelled to marry, though continuing to live at the public barrack and spending his energies in training boys (R. 1). Women and girls were given gymnastic training to make them strong and capable of bearing strong children. The family was virtually suppressed in the interests of defense and war. [9] The intellectual training consisted chiefly in committing to memory the Laws of Lycurgus, learning a few selections from Homer, and listening to the conversation of the older men. As might naturally be supposed, Sparta contributed little of anything to art, literature, science, philosophy, or government. She left to the world some splendid examples of heroism, as for example the sacrifice of Leonidas and his Spartans to hold the pass at Thermopylae, and a warning example of the brutalizing effect on a people of excessive devotion to military training. It is a pleasure to turn from this dark picture to the wonderful (for the time) educational system that was gradually developed at Athens. 2. _The old Athenian education_ SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. Athenian education divides itself naturally into two divisions--the old Athenian training which prevailed up to about the time of the close of the Persian Wars (479 B.C.) and was an outgrowth of earlier tribal observances and practices, and later Athenian education, which characterized the period of maximum greatness of Athens and afterward. We shall describe these briefly, in order. The state military socialism of Sparta made no headway in more democratic Attica. The citizens were too individualistic, and did their own thinking too well to permit the establishment of any such plan. While education was a necessity for citizenship, and the degree could not be obtained without it, the State nevertheless left every citizen free to make his own arrangements for the education of his sons, or to omit such education if he saw fit. Only instruction in reading, writing, music, and gymnastics were required. If family pride, and the sense of obligation of a parent and a citizen were not sufficient to force the father to educate his son, the son was then by law freed from the necessity of supporting his father in his old age. The State supervised education, but did not establish it. The teachers were private teachers, and derived their livelihood from fees. These naturally varied much with the kind of teacher and the wealth of the parent, much as private lessons in music or dancing do to-day. As was common in antiquity, the teachers occupied but a low social position (R. 5), and only in the higher schools of Athens was their standing of any importance. Greek literature contains many passages which show the low social status of the schoolmaster. [10] Schools were open from dawn to dark. The school discipline was severe, the rod being freely used both in the school and in the home. There were no Saturday and Sunday holidays or long vacations, such as we know, but about ninety festival and other state holidays served to break the continuity of instruction (R. 3). The schoolrooms were provided by the teachers, and were wholly lacking in teaching equipment, in any modern sense of the term. However, but little was needed. The instruction was largely individual instruction, the boy coming, usually in charge of an old slave known as a _pedagogue_, to receive or recite his lessons. The teaching process was essentially a telling and a learning-by-heart procedure. For the earlier years there were two schools which boys attended--the music and literary school, and a school for physical training. Boys probably spent part of the day at one school and part at the other, though this is not certain. They may have attended the two schools on alternate days. From sixteen to eighteen, if his parents were able, the boy attended a state-supported _gymnasium_, where an advanced type of physical training was given. As this was preparatory for the next two years of army service, the _gymnasia_ were supported by the State more as preparedness measures than as educational institutions, though they partook of the nature of both. [Illustration: FIG. 5. A GREEK BOY] EARLY CHILDHOOD. As at Sparta the infant was examined at birth, but the father, and not a council of citizens, decided whether or not it was to be "exposed" or preserved. Three ceremonies, of ancient tribal origin, marked the recognition and acceptance of the child. The first took place five days after birth, when the child was carried around the family hearth by the nurse, followed by the household in procession. This ceremony, followed by a feast, was designed to place the child forever under the care of the family gods. On the tenth day the child was named by the father, who then formally recognized the child as his own and committed himself to its rearing and education. The third ceremony took place at the autumn family festival, when all children born during the preceding year were presented to the father's clansmen, who decided, by vote, whether or not the boy or girl was the legitimate and lawful child of Athenian parents. If approved, the child's name was entered on the registry of the clan, and he might then aspire to citizenship and inherit property from his parent (R. 4). Up to the age of seven both boys and girls grew up together in the home, under the care of the nurse and mother, engaging in much the same games and sports as do children anywhere. From the first they were carefully disciplined for good behavior and for the establishment of self-control (R. 3). After the age of seven the boy and girl parted company in the matter of their education, the girl remaining closely secluded in the home (women and children were usually confined to the upper floor of the house) and being instructed in the household arts by her mother, while the boy went to different teachers for his education. Probably many girls learned to read and write from their mothers or nurses, and the daughters of well- to-do citizens learned to spin, weave, sew, and embroider. Music was also a common accomplishment of women. [11] THE SCHOOL OF THE GRAMMATIST. A Greek boy, unlike a modern school child, did not go to one teacher. Instead he had at least two teachers, and sometimes three. To the _grammatist_, who was doubtless an evolution from an earlier tribal scribe, he went to learn to read and write and count. The grammatist represented the earliest or primary teacher. To the music teacher, who probably at first taught reading and writing also, he went for his instruction in music and literature. Finally, to the _palaestra_ he went for instruction in physical training (R. 3). [Illustration: FIG. 6. AN ATHENIAN INSCRIPTION A decree of the Council and Assembly, dating from about 450 B.C. Note the difficulty of trying to read without any punctuation, and with only capital letters.] Reading was taught by first learning the letters, then syllables, and finally words. [12] Plaques of baked earth, on which the alphabet was written, like the more modern horn-book (see Figure 130), were frequently used. [13] The ease with which modern children learn to read was unknown in Greece. Reading was very difficult to learn, as accentuation, punctuation, spacing between words, and small letters had not as yet been introduced. As a result the study required much time, [14] and much personal ingenuity had to be exercised in determining the meaning of a sentence. The inscription shown in Figure 6 will illustrate the difficulties quite well. The Athenian accent, too, was hard to acquire. [Illustration: FIG. 7. GREEK WRITING-MATERIALS] The pupil learned to write by first tracing, with the stylus, letters cut in wax tablets, and later by copying exercises set for him by his teacher, using the wax tablet and writing on his knee. Still later the pupil learned to write with ink on papyrus or parchment, though, due to the cost of parchment in ancient times, this was not greatly used. Slates and paper were of course unknown in Greece. There was little need for arithmetic, and but little was taught. Arithmetic such as we teach would have been impossible with their cumbrous system of notation. [15] Only the elements of counting were taught, the Greek using his fingers or a counting-board, such as is shown in Figure 8, to do his simple reckoning. [Illustration: FIG. 8 A GREEK COUNTING-BOARD Pebbles of different size or color were used for thousands, hundreds, tens, and units. Their position on the board gave them their values. The board now shows the total 15,379.] GREAT IMPORTANCE OF READING AND LITERATURE. After the pupil had learned to read, much attention was given to accentuation and articulation, in order to secure beautiful reading. Still more, in reading or reciting, the parts were acted out. The Greeks were a nation of actors, and the recitations in the schools and the acting in the theaters gave plenty of opportunity for expression. There were no schoolbooks, as we know them. The master dictated and the pupils wrote down, or, not uncommonly, learned by heart what the master dictated. Ink and parchment were now used, the boy making his own schoolbooks. Homer was the first and the great reading book of the Greeks, the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_ being the Bible of the Greek people. Then followed Hesiod, Theognis, the Greek poets, and the fables of Aesop. [16] Reading, declamation, and music were closely interrelated. To appeal to the emotions and to stir the will along moral and civic lines was a fundamental purpose of the instruction (R. 5). A modern writer well characterizes the ancient instruction in literature in the following words: By making the works of the great poets of the Greek people the material of their education, the Athenians attained a variety of objects difficult of attainment by any other one means. The fact is, the ancient poetry of Greece, with its finished form, its heroic tales and characters, its accounts of peoples far removed in time and space, its manliness and pathos, its directness and simplicity, its piety and wisdom, its respect for law and order, combined with its admiration for personal initiative and worth, furnished, in the hands of a careful and genial teacher, a material for a complete education such as could not well be matched even in our own day. What instruction in ethics, politics, social life, and manly bearing could not find a fitting vehicle in the Homeric poems, not to speak of the geography, the grammar, the literary criticism, and the history which the comprehension of them involved? Into what a wholesome, unsentimental, free world did these poems introduce the imaginative Greek boy! What splendid ideals of manhood and womanhood did they hold up for his admiration and imitation! From Hesiod he would learn all that he needed to know about his gods and their relation to him and his people. From the elegiac poets he would derive a fund of political and social wisdom, and an impetus to patriotism, which would go far to make him a good man and a good citizen. From the iambic poets he would learn to express with energy his indignation at meanness, feebleness, wrong, and tyranny, while from the lyric poets he would learn the language suitable to every genial feeling and impulse of the human heart. And in reciting or singing all these, how would his power of terse, idiomatic expression, his sense of poetic beauty and his ear for rhythm and music be developed! With what a treasure of examples of every virtue and vice, and with what a fund of epigrammatic expression would his memory be furnished! How familiar he would be with the character and ideals of his nation, how deeply in sympathy with them! And all this was possible even before the introduction of letters. With this event a new era in education begins. The boy now not only learns and declaims his Homer, and sings his Simonides or Sappho; he learns also to write down their verses from dictation, and so at once to read and to write. This, indeed, was the way in which these two (to us) fundamental arts were acquired. As soon as the boy could trace with his finger in sand, or scratch with a stylus on wax, the forms of the letters, and combine them into syllables and words, he began to write poetry from his master's dictation. The writing-lesson of to-day was the reading, recitation, or singing-lesson of to-morrow. Every boy made his own reading book, and, if he found it illegible, and stumbled in reading, he had only himself to blame. The Greeks, and especially the Athenians, laid the greatest stress on reading well, reciting well, and singing well, and the youth who could not do all three was looked upon as uncultured. Nor could he hide his want of culture, since young men were continually called upon, both at home and at more or less public gatherings, to perform their part in the social entertainment. [17] [Illustration: FIG. 9. AN ATHENIAN SCHOOL From a cup discovered at Caere, signed by the painter Duris, and now in the Museum of Berlin. A LESSON IN MUSIC AND LANGUAGE _Explanation_: At the right is the _paidagogos_; he is seated, and turns his head to look at his pupil, who is standing before his master. The latter holds a writing-tablet and a stylus; he is perhaps correcting a task. At the left a pupil is taking a music lesson. On the wall are hung a roll of manuscript, a folded writing- tablet, a lyre, and an unknown cross-shaped object. A LESSON IN MUSIC AND POETRY _Explanation_: At the right sits, cross- legged, the _paidagogos_, who has just brought in his pupil. The boy stands before the teacher of poetry and recites his lesson. The master, in a chair, holds in his hand a roll which he is unfolding, upon which we see Greek letters. Above these three figures we see on the wall a cup, a lyre, and a leather case of flutes. To the bag is attached the small box containing mouthpieces of different kinds for the flutes. Farther on a pupil is receiving a lesson in music. The master and pupil are both seated on seats without backs. The master, with head erect, looks at the pupil who, bent over his lyre, seems absorbed in his playing. Above are hanging a basket, a lyre, and a cup. On the wall is an inscription in Greek.] THE MUSIC SCHOOL. The teacher in this school gradually separated himself from the grammatist, and often the two were found in adjoining rooms in the same school. In his functions he succeeded the wandering poet or minstrel of earlier times. Music teachers were common in all the City- States of Greece. To this teacher the boy went at first to recite his poetry, and after the thirteenth year for a special music course. The teacher was known as a _citharist_, and the instrument usually used was the seven-stringed lyre. This resembled somewhat our modern guitar. The flute was also used somewhat, but never grew into much favor, partly because it tended to excite rather than soothe, and partly because of the contortions of the face to which its playing gave rise. Rhythm, melody, and the feeling for measure and time were important in instruction, whose office was to soothe, purge, and harmonize man within and make him fit for moral instruction through the poetry with which their music was ever associated. Instead of being a distinct art, as with us, and taught by itself, music with the Greeks was always subsidiary to the expression of the spirit of their literature, and in aim it was for moral-training ends. [18] Both Aristotle and Plato advocate state control of school music to insure sound moral results. Inferior as their music was to present-day music, it exerted an influence over their lives which it is difficult for an American teacher to appreciate. [Illustration: FIG. 10. GREEK SCHOOL LESSONS THE SINGING LESSON The boy is singing, to the accompaniment of a flute. On the wall hangs a bag of flutes. THE LITERATURE LESSON The boy is reciting, while the teacher follows him on a roll of manuscript.] The first lessons taught the use of the instrument, and the simple chants of the religious services were learned. As soon as the pupil knew how to play, the master taught him to render the works of the great lyric poets of Greece. Poetry and music together thus formed a single art. At thirteen a special music course began which lasted until sixteen, but which only the sons of the more well-to-do citizens attended. Every boy, though, learned some music, not that he might be a musician, but that he might be musical and able to perform his part at social gatherings and participate in the religious services of the State. Professional playing was left to slaves and foreigners, and was deemed unworthy a free man and a citizen. Professionalism in either music or athletics was regarded as disgraceful. The purpose of both activities was harmonious personal development, which the Greeks believed contributed to moral worth. THE PALAESTRA; GYMNASTICS. Very unlike our modern education, fully one half of a boy's school life, from eight to sixteen, was given to sports and games in another school under different teachers, known as the palaestra. The work began gradually, but by fifteen had taken precedence over other studies. As in music, harmonious physical development and moral ends were held to be of fundamental importance. The standards of success were far from our modern standards. To win the game was of little significance; the important thing was to do the part gracefully and, for the person concerned, well. To attain to a graceful and dignified carriage of the body, good physical health, perfect control of the temper, and to develop quickness of perception, self-possession, ease, and skill in the games were the aims--not mere strength or athletic prowess (R. 2). Only a few were allowed to train for participation in the Olympian games. The work began with children's games, contests in running, and ball games of various kinds. Deportment--how to get up, walk, sit, and how to achieve easy manners--was taught by the masters. After the pupils came to be a little older there was a definite course of study, which included, in succession: (1) leaping and jumping, for general bodily and lung development; (2) running contests, for agility and endurance; (3) throwing the discus, [19] for arm exercise; (4) casting the javelin, for bodily poise and coördination of movement, as well as for future use in hunting; (5) boxing and wrestling, for quickness, agility, endurance, and the control of the temper and passions. Swimming and dancing were also included for all, dancing being a slow and graceful movement of the body to music, to develop grace of motion and beauty of form, and to exercise the whole human being, body and soul. The minuet and some of our folk- dancing are our nearest approach to the Greek type of dancing, though still not like it. The modern partner dance was unknown in ancient Greece. The exercises were performed in classes, or in small groups. They took place in the open air, and on a dirt or sandy floor. They were accompanied by music--usually the flute, played by a paid performer. A number of teachers looked after the boys, examining them physically, supervising the exercises, directing the work, and giving various forms of instruction. THE GYMNASIAL TRAINING, SIXTEEN TO EIGHTEEN. Up to this point the education provided was a private and a family affair. In the home and in the school the boy had now been trained to be a gentleman, to revere the gods, to be moral and upright according to Greek standards, and in addition he had been given that training in reading, writing, music, and athletic exercises that the State required parents to furnish. It is certain that many boys, whose parents could ill afford further expense for schooling, were allowed to quit the schools at from thirteen to fifteen. Those who expected to become full citizens, however, and to be a part of the government and hold office, were required to continue until twenty years of age. Two years more were spent in schooling, largely athletic, and two years additional in military service. Of this additional training, if his parents chose and could afford it, the State now took control. [Illustration: FIG. II. GROUND-PLAN OF THE GYMNASIUM AT EPHESOS, IN ASIA MINOR _Explanation:_ A, B, C, pillared corridors, or portico; D, an open space, possibly a palaestra, evidently intended to supply the peristylium; E, a long, narrow hall used for games of ball; F, a large hall with seats; G, in which was suspended a sack filled with chaff for the use of boxers; H, where the young men sprinkled themselves with dust; I, the cold bath; K, where the wrestling-master anointed the bodies of the contestants; L, the cooling-off room; M, the furnace-room; N, the vapor bath; 0, the dry- sweating apartment; P, the hot bath; Q, Q', rooms for games, for the keepers, or for other uses; R, R', covered stadia, for use in bad weather; S, S, S, S, S, rows of seats, looking upon T, the uncovered _stadium_; U, groves, with seats and walks among the trees; V, V', recessed seats for the use of philosophers, rhetoricians, and others.] For the years from sixteen to eighteen the boy attended a state _gymnasium_, of which two were erected outside of Athens by the State, in groves of trees, in 590 B.C. Others were erected later in other parts of Greece. Figure 11 shows the ground plan of one of these _gymnasia_, and a study of the explanation of the plan will reveal the nature of these establishments. The boy now had for teachers a number of gymnasts of ability. The old exercises of the _palaestra_ were continued, but running, wrestling, and boxing were much emphasized. The youth learned to run in armor, while wrestling and boxing became more severe. He also learned to ride a horse, to drive a chariot, to sing and dance in the public choruses, and to participate in the public state and religious processions. Still more, the youth now passed from the supervision of a family pedagogue to the supervision of the State. For the first time in his life he was now free to go where he desired about the city; to frequent the streets, market-place, and theater; to listen to debates and jury trials, and to witness the great games; and to mix with men in the streets and to mingle somewhat in public affairs. He saw little of girls, except his sisters, but formed deep friendships with other young men of his age. [20] Aside from a requirement that he learn the laws of the State, his education during this period was entirely physical and civic. If he abused his liberty he was taken in hand by public officials charged with the supervision of public morals. He was, however, still regarded as a minor, and his father (or guardian) was held responsible for his public behavior. THE CITIZEN-CADET YEARS, EIGHTEEN TO TWENTY. The supervision of the State during the preceding two years had in a way been joint with that of his father; now the State took complete control. At the age of eighteen his father took him before the proper authorities of his district or ward in the city, and presented him as a candidate for citizenship. He was examined morally and physically, and if sound, and if the records showed that he was the legitimate son of a citizen, his name was entered on the register of his ward as a prospective member of it (R. 4). His long hair was now cut, he donned the black garb of the citizen, was presented to the people along with others at a public ceremony, was publicly armed with a spear and a shield, and then, proceeding to one of the shrines of the city, on a height overlooking it, he solemnly took the Ephebic oath: I will never disgrace these sacred arms, nor desert my companion in the ranks. I will fight for temples and public property, both alone and with many. I will transmit my fatherland, not only not less, but greater and better, than it was transmitted to me. I will obey the magistrates who may at any time be in power. I will observe both the existing laws and those which the people may unanimously hereafter make, and, if any person seek to annul the laws or to set them at naught, I will do my best to prevent him, and will defend them both alone and with many. I will honor the religion of my fathers. And I call to witness Aglauros, Enyalios, Ares, Zeus, Thallo, Auxo, and Hegemone. He was now an _Ephebos_, or citizen-cadet, with still two years of severe training ahead of him before he could take up the full duties of citizenship. The first year he spent in and near Athens, learning to be a soldier. He did what recruits do almost everywhere--drill, camp in the open, learn the army methods and discipline, and march in public processions and take part in religious festivals. This first year was much like that of new troops in camp being worked into real soldiers. At the end of the year there was a public drill and inspection of the cadets, after which they were sent to the frontier. It was now his business to come to know his country thoroughly--its topography, roads, springs, seashores, and mountain passes. He also assisted in enforcing law and order throughout the country districts, as a sort of a state constabulary or rural police. At the end of this second year of practical training the second examination was held, the cadet was now admitted to full citizenship, and passed to the ranks of a trained citizen in the reserve army of defense, as does a boy in Switzerland to-day (R. 4). RESULTS UNDER THE OLD GREEK SYSTEM. Such was the educational system which was in time evolved from the earlier tribal practices of the citizens of old Athens. If we consider Sparta as representing the earlier tribal education of the Greek peoples, we see how far the Athenians, due to their wonderful ability to make progress, were able to advance beyond this earlier type of preparation for citizenship (R. 5). Not only did Athens surpass all Greece, but, for the first time in the history of the world, we find here, expressing itself in the education of the young, the modern western, individualistic and democratic spirit, as opposed to the deadening caste and governmental systems of the East. Here first we find a free people living under political conditions which favored liberty, culture, and intellectual growth, and using their liberty to advance the culture and the knowledge of the people (R. 6). Here also we find, for the first time, the thinkers of the State deeply concerned with the education of the youth of the State, and viewing education as a necessity to make life worth living and secure the State from dangers, both within and without. To prepare men by a severe but simple and honest training to fear the gods, to do honest work, to despise comfort and vice, to obey the laws, to respect their neighbors and themselves, and to reverence the wisdom of their race, was the aim of this old education. The schooling for citizenship was rigid, almost puritanical, but it produced wonderful results, both in peace and in war. [21] Men thus trained guided the destinies of Athens during some two centuries, and the despotism of the East as represented by Persia could not defeat them at Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea. THE SIMPLE AND EFFECTIVE CURRICULUM. The simplicity of the curriculum was one of its marked features. In a manner seldom witnessed in the world's educational history, the Greeks used their religion, literature, government, and the natural activities of young men to impart an education of wonderful effectiveness. [22] The subjects we have valued so highly for training were to them unknown. They taught no arithmetic or grammar, no science, no drawing, no higher mathematics, and no foreign tongue. Music, the literature and religion of their own people, careful physical training, and instruction in the duties and practices of citizenship constituted the entire curriculum. It was an education by doing; not one of learning from books. That it was an attractive type of education there is abundant testimony by the Greeks themselves. We have not as yet come to value physical education as did the Greeks, nor are we nearly so successful in our moral education, despite the aid of the Christian religion which they did not know. It was, to be sure, class education, and limited to but a small fraction of the total population. In it girls had no share. There were many features of Greek life, too, that are repugnant to modern conceptions. Yet, despite these limitations, the old education of Athens still stands as one of the most successful in its results of any system of education which has been evolved in the history of the world. Considering its time and place in the history of the world and that it was a development for which there were nowhere any precedents, it represented a very wonderful evolution. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Why are imaginative ability and many-sided natures such valuable characteristics for any people? 2. Why is the ability to make progressive changes, possessed so markedly by the Athenian Greeks, an important personal or racial characteristic? 3. Are the Athenian characteristics, stated in the middle of page 19, characteristics capable of development by training, or are they native, or both? 4. How do you explain the Greek failure to achieve political unity? 5. Would education for citizenship with us to-day possess the same defects as in ancient Greece? Why? Do we give an equivalent training? 6. Which is the better attitude for a nation to assume toward the foreigner--the Greek, or the American? Why? 7. Why does a state military socialism, such as prevailed at Sparta, tend to produce a people of mediocre intellectual capacity? 8. How do you account for the Athenian State leaving literary and musical education to private initiative, but supporting state _gymnasia_? 9. Would the Athenian method of instruction have been possible had all children in the State been given an education? Why? 10. How did the education of an Athenian girl differ from that of a girl in the early American colonies? 11. Why did the Greek boy need three teachers, whereas the American boy is taught all and more by one primary teacher? 12. Contrast the Greek method of instruction in music, and the purposes of the instruction, with our own. 13. How could we incorporate into our school instruction some of the important aspects of Greek instruction in music? 14. What do you think of the contentions of Aristotle and Plato that the State should control school music as a means of securing sound moral instruction? 15. Does the Greek idea that a harmonious personal development contributes to moral worth appeal to you? Why? 16. Contrast the Greek ideal as to athletic training with the conception of athletics held by an average American schoolboy. 17. Contrast the education of a Greek boy at sixteen with that of an American boy at the same age. 18. Contrast the emphasis placed on expression as a method in teaching in the schools of Athens and of the United States. 19. Do the needs of modern society and industrial life warrant the greater emphasis we place on learning from books, as opposed to the learning by doing of the Greeks? 20. Compare the compulsory-school period of the Greeks with our own. If we were to add some form of compulsory military training, for all youths between eighteen and twenty, and as a preparedness measure, would we approach still more nearly the Greek requirements? 21. Explain how the Athenian Greeks reconciled the idea of social service to the State with the idea of individual liberty, through a form of education which developed personality. Compare this with our American ideal. 22. The Greek schoolboy had no long summer vacation, as do American children. Is there any special reason why we need it more than did they? 23. Do we believe that virtue can be taught in the way the Hellenic peoples did? Do we carry such a belief into practice? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 1. Plutarch: Ancient Education in Sparta. 2. Plato: An Athenian Schoolboy's Life. 3. Lucian: An Athenian Schoolboy's Day. 4. Aristotle: Athenian Citizenship and the Ephebic Years. 5. Freeman: Sparta and Athens compared. 6. Thucydides: Athenian Education summarized. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Describe and characterize the Laws which Lycurgus framed for Spartan training (1). 2. Describe and characterize the instruction of the Ireus at Sparta. Compare with the training given among the best of the American Indian tribes (1). 3. Contrast the type of education given an Athenian and a Spartan boy, as to nature and purpose and character (1 and 2). 4. What degree of State supervision of education is indicated by Plato (2)? By Freeman (5)? 5. Compare an Athenian school day as described by Lucian (3) with a school day in a modern Gary-type school. 6. Compare the Ephebic years of an Athenian youth (4) with those of a Spartan youth (1). 7. What were some of the chief defects of Athenian schools (5)? 8. What was the position of the State in the matter of the education of youth (5)? 9. What were the great merits of the Athenian educational and political system of training (6)? (For SUPPLEMENTAL REFERENCES, see following chapter.) CHAPTER II LATER GREEK EDUCATION III. THE NEW GREEK EDUCATION POLITICAL EVENTS: THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE. The Battle of Marathon (490 B.C.) has long been considered one of the "decisive battles of the world." Had the despotism of the East triumphed here, and in the subsequent campaign that ended in the defeat of the Persian fleet at Salamis (480 B.C.) and of the Persian army at Plataea (479 B.C.), the whole history of our western world would have been different. The result of the war with Persia was the triumph of this new western democratic civilization, prepared and schooled for great national emergencies by a severe but effective training, over the uneducated hordes led to battle by the autocracy of the East. This was the first, but not the last, of the many battles which western democracy and civilization has had to fight to avoid being crushed by autocracy and despotism. Marathon broke the dread spell of the Persian name and freed the more progressive Greeks to pursue their intellectual and political development. Above all it revealed the strength and power of the Athenians to themselves, and in the half-century following the most wonderful political, literary, and artistic development the world had ever known ensued, and the highest products of Greek civilization were attained. Attica had braved everything for the common cause of Greece, even to leaving Athens to be burned by the invader, and for the next fifty years she held the position of political as well as cultural preëminence among the Greek City-States. Athens now became the world center of wealth and refinement and the home of art and literature (R. 7), and her influence along cultural lines, due in part to her mastery of the sea and her growing commerce, was now extended throughout the Mediterranean world. From 479 to 431 B.C. was the Golden Age of Greece, and during this short period Athens gave birth to more great men--poets, artists, statesmen, and philosophers--than all the world beside had produced [1] in any period of equal length. Then, largely as a result of the growing jealousy of military Sparta came that cruel and vindictive civil strife, known as the Peloponnesian War, which desolated Greece, left Athens a wreck of her former self, permanently lowered the moral tone of the Greek people, and impaired beyond recovery the intellectual and artistic life of Hellas. For many centuries Athens continued to be a center of intellectual achievement, and to spread her culture throughout a new and a different world, but her power as a State had been impaired forever by a revengeful war between those who should have been friends and allies in the cause of civilization. TRANSITION FROM OLD TO THE NEW. As early as 509 B.C. a new constitution had admitted all the free inhabitants of Attica to citizenship, and the result was a rapid increase in the prestige, property, and culture of Athens. Citizenship was now open to the commercial classes, and no longer restricted to a small, properly born, and properly educated class. Wealth now became important in giving leisure to the citizen, and was no longer looked down upon as it had been in the earlier period. After the Peloponnesian War the predominance of Attica among the Greek States, the growth of commerce, the constant interchange of embassies, the travel overseas of Athenian citizens, and the presence of many foreigners in the State all alike led to a tolerance of new ideas and a criticism of old ones which before had been unknown. A leisure class now arose, and personal interest came to have a larger place than before, with a consequent change in the earlier conceptions as to the duty of the citizen to the State. Literature lost much of its earlier religious character, and the religious basis of morality [2] began to be replaced by that of reason. Philosophy was now called upon to furnish a practical guide for life to replace the old religious basis. A new philosophy in which "man was the measure of all things" arose, and its teachers came to have large followings. The old search for an explanation of the world of matter [3] was now replaced by an attempt to explain the world of ideas and emotions, with a resulting evolution of the sciences of philosophy, ethics, and logic. It was a period of great intellectual as well as political change and expansion, and in consequence the old education, which had answered well the needs of a primitive and isolated community, now found itself but poorly adapted to meet the larger needs of the new cosmopolitan State. [4] The result was a material change in the old education to adapt it to the needs of the new Athens, now become the intellectual center of the civilized world. CHANGES IN THE OLD EDUCATION. A number of changes in the character of the old education were now gradually introduced. The rigid drill of the earlier period began to be replaced by an easier and a more pleasurable type of training. Gymnastics for personal enjoyment began to replace drill for the service of the State, and was much less rigid in type. The old authors, who had rendered important service in the education of youth, began to be replaced by more modern writers, with a distinct loss of the earlier religious and moral force. New musical instruments, giving a softer and more pleasurable effect, took the place of the seven-stringed lyre, and complicated music replaced the simple Doric airs of the earlier period. Education became much more individual, literary, and theoretical. Geometry and drawing were introduced as new studies. Grammar and rhetoric began to be studied, discussion was introduced, and a certain glibness of speech began to be prized. The citizen-cadet years, from sixteen to twenty, formerly devoted to rather rigorous physical training, were now changed to school work of an intellectual type. NEW TEACHERS; THE SOPHISTS. New teachers, known as Sophists, who professed to be able to train men for a political career, [5] began to offer a more practical course designed to prepare boys for the newer type of state service. These in time drew many Ephebes into their private schools, where the chief studies were on the content, form, and practical use of the Greek language. Rhetoric and grammar before long became the master studies of this new period, as they were felt to prepare boys better for the new political and intellectual life of Hellas than did the older type of training. In the schools of the Sophists boys now spent their time in forming phrases, choosing words, examining grammatical structure, and learning how to secure rhetorical effect. Many of these new teachers made most extravagant claims for their instruction (R. 8) and drew much ridicule from the champions of the older type of education, but within a century they had thoroughly established themselves, and had permanently changed the character of the earlier Greek education. By 350 B.C. we find that Greek school education had been differentiated into three divisions, as follows: 1. _Primary education_, covering the years from seven or eight to thirteen, and embracing reading, writing, arithmetic, and chanting. The teacher of this school came to be known as a _grammatist_. 2. _Secondary education_, covering the years from thirteen to sixteen, and embracing geometry, drawing, and a special music course. Later on some grammar and rhetoric were introduced into this school. The teacher of this school came to be known as a _grammaticus_. 3. _Higher or university education_, covering the years after sixteen. THE FLOOD OF INDIVIDUALISM. This period of artistic and intellectual brilliancy of Greece following the Peloponnesian War marked the beginning of the end of Greece politically. The war was a blow to the strength of Greece from which the different States never recovered. Greece was bled white by this needless civil strife. The tendencies toward individualism in education were symptomatic of tendencies in all forms of social and political life. The philosophers--Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle--proposed ideal remedies for the evils of the State, [6] but in vain. The old ideal of citizenship died out. Service to the State became purely subordinate to personal pleasure and advancement. Irreverence and a scoffing attitude became ruling tendencies. Family morality decayed. The State in time became corrupt and nerveless. Finally, in 338 B.C., Philip of Macedon became master of Greece, and annexed it to the world empire which he and his son Alexander created. Still later, in 146 B.C., the new world power to the west, Rome, conquered Greece and made of it a Roman province. Though dead politically, there now occurred the unusual spectacle of "captive Greece taking captive her rude conqueror," and spreading Greek art, literature, philosophy, science, and Greek ideas throughout the Mediterranean world. It was the Greek higher learning that now became predominant and exerted such great influence on the future of our world civilization. It remains now to trace briefly the development and spread of this higher learning, and to point out how thoroughly it modified the thinking of the future. NEW SCHOOLS; SOCRATES. In the beginning each Sophist teacher was a free lance, and taught what he would and in the manner he thought best. Many of them made extraordinary efforts to attract students and win popular approval and fees. Plato represents the Sophist Protagoras as saying, with reference to a youth ambitious for success in political life, "If he comes to me he will learn that which he comes to learn." At first the instruction was largely individual, but later classes were organized. Isocrates, who lived from 436 to 338 B.C., organized the instruction for the first time into a well-graded sequence of studies, with definite aims and work (R. 8). He shifted the emphasis in instruction from training for success in argumentation, to training to think clearly and to express ideas properly. His pupils were unusually successful, and his school did much to add to the fame of Athens as an intellectual center. From his work sprang a large number of so called Rhetorical Schools, much like our better private schools and academies, offering to those Ephebes who could afford to attend a very good preparation for participation in the public life of the period. In contrast with the Sophists, a series of schools of philosophy also arose in Athens. These in a way were the outgrowth of the work of Socrates. Accepting the Sophists' dictum that "man is the measure of all things," he tried to turn youths from the baser individualism of the Sophists of his day to the larger general truths which measure the life of a true man. In particular he tried to show that the greatest of all arts-- the art of living a good life--called for correct individual thinking and a knowledge of the right. "Know thyself" was his great guiding principle. His emphasis was on the problems of everyday morality. Frankly accepting the change from the old education as a change that could not be avoided, he sought to formulate a new basis for education in personal morality and virtue, and as a substitute for the old training for service to the State. He taught by conversation, engaging men in argument as he met them in the street, and showing to them their ignorance (R. 9). Even in Athens, where free speech was enjoyed more than anywhere else in the world at that time, such a shrewd questioner would naturally make enemies, and in 399 B.C. at the age of seventy-one, he was condemned to death by the Athenian populace on the charge of impiety and corrupting the youth of Athens. [Illustration: FIG. 12 SOCRATES (469-399 B.C.) (After a marble bust in the Vatican Gallery, at Rome)] Socrates' greatest disciple was a citizen of wealth by the name of Plato, who had abandoned a political career for the charms of philosophy, and to him we owe our chief information as to the work and aims of Socrates. In 386 B.C. he founded the Academy, where he passed almost forty years in lecturing and writing. His school, which formed a model for others, consisted of a union of teachers and students who possessed in common a chapel, library, lecture-rooms, and living-rooms. Philosophy, mathematics, and science were taught, and women as well as men were admitted. Other schools of importance in Athens were the Lyceum, founded in 335 B.C. by a foreign-born pupil of Plato's by the name of Aristotle, who did a remarkable work in organizing the known knowledge of his time; [7] the school of the Stoics, founded by Zeno in 308 B.C.; and the school of the Epicureans, founded by Epicurus in 306 B.C. Each of these schools offered a philosophical solution of the problem of life, and Plato and Aristotle wrote treatises on education as well. Each school evolved into a form of religious brotherhood which perpetuated the organization after the death of the master. In time these became largely schools for expounding the philosophy of the founder. [Illustration: FIG. 13. EVOLUTION OF THE GREEK UNIVERSITY] THE UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS. Coincident with the founding of these schools and the political events we have previously recorded, certain further changes in Athenian education were taking place. The character of the changes in the education before the age of sixteen we have described. As a result in part of the development of the schools of the Sophists, which were in themselves only attempts to meet fundamental changes in Athenian life, the education of youths after sixteen tended to become literary, rather than physical and military. The Ephebic period of service (from eighteen to twenty) was at first reduced from two years to one, and after the Macedonian conquest, in 338 B.C., when there was no longer an Athenian State to serve or protect, the entire period of training was made optional. The Ephebic corps was now opened to foreigners, and in time became merely a fashionable semi-military group. Instead of the military training, attendance at the lectures of the philosophical schools was now required, and attendance at the rhetorical schools was optional. Later the philosophical schools were granted public support by the Athenian Assembly, professorships were created over which the Assembly exercised supervision, the rhetorical and philosophical schools were gradually merged, the study years were extended from two to six, or seven, a form of university life as regards both students and professors was developed, and what has since been termed "The University of Athens" was evolved. Figure 13 shows how this evolution took place. As Athens lost in political power her citizens turned their attention to making their city a center of world learning. This may be said to have been accomplished by 200 B.C. Though Greece had long since become a Macedonian province, and was soon to pass under the control of Rome, the so-called University of Athens was widely known and much frequented for the next three hundred years, and continued in existence until finally closed, as a center of pagan thought, by the edict of the Roman-Christian Emperor, Justinian, in 529 A.D. Though reduced to the rank of a Roman provincial town, Athens long continued to be a city of letters and a center of philosophic and scientific instruction. SPREAD AND INFLUENCE OF GREEK HIGHER EDUCATION. Alexander the Great rendered a very important service in uniting the western Orient and the eastern Mediterranean into a common world empire, and in establishing therein a common language, literature, philosophy, a common interest, and a common body of scientific knowledge and law. It was his hope to create a new empire, in which the distinction between European and Asiatic should pass away. No less than seventy cities were established with a view to holding his empire together. These served to spread Hellenic culture. Greek schools, Greek theaters, Greek baths, and Greek institutions of every type were to be found in practically all of them, and the Greek tongue was heard in them all. With Alexander the Great the history of Greek life, culture, and learning merges into that of the history of the ancient world. Everywhere throughout the new empire Greek philosophers and scientists, architects and artists, merchants and colonists, followed behind the Macedonian armies, spreading Greek civilization and becoming the teachers of an enlarged world. [8] "Greek cities stretched from the Nile to the Indus, and dotted the shores of the Black and the Caspian seas. The Greek language, once the tongue of a petty people, grew to be a universal language of culture, spoken even by barbarian lips, and the art, the science, the literature, the principles of politics and philosophy, developed in isolation by the Greek mind, henceforth became the heritage of many nations." [9] Greek universities were established at Pergamum and Tarsus in Asia Minor; at Rhodes on the island of that name in the Aegean; and at the newly founded city of Alexandria in Egypt. Antioch, in Syria, became another important center of Greek influence and learning. A large library was developed at Pergamum, and it was here that writing on prepared skins of animals [10] was begun, from which the term "parchment" (originally "per- gament") comes. It was also at Pergamum that Galen (born c. 130 A.D.) organized what was then known of medical science, and his work remained the standard treatise for more than a thousand years. Rhodes became a famous center for instruction in oratory. During Roman days many eminent men, among whom were Cassius, Caesar, and Cicero, studied oratory here. [Illustration: FIG. 14 THE GREEK UNIVERSITY WORLD] MINGLING OF ORIENT AND OCCIDENT AT ALEXANDRIA. The most famous of all these Greek institutions, however, was the University of Alexandria, which gradually sapped Athens as a center of learning and became the intellectual capital of the world. The greatest library of manuscripts the world had ever known was collected together here. [11] It is said to have numbered over 700,000 volumes. These included Greek, Jewish, Egyptian, and Oriental works. In connection with the library was the museum, where men of letters and investigators were supported at royal expense. These two constituted an institution so like a university that it has been given that name. Alexandria became not only a great center of learning, but, still more important, the chief mingling place for Greek, Jew, Egyptian, Roman, and Oriental, and here Greek philosophy, Hebrew and Christian religion, and Oriental faith and philosophy met and mixed. It was this mingled civilization and culture, all tinged through and through with the Greek, with which the Romans came in contact as they pushed their conquering armies into the eastern Mediterranean (R. 10). [Illustration: FIG. 15. THE KNOWN WORLD ABOUT 150 A.D. A map by Ptolemy, geographer and astronomer at Alexandria. Compare this with the map on page 4, and note the progress in geographical discovery which had been made during the intervening centuries.] CHARACTER OF ALEXANDRIAN LEARNING. The great advances in knowledge made at Alexandria were in mathematics, geography, and science. The method of scientific investigation worked out by Aristotle at Athens was introduced and used. Instead of speculating as to phenomena and causes, as had been the earlier Greek practice, observation and experiment now became the rule. Euclid (c. 323-283 B.C.) opened a school at Alexandria as early as 300 B.C., and there worked out the geometry which is still used in our schools. Archimedes (287-212 B.C.), who studied under Euclid, made many important discoveries and advances in mechanics and physics. Eratosthenes (226-196 B.C.), librarian at Alexandria, is famous as a geographer [12] and astronomer, and made some studies in geology as well. Ptolemy (b.?; d. 168 A.D.) here completed his Mechanism of the Heavens (_Syntaxis_) in 138 A.D., and this became the standard astronomy in Europe for nearly fifteen hundred years, while his geography was used in the schools until well into the fifteenth century. The map of the known world, shown in Figure 15, was made by him. Hipparcus, the Newton of the Greeks, studied the heavens both at Alexandria and Rhodes, and counted the stars and arranged them in constellations. Many advances also were made in the study of medicine, the Alexandrian schools having charts, models, and dissecting rooms for the study of the human body, The functions of the brain, nerves, and heart were worked out there. Except in science and mathematics, though, the creative ability of the earlier Greeks was now largely absent. Research, organization, and comment upon what had previously been done rather was the rule. Still much important work was done here. Books were collected, copied, and preserved, and texts were edited and purified from errors. Here grammar, criticism, prosody, and mythology were first developed into sciences. The study of archaeology was begun, and the first dictionaries were made. The translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek was begun for the benefit of the Alexandrian Jews who had forgotten their Mother tongue, this being the origin of the famous _Septuagint_ [13] version of the Old Testament. It is owing to these Alexandrian scholars, also, that we now possess the theory of Greek accents, and have good texts of Homer and other Greek writers. ALEXANDRIA SAPPED IN TURN. In 30 B.C. Alexandria, too, came under Roman rule and was, in turn, gradually sapped by Rome. Greek influence continued, but the interest became largely philosophical. Ultimately Alexandria became the seat of a metaphysical school of Christian theology, and the scene of bitter religious controversies. In 330 A.D., Constantinople was founded on the site of the earlier Byzantium, and soon thereafter Greek scholars transferred their interest to it and made it a new center of Greek learning. There Greek science, literature, and philosophy were preserved for ten centuries, and later handed back to a Europe just awakening from the long intellectual night of the Middle Ages. In 640 A.D. Alexandria was taken by the Mohammedans, and the university ceased to exist. The great library was destroyed, furnishing, it is said, "fuel sufficient for four thousand public baths for a period of six months," and Greek learning was extinguished in the western world. OUR DEBT TO HELLAS. As a political power the Greek States left the world nothing of importance. As a people they were too individualistic, and seemed to have a strange inability to unite for political purposes. To the new power slowly forming to the westward--Rome--was left the important task, which the Greek people were never able to accomplish, of uniting civilization into one political whole. The world conquest that Greece made was intellectual. As a result, her contribution to civilization was artistic, literary, philosophical, and scientific, but not political. The Athenian Greeks were a highly artistic and imaginative rather than a practical people. They spent their energy on other matters than government and conquest. As a result the world will be forever indebted to them for an art and a literature of incomparable beauty and richness which still charms mankind; a philosophy which deeply influenced the early Christian religion, and has ever since tinged the thinking of the western world; and for many important beginnings in scientific knowledge which were lost for ages to a world that had no interest in or use for science. So deeply has our whole western civilization been tinctured by Greek thought that one enthusiastic writer has exclaimed,--"Except the blind forces of Nature, nothing moves in this world which is not Greek in its origin." [14] (R. 11) In education proper the old Athenian education offers us many lessons of importance that we of to-day may well heed. In the emphasis they placed on moral worth, education of the body as well as the mind, and moderation in all things, they were much ahead of us. Their schools became a type for the cities of the entire Mediterranean world, being found from the Black Sea south to the Persian Gulf and westward to Spain. When Rome became a world empire the Greek school system was adopted, and in modified form became dominant in Rome and throughout the provinces, while the universities of the Greek cities for long furnished the highest form of education for ambitious Roman youths. In this way Greek influence was spread throughout the Mediterranean world. The higher learning of the Greeks, preserved first at Athens and Alexandria, and later at Constantinople, was finally handed back to the western world at the time of the Italian Revival of Learning, after Europe had in part recovered from the effects of the barbarian deluge which followed the downfall of Rome. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Try to picture what might have been the result for western civilization had the small and newly-developed democratic civilization of Greece been crushed by the Persians at the time they overran the Greek peninsula. 2. Do periods of great political, commercial, and intellectual expansion usually subject old systems of morality and education to severe strain? Illustrate. 3. Why was the change in the type of Athenian education during the Ephebic years a natural and even a necessary one for the new Athens? 4. Do you understand that the system of training before the Ephebic years was also seriously changed, or was the change largely a re-shaping and extension of the education of youths after sixteen? 5. Were the Sophists a good addition to the Athenian instructing force, or not? Why? 6. How may a State establish a corrective for such a flood of individualism as overwhelmed Greece, and still allow individual educational initiative and progress? 7. Do we as a nation face danger from the flood of individualism we have encouraged in the past? How is our problem like and unlike that of Athens after the Peloponnesian War? 8. What is the place in Greek life and thought of the ideal treatises on education written by Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle, after the flood of individualism had set in? 9. In what ways was the conquest of Alexander good for world civilization? 10. Of what importance is it, in the history of our western civilization, that Greek thought had so thoroughly permeated the eastern Mediterranean world before Roman armies conquered the region? 11. Picture for yourself the great intellectual advances of the Greeks by contrasting the tribal preparedness-type of education of the early Greek States and the learning possessed by the scholars of the University at Alexandria. 12. Compare the spread of Greek language and knowledge throughout the eastern Mediterranean world, following the conquests of Alexander, with the spread of the English language and ideas as to government throughout the modern world. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 7. Wilkins: Athens in the Time of Pericles. 8. Isocrates: The Instruction of the Sophists. 9. Xenophon: An Example of Socratic Teaching. 10. Draper: The Schools of Alexandria. 11. Butcher: What we Owe to Greece. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Characterize the many educational influences of Athens, as pictured by Wilkins (7). 2. Were the evils of the Sophist teachers, which Isocrates points out (8), natural ones? Compare with teachers of vocal training to-day. 3. What would be necessary for the proper training of one for eloquence? Could any Sophist teacher have trained anyone? 4. Would it be possible to-day for any one city to become such a center of the world's intellectual life as did Alexandria (10)? Why? 5. Could the Socratic method (9) be applied to instruction in psychology, ethics, history, and science equally well? Why? To what class of subjects is the Socratic quiz applicable? 6. How do you account for the fact that the wonderful promise of Alexandrian science was not fulfilled? 7. State our debt to the Greeks (11). SUPPLEMENTAL REFERENCES _The most important references are indicated by an *_ * Bevan, J. O. _University Life in Olden Time_. * Butcher, S. H. _Some Aspects of the Greek Genius_. * Davidson, Thos. _Aristotle, and Ancient Educational Ideals_. * Freeman, K. J. _Schools of Hellas_. Gulick, C. B. _The Life of the Ancient Greeks_. * Kingsley, Chas. _Alexandria and her Schools_. Laurie, S. S. _Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Education_. * Mahaffy, J. P. _Old Greek Education_. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I. Walden, John W. H. _The Universities of Ancient Greece_. Wilkins, A. S. _National Education in Greece in the Fourth Century_, B.C. CHAPTER III THE EDUCATION AND WORK OF ROME I. THE ROMANS AND THEIR MISSION DEVELOPMENT OF THE ROMAN STATE. About the time that the Hellenes, in the City-States of the Greek peninsula, had brought their civilization to its Golden Age, another branch of the great Aryan race, which had previously settled in the Italian peninsula, had begun the creation of a new civilization there which was destined to become extended and powerful. At the beginning of recorded history we find a number of tribes of this branch of the Aryan race settled in different parts of Italy, as is shown in Figure 16. Slowly, but gradually, the smallest of these divisions, the Latins, extended its rule over the other tribes, and finally over the Greek settlements to the south and the Gauls to the north, so that by 201 B.C. the entire Italian peninsula had become subject to the City-State government at Rome. [Illustration: FIG. 16. THE EARLY PEOPLES OF ITALY, AND THE EXTENSION OF THE ROMAN POWER In 509 B.C. Attica opened her citizenship to all free inhabitants, and half a century later the Golden Age of Greece was in full swing. By 338 B.C. Greece's glory had departed. Philip of Macedon had become master, and its political freedom was over. By 264 B.C. the center of Greek life and thought had been transferred to Alexandria, and Rome's great expansion had begun.] [Illustration: FIG. 17. THE PRINCIPAL ROMAN ROADS] By a wise policy of tolerance, patience, conciliation, and assimilation the Latins gradually became the masters of all Italy. Unlike the Greek City-States, Rome seemed to possess a natural genius for the art of government. Upon the people she conquered she bestowed the great gift of Roman citizenship, and she attached them to her by granting local government to their towns and by interfering as little as possible with their local manners, speech, habits, and institutions. By founding colonies among them and by building excellent military roads to them, she insured her rule, and by kindly and generous treatment she bound the different Italian peoples ever closer and closer to the central government at Rome. By a most wonderful understanding of the psychology of other peoples, new in the world before the work of Rome, and not seen again until the work of the English in the nineteenth century, Rome gradually assimilated the peoples of the Italian peninsula and in time amalgamated them into a single Roman race. In speech, customs, manners, and finally in blood she Romanized the different tribes and brought them under her leadership. Later this same process was extended to Spain, Gaul, and even to far-off Britain. A CONCRETE, PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The Roman people were a concrete, practical, constructive nation of farmers and herdsmen (R. 14), merchants and soldiers, governors and executives. The whole of the early struggle of the Latins to extend their rule and absorb the other tribes of the peninsula called for practical rulers--warriors who were at the same time constructive statesmen and executives who possessed power and insight, energy, and personality. The long struggle for political and social rights, [1] carried on by the common people (_plebeians_) with the ruling class (_patricians_), tended early to shape their government along rough but practical lines, [2] and to elevate law and orderly procedure among the people. The later extension of the Empire to include many distant lands--how vast the Roman Empire finally became may be seen from the map on the following page--called still more for a combination of force, leadership, tolerance, patience, executive power, and insight into the psychology of subject people to hold such a vast empire together. Only a great, creative people, working along very practical lines, could have used and used so well the opportunity which came to Rome [3] [Illustration: FIG. 18. THE GREAT EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE The map shows the Roman Empire as it was by the end of the first century A.D., and the tribes shown beyond the frontier are as they were at the beginning of the fourth century A.D. It was 2500 miles, air line, from the eastern end of the Black Sea to the western coasts of Spain, 1400 miles from Rome to Palestine, and 1100 miles from Rome to northern Britain. To maintain order in this vast area Rome depended on the loyalty of her subjects, the strength of her armies, her military roads, and a messenger service by horse, yet throughout this vast area she imposed her law and a unified government for centuries.] THE GREAT MISSION OF ROME. Had Rome tried to impose her rule and her ways and her mode of thought on her subject people, and to reduce them to complete subjection to her, as the modern German and Austrian Empires, for example, tried to do with the peoples who came under their control, the Roman Empire could never have been created, and what would have saved civilization from complete destruction during the period of the barbarian invasions is hard to see. Instead, Rome treated her subjects as her friends, and not as conquered peoples; led them to see that their interests were identical with hers; gave them large local independence and freedom in government, under her strong control of general affairs; opened up her citizenship [4] and the line of promotion in the State to her provincials; [5] and won them to the peace and good order which she everywhere imposed by the advantages she offered through a common language, common law, common coinage, common commercial arrangements, common state service, and the common treatment of all citizens of every race. [6] In consequence, the provincial was willingly absorbed into the common Roman race [7]--absorbed in dress, manners, religion, political and legal institutions, family names, and, most important of all, in language. As a result, race pride and the native tongues very largely disappeared, and Latin became the spoken language of all except the lower classes throughout the whole of the Western Empire. Only in the eastern Mediterranean, where the Hellenic tongue and the Hellenic civilization still dominated, did the Latin language make but little headway, and here Rome had the good sense not to try to impose her speech or her culture. Instead she absorbed the culture of the East, while the East accepted in return the Roman government and Roman law, and Latin in time became the language of the courts and of government. Having stated thus briefly the most prominent characteristics of the Roman people, and indicated their great work for civilization, let us turn back and trace the development of such educational system as existed among them, see in what it consisted, how it modified the life and habits of thinking of the Roman people, and what educational organization or traditions Rome passed on to western civilization. II. THE PERIOD OF HOME EDUCATION THE EARLY ROMANS AND THEIR TRAINING. In the early history of the Romans there were no schools, and it was not until about 300 B.C. that even primary schools began to develop. What education was needed was imparted in the home or in the field and in the camp, and was of a very simple type. Certain virtues were demanded--modesty, firmness, prudence, piety, courage, seriousness, and regard for duty--and these were instilled both by precept and example. Each home was a center of the religious life, and of civic virtue and authority. In it the father was a high priest, with power of life and death over wife and children. He alone conversed with the gods and prepared the sacrifices. The wife and mother, however, held a high place in the home and in the training of the children, the marriage tie being regarded as very sacred. She also occupied a respected position in society, and was complete mistress of the house (R. 17). The religion of the city was an outgrowth of that of the home. Virtue, courage, duty, justice--these became the great civic virtues. Their religion, both family and state, lacked the beauty and stately ceremonial of the Greeks, lacked that lofty faith and aspiration after virtue that characterized the Hebrew and the later Christian faith, was singularly wanting in awe and mystery, and was formal and mechanical and practical [8] in character, but it exercised a great influence on these early peoples and on their conceptions of their duty to the State. The father trained the son for the practical duties of a man and a citizen; the mother trained the daughter to become a good housekeeper, wife, and mother. Morality, character, obedience to parents and to the State, and whole-hearted service were emphasized. The boy's father taught him to read, write, and count. Stories of those who had done great deeds for the State were told, and martial songs were learned and sung. After 450 B.C. every boy had to learn the Laws of the Twelve Tables (R. 12), and be able to explain their meaning (R. 13). As the boy grew older he followed his father in the fields and in the public place and listened to the conversation of men. [9] If the son of a patrician he naturally learned much more from his father, by reason of his larger knowledge and larger contact with men of affairs and public business, than if he were the son of a plebeian. Through games as a boy, and later in the exercises of the fields and the camps, the boy gained what physical training he received. [10] [Illustration: FIG. 19. A ROMAN FATHER INSTRUCTING HIS SON (From a Roman Sarcophagus)] EDUCATION BY DOING. It was largely an education by doing, as was that of the old Greek period, though entirely different in character. Either by apprenticeship to the soldier, farmer, or statesman, or by participation in the activities of a citizen, was the training needed imparted. Its purpose was to produce good fathers, citizens, and soldiers. [11] Its ideals were found in the real and practical needs of a small State, where the ability to care for one's self was a necessary virtue. To be healthy and strong, to reverence the gods and the institutions of the State, to obey his parents and the laws, to be proud of his family connections and his ancestors, to be brave and efficient in war, to know how to farm or to manage a business, were the aims and ends of this early training. It produced a nation of citizens who willingly subordinated themselves to the interests of the State, [12] a nation of warriors who brought all Italy under their rule, a calculating, practical people who believed themselves destined to become the conquerors and rulers of the world, and a reserved and proud race, trained to govern and to do business, but not possessed of lofty ideals or large enthusiasms in life (Rs. 15, 16). III. THE TRANSITION TO SCHOOL EDUCATION BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOL EDUCATION. Up to about 300 B.C. education had been entirely in the home, and in the activities of the fields and the State. It was a period of personal valor and stern civic virtue, in a rather primitive type of society, as yet but little in contact with the outside world, and little need of any other type of training had been felt. By the end of the third century B.C., the influence of contact with the Greek cities of southern Italy and Sicily (_Magna Graecia_), and the influence of the extensive conquests of Alexander the Great in the eastern Mediterranean (334-323 B.C.), had begun to be felt in Italy. By that time Greek had become the language of commerce and diplomacy throughout the Mediterranean, and Greek scholars and tradesmen had begun to frequent Rome. By 303 B.C. it seems certain that a few private teachers had set up primary schools at Rome to supplement the home training, and had begun the introduction of the pedagogue as a fashionable adjunct to attract attention to their schools. These schools, however, were only a fad at first, and were patronized only by a few of the wealthy citizens. Up to about 250 B.C., at least, Roman education remained substantially as it had been in the preceding centuries. Reading, writing, declamation, chanting, and the Laws of the Twelve Tables still constituted the subject-matter of instruction, and the old virtues continued to be emphasized. By the middle of the third century B.C. Rome had expanded its rule to include nearly all the Italian peninsula (see Figure 16), and was transforming itself politically from a little rural City-State into an Empire, with large world relationships. A knowledge of Greek now came to be demanded both for diplomatic and for business reasons, and the need of a larger culture, to correspond with the increased importance of the State, began to be felt by the wealthier and better-educated classes. Greek scholars, brought in as captured slaves from the Greek colonies of southern Italy, soon began to be extensively employed as teachers and as secretaries. About 233 B.C., Livius Andronicus, who had been brought to Rome as a slave when Tarentum, one of the Greek cities of southern Italy, was captured, [13] and who later had obtained his freedom, made a translation of the Odyssey into Latin, and became a teacher of Latin and Greek at Rome. This had a wonderful effect in developing schools and a literary atmosphere at Rome. The _Odyssey_ at once became the great school textbook, in time supplanting the Twelve Tables, and literary and school education now rapidly developed. The Latin language became crystallized in form, and other Greek works were soon translated. The beginnings of a native Latin literature were now made. Greek higher schools were opened, many Greek teachers and slaves offered instruction, and the Hellenic scheme of culture, as it had previously developed in Attica, soon became the fashion at Rome. CHANGES IN NATIONAL IDEALS. The second century B.C. was even more a period of rapid change in all phases and aspects of Roman life. During this century Rome became a world empire, annexing Spain, Carthage, Illyria, and Greece, and during the century that followed she subjugated northern Africa, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Gaul to the Elbe and the Danube (see Figure 18). Rome soon became mistress of the whole Mediterranean world. Her ships plied the seas, her armies and governors ruled the land. The introduction of wealth, luxuries, and slaves from the new provinces, which followed their capture, soon had a very demoralizing influence upon the people. Private and public religion and morality rapidly declined; religion came to be an empty ceremonial; divorce became common; wealth and influence ruled the State; slaves became very cheap and abundant, and were used for almost every type of service. From a land of farmers of small farms, sturdy and self-supporting, who lived simply, reared large families, feared the gods, respected the State, and made an honest living, it became a land of great estates and wealthy men, and the self-respecting peasantry were transformed into soldiers for foreign wars, or joined the rabble in the streets of Rome. [14] Wealth became the great desideratum, and the great avenue to this was through the public service, either as army commanders and governors, or as public men who could sway the multitude and command votes and influence. Manifestly the old type of education was not intended to meet such needs, and now in Rome, as previously in Athens, a complete transformation in the system of training for the young took place. The imaginative and creative Athenians, when confronted by a great change in national ideals, evolved a new type of education adapted to the new needs of the time; the unimaginative and practical Romans merely adopted that which the Athenians had created. THE HELLENIZATION OF ROME. The result was the Hellenization of the intellectual life of Rome, making complete the Hellenization of the Mediterranean world. After the fall of Greece, in 146 B.C., a great influx of educated Greeks took place. As the Latin poet Horace expressed it: Captive Greece took captive her rude conqueror, And brought the arts to Latium. So completely did the Greek educational system seem to meet the needs of the changed Roman State that at first the Greek schools were adopted bodily--Greek language, pedagogue, higher schools of rhetoric and philosophy, and all--and the schools were in reality Greek schools but slightly modified to meet the needs of Rome. _Gymnasia_ were erected, and wealthy Romans, as well as youths, began to spend their leisure in studying Greek and in trying to learn gymnastic exercises. In time the national pride and practical sense of the Romans led them to open so-called "culture schools" of their own, modeled after the Greek. The Latin language then replaced the Greek as the vehicle of instruction, though Greek was still studied extensively, and Rome began the development of a system of private-school instruction possessing some elements that were native to Roman life and Roman needs. [Illustration: FIG. 20. CATO THE ELDER (234-149 B.C.)] STRUGGLE AGAINST, AND FINAL VICTORY. That this great change in national ideals and in educational practice was accepted without protest should not be imagined. Plutarch and other writers appealed to the family as the center for all true education. Cato the elder, who died in 149 B.C., labored hard to stem the Hellenic tide. He wrote the first Roman book on education, in part to show what education a good citizen needed as an orator, husbandman, jurist, and warrior, and in part as a protest against Hellenic innovations. In 167 B.C., the first library was founded in Rome, with books brought from Greece by the conqueror Paulus Emilius. In 161 B.C., the Roman Senate directed the Praetor to see "that no philosophers or rhetoricians be suffered in Rome" (R. 20 a), but the edict could not be enforced. In 92 B.C., the Censors issued an edict expressing their disapproval of such schools (R. 20 b). By 100 B.C., the Hellenic victory was complete, and the Graeco-Roman school system had taken form. In 27 B.C., Rome ceased to be a Republic and became an Empire, and under the Emperors the professors of the new learning were encouraged and protected, higher schools were established in the provinces, literature and philosophy were opened as possible careers, and the Greek language, literature, and learning were spread, under Roman imperial protection, to every corner of the then civilized world. This victory of Hellenic thought and learning at Rome, viewed in the light of the future history of the civilization of the world, was an event of large importance. IV. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AS FINALLY ESTABLISHED THE LUDUS, OR PRIMARY SCHOOL. The elementary school, known as the _ludus_, or _ludus literarum_, the teacher of which was known as a _ludi magister_, was the beginning or primary school of the scheme as finally evolved. This corresponded to the school of the Athenian _grammatist_, and like it the instruction consisted of reading, writing, and counting. These schools were open to both sexes, but were chiefly frequented by boys. They were entered at the age of seven, sometimes six, and covered the period up to twelve. Reading and writing were taught by much the same methods as in the Greek schools, and approximately the same writing materials were used. Something of the same difficulty was experienced also in mastering the reading art (R. 21). Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian who lived in Rome for twenty-two years, during the first century B.C., has left us a clear description of the Roman method of teaching reading: When we learned to read was it not necessary at first to know the name of the letters, their shape, their value in syllables, their differences, then the words and their case, their quantity long or short, their accent, and the rest? Arrived at this point we began to read and write, slowly at first and syllable by syllable. Some time afterwards, the forms being sufficiently engraved on our memory, we read more cursorily, in the elementary book, then in all sorts of books, finally with incredible quickness and without making any mistake. [Illustration: FIG. 21. ROMAN WRITING-MATERIALS. Inkstand, pen, letter, box of manuscripts, wax tablets, stylus.] Writing seems rather to have followed reading, and, as in the Greek schools, the pupils copied down from dictation and made their own books (_dictata_). Literature received no such emphasis in the elementary schools of Rome as in those of the Greeks, and the _palaestra_ of the Greeks was not reproduced at Rome. Due in part to the practical character of the Roman people, to the established habit of keeping careful household accounts, to the difficulties of their system of calculation, [15] to the practice of finger reckoning, and to the vast commercial and financial interests that the Romans formed throughout the world which they conquered, arithmetic became a subject of fundamental importance in their schools, and much time was given to securing perfection in calculation and finger reckoning. [16] Hence it occupied a place of large importance in the primary school. An abacus or counting-board was used, similar to the one shown in Figure 22, and Horace mentions a bag of stones (_calculi_) as a part of a schoolboy's equipment. [Illustration: FIG. 22. A ROMAN COUNTING-BOARD. Pebbles were used, those nearest the numbered dividing partition being counted. Each pebble above when moved downward counted five of those in the same division below. The board now shows 8,760,254.] THE _LUDI MAGISTER_. The _ludi magister_ at Rome held a position even less enviable than that held by the _grammatist_ at Athens. "The starveling Greek," who was glad to barter his knowledge for the certainty of a good dinner, was sneered at by many Roman writers. Many slaves were engaged in this type of instruction, bringing in fees for their owners. It was not regarded as of importance that the teachers of these schools be of high grade. The establishment of and attendance at these primary schools was wholly voluntary, and the children in them probably represented but a small percentage of those of school age in the total population. These schools became quite common in the Italian cities, and in time were found in the provincial cities of the Empire as well. They remained, however, entirely private-adventure undertakings, the State doing nothing toward encouraging their establishment, supervising the instruction in them, or requiring attendance at them. They were in no sense free schools, nor were the prices for instruction fixed, as in our private schools of to-day. Instead, the pupil made a present to the master, usually at some understood rate, though some masters left the size of the fee to the liberality of their pupils. [17] The pedagogue, copied from Greece, was nearly always an old or infirm slave of the family. [Illustration: FIG. 23. A ROMAN PRIMARY SCHOOL(_Ludus_) (From a fresco found at Herculaneum). This shows a school held in a portico of a house.] The schools were held anywhere--in a portico (see Figure 23), in a shed or booth in front of a house, in a store, or in a recessed corner shut in by curtains. A chair for the master, benches for the pupils, an outer room for cloaks and for the pedagogues to wait in, and a bundle of rods (_ferula_) constituted the necessary equipment. The pupils brought with them boxes containing writing-materials, book-rolls, and reckoning-stones. Schools began early in the morning, pupils in winter going with lanterns to their tasks. There was much flogging of children, and in Martial we find an angry epigram which he addressed to a schoolmaster who disturbed his sleep (R. 23 a). THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. Secondary or Latin grammar schools, under a _grammaticus_, and covering instruction from the age of twelve to sixteen, had become clearly differentiated from the primary schools under a _ludi magister_ by the time of the death of Cato, 149 B.C. At first this higher instruction began in the form of private tutors, probably in the homes of the wealthy, and Greek was the language taught. By the beginning of the first century B.C., however, Latin secondary schools began to arise, and in time these too spread to all the important cities of the Empire. Attendance at them was wholly voluntary, and was confined entirely to the children of the well-to-do classes. The teachers were Greeks, or Latins who had been trained by the Greeks. Each teacher taught as he wished, but the schools throughout the Empire came to be much the same in character. The course of study consisted chiefly of instruction in grammar and literature, the purpose being to secure such a mastery of the Latin language and Greek and Latin literatures as might be most helpful in giving that broader culture now recognized as the mark of an educated man, and in preparing the young Roman to take up the life of an orator and public official (R. 24). Both Greek and Latin secondary schools were in existence, and Quintilian, the foremost Roman writer on educational practice, recommends attendance at the Greek school first. Grammar was studied first, and was intended to develop correctness in the use of speech. With its careful study of words, phonetic changes, drill on inflections, and practice in composing and paragraphing, this made a strong appeal to the practical Roman and became a favorite study. Literature followed, and was intended to develop an appreciation for literary style, elevate thought, expand one's knowledge, and, by memorization and repetition, to train the powers of expression. The method practiced was much as follows: The selection was carefully read first by the teacher, and then by the pupils. [18] After the reading the selection was gone over again and the historical, geographical, and mythological allusions were carefully explained by the teacher. [19] The text was next critically examined, to point out where and how it might be improved and its expressions strengthened, and much paraphrasing of it was engaged in. Finally the study of the selection was rounded out by _a judgment_--that is, a critical estimate of the work, a characterization of the author's style, and a resume of his chief merits and defects. The foundations were here laid for Grammar and Rhetoric as the great studies of the Middle Ages. Homer and Menander were the favorite authors in Greek, and Vergil, Horace, Sallust, and Livy in Latin, with much use of _Aesop's Fables_ for work in composition. The pupils made their own books from dictation, though in later years educated slave labor became so cheap that the copying and sale of books was organized into a business at Rome, and it was possible for the children of wealthy parents to own their own books. Grammar, composition, elocution, ethics, history, mythology, and geography were all comprehended in the instruction in grammar and literature in the secondary schools. A little music was added at times, to help the pupil intone his reading and declamation. A little geometry and astronomy were also included, for their practical applications. The athletic exercises of the Greeks were rejected, as contributing to immorality and being a waste of time and strength. In a sense these schools were finishing schools for Roman youths who went to any school at all, much as are our high schools of to-day for the great bulk of American children. The schools were better housed than those of the _ludi_, and the masters were of a better quality and received larger fees. Like the elementary schools, the State exercised no supervision or control over these schools or the teachers or pupils in them. THE SCHOOLS OF RHETORIC. Up to this point the schools established had been for practical and useful information (the primary schools) or cultural (the grammar or secondary schools). On top of these a higher and professional type of school was next developed, to train youths in rhetoric and oratory, preparatory to the great professions of law and public life at Rome. [20] These schools were direct descendants of the Greek rhetorical schools, which evolved from the schools of the Sophists. Suetonius [21] tells us that: Rhetoric, also, as well as grammar, was not introduced amongst us till a late period, and with still more difficulty, inasmuch as we find that, at times, the practice of it was even prohibited. [22] ... However, by slow degrees, rhetoric manifested itself to be a useful and honorable study, and many persons devoted themselves to it both as a means of defense and of acquiring a reputation. In consequence, public favor was so much attracted to the study of rhetoric that a vast number of professional and learned men devoted themselves to it; and it flourished to such a degree that some of them raised themselves by it to the rank of senators and to the highest offices. These schools, the teachers of which were known as _rhetors_, furnished a type of education representing a sort of collegiate education for the period. They were oratorical in purpose, because the orator had become the Roman ideal of a well-educated man (R. 24). During the life of the Republic the orator found many opportunities for the constructive use of his ability, and all young men ambitious to enter law or politics found the training of these schools a necessary prerequisite. They were attended for two or three years by boys over sixteen, but only the wealthier and more aristocratic families could afford to send their boys to them. In addition to oratorical and some legal training, these schools included a further linguistic and literary training, some mathematical and scientific knowledge, and even some philosophy. The famous "Seven Liberal Arts" of the Middle Ages--Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectic; Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy--all seem to have been included in the instruction of these schools. [23] The great studies, though, were the first three and some Law, Music being studied largely to help with gestures and to train the voice, Geometry to aid in settling lawsuits relating to land, Dialectic (logic) to aid in detecting fallacies, and Astronomy to understand the movements of the heavenly bodies and the references of literary writers. [24] There was much work in debate and in the declamation of ethical and political material the fine distinctions in Roman Law and Ethics were brought out, [25] and there was much drill in preparing and delivering speeches and much attention given to the factors involved in the preparation and delivery of a successful oration (R. 25). [Illustration: FIG. 24. A ROMAN SCHOOL OF RHETORIC. This picture, which has been drawn from a description, shows a much better type of school than that of the _ludi_.] These schools became very popular as institutions of higher learning, and continued so even after the later Emperors, by seizing the power of the State, had taken away the inspiration that comes from a love of freedom and had thus deprived the rhetorical art of practical value. The work of the schools then became highly stilted and artificial in character, and oratory then came to be cultivated largely as a fine art. [26] Men educated in these schools came to boast that they could speak with equal effectiveness on either side of any question, and the art came to depend on the use of many and big words and on the manners of the stage. Such ideals naturally destroyed the value of these schools, and stopped intellectual progress so far as they contributed to it. Much was done by the later Emperors to encourage these schools, and they too came to exist in almost every provincial city in the Empire. Often they were supported by the cities in which they were located. The Emperor Vespasian, about 75 A.D. began the practice of paying, from the Imperial Treasury, the salaries of grammarians and rhetoricians [27] at Rome. Antoninus Pius, who ruled as Emperor from 138 to 161 A.D., extended payment to the provinces, gave to these teachers the privileges of the senatorial class, and a certain number in each city were exempted from payment of taxes, support of soldiers, and obligations to military service. Other Emperors extended these special privileges (R. 26) which became the basis for the special rights afterwards granted to the Christian clergy (R. 38) and, still later, to teachers in the universities (Rs. 101-04). UNIVERSITY LEARNING. Roman youths desiring still further training could now journey to the eastward and attend the Greek universities (see Figure 14). A few did so, much as American students in the middle of the nineteenth century went to Germany for higher study. Athens and Rhodes were most favored. Brutus, Horace, and Cicero, among others, studied at Athens; Caesar, Cicero, and Cassius at Rhodes. Later Alexandria was in favor. In a library founded in the Temple of Peace by Vespasian (ruled 69 to 79 A.D.) the University at Rome had its origin, and in time this developed into an institution with professors in law, medicine, architecture, mathematics and mechanics, and grammar and rhetoric in both the Latin and Greek languages. In this many youths from provincial cities came to study. The lines of instruction represented nothing, however, in the way of scientific investigation or creative thought; the instruction was formal and dogmatic, being largely a further elaboration of what had previously been well done by the Greeks. NATURE OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM DEVELOPED. Such was the educational system which was finally evolved to meet the new cultural needs of the Roman Empire. In all its foundation elements it was Greek. Having borrowed--conquered one might almost say--Greek religion, philosophy, literature, and learning, the Romans naturally borrowed also the school system that had been evolved to impart this culture. Never before or since has any people adapted so completely to their own needs the system of educational training evolved by another. To the Greek basis some distinctively Roman elements were added to adapt it better to the peculiar needs of their own people, while on the other hand many of the finer Greek characteristics were omitted entirely. Having once adopted the Greek plan, the constructive Roman mind organized it into a system superior to the original, but in so doing formalized it more than the Greeks had ever done (R. 19). [Illustration: FIG. 25. THE ROMAN VOLUNTARY EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, AS FINALLY EVOLVED] That the system afforded an opportunity to wealthy Romans to obtain for their children some understanding and appreciation of the culture of the Greek world with which their Empire was now in contact, and answered fairly well the preparatory needs along political and governmental lines of those Romans who could afford to educate their boys for such careers, can hardly be doubted (R. 22). Roman writers on education, especially Cicero (R. 24) and Quintilian (R. 25), give us abundant testimony as to the value and usefulness of the system evolved in the training of orators and men for the public service. In the provinces, too, we know that the schools were very useful in inculcating Roman traditions and in helping the Romans to assimilate the sons of local princes and leaders. [28] During the days of the Republic the schools were naturally more useful than after the establishment of the Empire, and especially after the later Emperors had stamped out many of the political and civic liberties for the enjoyment of which the schools prepared. On the other hand, the schools reached but a small, selected class of youths, trained for only the political career, and cannot be considered as ever having been general or as having educated any more than a small percentage of the future citizens of the State. Many of the important lines of activity in which the Romans engaged, and which to-day are regarded as monuments to their constructive skill and practical genius, such as architectural achievements, the building of roads and aqueducts, the many skilled trades, and the large commercial undertakings, these schools did nothing to prepare youths for. The State, unlike Athens, never required education of any one, did not make what was offered a preparation for citizenship, and made no attempt to regulate either teachers or instruction until late in the history of the Empire. Education at Rome was from the first purely a private- adventure affair, most nearly analogous with us to instruction in music and dancing. Those who found the education offered of any value could take it and pay for it; those who did not could let it alone. A few did the former, the great mass of the Romans the latter. For the great slave class that developed at Rome there was, of course, no education at all. RESULTS ON ROMAN LIFE AND GOVERNMENT. Still, out of this private and tuition system of schools many capable political leaders and executives came--men who exercised great influence on the history of the State, fought out her political battles, organized and directed her government at home and in the provinces, and helped build up that great scheme of government and law and order which was Rome's most significant contribution to future civilization. [29] It was in this direction, and in practical and constructive work along engineering and architectural lines, that Rome excelled. The Roman genius for government and law and order and constructive undertakings must be classed, in importance for the future of civilization in the world, along with the ability of Greece in literature and philosophy and art. "If," says Professor Adams, "as is sometimes said, that in the course of history there is no literature which rivals the Greek except the English, it is perhaps even more true that the Anglo- Saxon is the only race which can be placed beside the Romans in creative power and in politics." The conquest of the known world by this practical and constructive people could not have otherwise than decisively influenced the whole course of human history, and, coming at the time in world affairs that it did, the influence on all future civilization of the work of Rome has been profound. The great political fact which dominated all the Middle Ages, and shaped the religion and government and civilization of the time, was the fact that the Roman Empire had been and had done its work so well. V. ROME'S CONTRIBUTION TO CIVILIZATION GREECE AND ROME CONTRASTED. The contrast between the Greeks and the Romans is marked in almost every particular. The Greeks were an imaginative, subjective, artistic, and idealistic people, with little administrative ability and few practical tendencies. The Romans, on the other hand, were an unimaginative, concrete, practical, and constructive nation. Greece made its great contribution to world civilization in literature and philosophy and art; Rome in law and order and government. The Greeks lived a life of aesthetic enjoyment of the beautiful in nature and art, and their basis for estimating the worth of a thing was intellectual and artistic; to the Romans the aesthetic and the beautiful made little appeal, and their basis for estimating the worth of a thing was utilitarian. The Greeks worshiped "the beautiful and the good," and tried to enjoy life rationally and nobly, while the Romans worshiped force and effectiveness, and lived by rule and authority. The Greeks thought in personal terms of government and virtue and happiness, while the Romans thought in general terms of law and duty, and their happiness was rather in present denial for future gain than in any immediate enjoyment. As a result the Romans developed no great scholarly or literary atmosphere, as the Greeks had done at Athens, They built up no great speculative philosophies, and framed no great theories of government. Even their literature was, in part, an imitation of the Greek, though possessing many elements of native strength and beauty. They were a people who knew how to accomplish results rather than to speculate about means and ends. Usefulness and effectiveness were with them the criteria of the worth of any idea or project. They subdued and annexed an empire, they gave law and order to a primitive world, they civilized and Romanized barbarian tribes, they built roads connecting all parts of their Empire that were the best the world had ever known, their aqueducts and bridges were wonders of engineering skill, their public buildings and monuments still excite admiration and envy, in many of the skilled trades they developed tools and processes of large future usefulness, and their agriculture was the best the world had known up to that time. They were strong where the Greeks were weak, and weak where the Greeks were strong. By reason of this difference the two peoples supplemented one another well in the work of laying the foundations upon which our modern civilization has been built. Greece created the intellectual and aesthetic ideals and the culture for our life, while Rome developed the political institutions under which ideals may be realized and culture may be enjoyed. From the Greeks and Hebrews our modern life has drawn its great inspirations and its ideals for life, while from the Romans we have derived our ideals as to government and obedience to law. One may say that the Romans as a people specialized in government, law, order, and constructive practical undertakings, and bequeathed to posterity a wonderful inheritance in governmental forms, legal codes, commercial processes, and engineering undertakings, while the Greeks left to us a philosophy, literature, art, and a world culture which the civilized world will never cease to enjoy. The Greeks were an imaginative, impulsive, and a joyous people; the Romans sedate, severe, and superior to the Greeks in persistence and moral force. The Greeks were ever young; the Romans were always grown and serious men. ROME'S GREAT CONTRIBUTION. Rome's great contribution, then, was along the lines just indicated. To this, the school system which became established in the Roman State contributed only indirectly and but little. The unification of the ancient world into one Empire, with a common body of traditions, practices, coinage, speech, and law, which made the triumph of Christianity possible; the formulation of a body of law [30] which barbarian tribes accepted, which was studied throughout the Middle Ages, which formed the basis of the legal system of the mediaeval Church, and which has largely influenced modern practice; the development of a language from which many modern tongues have been derived, and which has modified all western languages; and the perfection of an alphabet which has become the common property of all nations whose civilization has been derived from the Greek and Roman--these constitute the chief contributions of Rome to modern civilization. Roman city government, too, had been established throughout all the provincial cities, and this remained after the Empire had passed away. The municipal corporation, with its charter of rights, has ever since been a fixed idea in the western world. Roman law, organized into a compact code, and studied in the law schools of the Middle Ages, has modified our modern ideas and practices to a degree we scarcely realize. It was accepted by the German rulers as a permanent thing after they had overrun the Empire, and it remained as the law of the courts wherever Roman subjects were tried. Preserved and codified at Constantinople under Justinian in the sixth century, and re-introduced into western Europe when the study of law was revived in the newly founded universities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Roman law has greatly modified all modern legal practices and has become the basis of the legal systems of a number of modern states. [31] [Illustration: FIG. 26. ORIGIN OF OUR ALPHABET The German type, like the so-called Old English (see Fig. 45), illustrates the corruption of letter forms through the copying of manuscripts during the Middle Ages.] Of all the Roman contributions to modern civilization perhaps the one that most completely permeates all our modern life is their alphabet and speech. Figure 26 shows how our modern alphabet goes back to the old Roman, which they obtained from the Greek colonies in southern Italy, and which the Greeks obtained from the still earlier Phoenicians. This alphabet has become the common property of almost all the civilized world. [32] In speech, the French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian tongues go back directly to the Latin, and these are the tongues of Mexico and South America as well. The English language, which is spoken throughout a large part of the civilized world, and by one third of its inhabitants, has also received so many additions from Romanic sources that we to-day scarcely utter a sentence without using some word once used by the citizens of ancient Rome. Among the smaller but nevertheless important contributions which we owe to Rome, and which were passed on to mediaeval and modern Europe, should be mentioned certain practical knowledge in agriculture and the mechanic arts; many inventions and acquired skills in the arts and trades; an organized sea and land trade and commerce; cleared and improved lands, good houses, roads and bridges; great architectural and engineering remains, scattered all through the provinces; the beginnings of the transformation of the slave into the serf, from which the great body of freemen of modern Europe later were evolved; and certain educational conceptions and practices which later profoundly influenced educational methods and procedure. How large these contributions were we shall appreciate better as we proceed with our history. Of the negative contributions, the most dangerous has been the idea of the rule of one imperial government, which has inspired the autocratic governments of modern Europe to try to imitate the world-wide rule of Imperial Rome. THE WAY PAVED FOR CHRISTIANITY. It was the great civilizing and unifying work of the Roman State that paved the way for the next great contribution to the foundations of the structure of our modern civilization--the contribution of Christianity. Had Italy never been consolidated; had the barbarian tribes to the north never been conquered and Romanized; had Spain and Africa and the eastern Mediterranean never known the rule of Rome; had the Latin language never become the speech of the then civilized peoples; had Roman armies never imposed law and order throughout an unruly world; had Roman governors and courts never established common rights and security; had Roman municipal government never come to be the common type in the cities of the provinces; had Roman schools in the provincial cities never trained the foreign citizen in Roman ways and to think Roman thoughts; had Rome never established free trade and intercourse throughout her Empire; had Rome never developed processes and skills in agriculture and the creative arts; had there been no Roman roads and common coinage; and had Rome not done dozens of other important things to unify and civilize Europe and reduce it to law and order, it is hard to imagine the chaos that would have resulted when the Empire gave way to the barbarian hordes which finally overwhelmed it. Where we should have been to-day in the upward march of civilization, without the work of Rome, it is impossible to say. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Contrast the Romans as a colonizing power with the modern Germans. The English. The French. 2. At what period in our national development did home education with us occupy substantially the same place as it did in Rome before 300 B.C.? In what respects was the education given boys and girls similar? Different? 3. What was the most marked advance over the Greeks in the early Roman training? 4. Contrast the education of the Athenian, Spartan, and Roman boy, during the early period in each State. 5. To what extent does early Roman education indicate the importance of the parent and of study of biography in the education of the young? 6. Was the change in character of the education of Roman youths, after the expansion of the Roman State and the establishment of world contacts, preventable, or was it a necessary evolution? Why? Have we ever experienced similar changes? 7. As a State increases in importance and enlarges its world contacts, is a correspondingly longer training and enlarged culture necessary at home? 8. What idea do you get as to the extent to which the Latinized Odyssey was read from the fact that the Latin language was crystallized in form shortly after the translation was made? 9. What does the rapid adoption of the Greek educational system, and the later evolution of a native educational system out of it, indicate as to the nature of Roman expansion? 10. Was the introduction of the Greek pedagogue as a fashionable adjunct natural? Why? 11. Why is a period of very rapid expansion in a State likely to be demoralizing? How may the demoralization incident to such expansion be anticipated and minimized? 12. Why does the coming of large landed estates introduce important social problems? Have we the beginnings of a social problem of this type? What correctives have we that Rome did not have? 13. State the economic changes which hastened the introduction of a new type of higher training at Rome. 14. Was the Hellenization of Rome which ensued a good thing? Why? 15. How do you account for Rome not developing a state school system in the period of great national need and change, instead of leaving the matter to private initiative? Do you understand that any large percentage of youths in the Roman State ever attended any school? 16. Why do older people usually oppose changes in school work manifestly needed to meet changing national demands? 17. Compare the difficulties met with in learning to read Greek and Latin. Either and English. 18. How do you account for the much smaller emphasis on literature and music in the elementary instruction at Rome than at Athens? How for the much larger emphasis on formal grammar in the secondary schools at Rome? 19. What subjects of study as we now know them were included in the Roman study of grammar and rhetoric? 20. How do you explain the greater emphasis placed by the Romans on secondary education than on elementary education? 21. What particular Roman need did the higher schools of oratory and rhetoric supply? 22. What does the exclusive devotion of these schools to such studies indicate as to professional opportunities at Rome? 23. How do you account for the continuance of these schools in favor, and for the aid and encouragement they received from the later Emperors, when the very nature of the Empire in large part destroyed the careers for which they trained? 24. Compare Rome and the United States in their attitudes toward foreign- born peoples. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 12. The Laws of the Twelve Tables. 13. Cicero: Importance of the Twelve Tables in Education. 14. Schreiber: A Roman Farmer's Calendar. 15. Polybius: The Roman Character. 16. Mommsen: The Grave and Severe Character of the Earlier Romans. 17. Epitaph: The Education of Girls. 18. Marcus Aurelius: The Old Roman Education described. 19. Tacitus: The Old and the New Education contrasted. 20. Suetonius: Attempts to Prohibit the Introduction of Greek Higher Learning. (a) Decree of the Roman Senate, 161 B.C. (b) Decree of the Censor, 92 B.C. 21. Vergil: Difficulty experienced in Learning to Read. 22. Horace: The Education given by a Father. 23. Martial: The Ludi Magister. (a) To the Master of a Noisy School. (b) To a Schoolmaster. 24. Cicero: Oratory the Aim of Education. 25. Quintilian: On Oratory. 26. Constantine: Privileges granted to Physicians and Teachers. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Give reasons why the Laws of the Twelve Tables (12) were considered of such fundamental importance (13) in the education of the early Roman boy? How do you explain their being supplanted later by the Latinized _Odyssey_? 2. What does the Farmer's Calendar (14) reveal as to the character of Roman life? 3. Contrast the Roman character (15, 16) with that of the Athenian. 4. Compare the education of a Roman matron, as revealed by the epitaph (17), with that of a girl in later American colonial times. 5. After reading Marcus Aurelius (18) and Tacitus (19), what is your judgment as to the relative merits of the old and the new education: (_a_) as a means of training youths? (_b_) as adapted to the changed conditions of Imperial Rome? 6. How do you account for the attempts of the conservative officials of the State to prohibit the introduction of Greek higher schools (20 a-b) proving so unsuccessful? 7. Compare the difficulties involved in learning to read Greek (Fig. 6) and Latin (21). Either and English. 8. What type of higher educational advantages does the selection from Horace (22) indicate as prevailing in Roman cities? Compare with present- day advanced education. 9. What do Martial's Epigrams to the Roman schoolmasters (23 a-b) indicate as to the nature of the schools, school discipline, and social status of the Roman primary teacher? 10. Do the selections from Cicero (24) and Quintilian (25) satisfy you that oratory was a sufficiently broad idea for the higher education of youths under the Empire? Why? 11. What does the decree of Constantine (26) indicate as to the social status of the higher teachers under the Empire? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Abbott, F. F. _Society and Politics in Ancient Rome_. * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Anderson, L. F. "Some Facts regarding Vocational Education among the Greeks and Romans"; in _School Review_, vol. 20, pp. 191-201. * Clarke, Geo. _Education of Children at Rome_. * Dill, Sam'l. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_. * Laurie, S. S. _Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Education_. Mahaffy, J. P. _The Silver Age of the Greek World_. Ross, C. F. "The Strength and Weakness of Roman Education"; in _School and Society_, vol. 6, pp. 457-63. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. i. Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_. Westermann, W. L. Vocational Training in Antiquity; in _School Review_, vol. 22, pp. 601-10. CHAPTER IV THE RISE AND CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY I. THE RISE AND VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY RELIGIONS IN THE ROMAN WORLD. As was stated in the preceding chapter (p. 58), the Roman state religion was an outgrowth of the religion of the home. Just as there had been a number of fireside deities, who were supposed to preside over the different activities of the home, so there were many state deities who were supposed to preside over the different activities of the State. In addition, the Romans exhibited toward the religions of all other peoples that same tolerance and willingness to borrow which they exhibited in so many other matters. Certain Greek deities were taken over and temples erected to them in Rome, and new deities, to guard over such functions as health, fortune, peace, concord, sowing, reaping, etc., were established. [1] Extreme tolerance also was shown toward the special religions of other peoples who had been brought within the Empire, and certain oriental divinities had even been admitted and given their place in Rome. Like many other features of Roman life, their religion was essentially of a practical nature, dealing with the affairs of everyday life, and having little or no relation to personal morality. [2] It promised no rewards or punishments or hopes for a future life, but rather, by uniting all citizens in a common reverence and fear of certain deities, helped to unify the Empire and hold it together. After the death of Augustus (14 A.D.), the Roman Senate deified the Emperor and enrolled his name among the gods, and Emperor worship was added to their ceremonies. This naturally spread rapidly throughout the Empire, tended to unite all classes in allegiance to the central government at Rome, and seemed to form the basis for a universal religion for a universal empire. FEELING THE NEED FOR SOMETHING MORE. As an educated class arose in Rome, this mixture of diverse divinities failed to satisfy; the Roman religion, made up as it was of state and parental duties and precautions, lost with them its force; and the religious ceremonies of the home and the State lost for them their meaning. The mechanical repetition of prayers and sacrifices made no appeal to the emotions or to the moral nature of individuals, and offered no spiritual joy or consolation as to a life beyond. The educated Greeks before had had this same feeling, and had indulged in much speculation as to the moral nature of man. Many educated Romans now turned to the Greek philosophers for some more philosophical explanation of the great mystery of life and death. Of all the philosophies developed in the philosophical schools of Athens, the one that made the deepest appeal to the practical Roman mind was that of the Stoics, founded by Zeno, 308 B.C. Virtue, claimed the Stoics, consists in so living that one's life is in accordance with that Universal Reason which rules the world. Riches, position, fame, success--these count for but little. He who trains himself to be above grief, hope, joy, fear, and the ills of life--be he slave or peasant or king--may be happy because he is virtuous. Reason, rather than the feelings, is the proper rule of life. The Stoics also preached the brotherhood of man, and to a degree expressed a humble reliance on a providence which controlled affairs. This philosophy in a way met the need for a religion among the better-educated Romans, and made considerable headway during the early days of the Empire. [3] While serving as a sort of religion for those capable of embracing it, it was too intellectual to reach more than a few, and was not adapted to become a universal religion for all sorts and conditions of men. What was needed was a new moral philosophy or religion that would touch all mankind. To do this it must appeal to the emotions more than to the intellect. Such a religion was at this time taking shape and gathering force and strength in a remote corner of the Empire. WHERE THIS NEW RELIGION AROSE. Far to the eastern end of the Mediterranean there had long lived a branch of the Semitic race, which had developed a national character and made a contribution of first importance to the religious thought of the world. These were the Hebrew people who, leaving Egypt about 1500 B.C., in the Exodus, had come to inhabit the land of Canaan, south of Phoenicia and east and north of Egypt. From a wandering, pastoral people they had gradually changed to a settled, agricultural people, and had begun the development of a regular State. Unwilling, however, to bear the burdens of a political State, and objecting to taxation, a standing army, and forced labor for the State, the nationality which promised at one time fell to pieces, and the land was overrun by hostile neighbors and the people put under the yoke. After a sad and tempestuous history, which culminated in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 A.D., the inhabitants were sold into slavery and dispersed throughout the Roman Empire. These people developed no great State, and made no contributions to government or science or art. Their contribution was along religious lines, and so magnificent and uplifting is their religious literature that it is certain to last for all time. Alone among all eastern people they early evolved the idea of one omnipotent God. The religion that they developed declared man to be the child of God, erected personal morality and service to God as the rule of life, and asserted a life beyond the grave. It was about these ideas that the whole energy of the people concentrated, and religion became the central thought of their lives. This religion, unlike the other religions of the Mediterranean world, emphasized duty to God, service, personal morality, chastity, honesty, and truth as its essential elements. The Law of Moses became the law of the land. Woman was elevated to a new place in the life of the ancient world. [4] Children became sacred in the eyes of the people. Their literary contribution, the Old Testament--written by a series of patriarchs, lawgivers, prophets, and priests--pictures, often in sublime language, the various migrations, deliverances, calamities, and religious hopes, aspirations, and experiences of this Chosen People. THE UNITY OF THIS PEOPLE. Just before their country was overrun and they were carried captive to Babylon, in 588 B.C., the Pentateuch [5] had been reduced to writing and made an authoritative code of laws for the people. This served as a bond of union among them during the exile, and after their return to Palestine, in 538 B.C., the study and observance of this law became the most important duty of their lives. The synagogue was established in every village for its exposition, where twice on every Sabbath day the people were to gather to hear the law expounded. A race of _Scribes_, or scripture scholars, also arose to teach the law, as well as means for educating additional scribes. They were to interpret the law, and to apply it to the daily lives of the people. As the law was a combination of religious, ceremonial, civil, and sanitary law, these scribes became both teachers and judges for the people. In time they became the depositaries of all learning, superseded the priesthood, and became the leaders (_rabbins_, whence _rabbi_) of the people. "The voice of the rabbi is the voice of God," says the Talmud, a collection of Hebrew customs and traditions, with comments and interpretations, written by the rabbis after 70 B.C. By most Jews this is held to be next in sacredness to the Old Testament (R. 27). Realizing, after the return from captivity, that the future existence of the Hebrew people would depend, not upon their military strength, but upon their moral unity, and that this must be based upon the careful training of each child in the traditions of his fathers, the leaders of the people began the evolution of a religious school system to meet the national need. Realizing, too, that parents could not be depended upon in all cases to provide this instruction, the leaders provided it and made it compulsory. Great open-air Bible classes were organized at first, and these were gradually extended to all the villages of the country. Elementary schools were developed later and attached to the synagogues, and finally, in 64 A.D., the high priest, Joshua ben Gamala, ordered the establishment of an elementary school in every village, made attendance compulsory for all male children, and provided for a combined type of religious and household instruction at home for all girls. Reading, writing, counting, the history of the Chosen People, the poetry of the Psalms, the Law of the Pentateuch, and a part of the Talmud constituted the subject-matter of instruction. The instruction was largely oral, and learning by heart was the common teaching plan. The child was taught the Law of his fathers, trained to make holiness a rule of his life and to subordinate his will to that of the one God, and commanded to revere his teachers (R. 27) and uphold the traditions of his people. After the destruction of Jerusalem (70 A.D.) and the scatterment of the people, the school instruction was naturally more or less disrupted, but in one way or another the Hebrew people have ever since managed to keep up the training of rabbis and the instruction of the young in the Law and the traditions of their people, and as a consequence of this instruction we have to-day the interesting result of a homogeneous people who, for over eighteen centuries, have had no national existence, and who have been scattered and persecuted as have no other people. History offers us no better example of the salvation of a people by means of the compulsory education of all. THE NEW CHRISTIAN FAITH. It was into this Hebrew race that Jesus was born, [6] and there he lived, learned, taught, made his disciples, and was crucified. Building on the old Hebrew moral law and the importance of the personal life, Jesus made his appeal to the individual, and sought the moral regeneration of society through the moral regeneration of individual men and women. This idea of individuality and of personal souls worth saving was a new idea in a world where the submergence of the individual in the State had everywhere up to that time been the rule. Even the Hebrews, in their great desire to perpetuate their race and faith, had suppressed and absorbed the individual in their religious State. The teachings of Jesus, on the other hand, with their emphasis on charity, sympathy, self-sacrifice, and the brotherhood of all men, tended to obliterate nationality, while the emphasis they gave to the future life, for which life here was but a preparation, tended to subordinate the interests of the State and withdraw the concern of men from worldly affairs. In a series of simple sermons, Jesus set forth the basis of this new faith which he, and after him his disciples, offered to the world. At the time of his crucifixion his disciples numbered scarcely one hundred persons. For some years after his death his disciples remained in Jerusalem, preaching that he was the Messiah or Christ, whom the Hebrew people had long expected, and making converts to the idea. Later in Samaria, Damascus, and Antioch they made additional converts among the Jews. Up to this point the Christians had been careful to keep up all the old Jewish customs, and it was even doubted at first whether any but Jews could properly be admitted to the new faith. A new convert, Saul of Tarsus, a Jew who had studied in the Greek university there and who afterwards became the Apostle Paul, did much to open the new faith to the Gentiles, as the men of other nations were known. Speaking Greek, and being versed in Greek philosophy, and especially Stoicism, he gave thirty years of most effective service to the establishment of Christian churches [7] in Asia Minor, Macedonia, Greece (R. 29), and Italy (R. 28). His work was so important that he has often been called the second founder of the Christian Church. THE CHALLENGE OF CHRISTIANITY. Into a Roman world that had already passed the zenith of its greatness came this new Christian faith, challenging almost everything for which the Roman world had stood. In place of Roman citizenship and service to the State as the purpose of life, the Christians set up the importance of the life to come. Instead of pleasure and happiness and the satisfaction of the senses as personal ends, the Christians preached denial of all these things for the greater joy of a future life. In a society built on a huge basis of slavery and filled with social classes, the Christians proclaimed the equality of all men before God. To a nation in which family life had become corrupt, infidelity and divorce common, and infanticide a prevailing practice, the Christians proclaimed the sacredness of the marriage tie and the family life, and the exposure of infants as simple murder. In place of the subjection of the individual to the State, the Christians demanded the subjection of the individual only to God. In place of a union of State and religion, the Christians demanded the complete separation of the two and the subordination of the State to the Church. Unlike all other religions that Rome had absorbed, the Christians refused to be accepted on any other than exclusive terms. The worship of all other gods the Christians held to be sinful idol-worship, a deadly sin in the eyes of God, and they were willing to give up their lives rather than perform the simplest rite of what they termed pagan worship (R. 28). To the deified Emperor the Christians naturally could not bend the knee (Rs. 30 b, 31 a-b, 34). At first the new faith attracted but little attention from anybody of education or influence. Its converts were few during the first century, and these largely from among the lowest social classes in the Empire. Workmen and slaves, and women rather than men, constituted the large majority of the early converts to the new faith. The character of its missionaries [8] also was against it, and its challenge of almost all that characterized the higher social and governmental life of Rome was certain to make its progress difficult, and in time to awaken powerful opposition [9] to it. Yet, notwithstanding all these obstacles, its progress was relatively rapid. THE VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. By the close of the first century there were Christian churches throughout most of Judea and Asia Minor, and in parts of Greece and Macedonia. During the second century other churches were established in Asia Minor, in Greece, and along the Black Sea, and at a few places in Italy and France; and before four centuries had elapsed from the crucifixion Christian churches had been established throughout almost all the Roman world. This is well shown by the map on the opposite page. The message of hope that Christianity had to offer to all; the simplicity of its organization and teachings; the great appeal which it made to the emotional side of human life; the hope of a future life of reward for the burdens of this which it extended to all who were weary and heavy laden; the positiveness of conviction of its apostles and followers; and the completeness with which it satisfied the religious need and longings of the time, first among the poor and among women and later among educated men--all helped the new faith to win its way. The unity in that Rome had everywhere established; [10] the Roman peace (_pax Romana_) that Rome had everywhere imposed; the spread of the Greek and Latin languages and ideas throughout the Mediterranean world; the right of freedom of travel and speech enjoyed by a Roman citizen, and of which Saint Paul and others on their travels took advantage; [11] the scatterment of Jews throughout the Empire, after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.--all these elements also helped. [ILLUSTRATION: FIG. 27. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE END OF THE FOURTH CENTURY] That Christianity made its headway unmolested must not be supposed. While at first the tendency of educated Romans and of the government was to ignore or tolerate it, its challenge was so direct and provocative that this attitude could not long continue. Under the Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.) "all the Jews who were continually making disturbances at the instigation of one Chrestus" were unsuccessfully ordered banished from Rome. In the reign of the Emperor Nero, in 64 A.D., many horrible tortures were inflicted on this as yet small sect. It was not, however, till later, when the continued refusal of the Christians to offer sacrifices to the Emperor brought them under the law as disloyal (R. 30 a) subjects, that they began to be much punished for their faith (R. 31 a-b). The times were bad and were going from bad to worse, and the feelings of many were that the adverse conditions in the Empire--war, famine, floods, pestilence, and barbarian inroads--were due to the neglect of the old state religion and to the tolerance extended the vast organized defiance of the law by the Christians. In the first century they had been largely ignored. In the second, in some places, they were punished. In the third century, impelled by the calamities of the State and the urging of those who would restore the national religion to its earlier position, the Emperors were gradually driven to a series of heavy persecutions of the sect (R. 30 a). But it had now become too late. The blood of the martyrs proved to be the seed of the Church (R. 35). The last great persecution under the Emperor Diocletian, in 303 (R. 33), ended in virtual failure. In 311 the Emperor Galerius placed Christianity on a plane of equality with other forms of worship (R. 36). In 313 Constantine made it in part the official religion of the State [12] and ordered freedom of worship for all. He and succeeding Emperors gradually extended to the Christian clergy a long list of important privileges (R. 38) and exemptions, [13] analogous to those formerly enjoyed by the teachers of rhetoric under the Empire (R. 26), and likewise began the policy, so liberally followed later, of endowing the Church. In 391 the Emperor Theodosius forbade all pagan worship, thus making the victory of Christianity complete. In less than four centuries from the birth of its founder the Christian faith had won control of the great Empire in which it originated. In 529 the Emperor Justinian ordered the closing of all pagan schools, and the University of Athens, which had remained the center of pagan thought after the success of Christianity, closed its doors. The victory was now complete. THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY. We have now before us the third great contribution upon which our modern civilization has been built. To the great contributions of Greece and Rome, which we have previously studied, there now was added, and added at a most opportune time, the contribution of Christianity. In taking the Jewish idea of one God and freeing it from the narrow tribal limitations to which it had before been subject, Christianity made possible its general acceptance, first in the Roman world, and later in the Mohammedan world. [14] With this was introduced the doctrine of the fatherhood of God and his love for man, the equality before God of all men and of the two sexes, and the sacredness of each individual in the eyes of the Father. An entirely new conception of the individual was proclaimed to the world, and an entirely new ethical code was promulgated. The duty of all to make their lives conform to these new conceptions was asserted. These ideas imparted to ancient society a new hopefulness and a new energy which were not only of great importance in dealing with the downfall of civilization and the deluge of barbarism which were impending, but which have been of prime importance during all succeeding centuries. In time the church organization which was developed gradually absorbed all other forms of government, and became virtually the State during the long period of darkness known as the Middle Ages. It remains now to sketch briefly how the Church organized itself and became powerful enough to perform its great task during the Middle Ages, what educational agencies it developed, and to what extent these were useful. II. EDUCATIONAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH SCHOOLING OF THE EARLY CHURCH; CATECHUMENAL INSTRUCTION. The early churches were bound together by no formal bond of union, and felt little need for such. It was the belief of many that Christ would soon return and the world would end, hence there was little necessity for organization. There was also almost no system of belief. An acknowledgment of God as the Father, a repentance for past sins, a godly life, and a desire to be saved were about all that was expected of any one. [15] The chief concern was the moral regeneration of society through the moral regeneration of converts. To accomplish this, in face of the practices of Roman society, a process of instruction and a period of probation for those wishing to join the faith soon became necessary. Jews, pagans, and the children of believers were thereafter alike subjected to this before full acceptance into the Church. At stated times during the week the probationers met for instruction in morality and in the psalmody of the Church (R. 39). These two subjects constituted almost the entire instruction, the period of probation covering two or three years. The teachers were merely the older and abler members of the congregation. This personal instruction became common everywhere in the early Church, and the training was known as _catechumenal_, that is, rudimentary, instruction. Two sets of catechumenal lectures have survived, which give an idea as to the nature of the instruction. They cover the essentials of church practice and the religious life (RS. 39, 40). It was dropped entirely in the conversion of the barbarian tribes. This instruction, and the preaching of the elders (presbyters, who later evolved into priests), constituted the formal schooling of the early converts to Christianity in Italy and the East. Such instruction was never known in England, and but little in Gaul. The life in the Church made a moral and emotional, rather than an intellectual appeal. In fact the early Christians felt but little need for the type of intellectual education provided by the Roman schools, and the character of the educated society about them, as they saw it, did not make them wish for the so-called pagan learning. Even if the parents of converts wished to provide additional educational advantages for their children, what could they do? A modern author states well the predicament of such Christian parents, when he says: All the schools were pagan. Not only were all the ceremonies of the official faith--and more especially the festivals of Minerva, who was the patroness of masters and pupils--celebrated at regular intervals in the schools, but the children were taught reading out of books saturated with the old mythology. There the Christian child made his first acquaintance with the deities of Olympus. He ran the danger of imbibing ideas entirely contrary to those which he had received at home. The fables he had learned to detest in his own home were explained, elucidated, and held up to his admiration every day by his masters. Was it right to put him thus into two schools of thought? What could be done that he might be educated, like every one else, and yet not run the risk of losing his faith? [16] CATECHETICAL SCHOOLS. After Christianity had begun to make converts among the more serious-minded and better-educated citizens of the Roman Empire, the need for more than rudimentary instruction in the principles of the church life began to be felt. Especially was this the case in the places where Christian workers came in contact with the best scholars of the Hellenic learning, and particularly at Alexandria, Athens, and the cities of Asia Minor. The speculative Greek would not be satisfied with the simple, unorganized faith of the early Christians. He wanted to understand it as a system of thought, and asked many questions that were hard to answer. To meet the critical inquiry of learned Greeks, it became desirable that the clergy of the Church, in the East at least, should be equipped with a training similar to that of their critics. As a result there was finally evolved, first at Alexandria, and later at other places in the Empire, training schools for the leaders of the Church. These came to be known as _catechetical_ schools, from their oral questioning method of instruction, and this term was later applied to elementary religious instruction (whence _catechism_) throughout western Europe. Pantaenus, a converted Greek Stoic, who became head of the catechumenal instruction at Alexandria, in 179 A.D., brought to the training of future Christian leaders the strength of Greek learning and Greek philosophic thought. He and his successors, Clement and Origen, developed here an important school of Christian theology where Greek learning was used to interpret the Scriptures and train leaders for the service of the Church. Similar schools were opened at Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis, and Caesarea (See Map, p. 89), and these developed into a rudimentary form of theological schools for the education of the eastern Christian clergy. In these schools Christian faith and doctrine were formulated into a sort of system, the whole being tinctured through and through with Greek philosophic thought. Out of these schools came some of the great Fathers of the early Church; men who strove to uphold the pagan learning and reconcile Christianity and Greek philosophic thinking. [17] REJECTION OF PAGAN LEARNING IN THE WEST. In the West, where the leaders of the Church came from the less philosophic and more practical Roman stock, and where the contact with a decadent society wakened a greater reaction, the tendency was to reject the Hellenic learning, and to depend more upon emotional faith and the enforcement of a moral life. By the close of the third century the hostility to the pagan schools and to the Hellenic learning had here become pronounced (R. 41). Even the Fathers of the Latin Church, the greatest of whom had been teachers of oratory or rhetoric in Roman schools before their conversion, [18] gradually came to reject the pagan learning as undesirable for Christians and in a large degree as a robbery from God. Saint Augustine, in his _Confessions_, hopes that God may forgive him for having enjoyed Vergil. Jerome's dream [19] was known and quoted throughout the Middle Ages. Tertullian, in his _Prescription against Heresies_, exclaims: What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What concord is there between the Academy and the Church? What between heretics and Christians?... Away with all attempts to produce a mottled Christianity of Stoic, Platonic, and dialectic composition. Gregory the Great, Pope of the Church from 590 to 604, and who had been well educated as a youth in the surviving Roman-type schools, turned bitterly against the whole of pagan learning. "I am strongly of the opinion," he says, "that it is an indignity that the words of the oracle of Heaven should be restrained by the rules of Donatus" (grammar). In a letter to the Bishop of Vienne he berates him for giving instruction in grammar, concluding with--"the praise of Christ cannot lie in one mouth with the praise of Jupiter. Consider yourself what a crime it is for bishops to recite what would be improper for religiously-minded laymen." As a result Hellenic learning declined rapidly in importance in the West as the Church attained supremacy, and finally, in 401, the Council of Carthage, largely at the instigation of Saint Augustine, forbade the clergy to read any pagan author. In time Greek learning largely died out in the West, and was for a time almost entirely lost. Even the Greek language was forgotten, and was not known again in the West for nearly a thousand years. [20] THE CHURCH PERFECTS A STRONG ORGANIZATION. As was previously stated (p. 92), but little need was felt during the first two centuries for a system of belief or church government. As the expected return of Christ did not take place, and as the need for a formulation of belief and a system of government began to be felt, the next step was the development of these features. The system of belief and the ceremonials of worship finally evolved are more the products of Greek thought and practices of the East, while the form of organization and government is derived more from Roman sources. In the second century the Old Testament was translated into Greek at Alexandria, and the "Apostles' Creed" was formulated. During the third century the writings deemed sacred were organized into the New Testament, also in Greek. In 325 the first General Council of the Church was held at Nicaea, in Asia Minor. It formulated the Nicene Creed (R. 42), and twenty canons or laws for the government of the Church. A second General Council, held at Constantinople in 381, revised the Nicene Creed and adopted additional canons. [Illustration: FIG. 28. A BISHOP Seventh Century (Santo Venanzio, Rome)] The great organizing genius of the western branch of the Church was Saint Augustine (354-430). He gave to the Western or Latin Church, then beginning to take on its separate existence, the body of doctrine needed to enable it to put into shape the things for which it stood. The system of theology evolved before the separation of the eastern and western branches of the Church was not so finished and so finely speculative as that of the Greek branch, but was more practical, more clearly legal, and more systematically organized. The influence of Rome was strong also in the organization of the system of government finally adopted for the Church. There being no other model, the Roman governmental system was copied. The bishop of a city corresponded to the Roman municipal officials; the archbishop of a territory to the governor of a province; and the patriarch to the ruler of a division of the Empire. As Rome had been a universal Empire, and as the city of Rome had been the chief governing city, [21] the idea of a universal Church was natural and the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome was gradually asserted and determined. [22] A STATE WITHIN A STATE. There was thus developed in the West, as it were a State within a State. That is, within the Roman Empire, with its Emperor, provincial governors, and municipal officials, governing the people and drawing their power from the Roman Senate and imperial authority, there was also gradually developed another State, consisting of those who had accepted the Christian faith, and who rendered their chief allegiance, through priest, bishop, and archbishop, to a central head of the Church who owed allegiance to no earthly ruler. That Christianity, viewed from the governmental point of view, was a serious element of weakness in the Roman State and helped its downfall, there can be no question. In the eastern part of the Empire the Church was always much more closely identified with the State. Fortunately for civilization, before the Roman Empire had fallen and the impending barbarian deluge had descended, the Christian Church had succeeded in formulating a unifying belief and a form of government capable of commanding respect and of enforcing authority, and was fast taking over the power of the State itself. THE CATHEDRAL OR EPISCOPAL SCHOOLS. The first churches throughout the Empire were in the cities, and made their early converts there. [23] Gradually these important cities evolved into the residences of a supervising priest or bishop, the territory became known as a _bishopric_, and the church as a _cathedral church_. In time, also, some of the outlying territory was organized into parishes, and churches were established in these. These were made tributary to and placed under the direction of the bishop of the large central city. To supply clergy for these outlying parishes came to be one of the functions of the bishop, and, to insure properly trained clergy and to provide for promotions in the clerical ranks, schools of a rudimentary type were established in connection with the cathedral churches. These came to be known as _cathedral_, or _episcopal schools_. At first they were probably under the immediate charge of the bishop, but later, as his functions increased, the school was placed under a special teacher, known as a _Scholasticus_, or _Magister Scholarum_, who directed the cathedral school, assisted the bishop, and trained the future clergy. As the pagan secondary schools died out, these cathedral schools, together with the monastic schools which were later founded, gradually replaced the pagan schools as the important educational institutions of the western world. In these two types of schools the religious leaders of the early Middle Ages were trained. THE MONASTIC ORGANIZATION. In the early days of Christianity, it will be remembered (p. 87), the Christian convert held himself apart from the wicked world all about him, and had little to do with the society or the government of his time. He regarded the Church as having no relationship to the State. As the Church grew stronger, however, and became a State within a State, the Christian took a larger and larger part in the world around him, and in time came to be distinguished from other men by his profession of the Christian religion rather than by any other mark. Many of the early bishops were men of great political sagacity, fully capable of realizing to the full the political opportunities, afforded by their position, to strengthen the power of the Church. It was the work of men of this type that created the temporal power of the Church, and made of it an institution capable of commanding respect and enforcing its decisions. To some of the early Christians this life did not appeal. To them holiness was associated with a complete withdrawal from contact with this sinful world and all its activities. Some betook themselves to the desert, others to the forests or mountains, and others shut themselves up alone that they might be undisturbed in their religious meditations. To such devoted souls monasticism, a scheme of living brought into the Christian world from the East, made a strong appeal. It provided that such men should live together in brotherhoods, renouncing the world, taking vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, and devoting their lives to hard labor and the mortification of the flesh that the soul might be exalted and made beautiful. The members lived alone in individual cells, but came together for meals, prayer, and religious service. As early as 330 a monastery had been organized on the island of Tebernae, in the Nile. About 350 Saint Basil introduced monasticism into Asia Minor, where it flourished greatly. In 370 the Basilian order was founded. The monastic idea was soon transferred to the West, a monastery being established at Rome probably as early as 340. The monastery of Saint Victor, at Marseilles, was founded by Cassian in 404, and this type of monastery and monastic rule was introduced into Gaul, about 415. The monastery of Lerins (off Cannes, in southern France) was established in 405. During the fifth century a rapid extension of monastic foundations took place in western Europe, particularly along the valleys of the Rhone and the Loire in Gaul. [Illustration: FIG. 29. A BENEDICTINE MONK, ABBOT, AND ABBESS (From a thirteenth-century manuscript)] In 529 Saint Benedict, a Roman of wealth who fled from the corruption of his city, founded the monastery of Monte Cassino, south of Rome, and established a form of government, or rule of daily life, which was gradually adopted by nearly all the monasteries of the West. In time Europe came to be dotted with thousands of these establishments, many of which were large and expensive institutions both to found and to maintain. [24] By the time the barbarian invasions were in full swing monasticism had become an established institution of the Christian Church. Nunneries for women also were established early. A letter from Saint Jerome to Marcella, a Roman matron, in 382, in which he says that "no high-born lady at Rome had made profession of the monastic life ... or had ventured ... publicly to call herself a nun," would seem to imply that such institutions had already been established in Rome. MONASTIC SCHOOLS. Poverty, chastity, obedience, labor, and religious devotion were the essential features of a monastic life. The Rule of Saint Benedict (R. 43) organized in a practical way the efforts of those who took the vows. In a series of seventy-three rules which he laid down, covering all phases of monastic life, the most important from the standpoint of posterity was the forty-eighth, prescribing at least seven hours of daily labor and two hours of reading "for all able to bear the load." From that part of the rule requiring regular manual labor the monks became the most expert farmers and craftsmen of the early Middle Ages, while to the requirement of daily reading we owe in large part the development of the school and the preservation of learning in the West during the long intellectual night of the mediaeval period (R. 44). Into these monastic institutions the _oblati_, that is, those who wished to become monks, were received as early as the age of twelve, and occasionally earlier (R. 53 a). The final vows (R. 53 b) could not be taken until eighteen, so during this period the novice was taught to work and to read and write, given instruction in church music, and taught to calculate the church festivals and to do simple reckoning. In time some condensed and carefully edited compendium of the elements of classical learning was also studied, and still later a more elaborate type of instruction was developed in some of the monasteries. This, however, belongs to a later division of this history, and further description of church and monastic education will be deferred until we study the intellectual life of the Middle Ages. THE EDUCATION OF GIRLS. Aside from the general instruction in the practices of the church and home instruction in the work of a woman, there was but little provision made for the education of girls not desiring to join a convent or nunnery. A few, however, obtained a limited amount of intellectual training. The letter of Saint Jerome to the Roman lady Paula (R. 45), regarding the education of her daughter, is a very important document in the history of early Christian education for girls. Dating from 403, it outlines the type of training a young girl should be given who was to be properly educated in Christian faith and properly consecrated to God. What he outlined was education for nunneries, a number of which had been founded in the East and a few in the West. In the West these institutions later experienced an extensive development, and offered the chief opportunity for any intellectual education for women during the whole of the Middle Ages. III. WHAT THE MIDDLE AGES STARTED WITH WHAT THE CHURCH BROUGHT TO THE MIDDLE AGES. From a small and purely spiritual organization, devoting its energies to exhortation and to the moral regeneration of mankind, and without creed or form of government, as the Christian Church was in the first two centuries of its development, we have traced the organization of a body of doctrine, the perfection of a strong system of church government, and the development of a very limited educational system designed merely to train leaders for its service. We have also shown how it added to its early ecclesiastical organization a strong governmental organization, became a State within a State, and gradually came to direct the State itself. It was thus ready, when the virtual separation of the Roman Empire into an eastern and western division took place, in 395, and when the western division finally fell before the barbarian onslaughts, to take up in a way the work of the State, force the barbarian hordes to acknowledge its power, and begin the process of civilizing these new tribes and building up once more a civilization in the western world. In addition to its spiritual and political power, the Church also had developed, in its catechumenal instruction and in the cathedral and monastic schools, a very meager form of an educational system for the training of its future leaders and servants. A great change had now taken place in the nature of education as a preparation for life, and intellectual education, in the sense that it was known and understood in Greece and Rome, was not to be known again in the western world for almost a thousand years. The distinguishing characteristic of the centuries which follow, up to the Revival of Learning, are, first, a struggle against very adverse odds to prevent civilization from disappearing entirely, and later a struggle to build up new foundations upon which world civilization might begin once more where it had left off in Greece and Rome. THE THREE GREAT CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE ANCIENT WORLD. Thus, before the Middle Ages began, the three great contributions of the ancient world which were to form the foundations of our future western civilization had been made. Greece gave the world an art and a philosophy and a literature of great charm and beauty, the most advanced intellectual and aesthetic ideas that civilization has inherited, and developed an educational system of wonderful effectiveness--one that in its higher development in time took captive the entire Mediterranean world and profoundly modified all later thinking. Rome was the organizing and legal genius of the ancient world, as Greece was the literary and philosophical. To Rome we are especially indebted for out conceptions of law, order, and government, and for the ability to make practical and carry into effect the ideals of other peoples. To the Hebrews we are indebted for the world's loftiest conceptions of God, religious faith, and moral responsibility, and to Christianity and the Church we are indebted for making these ideas universal in the Roman Empire and forcing them on a barbaric world. All these great foundations of our western civilization have not come down to us directly. The hostility to pagan learning that developed on the part of the Latin Fathers; the establishment of an eastern capital for the Empire at Constantinople, in 328; the virtual division of the Empire into an East and West, in 395; and the final division of the Christian Church into a Western Latin and an Eastern Greek Church, which was gradually effected, finally drove Greek philosophy and learning and the Greek language from the western world. Greek was not to be known again in the West for hundreds of years. Fortunately the Eastern Church was more tolerant of pagan learning than was the Western, and was better able to withstand conquest by barbarian tribes. In consequence what the Greeks had done was preserved at Constantinople until Europe had once more become sufficiently civilized and tolerant to understand and appreciate it. Hellenic learning was then handed back to western Europe, first through the medium of the Saracens, and then in that great Revival of Learning which we know as the _Renaissance_. Of the Latin literature and learning much was lost, and much was preserved almost by accident in the monasteries of mediaeval Europe. Even the Church itself was seriously deflected from its earlier purpose and teachings during the long period of barbarism and general ignorance through which it passed, and only in modern times has it tried to come back to the spirit of the teachings of its founder. [Illustration: FIG. 30. SHOWING THE FINAL DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE AND THE CHURCH The map also shows conditions as they were in Europe at the end of the fourth century A.D. Syria, Egypt, Africa, and a portion of Asia Minor were overwhelmed by the Saracens in the seventh century and became Mohammedan, but Constantinople held out until 1453. The eastern division eventually gave rise to the Greek Catholic Church of Greece, the Balkans, and Russia, while the western division became the Roman Catholic Church of western Europe. At Constantinople Greek learning was preserved until the West was again ready to receive it. The Eastern Empire for a time retained control of Sicily and southern Italy (the old _Magna Graecia_), but eventually these were absorbed by western or Latin Christianity.] THE FUTURE STORY. For the long period of intellectual stagnation which now followed, the educational story is briefly told. But little formal education was needed, and that of but one main type. It was only after the Church had won its victory over the barbarian hordes, and had built up the foundations upon which a new civilization could be developed, that education in any broad and liberal sense was again needed. This required nearly a thousand years of laborious and painful effort. Then, when schools again became possible and learning again began to be demanded, education had to begin again with the few at the top, and the contributions of Greece and Rome had to be recovered and put into usable form as a basis upon which to build. It is only very recently that it has become possible to extend education to all. In Part II we shall next trace briefly the intellectual life of the Middle Ages, and the reawakening, and in Part III we shall, among other things, point out the deep and lasting influence of the work of these ancient civilizations on our modern educational thoughts and practices. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Point out the many advantages of a universal religion for such a universal Empire as Rome developed, and the advantages of Emperor worship for such an Empire. 2. What do modern nations have that is much akin to Emperor worship? 3. Explain why Stoicism made such an appeal to the better-educated classes at Rome. 4. Why is an emotional faith better adapted to the mass of people than an intellectual one? 5. Explain how the Hebrew scribes, administering such a mixed body of laws, naturally came to be both teachers and judges for the people. 6. Illustrate how the Hebrew tradition that the moral and spiritual unity of a people is stronger than armed force has been shown to be true in history. 7. What great lessons may we draw from the work of the Hebrews in maintaining a national unity through compulsory education? 8. Why was Jesus' idea as to the importance of the individual destined to make such slow headway in the world? What is the status of the idea to-day (a) in China? (b) in Germany? (c) in England? (d) in the United States? Is the idea necessarily opposed to nationality or even to a strong state government? 9. Show how the political Church, itself the State, was the natural outcome during the Middle Ages of the teachings of the early Christians as to the relationship of Church and State. 10. Is it to be wondered that the Romans were finally led to persecute "the vast organized defiance of law by the Christians"? 11. Show how the Christian idea of the equality and responsibility of all gave the citizen a new place in the State. 12. State the reasons for the gradually increasing lack of sympathy and understanding between the eastern and western Fathers of the Church, and which finally led to the division of the Church. 13. Explain what is meant by "a State within a State" as applied to the Church of the third and fourth centuries. Did this prove to be a good thing for the future of civilization? Why? 14. Would Rome probably have been better able to withstand the barbarian invasions if Christianity had not arisen, or not? Why? 15. Show how the Christian attitude toward pagan learning tended to stop schools and destroy the accumulated learning. 16. What was the effect of the Christian attitude toward the care of the body, on scientific and medical knowledge, and on education? Was the Christian or the pagan attitude more nearly like that of modern times? 17. Why did the emphasis on form of belief, in the third and fourth centuries, come to supersede the emphasis on personal virtues and simple faith of the first and second centuries? 18. Compare the work of the Sunday School of to-day with the catechumenal instruction of the early Christians. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 27. The Talmud: Educational Maxims from. 28. Saint Paul: Epistle to the Romans. 29. Saint Paul: To the Athenians. 30. The Crimes of the Christians. (a) Minucius Felix: The Roman Point of View. (b) Tertullian: The Christian Point of View. 31. Persecution of the Christians as Disloyal Subjects of the Empire. (a) Pliny to Trajan. (b) Trajan to Pliny. 32. Tertullian: Effect of the Persecutions. 33. Eusebius: Edicts of Diocletian against the Christians. 34. Workman: Certificate of having Sacrificed to the Pagan Gods. 35. Kingsley: The Empire and Christianity in Conflict. 36. Lactantius: The Edict of Toleration by Galerius. 37. Theodosian Code: The Faith of Catholic Christians. 38. Theodosian Code: Privileges and Immunities granted the Clergy. 39. Apostolic Constitutions: How the Catechumens are to be instructed. 40. Leach: Catechumenal Schools of the Early Church. 41. Apostolic Constitutions: Christians should abstain from all Heathen Books. 42. The Nicene Creed of 325 A.D. 43. Saint Benedict: Extracts from the Rule of. 44. Lanfranc: Enforcing Lenten Reading in the Monasteries. 45. Saint Jerome: Letter on the Education of Girls. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Characterize the type of education to be provided and the status of the teacher, as shown in the selections from the Talmud (27). Compare with Rome. With Athens. 2. Characterize the attitude of Saint Paul toward the Romans (28). Does his description of Athens (29) tally with the description of the Athenians given in the text? 3. Was it possible for the Roman and the Christian to understand one another, thinking as they did in such different terms (30 a-b)? 4. Considering Pliny and Trajan (31 a-b) as Roman officials, with the Roman point of view, and taking into account the time in the history of world civilization, would you say that they were quite tolerant of rebels within the State? 5. Compare the privileges and immunities granted the clergy (38) with the privileges previously given by Constantine to physicians and teachers (26). 6. Characterize the irrepressible conflict as pictured by Kingsley (35). Name a few other somewhat similar conflicts in world history. 7. Outline the type of instruction for catechumens as directed in the Apostolic Constitutions (39). 8. What would have been the effect of the continued rejection of secular books called for in the Apostolic Constitutions (41)? 9. What was the governmental advantage of the adoption of the Nicene Creed (42)? 10. Why did the rule of Saint Benedict (43) requiring readings and study lead to the copying and preservation of manuscripts? 11. What does the selection from Lanfranc (44) indicate as to the state of monastic learning? 12. Was there anything pedagogically sound about the letter of Saint Jerome (45) on the education of girls? Discuss. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Dill, Sam'l. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_. Fisher, Geo. P. _Beginnings of Christianity_. * Fisher, Geo. P. _History of the Christian Church_. * Hatch, Edw. _Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church_. (Hibbert Lectures, 1888.) Hodgson, Geraldine. _Primitive Church Education_. Kretzmann, P. E. _Education among the Jews_. MacCabe, Joseph. _Saint Augustine_. * Monro, D. C. and Sellery, G. E. _Mediaeval Civilization_. * Swift, F. H. _Education in Ancient Israel to 70 A.D._ Taylor, H. O. _Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages_. Wishart, A. W. _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_. PART II THE MEDIAEVAL WORLD THE DELUGE OF BARBARISM THE MEDIAEVAL STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE AND REËSTABLISH CIVILIZATION CHAPTER V NEW PEOPLES IN THE EMPIRE THE WEAKENED EMPIRE. Though the first and second centuries A.D. have often been called one of the happiest ages in all human history, due to a succession of good Emperors and peace and quiet throughout the Roman world, [1] the reign of the last of the good Emperors, Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), may be regarded as clearly marking a turning-point in the history of Roman society. Before his reign Rome was ascendant, prosperous, powerful; during his reign the Empire was beset by many difficulties-- pestilence, floods, famine, troubles with the Christians, and heavy German inroads--to which it had not before been accustomed; and after his reign the Empire was distinctly on the defensive and the decline. Though the elements contributing to this change in national destiny had their origin in the changes in the character of the national life at least two centuries earlier, it was not until now that the Empire began to feel seriously the effects of these changes in a lowered vitality and a weakened power of resistance. The virtues of the citizens of the early days of the Republic, trained according to the old ideas, had gradually given way in the face of the vices and corruption which beset and sapped the life of the upper and ruling classes in the later Empire. The failure of Rome to put its provincial government on any honest and efficient civil-service basis, the failure of the State to establish and direct an educational system capable of serving as a corrective of dangerous national tendencies, the lack of a guiding national faith, the gradual admission of so many Germans into the Empire, the great extent and demoralizing influence of slavery [2]--all contributed to that loss of national strength and resisting power which was now becoming increasingly evident. Other contributing elements of importance were the almost complete obliteration of the peasantry by the creation of great landed estates and cattle ranches worked by slaves, in place of the small farms of earlier days; the increase of the poor in the cities, and the declining birth-rate; the introduction of large numbers of barbarians as farmers and soldiers; and the demoralization of the city rabble by political leaders in need of votes. Captured slaves performed almost every service, and a lavish display of wealth on the part of a few came to be a characteristic feature of city life. [3] The great middle, commercial, and professional classes were still prosperous and contented, but luxury, imported vices, slavery, political corruption, and new ideals [4] had gradually sapped the old national vitality and destroyed the resisting power of the State in the face of a great national calamity. Rome now stood, much like the shell of a fine old tree, apparently in good condition, but in reality ready to fall before the blast because it had been allowed to become rotten at the heart. Sooner or later the boundaries of the Empire, which had held against the pressure from without for so long, were destined to be broken and the barbarian deluge from the north and east would pour over the Empire. [Illustration: FIG. 31. A BODYGUARD OF GERMANS A relief from the Column of Marcus Aurelius, at Rome, erected to celebrate his victories over the Marcomanni, and other German tribes.] THE BOUNDARIES OF THE EMPIRE ARE BROKEN. While temporary extensions of territory had at times been made beyond the Rhine and the Danube, these rivers had finally come to be the established boundaries of the Empire on the north, and behind these rivers the Teutonic barbarians, or _Germani_, as the Romans called them, had by force been kept. To do even this the Romans had been obliged to admit bands of Germans into the Empire, and had taken them into the Roman army as "allies," making use of their great love for fighting to hold other German tribes in check. In 166 A.D. the plague, brought back by soldiers returning from the East, carried off approximately half the population of Italy. This same year the Marcomanni (see Figure 18), a former friendly tribe, invaded the Empire as far as the head of the Adriatic Sea, and it required thirteen years of warfare to put them back behind the Danube. Even this was accomplished only by the aid of friendly German tribes. From this time on the Empire was more or less on the defensive, with the barbarian tribes to the north casting increasingly longing eyes toward "a place in the sun" and the rich plunder that lay to the south, and frequently breaking over the boundaries. Rome, though, was still strong enough to put them back again. In 275 A.D., after a five years' struggle, the Eastern Emperor gave the province of Dacia, to the south of the Danube, to the Visigoths, in an effort to buy them off from further invasion and warfare. This eased the pressure for another century. In 378 A.D., now pressed on by the terrible Huns from behind, the Visigoths, as a body, invaded the Eastern Empire, and in the Battle of Adrianople, near Constantinople, defeated the Roman army, slew the Roman Emperor, definitely broke the boundaries of the Empire, and they and the Ostrogoths now moved southward and settled in Moesia and Thrace. The Germans at Adrianople learned that they could beat the Roman legions, and from this time on it was they, and not the Romans, who named the terms of ransom and the price of peace. A few years later, under Alaric, the Visigoths invaded Greece, then turned westward through Illyria to the valley of the Po, in northern Italy, which they reached in the year 400. In 410 the great calamity came when they captured and sacked Rome. The effect produced on the Roman world by the fall of the Eternal City, as the news of the almost incredible disaster penetrated to the remote provinces, was profound (R. 48). For eight hundred years Rome had not been touched by foreign hands, and now it had been captured and plundered by barbarian hordes. It seemed to many as though the end of the world were approaching. The Visigoths now turned west once more, carrying with them the beautiful sister of the Emperor as a captive bride of the chief, and finally settled in Spain and southern Gaul, which provinces were thenceforth lost to Rome. This was the first of the great permanent inroads into the Empire, and from now on Roman resistance seemed powerless to stop the flood. [Illustration: FIG. 32. THE GERMAN MIGRATIONS The barriers of the Empire along the Rhine and the Danube now are broken down. Take a pencil and trace the route followed by each of these peoples.] A PERIOD OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS. The Hunnish pressure also started the Vandals and Suevi, and within fifty years they had been able to move across Germany, France, and Spain, plundering the cities on their way. Finally they crossed to the northern coast of Africa, where they became noted as the great sea pirates of the Mediterranean. In 455 they crossed back to Italy, and Rome was sacked for the second time by barbarian hordes. The Huns, under the leadership of Attila, the so-called "Scourge of God," now moved in and ravaged Gaul (451) and northern Italy (452), and then, at the intercession of the Roman Pope Leo, were induced by a ransom price to return to the lower Danube, where they have since remained. In 476 the barbarian soldiers of the Empire, tired of camp life and demanding land on which they too might settle, rose in revolt, displaced the last of the Western Emperors, and elevated Odovacar, a tribesman from the north, as ruler in his stead. The Western Roman Empire was now at an end. In 493 Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, became king of Italy. Between 443 and 485 the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes left their earlier homes in what is now Denmark and northwestern Germany, and overran eastern and southern Britain. In 486 the Franks, a great nation living along the lower Rhine, began to move, and within two generations had overrun almost all of Gaul. In 586 the Lombards invaded and settled the valleys of northern Italy, displacing the Ostrogoths there. Slavic tribes now moved into the Eastern Empire--Serbs and Bulgars--and settled in Moesia and Thrace. Southeastern Europe thus became Slavic-Greek, as western Europe had become Teutonic-Latin. Figure 32 shows the results of these different migrations up to about 500 A.D. EUROPE TO BE TEUTONIC-LATIN. In the seventh century another great wave of people, of a different racial stock and religion--Semitic and Mohammedan-- starting from Arabia and along the shores of the Red Sea, swept rapidly through Egypt and Africa and across into Spain and France. For a time it looked as though they might overrun all western Europe and bring the German tribes under subjection. Fortunately they were definitely stopped and decisively defeated by the Franks, in the great Battle of Tours, in 732. They also overran Syria and Persia, but were held in check in Asia Minor by the Eastern Empire, which did not completely succumb to barbarian inroads until Constantinople was taken by the Turks, in 1453. The importance of the result, to the future of our western civilization, of this battle in the West can hardly be overestimated. The future of European government, law, education, and civilization was settled on that Saturday afternoon in October, on the battle plains of Tours. [5] It was a struggle for mastery and dominion between the Aryan and Semitic races, between the Christian and Mohammedan religions, between the forces representing order on the one side and destruction on the other, and between races destined to succeed to the civilization of Greece and Rome and a race representing oriental despotism and static conditions. [Illustration: FIG. 33. THE KNOWN WORLD IN 800 This map shows the great extent of the Mohammedan conquests. The part marked as "European Heathen" was added to Christianity within the next few centuries, and became a part of our Latin-Teutonic or western civilization.] Driven back across the Pyrenees by the Franks, these people settled in Spain; later developed there, for a short period, a for-the-time remarkable civilization, but one that only slightly influenced the current of European development; and then disappeared as a force in our western development and progress. We shall meet them again a little later, but only for a little while, and then they concern our western development no more. Our interest from now on lies with the Teutonic-Latin peoples of western Europe, for it is through them that our western civilization has been worked out and has come down to us. WHO THESE INVADERS WERE. A long-continued series of tribal migrations, unsurpassed before in history, had brought a large number of new peoples within the boundaries of the old Empire. They finally came so fast that they could not have been assimilated even in the best days of Rome, and now the assimilative and digestive powers of Rome were gone. Tall, huge of limb, white-skinned, flaxen-haired, with fierce blue eyes, and clad in skins and rude cloths, they seemed like giants to the short, small, dark- skinned people of the Italian peninsula. Quarrelsome; delighting in fighting and gambling; given to drunkenness and gluttonous eating; possessed of a rude polytheistic religion in which _Woden_, the war god, held the first place, and Valhalla was a heaven for those killed in battle; living in rude villages in the forest, and maintaining themselves by hunting and fishing--it is not to be wondered that Rome dreaded the coming of these forest barbarians (R. 46). [Illustration: FIG 34. A GERMAN WAR CHIEF Restored, and rather idealized (From the Musée d'Artillerie at Paris)] The tribes nearest the Rhine and the Danube had taken on a little civilization from long contact with the Romans, but those farther away were savage and unorganized (Rs. 46, 47). In general they represented a degree of civilization not particularly different from that of the better American Indians in our colonial period, [6] though possessing a much larger ability to learn. The "two terrible centuries" which brought these new peoples into the Empire were marked by unspeakable disorder and frightful destruction. It was the most complete catastrophe that had ever befallen civilized society. [Illustration: FIG. 35. ROMANS DESTROYING A GERMAN VILLAGE (From the Column of Marcus Aurelius, at Rome) Note the circular huts of reeds, without windows, and with but a single door.] THEY SETTLE DOWN WITHIN THE EMPIRE. Finally, after a period of wandering and plundering, each of these new peoples settled down within the Empire as rulers over the numerically larger native Roman population, and slowly began to turn from hunting to a rude type of farming. For three or four centuries after the invasions ceased, though, Europe presented a dreary spectacle of ignorance, lawlessness, and violence. Force reigned where law and order had once been supreme. Work largely ceased, because there was no security for the results of labor. The Roman schools gradually died out, in part because of pagan hostility (all pagan schools were closed by imperial edict in 529 A.D.), and in part because they no longer ministered to any real need. The church and the monastery schools alone remained, the instruction in these was meager indeed, and they served almost entirely the special needs of the priestly and monastic classes. The Latin language was corrupted and modified into spoken dialects, and the written language died out except with the monks and the clergy. Even here it became greatly corrupted. Art perished, and science disappeared. The former Roman skill in handicrafts was largely lost. Roads and bridges were left without repair. Commerce and intercourse almost ceased. The cities decayed, and many were entirely destroyed (R. 49). The new ruling class was ignorant--few could read or write their names-- and they cared little for the learning of Greece and Rome. Much of what was excellent in the ancient civilizations died out because these new peoples were as yet too ignorant to understand or use it, and what was preserved was due to the work of others than themselves. It was with such people and on such a basis that it was necessary for whatever constructive forces still remained to begin again the task of building up new foundations for a future European civilization. This was the work of centuries, and during the period the lamp of learning almost went out. BARBARIAN AND ROMAN IN CONTACT. Civilization was saved from almost complete destruction chiefly by reason of the long and substantial work which Rome had done in organizing and governing and unifying the Empire; by the relatively slow and gradual coming of the different tribes; and by the thorough organization of the governing side of the Christian Church, which had been effected before the Empire was finally overrun and Roman government ceased. In unifying the government of the Empire and establishing a common law, language, and traditions, and in early beginning the process of receiving barbarians into the Empire and educating them in her ways and her schools, [7] Rome rendered the western world a service of inestimable importance and one which did much to prepare the way for the reception and assimilation of the invaders. [8] In the cities, which remained Roman in spirit even after their rulers had changed, and where the Roman population greatly preponderated even after the invaders had come, some of the old culture and handicrafts were kept up, and in the cities of southern Europe the municipal form of city government was retained. Roman law still applied to trials of Roman citizens, and many Roman governmental forms passed over to the invader chiefly because he knew no other. The old Roman population for long continued to furnish the clergy, and these, because of their ability to read and write, also became the secretaries and advisers of their rude Teutonic overlords. In one capacity or another they persuaded the leaders of the tribes to adopt, not only Christianity, but many of the customs and practices of the old civilization as well. These various influences helped to assimilate and educate the newcomers, and to save something of the old civilization for the future. Being strong, sturdy, and full of youthful energy, and with a large capacity for learning, the civilizing process, though long and difficult, was easier than it might otherwise have been, and because of their strength and vigor these new races in time infused new life and energy into every land from Spain to eastern Europe (R. 50). The most powerful force with which the barbarians came in contact, though, and the one which did most to reduce them to civilization, was the Christian Church. Organized, as we have seen, after the Roman governmental model, and as a State within a State, the Church gained in strength as the Roman government grew weaker, and was ready to assume governmental authority when Rome could no longer exert it. The barbarians here encountered an organization stronger than force and greater than kings, [9] which they must either accept and make terms with or absolutely destroy. As all the tribes, though heathen, possessed some form of spirit or nature worship or heathen gods, which served as a basis for understanding the appeal of the Church, the result was the ultimate victory, and the Christianizing, in name at least, of all the barbarian tribes. This was the first step in the long process of civilizing and educating them. THE IMPRESS OF CHRISTIANITY UPON THEM. The importance of the services rendered by bishops, priests, and monks during what are known as the _Dark Ages_ can hardly be overestimated. In the face of might they upheld the right of the Church and its representatives to command obedience and respect. [10] The Christian priest gradually forced the barbarian chief to do his will, though at times he refused to be awed into submission, murdered the priest, and sacked the sacred edifice. That the Church lost much of its early purity of worship, and adopted many practices fitted to the needs of the time, but not consistent with real religion, there can be no question. In time the Church gained much from the mixture of these new peoples among the old, as they infused new vigor and energy into the blood of the old races, but the immediate effect was quite otherwise. The Church itself was paganized, but the barbarians were in time Christianized. Priests and missionaries went among the heathen tribes and labored for their conversion. Of course the leaders were sought out first, and often the conversion of a chieftain was made by first converting his wife. After the chieftain had been won the minor leaders in time followed. The lesson of the cross was proclaimed, and the softening and restraining influences of the Christian faith were exerted on the barbarian. It was, however, a long and weary road to restore even a semblance of the order and respect for life and property which had prevailed under Roman rule. One of the most interesting of all the conversions was that made by the Bishop Ulphilas (c. 313-383) among the Visigoths, before they moved westward from their original home north of the Danube, in what is now southwestern Russia. Ulphilas was made bishop and sent among them in 343, and spent the remainder of his life in laboring with them. He devised an alphabet for them, based on the Greek, and gave them a written language into which he translated for them the Bible, or rather large portions of it. In the translation he omitted the two books of Kings and the two Samuels, that the people might not find in them a further stimulus to their great warlike activity. [Illustration: FIG. 36. A PAGE OF THE GOTHIC GOSPELS (_reduced_) One of the treasures of the library of the University or Upsala, in Sweden, is a manuscript of this translation by Bishop Ulphilas. Greek letters, with a few Runic signs were used to represent Gothic sounds. The word "rune" comes from a Gothic word meaning "mystery." To the primitive Germans it seemed a mysterious thing that a series of marks could express thought.] Christianity had been carried early to Great Britain by Roman missionaries, and in 440 Saint Patrick converted the Irish. In 563 Saint Columba crossed to Scotland, founded the monastery at Iona, and began the conversion of the Scots. After the Angles and Saxons and Jutes had overrun eastern and southern Britain there was a period of several generations during which this portion of the island was given over to Teutonic heathenism. In 597 Saint Augustine, "the Apostle to the English," landed in Kent and began the conversion of the people, that year succeeding in converting Ethelbert, King of Kent. In 626 Edwin, King of Northumbria, was converted, and in 635 the English of Wessex accepted Christianity. The English at once became strong supporters of the Christian faith, and in 878 they forced the invading Danes to accept Christianity as one of the conditions of the Peace of Wedmore. (See Map, Figure 42.) In 496 Clovis, King of the Franks, and three thousand of his followers were baptized, following a vow and a victory in battle; [11] in 587 Recarred, King of the Goths in Spain, was won over; and in 681 the South Saxons accepted Christianity. The Germans of Bavaria and Thuringia were finally won over by about 740. Charlemagne repeatedly forced the northern Saxons to accept Christianity, between 772 and 804, when the final submission of this German tribe took place. Finally, in the tenth century, Rollo, Duke of the Normans, was won (912); Boleslav II, King of the Bohemians, in 967; and the Hungarians in 972. In the tenth century the Slavs were converted to the Eastern or Greek type of Christianity, and Poland, Norway, and Sweden to the Western or Roman type. The last people to be converted were the Prussians, a half-Slavic tribe inhabiting East Prussia and Lithuania, along the eastern Baltic, who were not brought to accept Christianity, in name, until near the middle of the thirteenth century, though efforts were begun with them as early as 900. As late as 1230 they were still offering human sacrifices to their heathen gods to secure their favor, but soon after this date they were forced to a nominal acceptance of Christianity as a result of conquest by the "Teutonic Knights." It was thus a thousand years after its foundation before Europe had accepted in name the Christian faith. To change a nominal acceptance to some semblance of a reality has been the work of the succeeding centuries. WORK OF THE CHURCH DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. Everywhere throughout the old Empire, and far into the forest depths of barbarian lands, went bishops, priests, and missionaries, and there parishes were organized, rude churches arose, and the process of educating the fighting tribesmen in the ways of civilized life was carried out. It was not by schools of learning, but by faith and ceremonial that the Church educated and guided her children into the type she approved. Schools for other than monks and clergy for a time were not needed, and such practically died out. The Church and its offices took the place of education and exercised a wholesome and restraining influence over both young and old throughout the long period of the Middle Ages. These the Church in time taught the barbarian to respect. The great educational work of the Church during this period of insecurity and ignorance has seldom been better stated than in the following words by Draper: Of the great ecclesiastics, many had risen from the humblest ranks of society, and these men, true to their democratic instincts, were often found to be the inflexible supporters of right against might. Eventually coming to be the depositaries of the knowledge that then existed, they opposed intellect to brute force, in many instances successfully, and by the example of the organization of the Church, which was essentially republican, they showed how representative systems may be introduced into the State. Nor was it over communities and nations that the Church displayed her chief power. Never in the world before was there such a system. From her central seat at Rome, her all-seeing eye, like that of Providence itself, could equally take in a hemisphere at a glance, or examine the private life of any individual. Her boundless influences enveloped kings in their palaces, and relieved the beggar at the monastery gate. In all Europe there was not a man too obscure, too insignificant, or too desolate for her. Surrounded by her solemnities, every one received his name at her altar; her bells chimed at his marriage, her knell tolled at his funeral. She extorted from him the secrets of his life at her confessionals, and punished his faults by her penances. In his hour of sickness and trouble her servants sought him out, teaching him, by her exquisite litanies and prayers, to place his reliance on God, or strengthening him for the trials of life by the example of the holy and just. Her prayers had an efficacy to give repose to the souls of his dead. When, even to his friends, his lifeless body had become an offense, in the name of God she received it into her consecrated ground, and under her shadow he rested till the great reckoning-day. From little better than a slave she raised his wife to be his equal, and, forbidding him to have more than one, met her recompense for those noble deeds in a firm friend at every fireside. Discountenancing all impure love, she put round that fireside the children of one mother, and made that mother little less than sacred in their eyes. In ages of lawlessness and rapine, among people but a step above savages, she vindicated the inviolability of her precincts against the hand of power, and made her temples a refuge and sanctuary for the despairing and oppressed. Truly she was the shadow of a great rock in many a weary land. [12.] THE CIVILIZING WORK OF THE MONASTERIES. No less important than the Church and its clergy was the work of the monasteries and their monks in building up a basis for a new civilization. These, too, were founded all over Europe. To make a map of western Europe showing the monasteries established by 800 A.D. would be to cover the map with a series of dots. [13] The importance of their work is better understood when we remember that the Germans had never lived in cities, and did not settle in them on entering the Empire. The monasteries, too, were seldom established in towns. Their sites were in the river valleys and in the forests (R. 69), and the monks became the pioneers in clearing the land and preparing the way for agriculture and civilization. Not infrequently a swamp was taken and drained. The Middle-Age period was essentially a period of settlement of the land and of agricultural development, and the monks lived on the land and among a people just passing through the earliest stages of settled and civilized life. In a way the inheritors of the agricultural and handicraft knowledge of the Romans, the monks became the most skillful artisans and farmers to be found, and from them these arts in time reached the developing peasantry around them. Their work and services have been well summed up by the same author just quoted, as follows: It was mainly by the monasteries that to the peasant class of Europe was pointed out the way of civilization. The devotions and charities; the austerities of the brethren; their abstemious meal; their meager clothing, the cheapest of the country in which they lived; their shaven heads, or the cowl which shut out the sight of sinful objects; the long staff in their hands; their naked feet and legs; their passing forth on their journeys by twos, each a watch on his brother; the prohibitions against eating outside of the wall of the monastery, which had its own mill, its own bakehouse, and whatever was needed in an abstemious domestic economy (Figure 38); their silent hospitality to the wayfarer, who was refreshed in a separate apartment; the lands around their buildings turned from a wilderness into a garden, and, above all, labor exalted and ennobled by their holy hands, and celibacy, forever, in the eye of the vulgar, a proof of separation from the world and a sacrifice to heaven--these were the things that arrested the attention of the barbarians of Europe, and led them on to civilization. [14] THE PROBLEM FACED BY THE MIDDLE AGES. That the lamp of learning burned low during this period of assimilation is no cause for wonder. Recovery from such a deluge of barbarism on a weakened society is not easy. In fact the recovery was a long and slow process, occupying nearly the whole of a thousand years. The problem which faced the Church, as the sole surviving force capable of exerting any constructive influence, was that of changing the barbarism and anarchy of the sixth century, with its low standards of living and lack of humane ideals, into the intelligent, progressive civilization of the fifteenth century. This was the work of the Middle Ages, and largely the work of the Christian Church. It was not a period of progress, but one of assimilation, so that a common western civilization might in time be developed out of the diverse and hostile elements mixed together by the rude force of circumstances. The enfeebled Roman race was to be reinvigorated by mixture with the youthful and vigorous Germans (R. 50); to the institutions of ancient society were to be added certain social and political institutions of the Germanic peoples; all were to be brought under the rule of a common Christian Church; and finally, when these people had become sufficiently civilized and educated to enable them to understand and appreciate, "nearly every achievement of the Greeks and the Romans in thought, science, law, and the practical arts" was to be recovered and made a part of our western civilization. In this chapter we have dealt largely with the great fundamental movements which have so deeply influenced the course of human history. In the chapters which immediately follow we shall tell how learning was preserved during the period and what facilities for education actually existed; trace the more important efforts made to reëstablish schools and learning; and finally describe the culmination of the process of absorbing and educating the Germans in the civilization they had conquered that came in the great period of recovery of the ancient learning and civilization--the age of the Renaissance. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Do the peculiar problems of assimilation of the foreign-born, revealed to us by the World War, put us in a somewhat similar position to Rome under the Empire as relates to the need of a guiding national faith? 2. Outline how Rome might have been helped and strengthened by a national school system under state control. 3. Outline how our state school systems could be made much more effective as national instruments by the infusion into their instruction of a strong national faith. 4. Try to picture the results upon our civilization had western Europe become Mohammedan. 5. The movement of new peoples into the Roman Empire was much slower than has been the immigration of foreign peoples into the United States, since 1840. Why the difference in assimilative power? 6. How do you think the Roman provinces and Italy, after the tribes from the North had settled down within the Empire, compared with Mexico after the years of revolution with peons and brigands in control? With Russia, after the destruction wrought by the Bolshevists? 7. Explain the importance of the long civilizing and educating work of Rome among the German tribes, in preparing the means for the preservation of Roman institutions after the downfall of the Roman government. 8. What does the fact that Roman institutions and Roman thinking continued and profoundly modified mediaeval life indicate as to the nature of Roman government and the Roman power of assimilation? 9. Though Rome never instituted a state school system, was there not after all large educational work done by the government through its intelligent administration? 10. Show how the breakdown of Roman government and Roman institutions was naturally more complete in Gaul than in northern Italy, and more complete in northern than in central or southern Italy, and hence how Roman civilization was naturally preserved in larger measure in the cities of Italy than elsewhere. 11. Show how the Christian Church, too, could not have completely dispensed with Roman letters and Roman civilization, had it desired to do so, but was forced of necessity to preserve and pass on important portions of the civilization of Rome. 12. What do you think would have been the effect on the future of civilization had the barbarian tribes overrun Spain, Italy, and Greece during the Age of Pericles? 13. What modern analogies do we have to the civilizing work of the monks and clergy during the Middle Ages? 14. Picture the work of the monasteries in handing on to western Europe the arts and handicrafts and skilled occupations of Rome. Cite some examples. 15. What civilizing problem, somewhat comparable to that of barbarian Europe, have we faced in our national history? Why have we been able to obtain results so much more rapidly? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 46. Caesar: The Hunting Germans and their Fighting Ways. 47. Tacitus: The Germans and their Domestic Habits. 48. Dill: Effect on the Roman World of the News of the Sacking of Rome by Alaric. 49. Giry and Reville: Fate of the Old Roman Towns. 50. Kingsley: The Invaders, and what they brought. 51. General Form for a Grant of Immunity to a Bishop. 52. Charlemagne: Powers and Immunities granted to the Monastery of Saint Marcellus. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. State the differences in character Caesar observes (46) between the Gauls to the west of the Rhine and the Germans to the east. 2. What German characteristics that Tacitus describes (47) would prove good additions to Roman life? 3. Do the emotions of Saint Jerome on hearing of the sacking of Rome (48) reveal anything as to the extent to which the Roman had become a Churchman and the Churchman a Roman? Illustrate. 4. Is it probable that a quarter-century of Bolsheviki rule in Russia would produce results comparable to those described by Giry and Réville (49)? 5. Is Kingsley right in stating (50) that the best elements of all the modern European peoples came from the barbarian invaders? State what seem to you to be the important contributions of barbarian invader, Roman, and Churchman. 6. Do the grants of privileges and immunities shown in the general form (51)and the specific form (52) seem to follow naturally from the earlier grants to physicians and teachers (26) and to the clergy (38)? Point out the relationship. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Church, R. W. _The Beginnings of the Middle Ages_. Kingsley, Chas. _The Roman and Teuton_. * Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_. CHAPTER VI EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES [1] I. CONDITION AND PRESERVATION OF LEARNING THE LOW INTELLECTUAL LEVEL. As was stated in the preceding chapter, the lamp of learning burned low throughout the most of western Europe during the period of assimilation and partial civilization of the barbarian tribes. The western portion of the Roman Empire had been overrun, and rude Germanic chieftains were establishing, by the law of might, new kingdoms on the ruins of the old. The Germanic tribes had no intellectual life of their own to contribute, and no intellectual tastes to be ministered unto. With the destruction of cities and towns and country villas, with their artistic and literary collections, much that represented the old culture was obliterated, [2] and books became more and more scarce. [3] The destruction was gradual, but by the beginning of the seventh century the loss had become great. The Roman schools also gradually died out as the need for an education which prepared for government and gave a knowledge of Roman law passed away, and the type of education approved by the Church was left in complete control of the field. As the security and leisure needed for study disappeared, and as the only use for learning was now in the service of the Church, education became limited to the narrow lines which offered such preparation and to the few who needed it. Amid the ruins of the ancient civilization the Church stood as the only conservative and regenerative force, and naturally what learning remained passed into its hands and under its control. The result of all these influences and happenings was that by the beginning of the seventh century Christian Europe had reached a very low intellectual level, and during the seventh and eighth centuries conditions grew worse instead of better. Only in England and Ireland, as will be pointed out a little later, and in a few Italian cities, was there anything of consequence of the old Roman learning preserved. On the Continent there was little general learning, even among the clergy (R. 64 a). Many of the priests were woefully ignorant, [4] and the Latin writings of the time contain many inaccuracies and corruptions which reveal the low standard of learning even among the better educated of the clerical class. The Church itself was seriously affected by the prevailing ignorance of the period, and incorporated into its system of government and worship many barbarous customs and practices of which it was a long time in ridding itself. So great had become the ignorance and superstition of the time, among priests, monks, and the people; so much had religion taken on the worship of saints and relics and shrines; and so much had the Church developed the sensuous and symbolic, that religion had in reality become a crude polytheism instead of the simple monotheistic faith of the early Church. Along scientific lines especially the loss was very great. Scientific ideas as to natural phenomena disappeared, and crude and childish ideas as to natural forces came to prevail. As if barbarian chiefs and robber bands were not enough, popular imagination peopled the world with demons, goblins, and dragons, and all sorts of superstitions and supernatural happenings were recorded. Intercommunication largely ceased; trade and commerce died out; the accumulated wealth of the past was destroyed; and the old knowledge of the known world became badly distorted, as is evidenced by the many crude mediaeval maps. (See Figure 46.) The only scholarship of the time, if such it might be called, was the little needed by the Church to provide for and maintain its government and worship. Almost everything that we to-day mean by civilization in that age was found within the protecting walls of monastery or church, and these institutions were at first too busy building up the foundations upon which a future culture might rest to spend much time in preserving learning, much less in advancing it. [Illustration: FIG. 37. A TYPICAL MONASTERY of SOUTHERN EUROPE] THE MONASTERIES DEVELOP SCHOOLS. In this age of perpetual lawlessness and disorder the one opportunity for a life of repose and scholarly contemplation lay in the monasteries. Here the rule of might and force was absent (R. 52), and the timid, the devout, and the studiously inclined here found a refuge from the turbulence and brutality of a rude civilization. The early monasteries, and especially the monastery of Saint Victor, at Marseilles, founded by Cassian in 404, had represented a culmination of the western feeling of antagonism to all ancient learning, but with the founding of Monte Cassino by Saint Benedict, in 529 A.D., and the promulgation of the Benedictine rule (R. 43), a more liberal attitude was shown. [5] This rule was adopted generally by the monasteries throughout what is now Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and England, and the Benedictine became the type for the monks of the early Middle Ages. To this order we are largely indebted for the copying of books and the preservation of learning throughout the mediaeval period. The 48th rule of Saint Benedict, it will be remembered (R. 43), had imposed reading and study as a part of the daily duty of every monk, but had said nothing about schools. Subsequent regulations issued by superiors had aimed at the better enforcement of this rule (R. 44), that the monks might lead devout lives and know the Bible and the sacred writings of the Church. Imposed at first as a matter of education and discipline for the monks, this rule ultimately led to the establishment of schools and the development of a system of monastic instruction. As youths were received at an early age [6] into the monasteries to prepare for a monastic life, it was necessary that they be taught to read if they were later to use the sacred books. This led to the duty of instructing novices, which marks the beginning of monastic instruction for those within the walls. As books were scarce and at the same time necessary, and the only way to get new ones was to copy from old ones, the monasteries were soon led to take up the work once carried on by the publishing houses of ancient Rome, and in much the same way. This made writing necessary, and the novices had to be instructed carefully in this, as well as in reading. [7] The chants and music of the Church called for instruction of the novices in music, and the celebration of Easter and the fast and festival days of the Church called for some rudimentary instruction in numbers and calculation. Out of these needs rose the monastery school, the copying of manuscripts, and the preservation of books. Due to their greater security and quiet the monasteries became the leading teaching institutions of the early part of the Middle-Age period, and those who wished their children trained for the service of the Church gave them to the monasteries (R. 53 a). The development of the monastic schools was largely voluntary, though from an early date bishops and rulers began urging the monasteries to open schools for boys in connection with their houses, and schools became in time a regular feature of the monastic organization. From schools only for those intending to take the vows (_oblati_), the instruction was gradually opened, after the ninth century, to others (_externi_) not intending to take the vows, and what came to be known as "outer" monastic schools were in time developed. [Illustration: FIG. 38. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF A MEDIAEVAL MONASTERY (From an engraving by Viollet-le-Duc, dated 1718, of the Cistercian Abbey of Cîteaux, in France) This monastery was founded in the forests of what is now northeastern France, in 1198 A.D., and was the first of a reformed Benedictine order, known as Cistercians. For an explanation of the monastery, see the opposite page. (Note: explanation follows.) _Explanation of the Monastery opposite_: The cross, by the roadside, indicates the entrance gate. Passing through the orchards and fields, the traveler reached the outer gate-house. At the almonry (_C_) food and drink were given out; on the second floor rooms for the night could be had; in the little chapel (_D_) prayers could be said; and in the stable (_F_) the traveler's horse could be cared for for the night. An inner gate through (_E_) opened into an inner court, around which were the barns, chicken- yards, cow-sheds, etc. The Abbot lived at _H_. _G_ was a dormitory for the lay brothers who did the heavy work of the monastery, and who entered the church (_N_) at the rear through a special doorway (_S_). All of these buildings were considered as outside the monastery proper. Inside were the great church (_N_), with the library (_P_) in the rear. Seven _scriptoria_ are shown on the side of the library building. _M_ was the large dormitory for the monks, and _R_ the infirmary for old and sick brothers. _I_ was the kitchen, _K_ was the dining-hall (refectory), and _L_ the stairs to the upper dormitory rooms. _C_ and _E_ are two cloisters with corridors on the four sides, somewhat similar to the cloisters shown for the monastery on Plate I. The copying of books often took place in these cloisters, though a _scriptorium_ was usually found under the library, the library proper, as in Plate 2, being on the second floor (_P_) and reached by a winding stair. A wall surrounded the monastery grounds, and a stream of running water passed through them.] The monasteries became the preservers of learning. Another need developed the copying of pagan books, and incidentally the preservation of some of the best of Roman literature. The language of the Church very naturally was Latin, as it was a direct descendant of Roman life, governmental organization, citizenship, and education. The writings of the Fathers of the Western Church had all been in Latin, and in the fourth century the Bible had been translated from the Greek into the Latin. This edition, known as the _Vulgate_ [8] _Bible_, became the standard for western Europe for ten centuries to come. The German tribes which had invaded the Empire had no written languages of their own, and their spoken dialects differed much from the Latin speech of those whom they had conquered. Latin was thus the language of all those of education, and naturally continued as the language of the Church and the monastery for both speech and writing. All books were, of course, written in Latin. Under the rude influences and the general ignorance of the period, though, the language was easily and rapidly corrupted, and it became necessary for the monasteries and the churches to have good models of Latin prose and verse to refer to. These were best found in the old Latin literary authors--particularly Caesar, Cicero, and Vergil. To have these, due to the great destruction of old books which had taken place during the intervening centuries, it was necessary to copy these authors, [9] as well as the Psalter, the Missal, [10] the sacred books, and the writings of the Fathers of the Church (Rs. 55, 56). It thus happened that the monasteries unintentionally began to preserve and use the ancient Roman books, and from using them at first as models for style, an interest in their contents was later awakened. While many of the monasteries remained as farming, charitable, and ascetic institutions almost exclusively, and were never noted for their educational work, a small but increasing number gradually accumulated libraries and became celebrated for their literary activity and for the character of their instruction. The monasteries thus in time became the storehouses of learning, the publishing houses of the Middle Ages (Rs. 54, 55, 56), teaching institutions of first importance, and centers of literary activity and religious thought, as well as centers for agricultural development, work in the arts and crafts, and Christian hospitality. Many developed into large and important institutions (R. 69). THE COPYING OF MANUSCRIPTS. [11] The work of the more important monasteries and the monastic churches in copying books was a service to learning of large future significance. While many of the books copied were for the promotion of the religious service, such as Missals and Psalters (R. 55), and many others were tales of saints and wearisome comments on the sacred writings, a few were old classical texts representing the best of Roman literary work. A few monastic chronicles and histories of importance were composed by the brothers, and also preserved for us by the copying process. The production of a single book was a task of large proportions, and explains in part the small number of volumes the monasteries accumulated. After the raids of the Mohammedans across Egypt, in the seventh century, the supply of Egyptian papyrus stopped because of the interruption of communications, and the only writing material during the Middle Ages was the skin of sheep or goats or calves. Sheepskins were chiefly used, and a book of size might require a hundred or more skins. These were first soaked in limewater to loosen the hair, then scraped clean of hair and flesh, and then carefully stretched on board frames to dry. After they had dried they were again scraped with sharp knives to secure an even thickness, and then rubbed smooth with pumice and chalk. When finished, the clean, shining, cream-colored skin was known as vellum, [12] or parchment. This was next cut into pages of the desired size and arranged ready for writing. The larger pieces were used for large books, such as are shown in Plate 2, and the remnants to produce small books. The inks, too, had to be prepared, and the pages ruled. The main writing was done with black, but the page was frequently bordered with red, gold, or some other bright color, while many beautiful illustrations were inserted by artistic monks. Sometimes an initial letter was beautifully embellished, as is shown in Figure 39; sometimes illustrations were introduced in the body of the page, of which Figures 39 and 40 are types; and sometimes a colored illustration was painted on a sheet of vellum and inserted in the book. Figure 44 represents such an illustrated page in an old manuscript. Finally, when completed, the lettered and illustrated parchment sheets were arranged in order, sewed together with a deerskin or pigskin string, bound together between oaken boards and covered with pigskin, properly lettered in gold, fitted with metal corners and clasps (R. 57), as shown in Plate 2, and often chained to their bookrack in the library with heavy iron chains as well. (See Figure 71 and Plate 2.) Still further to protect the volume from theft, an anathema against the thief was usually lettered in the volume (R. 58). [Illustration: FIG. 39. INITIAL LETTER FROM AN OLD MANUSCRIPT This shows the beautiful work done by some of the nuns and monks in "illuminating" the books they copied. This was done in colors by a nun, who pictured her own work in this initial letter L.] Such was the painfully slow method of producing and multiplying books before the advent of printing, and in days when skill in copying manuscripts was not particularly common, even among the monks. It required from a few months to a year or more to produce a few copies, depending on the size and nature of the work, whereas to-day, with printing-presses, five thousand copies of such a book as this can be printed and bound in a few days. [Illustration: FIG. 40. A MONK IN A SCRIPTORIUM (From an illuminated picture in a manuscript in the Royal Library at Brussels) This picture shows the beautiful work done in "illuminating" manuscript books by mediaeval writers. Each copy was a work of art. This represents a better type of _scriptorium_ than is usually shown.] THE SCRIPTORIUM. An important part of the material equipment of many monasteries, in consequence, came to be a _scriptorium_, or writing-room, where the copying of manuscripts could take place undisturbed. In some monasteries one general room was provided, though it was customary to have a number of small rooms at the side of the library. In the monastery shown in Figure 38, seven small rooms for this purpose are shown built out on one side of the library. Sometimes individual cells along a corridor were provided. The advantage of the single room in which a number of monks worked came when an edition of eight or ten copies of a book was to be prepared. One monk could then dictate, while eight or ten others carefully printed on the skins before them what was dictated by the reader. [13] Figure 40 shows a monk at work, though here he is copying from a book before him. After an edition of eight or ten copies of a book had been prepared and bound the extra copies were sent to neighboring and sometimes distant monasteries, sometimes in exchange for other books, and sometimes as gifts to brothers who had longed to read the work (R. 55). New monasteries were provided with the beginnings of a library in this way, and churches were supplied with Missals, Psalters, and other books needed for their services. The writing-room, or rooms, came to be a very important place in those monasteries noted for their literary activity. West gives an interesting description of the _scriptorium_ at Tours, where the learned English monk, Alcuin, was Abbot from 796 to 804, and which at the time was the principal book-writing monastery in Frankland. Describing Alcuin's labors to secure books to send to other monasteries in Charlemagne's kingdom, he says: We can almost reconstruct the scene. In the intervals between the hours of prayer and the observance of the round of cloister life, come hours for the copying of books under the presiding genius of Alcuin. The young monks file into the _scriptorium_, and one of them is given the precious parchment volume containing a work of Bede or Isidore or Augustine, or else some portion of the Latin Scriptures, or even a heathen author. He reads slowly and clearly at a measured rate while all the others seated at their desks take down his words, and thus perhaps a score of copies are made at once. Alcuin's observant eye watches each in turn, and his correcting hand points out the mistakes in orthography and punctuation. The master of Charles the Great, in that true humility that is the charm of his whole behavior, makes himself the writing-master of his monks, stooping to the drudgery of faithfully and gently correcting their many puerile mistakes, and all for the love of studies and the love of Christ. Under such guidance, and deeply impressed by the fact that in the copying of a few books they were saving learning and knowledge from perishing, and thereby offering a service most acceptable to God, the copying in the _scriptorium_ went on in sobriety from day to day. Thus were produced those improved copies of books which mark the beginning of a new age in the conserving and transmission of learning. Alcuin's anxiety in this regard was not undue, for the few monasteries where books could be accurately transcribed were as necessary for publication in that time as are the great publishing houses to-day. [14] [Illustration: FIG. 41. CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE, AND THE IMPORTANT MONASTERIES OF THE TIME Charlemagne's empire at his death is shaded darker than other parts of the map.] MONASTIC COLLECTION. Despite the important work done by a few of the monasteries in preserving and advancing learning, large collections of books were unknown before the Revival of Learning, in the fourteenth century. The process of book production in itself was very slow, and many of the volumes produced were later lost through fire, or pillage by new invaders. During the early days of wood construction a number of monastic and church libraries were burned by accident. In the pillaging of the Danes and Northmen on the coasts of England and northern France, in the ninth and tenth centuries, a number of important monastic collections there were lost. In Italy the Lombards destroyed some collections in their sixth-century invasion, and the Saracens burned some in southern Italy in the ninth. Monte Cassino, among other monasteries, was destroyed by both the Lombards and the Saracens. From a number of extant catalogues of old monastic libraries we know that, even as late as the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, a library of from two to three hundred volumes was large. [15] The catalogues show that most of these were books of a religious nature, being monastic chronicles, manuals of devotion, comments on the Scriptures, lives of miracle-working saints, and books of a similar nature (Rs. 55, 56). A few were commentaries on the ancient learning, or mediaeval textbooks on the great subjects of study of the time (R. 60). A still smaller number were copies of old classical literary works, and of the utmost value (R. 57). THE CONVENTS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. The early part of the Middle Ages also witnessed a remarkable development of convents for women, these receiving a special development in Germanic lands. Filled with the same aggressive spirit as the men, but softened somewhat by Christianity, many women of high station among the German tribes founded convents and developed institutions of much renown. This provided a rather superior class of women as organizers and directors, and a conventual life continued, throughout the entire Middle Ages, to attract an excellent class of women. This will be understood when it is remembered that a conventual life offered to women of intellectual ability and scholarly tastes the one opportunity for an education and a life of learning. The convents, too, were much earlier and much more extensively opened for instruction to those not intending to take the vows than was the case with the monasteries, and, in consequence, it became a common practice throughout the Middle Ages, just as it is to-day among Catholic families, to send girls to the convent for education and for training in manners and religion. Many well-trained women were produced in the convents of Europe in the period from the sixth to the thirteenth centuries. The instruction consisted of reading, writing, and copying Latin, as in the monasteries, as well as music, weaving and spinning, and needlework. Weaving and spinning had an obvious utilitarian purpose, and needlework, in addition to necessary sewing, was especially useful in the production of altar-cloths and sacred vestments. The copying and illuminating of manuscripts, music, and embroidering made a special appeal to women (R. 56), and some of the most beautifully copied and illuminated manuscripts of the mediaeval period are products of their skill. [16] Their contribution to music and art, as it influenced the life of the time, was also large. The convent schools reached their highest development about the middle of the thirteenth century, after which they began to decline in importance, LEARNING IN IRELAND AND BRITAIN. As was stated earlier in this chapter, the one part of western Europe where something of the old learning was retained during this period was in Ireland, and in those parts of England which had not been overrun by the Germanic tribes. Christian civilization and monastic life had been introduced into Ireland probably as early as 425 A.D., and probably by monastic missionaries from Lerins and Saint Victor (see Figure 41). Saint Patrick preached Christianity to the Irish, about 440 A.D., and during the fifth and sixth centuries churches and monasteries were founded in such numbers over Ireland that the land has been said to have been dotted all over with churches, monasteries, and schools. Saint Patrick had been educated in the old Roman schools, probably at Tours when it was still an important Roman provincial city. Other early missionaries had had similar training, and these, not sharing the antipathy to pagan learning of the early Italian church fathers, had carried Greek and Latin languages and learning to Ireland. Here it flourished so well, largely due to the island being spared from invasion, that Ireland remained a center for instruction in Greek long after it had virtually disappeared elsewhere in western Christendom. So much was this the case, says Sandys, in his _History of Classical Scholarship_, "that if any one knew Greek it was assumed that he must have come from Ireland." In 565 A.D., Saint Columba, an eminent Irish scholar and religious leader, crossed over to what is now southwestern Scotland, founded there the monastery of Iona, and began the conversion of the Picts. Saint Augustine landed in Kent in 597, and had begun the conversion of the Angles and Saxons and Jutes who had settled in southeastern Britain, while shortly afterwards the Irish monks from Iona began the conversion of the people of the north of Britain. The monastery of Lindisfarne was founded about 635 A.D., and soon became an important center of religious and classical learning in the north. Irish and English monks also crossed in numbers to northern Frankland, and labored for the conversion of the Franks and Saxons. In 664 A.D., at a council held at Whitby, the Irish Church in England and the Roman Church were united, and a great enthusiasm for religion and learning swept over the island. In 670, Theodore of Tarsus and the Abbot Hadrian, whom Bede, the scholar and historian of the early English Church, describes as men "instructed in secular and divine literature both Greek and Latin" (R. 59 a), arrived in England from southern Italy and began their work of instructing pupils in Greek and Latin (R. 59 b). Both taught at Canterbury, and raised the cathedral school there to high rank. In 674 the monastery at Wearmouth was founded, and in 682 its companion Yarrow. These were endowed with books from Rome and Vienne, and soon became famous for the instruction they provided. It was at the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Yarrow that the Venerable Bede (673-735), whose _Ecclesiastical History of England_ gives us our chief picture of education in Britain in his time, was educated and remained as a lifelong student. [17] As a result of all these efforts a number of northern monasteries, as well as a few of the cathedral schools, early became famous for their libraries, scholars, and learning. This culture in Ireland and Britain was of a much higher standard than that obtaining on the Continent at the time, because the classical inheritance there had been less corrupted. THE CATHEDRAL SCHOOL AT YORK. One of the schools which early attained fame was the cathedral school at York, in northern England. This had, by the middle of the eighth century, come to possess for the time a large library, and contained most of the important Latin authors and textbooks then known (R. 61). In this school, under the _scholasticus_ Aelbert, was trained a youth by the name of Alcuin, born in or near York, about 735 A.D. In a poem describing the school (R. 60), he gives a good portrayal of the instruction he received, telling how the learned Aelbert "moistened thirsty hearts with diverse streams of teaching and the varied dews of learning," and sorted out "youths of conspicuous intelligence" to whom he gave special attention. Alcuin afterward succeeded Aelbert as _scholasticus_, and was widely known as a gifted teacher. Well aware of the precarious condition of learning amid such a rude and uncouth society, he handed on to his pupils the learning he had received, and imbued them with something of his own love for it and his anxiety for its preservation and advancement. It was this Alcuin who was soon to give a new impetus to the development of schools and the preservation of learning in Frankland. CHARLEMAGNE AND ALCUIN. In 768 there came to the throne as king of the great Frankish nation one of the most distinguished and capable rulers of all time--a man who would have been a commanding personality in any age or land. His ancestors had developed a great kingdom, and it was his grandfather who had defeated the Saracens at Tours (p. 113) and driven them back over the Pyrenees into Spain. This man Charlemagne easily stands out as one of the greatest figures of all history. For five hundred years before and after him there is no ruler who matched him in insight, force, or executive capacity. He is particularly the dominating figure of mediaeval times. Born in an age of lawlessness and disorder, he used every effort to civilize and rule as intelligently as possible the great Frankish kingdom. Wars he waged to civilize and Christianize the Saxon tribes of northern Germany, to reduce the Lombards of northern Italy to order, and to extend the boundaries of the Frankish nation. At his death, in 814, his kingdom had succeeded to most of the western possessions of the old Roman Empire, including all of what to-day comprises France, Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland, large portions of what is now western Germany and northern Italy, and portions of northern Spain. (See Figure 41.) Realizing better than did his bishops and abbots the need for educational facilities for the nobles and clergy, he early turned his attention to securing teachers capable of giving the needed instruction. These, though, were scarce and hard to obtain. After two unsuccessful efforts to obtain a master scholar to become, as it were, his minister of education, he finally succeeded in drawing to his court perhaps the greatest scholar and teacher in all England. At Parma, in northern Italy, Charlemagne met Alcuin, in 781, and invited him to leave York for Frankland. After obtaining the consent of his archbishop and king, Alcuin accepted, and arrived, with three assistants, at Charlemagne's court, in 782, to take up the work of educational propaganda in Frankland. [Illustration: PLATE 1. THE CLOISTERS OF A MONASTERY, NEAR FLORENCE, ITALY. This monastery, located on a high hill and resembling a mediaeval fortress as one approaches it, was founded in 1341 by a Florentine merchant. The picture shows the cloisters and interior court. Eighteen cells, two churches, and other rooms are entered from the cloisters. A few monks were still in residence there late as 1905, one of whom is seen, but the monastery was then in the process of being closed by the Italian Government.] [Illustration: PLATE 2. THE LIBRARY OF THE CHURCH OF SAINT WALLBERG, AT ZUTPHEN, HOLLAND "Ponderous Folios for Scholastics made" This shows the large oak-bound and chained books as well as a common type of bookrack used in churches and monasteries during the earlier period.] The plight in which he found learning was most deplorable, presenting a marked contrast to conditions in England. Learning had been almost obliterated during the two centuries of wild disorder from 600 on. From 600 to 850 has often been called the darkest period of the Dark Ages, and Alcuin arrived when Frankland was at its worst. The monastic and cathedral schools which had been established earlier had in large part been broken up, and the monasteries had become places for the pensioning of royal favorites and hence had lost their earlier religious zeal and effectiveness. The abbots and bishops possessed but little learning, and the lower clergy, recruited largely from bondmen, were grossly ignorant, greatly to the injury of the Church. The copying of books had almost ceased, and learning was slowly dying out. THE PALACE SCHOOL. There had for some time been a form of school connected with the royal court, known as the _palace school_, though the study of letters had played but a small part in it. To the reorganization of this school Alcuin first addressed himself, introducing into it elementary instruction in that learning of which he was so fond. The school included the princes and princesses of the royal household, relatives, attachés, courtiers, and, not least in importance as pupils, the king and queen. To meet the needs of such a heterogeneous circle was no easy task. The instruction which Alcuin provided for the younger members of the circle was largely of the question and answer (catechetical) type, both questions and answers being prepared by Alcuin beforehand and learned by the pupils. Fortunately examples of Alcuin's instruction have been preserved to us in a dialogue prepared for the instruction of Pepin, a son of Charlemagne, then sixteen years old (R. 62). With the older members the questions and answers were oral. For all, though, the instruction was of a most elementary nature, ranging over the elements of the subjects of instruction of the time. Poetry, arithmetic, astronomy, the writings of the Fathers, and theology are mentioned as having been studied. Charlemagne learned to read Latin, but is said never to have mastered the art of writing. It was not an easy position for any one to fill. To quote from West's description: [18] Charles wanted to know everything and to know it at once. His strong, uncurbed nature eagerly seized on learning, both as a delight for himself and a means of giving stability to his government, and so, while he knew he must be docile, he was at the same time imperious. Alcuin knew how to meet him, and at need could be either patiently jocular or grave and reproving. Thus, on one occasion when he had been informed of the great learning of Augustine and Jerome, he impatiently demanded of Alcuin, "Why can I not have twelve clerks such as these?" Twelve Augustines and Jeromes! and to be made arise at the king's bidding! Alcuin was shocked. "What!" he discreetly rejoined, "the Lord of heaven and earth had but two such, and wouldst thou have twelve?" But his personal affection for the king was most unselfish, and he consequently took great delight in stimulating his desire for learning.... He studied everything Alcuin set before him, but had special anxiety to learn all about the moon that was needed to calculate Easter. With such an eager and impatient pupil as Charles, the other scholars were soon inspired to beset Alcuin with endless puzzling questions, and there are not wanting evidences that some of them were disposed to levity and even carped at his teachings. But he was indefatigable, rising with the sun to prepare for teaching. In one of his poetical exercises he says of himself that "as soon as the ruddy charioteer of the dawn suffuses the liquid deep with the new light of day, the old man rubs the sleep of night from his eyes and leaps at once from his couch, running straightway into the fields of the ancients to pluck their flowers of correct speech and scatter them in sport before his boys." CHARLEMAGNE'S PROCLAMATIONS ON EDUCATION. After reorganizing the palace school, Alcuin and Charlemagne turned their attention to the improvement of education among the monks and clergy throughout the realm. The first important service was the preparation and sending out of a carefully collected and edited series of sermons to the churches containing, "in two volumes, lessons suitable for the whole year and for each separate festival, and free from error." These Charlemagne ordered used in the churches (R. 63). He also says, "we have striven with watchful zeal to advance the cause of learning, which has been almost forgotten by the negligence of our ancestors; and, by our example, also we invite those whom we can to master the study of the liberal arts," meaning thereby to incite the bishops and clergy to a study of the learning of the mediaeval time. The volumes and letter were sent out in 786, four years after Alcuin's arrival at the court. Further to aid in the revival of learning, Charlemagne, in 787, imported a number of monks from Italy, who were capable of giving instruction in arithmetic, singing, and grammar, and sent them to the principal monasteries to teach. In 787 the first general proclamation on education of the Middle Ages was issued (R. 64 a), and from it we can infer much as to the state of learning among the monks and clergy of the time. In this document the king gently reproves the abbots of his realm for their illiteracy, and exhorts them to the study of letters. The signature is Charlemagne's, but the hand is Alcuin's. In it he tells the abbots, in commenting on the fact that they had sent letters to him telling him that "sacred and pious prayers" were being offered in his behalf, that he recognized in "most of these letters both correct thoughts and uncouth expressions; because what pious devotion dictated faithfully to the mind, the tongue, uneducated on account of the neglect of study, was not able to express in a letter without error." He therefore commands the abbots neither to neglect the study of letters, if they wish to have his favor, nor to fail to send copies of his letter "to all your suffragans and fellow bishops, and to all the monasteries." Two years later (789) Charlemagne supplemented this by a further general admonition (R. 64 b) to the ministers and clergy of his realm, exhorting them to live clean and just lives, and closing with: And let schools be established in which boys may learn to read. Correct carefully the Psalms, the signs in writing, the songs, the calendar, the grammar, in each monastery and bishopric, and the catholic book; because often some desire to pray to God properly, but they pray badly because of incorrect books. In 802 he further commanded that "laymen shall learn thoroughly the Creed and the Lord's Prayer" (R. 64 c). Finally, in his enthusiasm for schools, Charlemagne went so far as to direct that "every one should send his son to school to study letters, and that the child should remain at school with all diligence until he should become well instructed in learning." Charlemagne, of course, was addressing freemen of the court and the official classes. That he ever meant to include the children of the laboring classes, or that the idea of compulsory education ever entered his head, may well be doubted. EFFECT OF THE WORK OF CHARLEMAGNE AND ALCUIN. The actual results of the work of Charlemagne and Alcuin were, after all, rather meager. The difficulties they faced are almost beyond our comprehension. Nobles and clergy were alike ignorant and uncouth. There seemed no place to begin. It may be said that by Charlemagne's work he greatly widened the area of civilization, created a new Frankish-Roman Empire to be the inheritor of the civilization and culture of the old one, checked the decline in learning and reawakened a desire for study, and that he began the substitution of ideas for might as a ruling force among the tribes under his rule. That for a time he gave an important impetus to the study of letters, which resulted in a real revival in the educational work of some of the monasteries and cathedral schools, seems certain. Men knew more of books and wrote better Latin than before, and those who wished to learn found it easier to do so. The state of society and the condition of the times, however, were against any large success for such an ambitious educational undertaking, and after the death of Charlemagne, the division of his empire, and the invasions of the Northmen, education slowly declined again, though never to quite the level it had reached when Charlemagne came to the throne. In a few schools there was no decline, and these became the centers of learning of the future. Charlemagne having substituted merit for favoritism in his realm, promoting to be bishops and abbots the most learned men of his time, many of these became zealous workers in the cause of education and did much to keep up and advance learning after his death. Among the most able of his helpers was Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans. He carried out most thoroughly in his diocese the instructions of the king, giving to his clergy the following directions: Let the priests hold schools in the towns and villages, and if any of the faithful wish to entrust their children to them for the learning of letters, let them not refuse to receive and teach such children. Moreover, let them teach them from pure affection, remembering that it is written, "the wise shall shine as the splendor of the firmament," and "they that instruct many in righteousness shall shine as the stars forever and forever." And let them exact no price from the children for their teaching, nor receive anything from them, save what their parents may offer voluntarily and from affection. Another able assistant was Alcuin himself, who, after fourteen years of strenuous service at Charlemagne's court, was rewarded by the king with the office of Abbot at the monastery of Saint Martin, at Tours. There he spent the last eight years of his life in teaching, copying manuscripts, and writing letters to bishops and abbots regarding the advancement of religion and learning. The work of Alcuin in directing the copying of manuscripts has been described. In a letter to Charlemagne, soon after his appointment, he reviews his labors, contrasts the state of learning in England and Frankland, and appeals to Charlemagne for books from England to copy (R. 65). So important was his work as a teacher as well that at his death, in 814, most of the important educational centers of the kingdom were in the hands of his former pupils. Perhaps the most important of all these was Rabanus Maurus, who became head of the monastery school at Fulda. We shall learn more of him in the next chapter. [Illustration: FIG. 42. WHERE THE DANES RAVAGED ENGLAND.] NEW INVASIONS; THE NORTHMEN. Five years after Alcuin went to Frankland to help Charlemagne revive learning in his kingdom, a fresh series of barbarian invasions began with the raiding of the English coast by the Danes. In raid after raid, extending over nearly a hundred years, these Danes gradually overran all of eastern and central England from London north to beyond Whitby, plundering and burning the churches and monasteries, and destroying books and learning everywhere. By the Peace of Wedmore, effected by King Alfred in 878, the Danes were finally given about one half of England, and in return agreed to settle down and accept Christianity. The damage done by these invaders was very large, and King Alfred, in his introduction to an Anglo-Saxon translation of Pope Gregory's _Pastoral Care_ (R. 66), gives a gloomy picture of the destruction wrought to the churches and the decay of learning in England. Other bands of these Northmen (Danes and Norwegians) began to prey on the northern coast of Frankland, and in the tenth century seized all the coast of what is now northern France and down as far as Paris and Tours. From Tours to Corbie (see Figure 41) churches and monasteries were pillaged and burned, Tours and Corbie with their libraries both perishing. Amiens and Paris were laid siege to, and disorder reigned throughout northern Frankland. _The Annals of Xanten_ and the _Annals of Saint Vaast_, two mediaeval chronicles of importance, give gloomy pictures of this period. Three selections will illustrate: According to their custom the Northmen plundered East and West Frisia and burned ... towns.... With their boats filled with immense booty, including both men and goods, they returned to their own country. [19] The Normans inflicted much harm in Frisia and about the Rhine. A mighty army of them collected by the river Elbe against the Saxons, and some of the Saxon towns were besieged, others burned, and most terribly did they oppress the Christians. [20] The Northmen ceased not to take Christian people captive and kill them, and to destroy churches and houses and burn villages. Through all the streets lay bodies of the clergy, of laymen, nobles, and others, of women, children, and suckling babes. There was no road or place where the dead did not lie, and all who saw Christian people slaughtered were filled with sorrow and despair. [21] After much destruction, Rollo, Duke of the Normans, finally accepted Christianity, in 912, and agreed to settle down in what has ever since been known as _Normandy_. From here portions of the invaders afterward passed over to England in the Norman Conquest of 1066. This was the last of the great German tribes to move, and after they had raided and plundered and settled down and accepted Christianity, western Europe, after six centuries of bloodshed and pillage and turmoil and disorder, was at last ready to begin in earnest the building-up of a new civilization and the restoration of the old learning. WORK OF ALFRED IN ENGLAND. The set-back to learning caused by this latest deluge of barbarism was a serious one, and one from which the land did not recover for a long time. In northern Frankland and in England the results were disastrous. The revival which Charlemagne had started was checked, and England did not recover from the blow for centuries. Even in the parts of England not invaded and pillaged, education sadly declined as a result of nearly a century of struggle against the invaders (R. 66). Alfred, known to history as _Alfred the Great_, who ruled as English king from 871 to 901, made great efforts to revive learning in his kingdom. Probably inspired by the example of Charlemagne, he established a large palace school (R. 68), to the support of which he devoted one eighth of his income; he imported scholars from Mercia and Frankland (R. 67); restored many monasteries; and tried hard to revive schools and encourage learning throughout his realm, and with some success. [22] With the great decay of the Latin learning he tried to encourage the use of the native Anglo-Saxon language, [23] and to this end translated books from Latin into Anglo- Saxon for his people. In his Introduction to Gregory's volume (R. 66) he expresses the hope, "If we have tranquillity enough, that all the free- born youth now in England, who are rich enough to be able to devote themselves to it ... be set to learn ... English writing," while those who were to continue study should then be taught Latin. The coming of the Normans in 1066, with the introduction of Norman-French as the official language of the court and government, for a time seriously interfered with the development of that native English learning of which Alfred wrote. In the preceding chapter and in this one we have traced briefly the great invasions, or migrations, which took place in western Europe, and indicated somewhat the great destruction they wrought within the bounds of the old Empire. In this chapter we have traced the beginnings of Christian schools to replace the ones destroyed, the preservation of learning in the monasteries, and the efforts of Charlemagne and Alfred to revive learning in their kingdoms. In the chapter which follows we shall describe the mediaeval system of education as it had evolved by the twelfth century, after which we shall be ready to pass to the beginnings of that Revival of Learning which ultimately resulted in the rediscovery of the learning of the ancient world. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Picture the gradual dying-out of Roman learning in the Western Empire, and explain why pagan schools and learning lingered longer in Britain, Ireland, and Italy than elsewhere. 2. At what time was the old Roman civilization and learning most nearly extinct? 3. Explain how the monasteries were forced to develop schools to maintain any intellectual life. 4. Explain how the copying of manuscripts led to further educational development in the monasteries. 5. Would the convents have tended to attract a higher quality of women than the monasteries did of men? Why? 6. Explain why Greek was known longer in Ireland and Britain than elsewhere in the West. 7. What was the relative condition of learning in Frankland and England, about 900 A.D.? 8. What light is thrown on the conditions of the civilization of the time by the small permanent success of the efforts of Charlemagne, looking toward a revival of learning in Frankland? 9. Explain how Latin came naturally to be the language of the Church, and of scholarship in western Europe throughout all the Middle Ages. 10. After reading the story of the migrations, and of the fight to save some vestiges of the old civilization, try to picture what would have been the result had Rome not built up an Empire, and had Christianity not arisen and conquered. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 53. Migne: Forms used in connection with monastery life: (a) Form for offering a Child to a Monastery. (b) The Monastic Vow. (c) Letter of Honorable Dismissal from a Monastery. 54. Abbot Heriman: The Copying of Books at a Monastery. 55. Othlonus: Work of a Monk in writing and copying Books. 56. A Monk: Work of a Nun in copying Books. 57. Symonds: Scarcity and Cost of Books. 58. Clark: Anathemas to protect Books from Theft. 59. Bede: On Education in Early England. (a) The Learning of Theodore. (b) Theodore's Work for the English Churches. (c) How Albinus succeeded Abbot Hadrian. 60. Alcuin: Description of the School at York. 61. Alcuin: Catalogue of the Cathedral Library at York. 62. Alcuin: Specimens of the Palace School Instruction. 63. Charlemagne: Letter sending out a Collection of Sermons. 64. Charlemagne: General Proclamations as to Education. (a) The Proclamation of 787 A.D. (b) General Admonition of 789 A.D. (c) Order as to Learning of 802 A.D. 65. Alcuin: Letter to Charlemagne as to Books and Learning. 66. King Alfred: State of Learning in England in his Time. 67. Asser: Alfred obtains Scholars from Abroad. 68. Asser: Education of the Son of King Alfred. 69. Ninth-Century Plan of the Monastery at Saint Gall. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Point out the similarity between: (a) The form for offering a child to a monastery and the monastic vow (53 a-b), and a modern court form for renouncing or adopting a child. (b) The letter of dismissal from a monastery (53 c), and the modern letter of honorable dismissal of a student from a college or normal school. 2. Compare the type of books copied by the Abbot of Saint Martins (55) and those copied by the nun at Wessebrunn (56). 3. Was the evolution of the school-teacher out of the copyist at Ratisbon (55), by a specialization of labor, analogous to the process in more modern times? 4. Explain the mediaeval belief in the effectiveness to protect books from theft of such anathemas as are reproduced in 58. 5. What do the selections from Bede (59 a-c) indicate as to the preservation of the old learning in the cities of southern Italy? What as to the condition of learning and teaching in England in Bede's day? 6. What is the status of education indicated by the selections from Alcuin, on the cathedral school at York (60) and the palace school instruction of Pepin (62)? 7. What was the condition of learning among the higher clergy and monks as shown by Charlemagne's proclamations (64)? 8. What was the extent of the destruction wrought by the Danes in England, as indicated by King Alfred's Introduction to Pope Gregory's _Pastoral Care_ (66), and his efforts to obtain scholars from abroad (67)? 9. What was the character of the education King Alfred provided for his son (68)? 10. Study out the plan of the monastery of Saint Gall (69), and enumerate the various activities of such a center. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. * Clark, J. W. _Libraries in the Medieval and Renaissance Period_. * Cutts, Edw. L. _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_. * Eckenstein, Lina. _Women under Monasticism_. Leach, A. F. _The Schools of Mediaeval England_. Munro, D. C. and Sellery, G. E. _Medieval Civilization_. Montalembert, Count de. _The Monks of the West_. Taylor, H. O. _Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages_. Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_. West, A. F. _Alcuin, and the Rise of Christian Schools_. * Wishart, A. W. _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_. CHAPTER VII EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES II. SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED AND INSTRUCTION PROVIDED 1. _Elementary instruction and schools_ MONASTIC AND CONVENTIONAL SCHOOLS. In the preceding chapters we found that, by the tenth century, the monasteries had developed both inner monastic schools for those intending to take the vows (oblati), and outer monastic schools for those not so intending (externi). The distinction in name was due to the fact that the _oblati_ were from the first considered as belonging to the brotherhood, participating in the religious services and helping the monks at their work. The others were not so admitted, and in all monasteries of any size a separate building, outside the main portion of the monastery (see Figure 38), was provided for the outer school. A similar classification of instruction had been evolved for the convents. [Illustration: FIG. 43. AN OUTER MONASTIC SCHOOL (After an old wood engraving)] The instruction in the inner school was meager, and in the outer school probably even more so. Reading, writing, music, simple reckoning, religious observances, and rules of conduct constituted the range of instruction. Reading was taught by the alphabet method, as among the Romans, and writing by the use of wax tablets and the stylus. Much attention was given to Latin pronunciation, as had been the practice at Rome. As Latin by this time had practically ceased to be a living tongue, outside the Church and perhaps in Central Italy, the difficulties of instruction were largely increased. The Psalter, or book of Latin psalms, was the first reading book, and this was memorized rather than read. Copy- books, usually wax, with copies expressing some scriptural injunction, were used. Music, being of so much importance in the church services, received much time and attention. In arithmetic, counting and finger reckoning, after the Roman plan, was taught. Latin was used in conversation as much as possible, some of the old lesson books much resembling conversation books of to-day in the modern languages (R. 75). Special attention seems to have been given to teaching rules of conduct to the _oblati_, [1] and much corporal punishment was used to facilitate learning. Up to the eleventh century this instruction, meager as it was, constituted the whole of the preparatory training necessary for the study of theology and a career in the Church. In the convents similar schools were developed, though, as stated in the last chapter, much more attention was given to the education of those not intending to take the vows. SONG AND PARISH SCHOOLS. In the cathedral churches, and other larger non- cathedral churches, the musical part of the service was very important, and to secure boys for the choir and for other church services these churches organized what came to be known as _song schools_ (R. 70). In these a number of promising boys were trained in the same studies and in much the same way as were boys in the monastery schools, except that much more attention was given to the musical instruction. The students in these schools were placed under the _precentor_ (choir director) of the cathedral, or other large church, the _scholasticus_ confining his attention to the higher or more literary instruction provided. The boys usually were given board, lodging, and instruction in return for their services as choristers. As the parish churches in the diocese also came to need boys for their services, parish schools of a similar nature were in time organized in connection with them. It was out of this need, and by a very slow and gradual evolution, that the parish school in western Europe was developed later on. CHANTRY SCHOOLS. Still another type of elementary school, which did not arise until near the latter part of the period under consideration in this chapter, but which will be enumerated here as descriptive of a type which later became very common, came through wills, and the schools came to be known as _chantry schools_, or _stipendary schools_. Men, in dying, who felt themselves particularly in need of assistance for their misdeeds on earth, would leave a sum of money to a church to endow a priest, or sometimes two, who were to chant masses each day for the repose of their souls. Sometimes the property was left to endow a priest to say mass in honor of some special saint, and frequently of the Virgin Mary. As such priests usually felt the need for some other occupation, some of them began voluntarily to teach the elements of religion and learning to selected boys, and in time it became common for those leaving money for the prayers to stipulate in the will that the priest should also teach a school. Usually a very elementary type of school was provided, where the children were taught to know the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Salutation to the Virgin, certain psalms, to sign themselves rightly with the sign of the cross, and perhaps to read and write (Latin). Sometimes, on the contrary, and especially was this the case later on in England, a grammar school was ordered maintained. After the twelfth century this type of foundation (R. 73) became quite common. 2. _Advanced instruction_ CATHEDRAL AND HIGHER MONASTIC SCHOOLS. As the song schools developed the cathedral schools were of course freed from the necessity of teaching reading and writing, and could then develop more advanced instruction. This they did, as did many of the monasteries, and to these advanced schools those who felt the need for more training went. As grammar was, throughout all the early part of the Middle Ages, the first and most important subject of instruction, the advanced schools came to be known as _grammar schools_, as well as cathedral or episcopal schools (R. 72). The cathedral churches and monasteries of England and France early became celebrated for the high character of their instruction (R. 71) and the type of scholars they produced. All these schools, though, suffered a serious set-back during the period of the Danish and Norman invasions, many being totally destroyed. On the continent, due to the greater deluge of barbarism and the more unsettled condition of society, more difficulty was experienced in getting cathedral schools established, as the following decree of the Lateran Church Council of 826 indicates: Complaints have been made that in some places no masters nor endowment for a grammar school is found. Therefore all bishops shall bestow all care and diligence, both for their subjects and for other places in which it shall be found necessary, to establish masters and teachers who shall assiduously teach grammar schools and the principles of the liberal arts, because in these chiefly the commandments of God are manifest and declared. These two types of advanced schools--the cathedral or episcopal and the monastic--formed what might be called the secondary-school system of the early Middle Ages (Rs. 70, 71). They were for at least six hundred years the only advanced teaching institutions in western Europe, and out of one or the other of these two types of advanced schools came practically all those who attained to leadership in the service of the Church in either of its two great branches. Still more, out of the impetus given to advanced study by the more important of these schools, the universities of a later period developed; and numerous private gifts of lands and money were made to establish grammar schools to supplement the work done by the cathedral and other large church schools. THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS. The advanced studies which were offered in the more important monastery and cathedral schools comprised what came to be known as _The Seven Liberal Arts_ [2] of the Middle Ages. The knowledge contained in these studies, taught as the advanced instruction of the period, represents the amount of secular learning which was intentionally preserved by the Church from neglect and destruction during the period of the barbarian deluges and the reconstruction of society. These Seven Liberal Arts were comprised of two divisions, known as: I. THE TRIVIUM: (1) Grammar; (2) Rhetoric; (3) Dialectic (Logic). II. THE QUADRIVIUM: (4) Arithmetic; (5) Geometry; (6) Astronomy; (7) Music. [Illustration: FIG. 44. THE MEDIEVAL SYSTEM OF EDUCATION SUMMARIZED Allegorical representation of the progress and degrees of education, from an illuminated picture in the 1508 (Basel) edition of the _Margarita Philosophica_ of Gregory de Reisch. The youth, having mastered the Hornbook (ABC's) and the rudiments of learning (reading, writing, and the beginnings of music and numbers), advances toward the temple of knowledge. Wisdom is about to place the key in the lock of the door of the temple. On the door is written the word _congruitas_, signifying Grammar. ("Gramaire first hath for to teche to speke upon congruite.") On the first and second floors of the temple he studies the Grammar of Donatus, and of Priscian, and at the first stage at the left on the third floor he studies the Logic of Aristotle, followed by the Rhetoric and Poetry of Tully, thus completing the _Trivium_. The Arithmetic of Boethius also appears on the third floor. On the fourth floor he completes the studies of the _Quadrivium_, taking in order the Music of Pythagoras, Euclid's Geometry, and Ptolemy's Astronomy. The student now advances to the study of Philosophy, studying successively Physics, Seneca's Morals, and the Theology (or Metaphysics) of Peter Lombard, the last being the goal toward which all has been directed.] Beyond these came Ethics or Metaphysics, and the greatest of all studies, Theology. This last represented the one professional study of the early middle-age period, and was the goal toward which all the preceding studies had tended. This mediaeval system of education is well summarized in the drawing given on the opposite page, taken from an illuminated picture inserted in a famous mediaeval manuscript, recopied at Basle, Switzerland, in 1508. Not all these studies were taught in every monastery or cathedral school. Many of the lesser monasteries and schools offered instruction chiefly in grammar, and only a little of the studies beyond. Others emphasized the Trivium, and taught perhaps only a little of the second group. Only a few taught the full range of mediaeval learning, and these were regarded as the great schools of the times (R. 71). Rhabanus Maurus (776-865), one of the greatest minds of the Middle Ages, Abbot for years at Fulda, and a mediaeval textbook writer of importance, has left us a good description of each of the Seven Liberal Arts studies as they were developed in his day, and their use in the Christian scheme of education (R. 74). I. THE TRIVIUM Of the three studies forming the _Trivium_, grammar always came first as the basal subject. No uniformity existed for the other two. 1. GRAMMAR. The foundation and source of all the Liberal Arts was grammar, it being, according to Maurus, "the science which teaches us to explain the poets and historians, and the art which qualifies us to speak and write correctly" (R. 74 a). In the introduction to an improved Latin grammar, [3] published about 1119, grammar is defined as "The doorkeeper of all the other sciences, the apt expurgatrix of the stammering tongue, the servant of logic, the mistress of rhetoric, the interpreter of theology, the relief of medicine, and the praiseworthy foundation of the whole quadrivium." Figure 45, from one of the earliest books printed in English, also emphasizes the great importance of grammar with the words: "Wythout whiche science (s)ycherly alle other sciences in especial ben of lytyl recomme(d)." In addition to grammar in the sense we know the study to-day, grammar in the old Roman and mediaeval mind also included much of what we know as the analytical side of the study of literature, such as comparison, analysis, versification, prosody, word formations, figures of speech, and vocal expression (R. 76). These were considered necessary to enable one to read understandingly the Holy Scriptures, and hence, "though the art be secular," says Maurus, "it has nothing unworthy about it." [Illustration: FIG. 45. A SCHOOL: A LESSON IN GRAMMAR (After a woodcut printed by Caxton in _The Mirror of the World_, 1481 (?). From Blades' _Life and Typography of William Caxton_, ii, Plate LVI) This is a good example of early English printing. Can you read it? This "Old English," like the German type (see Fig. 26), shows the change in Latin letters which came about with the copying of manuscripts during the Middle Ages. After the invention of printing the English soon returned to the Latin forms; the Germans are only now doing so.] The leading textbook was that of Donatus, [4] written in the fourth century, and Donatus (_donat_) and grammar came to be synonymous terms. The text by Priscian, [5] written in the sixth century, was also extensively used. The treatment in each was catechetical in form; that is, questions and answers, which were learned. The text was of course in Latin, and the teacher usually had the only copy, so that the pupils had to learn from memory or copy from dictation. The cost of writing-material usually precluded the latter method. After sufficient ability in grammar had been attained, simple reading exercises or colloquies (R. 75), usually of a religious or moralizing nature, were introduced, though where permitted the Latin authors, especially Vergil, [6] were read. At Saint Gall, in Switzerland, and at some other places, many Latin authors were read; at Tours, on the other hand, we find the learned Abbot Alcuin saying to the monks: "The sacred poets are sufficient for you; there is no reason why you should sully your mind with the rank luxuriance of Vergil's verse." 2. RHETORIC. Rhetoric, as defined by Maurus, was "the art of using secular discourse effectively in the circumstances of daily life," and enabling the preacher or missionary to put the divine message in eloquent and impressive language (R. 74 b). Much of the old Roman rhetoric had been taken over by grammar, but in its place was added a certain amount of letter and legal documentary writing. The priest, it must be remembered, became the secretary and lawyer of the Middle Ages, as well as the priest, and upon him devolved the preparation of most of the legal papers of the time, such as wills, deeds, proclamations, and other formal documents. Accordingly the art of letter-writing [7] and the preparation of legal documents were made a part of the study of rhetoric, and some study of both the civil ("worldly") and canon (church) law was gradually introduced. 3. DIALECTIC. Dialectic, or logic, says Maurus, is the science of understanding, and hence the science of sciences (R. 74 c). By means of its aid one was enabled to unmask falsehood, expose error, formulate argument, and draw conclusions accurately. The study was one of preparation for ethics and theology later on. Extracts from the works of Aristotle, prepared by Boethius, and later his complete works, constituted the texts used. While grammar was the great subject of the seven during all the early Middle Ages, dialectic later came to take its place. After the rise of the universities and the organization of schools of theology, with theology more of a rational science and less a matter of dogma, dialectic came to hold first place in importance as a preparation for the disputations of the later Middle Ages. Theological questions formed the practical exercises, and the schools doing most in dialectic attracted many students because of this. These three studies, constituting the _Trivium_, based as they were directly on the old Roman learning and schools, contained more that was within the teaching knowledge of the time than did the subjects of the _Quadrivium_, and also subject-matter which was much more in demand. II. THE QUADRIVIUM The _trivial_ studies, in most cases before the thirteenth century, sufficed to prepare for the study of theology, though those few who desired to prepare thoroughly also studied the subjects of the _quadrivium_. In schools not offering instruction in this advanced group some of the elements of its four studies were often taught from the textbooks in use for the _Trivium_. Particularly was this the case during the early Middle Ages, when the knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy possessed by western Europe was exceedingly small. No regular order in the study of the subjects of this group was followed. 4. ARITHMETIC. Naturally little could be done in this subject as long as the Roman system of notation was in use (see footnote, i, p. 64), and the Arabic notation was not known in western Christian Europe until the beginning of the thirteenth century, and was not much used for two or three centuries later. So far as arithmetic was taught before that time, it was but little in advance of that given to novitiates in the monasteries, except that much attention was devoted to an absurd study of the properties of numbers, [8] and to the uses of arithmetic in determining church days, calculating the date of Easter, and interpreting passages in the Scriptures involving measurements (R. 74 d). The textbook by Rhabanus Maurus _On Reckoning_, issued in 820, is largely in dialogue (catechetical) form, and is devoted to describing the properties of numbers, "odd, even, perfect, imperfect, composite, plane, solid, cardinal, ordinal, adverbial, distributive, multiple, denunciative, etc."; to pointing out the scriptural significance of number; [9] and to an elaborate explanation of finger reckoning, after the old Roman plan (see p. 65). Near the end of the tenth century Gerbert, [10] afterwards Pope Sylvester II, devised a simple abacus-form for expressing numbers, simple enough in itself, but regarded as wonderful in its day. This greatly simplified calculation, and made work with large numbers possible. He also devised an easier form for large divisions. Gerbert's form for expressing numbers may be shown from the following simple sum in addition: _Arabic Form_ _Roman Form_ _Gerbert's Form_ _M C X I_ 1204 MCCIV I II IV 538 DXXXVIII V III VIII 2455 MMCCCCLV II IV V V 619 DCXIX VI I IX ----- --------- ------------------- 4816 MMMMDCCCXVI IV VIII I VI No study of arithmetic of importance was possible, however, until the introduction of Arabic notation and the use of the zero. 5. GEOMETRY. This study consisted almost entirely of geography and reasoning as to geometrical forms until the tenth century, when Boethius' work on _Geometry_, containing some extracts from Euclid, was discovered by Gerbert. The geography of Europe, Asia, and Africa also was studied, as treated in the textbooks of the time, and a little about plants and animals as well was introduced. The nature of the geographic instruction may be inferred from Figure 46, which reproduces one of the best world maps of the day. The main geographical features of the known world can be made out from this, but many of the mediaeval maps are utterly unintelligible. To illustrate the reasoning as to geometrical forms which preceded the finding of Euclid we quote from Maurus, who says that the science of geometry "found realization also at the building of the tabernacle and the temple; and that the same measuring rod, circles, spheres, hemispheres, quadrangles, and other figures were employed. The knowledge of all this brings to him, who is occupied with it, no small gain for his spiritual culture." (R. 74 e). After Gerbert's time some geometry proper and the elements of land surveying were introduced. The real study of geometry in Europe, however, dates from the twelfth century, when Euclid was translated into Latin from the Arabic. 6. ASTRONOMY. In astronomy the chief purpose of the instruction was to explain the seasons and the motions of the planets, to set forth the wonders of the visible creation, and to enable the priests "to fix the time of Easter and all other festivals and holy days, and to announce to the congregation the proper celebration of them." (R. 74 g). [Illustration: FIG. 46. AN ANGLO-SAXON MAP OF THE WORLD (From a tenth-century map in the British Museum) This is one of the better maps of the period. Note the mixture of Biblical and classical geography (Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Pillars of Hercules), and the animal life (lion) introduced in the upper corner. The Mediterranean Sea in the center, the Greek islands, the British isles, the Italian peninsula, the Nile, and the northern African coast are easily recognized. Western Europe, the best-known part of the world at that time, is very poorly done.] Even after Ptolemy's _Mechanism of the Heavens_ (p. 49) and Aristotle's _On the Heavens_ had filtered across the Pyrenees from the Saracens, in the eleventh century, the Ptolemaic theory of a flat earth located at the center of the heavenly bodies and around which they all revolved, while a very pleasing theological conception, was absolutely fatal to any instruction in astronomy worth while and to any astronomical advance. All mediaeval astronomy, too, was saturated with astrology, as the selection on the motion of the heavenly bodies reproduced from Bartholomew Anglicus shows (R. 77 b), and the supernatural was invoked to explain such phenomena as meteors, comets, and eclipses. The Copernican theory of the motion of the heavenly bodies was not published until 1543, and all our modern ideas date from that time. Physics was often taught as a part of the instruction in astronomy, and consisted of lessons on the properties of matter (R. 77 a) and some of the simple principles of dynamics. Little else of what we to-day know as physics was then known. 7. MUSIC. Unlike the other studies of the _Quadrivium_, the instruction in music was quite extensive, and from early times a good course in musical theory was taught (R. 74 f). Boethius' _De Musica_, written at the beginning of the sixth century, was the text used. Music entered into so many activities of the Church that much naturally was made of it. The organ, too, is an old instrument, going back to the second century B.C., and the organ with a keyboard to the close of the eleventh century. This instrument added much to the value of the music course, and the hymns composed by Christian musicians form an important part of our musical heritage. [11] The cathedral school at Metz and the monastery at Saint Gall became famous as musical centers, and of the work of one of the teachers of music at Saint Gall (Notker) it was written by his biographer: "Through different hymns, sequences, tropes, and litanies, through different songs and melodies as well as through ecclesiastical science, the pupils of this man made the church of God famous not merely in Alemannia, but everywhere from sea to sea." [Illustration: FIG. 47. AN EARLY CHURCH MUSICIAN (From a fourteenth-century manuscript, now in the British Museum)] THE GREAT TEXTBOOKS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. While the textbooks mentioned under the description of each of the Liberal Arts formed the basis of the instruction given, most of the instruction before the twelfth century was not given from editions of the original works, but from abridged compendiums. Six of these were so famous and so widely used that each deserves a few words of description. 1. _The Marriage of Mercury and Philology_, written by Martianus Capella, between 410 and 427 A.D., was the first of the five great mediaeval textbooks. Mercury, desiring to marry, finally settles on the learned maiden Philology, and the seven bridesmaids--Grammar, Dialectic, Rhetoric, Geometry, Arithmetic, Astronomy, and Music--enter in turn at the ceremony and tell who they are and what they represent. The speeches of the seven maidens summarized the ancient learning in each subject. This textbook was more widely used during the Middle Ages than any other book. 2. _Boethius_ (475-524) was another important mediaeval textbook writer, having prepared textbooks on dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and ethics. Nearly all of what the Middle Ages knew of Aristotle's _Logic_ and _Ethics_, and of the writings of Plato, were contained in the texts he wrote. His _De Musica_ was used in the universities as a textbook until near the middle of the eighteenth century. 3. _Cassiodorus_ [12] (c. 490-585), in his _On the Liberal Arts and Sciences_, prepared a digest of each of the Seven Liberal Arts for monastic use, fixing the number at seven by scriptural authority. [13] 4. _Isidore_, Bishop of Seville (c. 570-636), under the title of _Etymologies_ or _Origines_, prepared an encyclopaedia of the ancient learning for the use of the monks and clergy which was intended to be a summary of all knowledge worth knowing. While he drew his knowledge from the writings of the Greeks and Romans, with many of which he was familiar, contrary to the attitude of Cassiodorus he forbade the monks and clergy to make any use of them whatever. Cassiodorus was still in part a Roman; Isidore was a full mediaeval. 5. _Alcuin_, a learned scholar of the eighth century, whom we met in the preceding chapter (p. 140), wrote treatises on the studies of the _Trivium_ and on astronomy which were used in many schools in Frankland. 6. _Maurus_. In 819 the learned monk of Fulda, Rhabanus Maurus, a pupil of Alcuin, issued his volume _On the Instruction of the Clergy_, in the third part of which he describes the uses and the subject-matter of each of the Arts (R. 74). He also wrote texts on grammar and astronomy, and in 844 issued an encyclopaedia, _De Universo_, based largely on the work of Isidore, but supplemented from other sources. These were the great textbooks for the study of the _Trivium_ and the _Quadrivium_ throughout all the early Middle Ages. Considering that they were in manuscript form and were in one volume, [14] their extent and scope can be imagined. The teacher usually had or had access to a copy, though even a teacher's books in that day were few in number (R. 78). Pupils had no books at all. These "great" texts were composed of brief extracts, bits of miscellaneous information, and lists of names. Their style was uninviting. They were at best a mere shell, compared with the Greek and Roman knowledge which had been lost. Some of these books were in question-and-answer (catechetical) form. Their purpose was not to stimulate thinking, but to transmit that modicum of secular knowledge needed for the service of the Church and as a preparation for the study of the theological writings. For nearly eight hundred years education was static, the only purpose of instruction being to transmit to the next generation what the preceding one had known. For such a period such textbooks answered the purpose fairly well. 3. _Training of the nobility_ TENTH-CENTURY CONDITIONS. Following the death of Charlemagne and the break-up of the empire held together by him, a period of organized anarchy followed in western Europe. Authority broke down more completely than before, and Europe, for protection, was forced to organize itself into a great number of small defensive groups. Serfs, [15] freemen lacking land, and small landowners alike came to depend on some nobleman for protection, and this nobleman in turn upon some lord or overlord. For this protection military service was rendered in return. The lord lived in his castle, and the peasantry worked his land and supported him, fighting his battles if the need arose. This condition of society was known as _feudalism_, and the feudal relations of lord and vassal came to be the prevailing governmental organization of the period. Feudalism was at best an organized anarchy, suited to rude and barbarous times, but so well was it adapted to existing conditions that it became the prevailing form of government, and continued as such until a better order of society could be evolved. With the invention of gunpowder, the rise of cities and industries, the evolution of modern States by the consolidation of numbers of these feudal governments, and the establishment of order and civilization, feudalism passed out with the passing of the conditions which gave rise to it. From the end of the ninth to the middle of the thirteenth centuries it was the dominant form of government. The life of the nobility under the feudal régime gave a certain picturesqueness to what was otherwise an age of lawlessness and disorder. The chief occupation of a noble was fighting, either in his own quarrel or that of his overlord. It is hard for us to-day to realize how much fighting went on then. Much was said about "honor," but quarrels were easily started, and oaths were poorly kept. It was a day of personal feuds and private warfare, and every noble thought it his right to wage war on his neighbor at any time, without asking the consent of any one. [16] As a preparation for actual warfare a series of mimic encounters, known as tournaments, were held, in which it often happened that knights were killed. In these encounters mounted knights charged one another with spear and lance, performing feats similar to those of actual warfare. This was the great amusement of the period, compared with which the German duel, the Mexican bullfight, or the American game of football are mild sports. The other diversions of the knights and nobles were hunting, hawking, feasting, drinking, making love, minstrelsy, and chess. Intellectual ability formed no part of their accomplishments, and a knowledge of reading and writing was commonly regarded as effeminate. To take this carousing, fighting, pillaging, ravaging, destructive, and murderous instinct, so strong by nature among the Germanic tribes, and refine it and in time use it to some better purpose, and in so doing to increasingly civilize these Germanic lords and overlords, was the problem which faced the Church and all interested in establishing an orderly society in Europe. As a means of checking this outlawry the Church established and tried to enforce the "Truce of God" (R. 79), and as a partial means of educating the nobility to some better conception of a purpose in life the Church aided in the development of the education of chivalry, the first secular form of education in western Europe since the days of Rome, and added its sanction to it after it arose. THE EDUCATION OF CHIVALRY. This form of education was an evolution. It began during the latter part of the ninth century and the early part of the tenth, reached its maximum greatness during the period of the Crusades (twelfth century), and passed out of existence by the sixteenth. The period of the Crusades was the heroic age of chivalry. The system of education which gradually developed for the children of the nobility may be briefly described as follows: 1. _Page._ Up to the age of seven or eight the youth was trained at home, by his mother. He played to develop strength, was taught the meaning of obedience, trained in politeness and courtesy, and his religious education was begun. After this, usually at seven, he was sent to the court of some other noble, usually his father's superior in the feudal scale, though in case of kings and feudal lords of large importance the children remained at home and were trained in the palace school. From seven to fourteen the boy was known as a page. He was in particular attached to some lady, who supervised his education in religion, music, courtesy, gallantry, the etiquette of love and honor, and taught him to play chess and other games. He was usually taught to read and write the vernacular language, and was sometimes given a little instruction in reading Latin. [17] To the lord he rendered much personal service such as messenger, servant at meals, and attention to guests. By the men he was trained in running, boxing, wrestling, riding, swimming, and the use of light weapons. 2. _Squire._ At fourteen or fifteen he became a squire. While continuing to serve his lady, with whom he was still in company, and continuing to render personal service in the castle, the squire became in particular the personal servant and bodyguard of the lord or knight. He was in a sense a _valet_ for him, making his bed, caring for his clothes, helping him to dress, and looking after him at night and when sick. He also groomed his horse, looked after his weapons, and attended and protected him on the field of combat or in battle. He himself learned to hunt, to handle shield and spear, to ride in armor, to meet his opponent, and to fight with sword and battle-axe. As he approached the age of twenty-one, he chose his lady- love, who was older than he and who might be married, to whom he swore ever to be devoted, even though he married some one else. He also learned to rhyme, [18] to make songs, sing, dance, play the harp, and observe the ceremonials of the Church. Girls were given this instruction along with the boys, but naturally their training placed its emphasis upon household duties, service, good manners, conversational ability, music, and religion. 3. _Knight._ At twenty-one the boy was knighted, and of this the Church made an impressive ceremonial. After fasting, confession, a night of vigil in armor spent at the altar in holy meditation, and communion in the morning, the ceremony of dubbing the squire a knight took place in the presence of the court. He gave his sword to the priest, who blest it upon the altar. He then took the oath "to defend the Church, to attack the wicked, to respect the priesthood, to protect women and the poor, to preserve the country in tranquillity, and to shed his blood, even to its last drop, in behalf of his brethren." The priest then returned him the sword which he had blessed, charging him "to protect the widows and orphans, to restore and preserve the desolate, to revenge the wronged, and to confirm the virtuous." He then knelt before his lord, who, drawing his own sword and holding it over him, said: "In the name of God, of our Lady, of thy patron Saint, and of Saint Michael and Saint George, I dub thee knight; be brave (touching him with the sword on one shoulder), be bold (on the other shoulder), be loyal (on the head)." [Illustration: FIG. 48. A SQUIRE BEING KNIGHTED (From an old manuscript)] THE CHIVALRIC IDEALS. Such, briefly stated, was the education of chivalry. The cathedral and monastery schools not meeting the needs of the nobility, the castle school was evolved. There was little that was intellectual about the training given--few books, and no training in Latin. Instead, the native language was emphasized, and squires in England frequently learned to speak French. It was essentially an education for secular ends, and prepared not only for active participation in the feuds and warfare of the time, but also for the Seven Perfections of the Middle Ages: (1) Riding, (2) Swimming, (3) Archery, (4) Fencing, (5) Hunting, (6) Whist or Chess, and (7) Rhyming. It also represents the first type of schooling in the Middle Ages designed to prepare for life here, rather than hereafter. For the nobility it was a discipline, just as the Seven Liberal Arts was a discipline for the monks and clergy. Out of it later on was evolved the education of a gentleman as distinct from that of a scholar. That such training had a civilizing effect on the nobility of the time cannot be doubted. Through it the Church exercised a restraining and civilizing influence on a rude, quarrelsome, and impetuous people, who resented restraints and who had no use for intellectual discipline. It developed the ability to work together for common ends, personal loyalty, and a sense of honor in an age when these were much-needed traits, and the ideal of a life of regulated service in place of one of lawless gratification was set up. What monasticism had done for the religious life in dignifying labor and service, chivalry did for secular life. The Ten Commandments of chivalry, (1) to pray, (2) to avoid sin, (3) to defend the Church, (4) to protect widows and orphans, (5) to travel, (6) to wage loyal war, (7) to fight for his Lady, (8) to defend the right, (9) to love his God, and (10) to listen to good and true men, while not often followed, were valuable precepts to uphold in that age and time. In the great Crusades movement of the twelfth century the Church consecrated the military prowess and restless energy of the nobility to her service, but after this wave had passed chivalry became formal and stilted and rapidly declined in importance (R. 80). [Illustration: FIG. 49. A KNIGHT OF THE TIME OF THE FIRST CRUSADE (From a manuscript in the British Museum)] 4. _Professional study_ As the one professional study of the entire early Middle-Age period, and the one study which absorbed the intellectual energy of the one learned class, the evolution of the study of Theology possesses particular interest for us. THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY. During the earlier part of the period under consideration the preparatory study necessary for service in the Church was small, and very elementary in character. The elements of reading, writing, reckoning, and music, as taught to _oblati_ in the monasteries, sufficed. As knowledge increased a little the study of grammar at first, and later all the studies of the _Trivium_ came to be common as preparatory study, while those who made the best preparation added the subjects of the _Quadrivium_. Ethics, or metaphysics, taught largely from the digest of Aristotle's _Ethics_ prepared in the sixth century by Boethius, was the text for this study until about 1200, when Aristotle's _Metaphysics_, _Physics_, _Psychology_, and _Ethics_ were re-introduced into Europe from Saracen sources (R. 87). The theological course proper experienced a similar development. At first, as we saw in chapter V, there were but few principles of belief, and the church organization was exceedingly simple. In 325 A.D. the Nicene Creed was formulated (p. 96), and the first twenty canons (rules) adopted for the government of the clergy. With the translation of the Bible into the Latin language (_Vulgate_, fourth century), the writings of the early Latin Fathers, and additional canons and expressions of belief adopted at subsequent church councils, an increasing amount relating to belief, church organization, and pastoral duties needed to be imparted to new members of the clergy. Still, up to the eleventh century at least, the theological course remained quite meager. In a tenth-century account the following description of the theological course of the time is given: [19] 1. Elements of grammar and the first part of Donatus. 2. Repeated readings of the Old and New Testaments. 3. Mass prayers. 4. Rules of the Church as to time reckoning. 5. Decrees of the Church Councils. 6. Rules of penance. 7. Prescriptions for church services. 8. Worldly laws. 9. Collections of homilies (sermons). 10. Tractates on the Epistles and Gospels. 11. Lives of the Saints. 12. Church music. It will be seen from this tenth-century course of theological study that it was based on reading, writing, and reckoning, and a little music as preparatory studies; that it began with the first of the subjects of the _Trivium_, which was studied only in part; and that its purpose was to impart needed information as to dogma, church practices, canon (church) law, and such civil (worldly) law as would be needed by the priest in discharging his functions as the notary and lawyer of the age. There is no suggestion of the study of Theology as a science, based on evidences, logic, and ethics. Such study was not then known, and would not have been tolerated. There were no other professions to study for. SYSTEMATIC INSTRUCTION BEGINS. About 1145 Peter the Lombard published his _Book of Sentences_, and this worked a revolution in the teaching of the subject. In topics, arrangement, and method of treatment the book marked a great advance, and became the standard textbook in Theology for a long time. It did much to change the study of Theology from dogmas to a scientific subject, and made possible schools of Theology in the universities now about to arise. In the thirteenth century it was made the official textbook at both the universities of Oxford and Paris. The studies of dialectic and ethics were raised to a new plane of importance by the publication of this book. By the close of the twelfth century the interest of the Church in a better-trained clergy had grown to such an extent that theological instruction was ordered established wherever there was an Archbishop. In a decree issued by Pope Innocent III and the General Council it was ordered: In every cathedral or other church of sufficient means, a master ought to be elected by the prelate or chapter, and the income of a prebend assigned to him, and in every metropolitan church a theologian also ought to be elected. And if the church is not rich enough to provide a grammarian and a theologian, it shall provide for the theologian from the revenues of his church, and cause provision to be made for the grammarian in some church of his city or diocese. [20] We also, in the early thirteenth century, find bishops enforcing theological training on future priests by orders of which the following is a type: Hugh of Scawby, clerk, presented by Nigel Costentin to the church of (Potter) Hanworth, was admitted and canonically instituted in it as parson, on condition that he comes to the next orders to be ordained subdeacon. But on account of the insufficiency of his grammar, the lord bishop ordered him on pain of loss of his benefice to attend school. And the Dean of Wyville was ordered to induct him into corporal possession of the said church in form aforesaid, and to inform the lord bishop if he does not attend school. [21] 5. _Characteristics of mediaeval education_ FOUNDATIONS LAID FOR A NEW ORDER. The education which we have just described covers the period from the time of the downfall of Rome to the twelfth or the thirteenth century. It represents what the Church evolved to replace that which it and the barbarians had destroyed. Meager as it still was, after seven or eight centuries of effort, it nevertheless presents certain clearly marked lines of development. The beginnings of a new Christian civilization among the tribes which had invaded and overrun the old Roman Empire are evident, and, toward the latter part of the Middle Ages, we note the development of a number of centers of learning (R. 71) and the beginnings of that specialization of knowledge (church doctrine, classical learning, music, logic and ethics, theology), at different church and monastery schools, which promised much for the future of learning. We also notice, and will see the same evidence in the following chapter, the beginnings of a class of scholarly men, though the scholarship is very limited in scope and along lines thoroughly approved by the Church. In education proper, in the sense that we understand it, the schools provided were still for a very limited class, and secondary rather than elementary in nature. They were intended to meet the needs of an institution rather than of a people, and to prepare those who studied in them for service to that institution. That institution, too, had concentrated its efforts on preparing its members for life in another world, and not for life or service in this. There were as yet no independent schools or scholars, the monks and clergy represented the one learned class, Theology was the one professional study, the ability to read and write was not regarded by noble or commoner as of any particular importance, and all book knowledge was in a language which the people did not understand when they heard it and could not read. Society was as yet composed of three classes--feudal warriors, who spent their time in amusements or fighting, and who had evolved a form of knightly training for their children; privileged priests and monks and nuns, who controlled all book learning and opportunities for professional advancement; and the great mass of working peasants, engaged chiefly in agriculture, and belonging to and helping to fight the battles of their protecting lord. For these peasants there was as yet no education aside from what the Church gave through her watchful oversight and her religious services (R. 81), and but little leisure, freedom, wealth, security, or economic need to make such education possible or desirable. Moreover, the other-worldly attitude of the Church made such education seem unnecessary. It was still the education of a few for institutional purposes, though here and there, by the close of the twelfth century, the Church was beginning to urge its members to provide some education for their children (R. 82), and the world was at last getting ready for the evolution of the independent scholar, and soon would be ready for the evolution of schools to meet secular needs. REPRESSIVE ATTITUDE OF THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH. The great work of the Church during this period, as we see it to-day, was to assimilate and sufficiently civilize the barbarians to make possible a new civilization, based on knowledge and reason rather than force. To this end the Church had interposed her authority against barbarian force, and had slowly won the contest. Almost of necessity the Church had been compelled to insist upon her way, and this type of absolutism in church government had been extended to most other matters. The Bible, or rather the interpretations of it which church councils, popes, bishops, and theological writers had made, became authoritative, and disobedience or doubt became sinful in the eyes of the Church. [22] The Scriptures were made the authority for everything, and interpretations the most fantastic were made of scriptural verses. Unquestioning belief was extended to many other matters, with the result that tales the most wonderful were recounted and believed. To question, to doubt, to disbelieve--these were among the deadly sins of the early Middle Ages. This attitude of mind undoubtedly had its value in assimilating and civilizing the barbarians, and probably was a necessity at the time, but it was bad for the future of the Church as an institution, and utterly opposed to scientific inquiry and intellectual progress. Monroe well expresses the situation which came to exist when he says: The validity of any statement, the actuality of any alleged instance, came to be determined, not by any application of rationalistic principle, not by inherent plausibility, not by actual inquiry into the facts of the case, but by its agreement with religious feelings or beliefs, its effect in furthering the influence of the Church or the reputation of a saint--in general, by its relationship to matters of faith. Thus it happens that the chronicles of the monks and the lives of the saints, charming and interesting as they are in their naïveté, their simplicity, their trustful credulity, and their pictures of a life and an attitude of mind so remote from ours, are filled with incidents given as facts that test the greatest faith, strain the most vivid imagination, and shock that innate respect for reality, that it is the purpose of modern education to inculcate. [23] This authoritative and repressive attitude of the Church expressed itself in many ways. The teaching of the period is an excellent example of this influence. The instruction in the so-called Seven Liberal Arts remained unchanged throughout a period of half a dozen centuries--so much accumulated knowledge passed on as a legacy to succeeding generations. It represented mere instruction; not education. As a recent writer has well expressed it, the whole knowledge and culture contained in the Seven Liberal Arts remained "like a substance in suspension in a medium incapable of absorbing it; unchanged throughout the whole mediaeval period." Inquiry or doubt in religious matters was not tolerated, and scientific inquiry and investigation ceased to exist. The notable scientific advances of the Greeks, their literature and philosophy, and particularly their genius for free inquiry and investigation, no longer influenced a world dominated by an institution preparing its children only for life in a world to come. Not until the world could shake off this mediaeval attitude toward scientific inquiry and make possible honest doubt was any real intellectual progress possible. In a rough, general way the turn in the tide came about the beginning of the twelfth century, and for the next five centuries the Church was increasingly busy trying, like King Canute of old, to stop the waves of free inquiry and scientific doubt from rising higher against the bulwarks it had erected. THE MEDIAEVAL EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. The educational system which the Church had developed by 1200 continued unchanged in its essential features until after the great awakening known as the Revival of Learning, or Renaissance. This system we have just sketched. For instruction in the elements of learning we have the inner and outer monastery and convent schools, and, in connection with the churches, song schools, and chantry or stipendary schools. In these last we have the beginnings of the parish school for instruction in the elements of learning and the fundamentals of faith for the children of the faithful. In the monasteries, convents, and in connection with the cathedral churches we have the secondary instruction fairly well organized with the _Trivium_ and the _Quadrivium_ as the basis. At the close of the period under consideration in this chapter a few privately endowed grammar schools were just beginning to be founded to supplement the work of the cathedral schools (RS. 141-143). In some of the inner monastery schools and a few of the cathedral schools we also have the beginnings of higher instruction, with theology as the one professional subject and the one learned career. [Illustration: FIG. 50. EVOLUTION OF EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES The relative weight of the lines indicates approximate development. The lines along which educational evolution took place in the later Middle Ages are here clearly marked out.] All these schools, too, were completely under the control of the Church. There were no private schools or teachers before about 1200. Only the chivalric education was under the control of princes or kings, and even this the Church kept under its supervision. The Church was still the State, to a large degree, and the Church, unlike Greece or Rome, took the education of the young upon itself as one of its most important functions. The schools taught what the Church approved, and the instruction was for religious and church ends. The monks who gave instruction in the monasteries were responsible to the Abbot, who was in turn responsible to the head of the order and through him to the Pope at Rome. Similarly the _scholasticus_ in the cathedral school and the _precentor_ in the song school were both responsible to the Bishop, and again through Archbishop and Cardinal to the Pope. THE FIRST TEACHER'S CERTIFICATES AND SCHOOL SUPERVISION. Toward the latter part of the period under consideration in this chapter an interesting development in church school administration took place. As the cathedral and song schools increased assistant teachers were needed, and the _scholasticus_ and _precentor_ gradually withdrew from instruction and became the supervisors of instruction, or rather the principals of their respective schools. As song or parish schools were established in the parishes of the diocese teachers for these were needed, and the _scholasticus_ and _precentor_ extended their authority and supervision over these, just as the Bishop had done much earlier (p. 97) over the training and appointment of priests. By 1150 we have, clearly evolved, the system of central supervision of the training of all teachers in the diocese through the issuing, for the first time in Europe, of licenses to teach (R. 83). The system was finally put into legal form by a decree adopted by a general council of the Church at Rome, in 1179, which required that the _scholasticus_ "should have authority to superintend all the schoolmasters of the diocese and grant them licenses without which none should presume to teach," and that "nothing be exacted for licenses to teach" issued by him, thus stopping the charging of fees for their issuance. The _precentor_, in a similar manner, claimed and often secured supervision of all elementary, and especially all song-school instruction. Teachers were also required to take an oath of fealty and obedience (R. 84 b). As a result of centuries of evolution we thus find, by 1200, a limited but powerful church school system, with centralized control and supervision of instruction, diocesan licenses to teach, and a curriculum adapted to the needs of the institution in control of the schools. We also note the beginnings of secular instruction in the training of the nobility for life's service, though even this is approved and sanctioned by the Church. The centralized religious control thus established continued until the nineteenth century, and still exists to a more or less important degree in the school systems of Italy, the old Austro-Hungarian States, Germany, England, and some other western nations. As we shall see later on, one of the big battles in the process of developing state school systems has come through the attempt of the State to substitute its own organization for this religious monopoly of instruction. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Outline the instruction in an inner monastery school. 2. Show how the mediaeval parish school naturally developed as an offshoot of the cathedral schools, and was supplemented later by the endowed chantry schools. 3. What effect did the development of song-school instruction have on the instruction in the cathedral schools? 4. Why was it difficult to develop good cathedral schools during the early Middle Ages? 5. About how much training would be represented to-day by the Seven Liberal Arts, (_a_) assuming the body of knowledge then known? (_b_) assuming the body of knowledge for each subject known to-day? 6. What great subject of study has been developed out of one part of the study of mediaeval rhetoric? 7. Why would dialectic naturally not be of much importance, so long as instruction in theology was dogmatic and not a matter of thinking? 8. Characterize the instruction in arithmetic, geometry, and geography during the early Middle Ages. Would we consider such knowledge as of any value? Explain the attention given to such instruction. 9. What great modern subjects of study have been developed out of the mediaeval subjects of arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy? 10. Compare the knowledge of mediaevals and moderns in (a) geography, (b) astronomy. 11. What does the fact that the few great textbooks were in use for so many centuries indicate as to the character of educational progress during the Middle Ages? 12. Was the Church wise in adopting and sanctifying the education of chivalry? Why? 13. What important contributions to world progress came out of chivalric education? 14. What ideals and practices from chivalry have been retained and are still in use to-day? Does the Boy Scouts movement embody any of the chivalric ideas and training? 15. Compare the education of the body by the Greeks and under chivalry. 16. Compare the Athenian ephebic oath with the vows of chivalry. 17. Picture the present world transferred back to a time when theology was the one profession. 18. What educational theory, conscious or unconscious, formed the basis for mediaeval education and instruction? 19. Explain why the Church, after six or seven centuries of effort, still provided schools only for preparation for its own service. 20. What does the lack of independent scholars during the Middle Ages indicate as to possible leisure? 21. Was the attitude of Anselm a perfectly natural one for the Middle Ages? Can progress be made with such an attitude dominant? 22. Contrast the deadly sins of the Middle Ages with present-day conceptions as to education. 23. Contrast the purposes of mediaeval education and the education of to- day. 24. When Greece and Rome offered no precedents, how did the Church come to so fully develop and control the education which was provided? 25. Compare the supervisory work of a modern county superintendent with that of a _scholasticus_ of a mediaeval cathedral. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 70. Leach: Song and Grammar Schools in England. 71. Mullinger: The Episcopal and Monastic Schools. 72. Statutes: The School at Salisbury Cathedral. 73. Aldwincle: Foundation Grant for a Chantry School. 74. Maurus: The Seven Liberal Arts. 75. Leach: A Mediaeval Latin Colloquy. 76. Quintilian: On the Importance of the Study of Grammar. 77. Anglicus: The Elements, and the Planets. (a) Of the Elements. (b) Of Double Moving of the Planets. 78. Cott: A Tenth Century Schoolmaster's Books. 79. Archbishop of Cologne: The Truce of God. 80. Gautier: How the Church used Chivalry. 81. Draper: Educational Influences of the Church Services. 82. Winchester Diocesan Council: How the Church urged that the Elements of Religious Education be given. 83. Lincoln Cathedral: Licenses required to teach Song. 84. English Forms: Appointment and Oath of a Grammar-School Master. (a) Northallerton: Appointment of a master of Song and Grammar. (b) Archdeacon of Ely: Oath of a Grammar-School Master to. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Distinguish between song and grammar schools (70), and state what was taught in each. Do we have any modern analogy to the same teacher teaching both schools, as was sometimes done? 2. Distinguish between monastic and episcopal (cathedral) schools (71). When was the great era of each? How do you explain the change in relative importance of the two? 3. Explain the process of evolution of a parish school out of a chantry school. 4. What was the nature of the cathedral school at Salisbury (72)? 5. What type of a school was provided for in the Aldwincle chantry (73)? Why was it not until after the twelfth century that the endowing of schools (73) began to supersede the endowing of priests, churches, and monasteries? 6. How do you explain the need for so many years to master the Seven Liberal Arts (74)? 7. Into what subjects of study have we broken up the old subject of grammar, as described by Quintilian (76), and how have we distributed them throughout our school system? Is technical grammar at present taught in the best possible place? 8. What stage in scientific knowledge do the selections from Anglicus (77 a-b) indicate? What rate of scientific progress is indicated by its translation and length of use? 9. What scope of knowledge is represented in the library (78) of the tenth-century schoolmaster? What does the list indicate as to the state of learning of the time? 10. Picture the manners and morals of a time which called for the proclamation of a Truce of God (79). Would the rate of progress of civilization and the rate of elimination of warfare up to then, and since, indicate that the Church has been very successful in imposing its will? 11. Show how Chivalry was made a great asset to the Church (80). 12. How do you explain the much greater simplicity of the church service of modern Protestant churches than that of the Roman (81) or Greek Catholic churches? 13. Explain the form of mild compulsion toward learning which the diocesan council of Winchester (82) attempted to institute. 14. Is the modern state teacher's certificate a natural outgrowth of the mediaeval licenses (83) to teach grammar and song? Why did the Church insist on these when Rome had not required such? 15. Show how the modern oath of office of a teacher, and the possibility of dismissal for insubordination, is a natural development from the oath of fealty and obedience (84 b) of the mediaeval teacher? Is this true also for our modern notices of appointment (84 a)? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Abelson, Paul. _The Seven Liberal Arts_. Addison, Julia de W. _Arts and Crafts in the Middle Ages_. Besant, W. _The Story of King Alfred_. * Clark, J. W. _The Care of Books_. Davidson, Thomas. "The Seven Liberal Arts"; in _Educational Review_, vol. II, pp. 467-73. (Also in his _Aristotle_.) Mombert, J. I. _History of Charles the Great_. * Mullinger, J. B. _The Schools of Charles the Great_. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I. Scheffel, Victor. _Ekkehard_. (Historical novel of monastic life.) Steele, Philip. _Mediaeval Lore_. (Anglicus' Cyclopaedia.) CHAPTER VIII INFLUENCES TENDING TOWARD A REVIVAL OF LEARNING I. MOSLEM LEARNING FROM SPAIN THE MOHAMMEDANS IN SPAIN. It will be recalled that in chapter V we mentioned briefly the Mohammedan migrations of the seventh century, and said that we should meet them again a little later on as one of the minor forces in the development of our western civilization. After their defeat at Tours (732) the Mohammedans retired into Spain, mixed with the Iberian- Roman-Visigothic peoples inhabiting the peninsula, and began to develop a civilization there. Figure 33 (p. 114) shows how much of the world the Mohammedans had overrun by 800 A.D., and how much of Spain was in their possession. In Spain they developed a skillful agriculture (R. 85), as, in lands as hot and dry as Spain, all agriculture to be successful must be. They introduced irrigation, gave special attention to the breeding of horses and cattle, and developed garden and orchard fruits. To them western Europe is indebted for the introduction of many of its orchard fruits, useful plants, and garden vegetables, as well as for a number of important manufacturing processes. The orange, lemon, peach, apricot, and mulberry trees; the spinach, artichoke, and asparagus among vegetables; cotton, rice, sugar cane, and hemp among useful plants; the culture of the silkworm, and the manufacture of silk and cotton garments; the manufacture of paper from cotton, and the making of morocco leather--these are among our debts to these people. Though many of the above had been known to antiquity, they had been lost during the barbarian invasions and were restored only through their re-introduction by the Moslems. GREAT ABSORPTIVE POWER FOR LEARNING. The original Arabians themselves were not a well-educated people. Before the time of Mohammed we have practically no records as to any education among them. When in their religious conquests they overran Syria (see Map, p. 103), they came in contact with the survivals of that wonderful Greek civilization and learning, and this they absorbed with greatest avidity. It will be recalled, too, that in chapter IV (p. 94), it was stated that the early Christians developed very important catechetical schools in Egypt and Syria, and especially at Alexandria, Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis, Harran, and Caesarea. [1] (See Figure 27, p. 89.) It was also stated that the Christian instruction imparted at these eastern schools was tinctured through and through with Greek learning and Greek philosophic thought. Here monasteries also were developed in numbers, and Syrian monks had for centuries been busy translating Greek authors into Syriac. It was also stated (p. 94) that the Eastern or Greek division of the Christian Church, of which Constantinople became the central city, was more liberal toward Greek learning than was the Western or Latin division of the Church. By the fifth century, though, due in part to the breakdown of government, the increasing barbarity of the age, and the greater control of all thinking by the Church, the Eastern Church lost somewhat of its earlier tolerance. In 431 the Church Council of Ephesus put a ban on the Hellenized form of Christian theology advocated by Nestorius, then Patriarch of Constantinople, and drove him and his followers, known as _Nestorian Christians_, from the city. These Nestorians now fled to the old Syrian cities, which early had been so hospitable to Greek learning and thinking. [2] Being now beyond the reach of Christian intolerance and in a friendly atmosphere, they remained there, developing excellent higher schools of the old Greek type, and there the Mohammedans found them when they overran Syria, in 635 A.D. Mohammedanism now came in contact with an educated people, as it did also in Babylonia (637), in Assyria (640), and in Egypt (642), and the need of a better statement of the somewhat crude faith now became evident. The same process now took place as had occurred earlier with Christianity. The Nestorian Christians and the Syrian monks became the scholars for the Mohammedans, and the Mohammedan faith was clothed in Greek forms and received a thorough tincturing of Greek philosophic thought. Within a century they had translated from Syriac into Arabic, or from the original Greek, much of the old Greek learning in philosophy, science, and medicine, and the cities of Syria, and in particular their capital, Damascus, became renowned for their learning. In 760 Bagdad, on the Tigris, was founded, and superseded Damascus as the capital. Extending eastward, these people were soon busy absorbing Hindu mathematical knowledge, obtaining from them (c. 800) the so-called Arabic notation and algebra. THEY DEVELOP SCHOOLS AND ADVANCE LEARNING. In 786 Haroun-al-Raschid became Caliph at Bagdad, and he and his son made it an intellectual center of first importance. In all the known world probably no city, not even Constantinople, during the latter part of the eighth century and most of the ninth, could vie with Bagdad as a center of learning. Basra, Kufa, and other eastern cities were also noted places. Schools were opened in connection with the mosques (churches), a university after the old Greek model was founded, a large library was organized, and an observatory was built. Large numbers of students thronged the city, learned Greeks and Jews taught in the schools, and a number of advances on the scientific work done by the Greeks were made. A degree of the earth's surface [3] was measured on the shores of the Red Sea; the obliquity of the ecliptic was determined (c. 830); astronomical tables were calculated; algebra and trigonometry were perfected; discoveries in chemistry not known in Europe until toward the end of the eighteenth century, and advances in physics for which western Europe waited for Newton (1642-1727), were made; and in medicine and surgery their work was not duplicated until the early nineteenth century. Their scholars wrote dictionaries, lexicons, cyclopaedias, and pharmacopoeias of merit (R. 86). This eastern learning was now gradually carried to Spain by traveling Mohammedan scholars, and there the energy of conquest was gradually turned to the development of schools and learning. By 900 a good civilization and intellectual life had been developed in Spain, and before 1000 the teaching in Spain, especially along Greek philosophical lines, had become sufficiently known to attract a few adventurous monks from Christian Europe. Gerbert (953-1003), afterward Pope Sylvester II (p. 159), was one of the first to study there, though for this he was accused of having transactions with the Devil, and when he died suddenly at fifty, four years after having been elevated to the Papacy, monks over Europe are recorded as having crossed themselves and muttered that the Devil had now claimed his reward. A monk from Monte Cassino also studied at Bagdad, and brought back some of the eastern learning to his monastery. [Illustration: FIG. 51. SHOWING CENTERS OF MOSLEM LEARNING] MOHAMMEDAN REACTION SENDS SCHOLARS TO SPAIN. The great intellectual development at Bagdad was in part due to the patronage of a few caliphs of large vision, and was of relatively short duration. The religious enthusiasts among the Mohammedans were in reality but little more zealous for Hellenic learning than the Fathers of the Western Church had been. Finally, about 1050, they obtained the upper hand and succeeded in driving out the Hellenic Mohammedans, just as the Eastern Christians had driven out the Nestorians, and these scholars of the East now fled to northern Africa and to Spain. [4] Almost at once a marked further development in the intellectual life of Spain took place. In Cordova, Granada, Toledo, and Seville strong universities were developed, where Jews and Hellenized Mohammedans taught the learning of the East, and made further advances in the sciences and mathematics. Physics, chemistry, astronomy, mathematics, physiology, medicine, and surgery were the great subjects of study. Greek philosophy also was taught. They developed schools and large libraries, taught geography from globes, studied astronomy in observatories, counted time by pendulum clocks, invented the compass and gunpowder, developed hospitals, and taught medicine and surgery in schools (R. 86). Their cities were equally noteworthy for their magnificent palaces, [5] mosques, public baths, market-places, aqueducts, and paved and lighted streets--things unknown in Christian Europe for centuries to come (R. 85). It became fashionable for wealthy men to become patrons of learning, and to collect large libraries and place them at the disposal of scholars, thus revealing interests in marked contrast to those of the fighting nobility of Christian Europe. THEIR INFLUENCE ON WESTERN EUROPE. Western Europe of the tenth to the twelfth centuries presented a dreary contrast, in almost every particular, to the brilliant life of southern Spain. Just emerging from barbarism, it was still in an age of general disorder and of the simplest religious faith. [6] The age of reason and of scientific experiment as a means of arriving at truth had not yet dawned, and would not do so for centuries to come. Monks and clerics, representing the one learned class, regarded this Moslem science as "black art," and in consequence Europe, centuries later, had slowly to rediscover the scientific knowledge which might have been had for the taking. Only the book science of Aristotle would the Church accept, and even this only after some hesitation (Rs. 89, 90). Western Europe had, however, advanced far enough through the study of the Seven Liberal Arts to desire corrected and additional texts of the earlier classical writers, particularly Aristotle, and also to be willing to accept some of the mathematical knowledge of these Saracens. It was here that the Moslem learning in Spain helped in the intellectual awakening of the rest of Europe. Adelhard, an English monk, studied at Cordova about 1120, and took back with him some knowledge of arithmetic, algebra, and geometry. His Euclid was in general use in the universities by 1300. Gerard of Cremona, in Lombardy (1114-1187), who studied at Toledo a little later, rendered a similar service for Italy. He also translated many works from the Arabic, including Ptolemy's Almagest (p. 49), a book of astronomical tables, and Alhazen's (Spanish scholar, c. 1100) book on Optics. Other monks studied in the Spanish cities during the twelfth century, a few of whom brought back translations of importance. Frederick II [7] employed a staff of Jewish physicians to translate Arabic works into Latin, but, due to his continual war against the Pope and his final outlawry by the Church, his work possessed less significance than it otherwise might have done. Among the books thus translated was the medical textbook of Avicenna (980-1037), based in turn on the Greek works by Galen and Hippocrates of Cos (p. 197). This book described ailments and their treatment in detail, became the standard textbook in the medical faculties of the universities, and was used until the seventeenth century. Another Moslem whose translated writings had great influence on Europe was Averroës (1126-1198) who tried to unite the philosophy of Aristotle with Mohammedanism (R. 88). His influence on the thinkers of the later Middle Ages was large, he being regarded as the greatest commentator on Aristotle from the days of Rome to the time of the Renaissance. [Illustration: FIG. 52. ARISTOTLE] What Europe obtained through Moslem sources which it prized most, though, was the commentary on Aristotle by Averroës and the works of Aristotle (R. 88). The list of the books of Aristotle in use in the mediaeval universities by 1300 (R. 87) reveals the great importance of the additions made. By the middle of the twelfth century Aristotle's _Ethics_, _Metaphysics_, _Physics_, and _Psychology_, as well as some of his minor works, had been translated into Latin and were beginning to be made available for study. The translation route through which these works had been derived was a roundabout one--Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Castilian, Latin--and hence the translations could not be very accurate, but they sufficed for the needs of Europe until the original Greek versions were recovered when the Venetians and Crusaders took and sacked Constantinople, in 1204. These were then translated directly into the Latin. Western Europe also was ready to use the Arabic (Hindu) system of notation, the elements of algebra, Euclid's geometry, and Ptolemy's work on the motion of the heavens. These contributions western Europe was ready for; the larger scientific knowledge of the Saracens, their pharmacopoeias, dictionaries, cyclopaedias, histories, and biographies, it was not yet ready to receive. One other influence crept in from these peoples which was of large future importance--the music and light literature and love songs of Spain. There had been developed in this sunny land a life of light gayety, chivalrous gallantry, elegant courtesies, and poetic and musical charm, and this gradually found its way across the Pyrenees. At first it affected Provence and Languedoc, in southern France, then Sicily and Italy, and finally the gay contagion of lute and mandolin and love songs spread throughout all western Europe. A race of troubadours and minnesingers arose, singing in the vernacular, traveling about the country, and being entertained in castle halls. Lordlyng listneth to my tale Which is merryr than the nightengale won admission at any castle gate. "Out of these genial but not orthodox beginnings the polite literature of modern Europe arose." II. THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY THE ELEVENTH CENTURY A TURNING POINT. By the end of the eleventh century a distinct turning-point had been reached in the struggle to save civilization from perishing. From this time on it was clear that the battle had been won, and that a new Christian civilization would in time arise in western Europe. Much still remained to be done, and centuries of effort would be required, but the Church, almost for the first time in more than six hundred years, felt that it could now pause to organize and systematize its faith. The invasions and destruction of the Northmen had at last ceased, the Mohammedan conquests were over, almost the last of the Germanic tribes in Europe had settled down and had accepted Christianity, [8] and the fighting nobility of Europe were being held somewhat in restraint by the might of the Church, the "Truce of God" (R. 79), and the softening influence of chivalric education (R. 80). There were many evidences, too, by the end of the eleventh century, that the western Christian world, after the long intellectual night, was soon to awaken to a new intellectual life. The twelfth century, in particular, was a period when it was evident that some new leaven was at work. Up to about the close of the eleventh century western Europe had been living in an age of simple faith. The Christian world everywhere lay under "a veil of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession." The mysteries of Christianity and the many inconsistencies of its teachings and beliefs were accepted with childlike docility, and the Church had felt little call to organize, to systematize, or to explain. Here and there, to be sure, some questioning monk or cleric had raised questions over matters [9] of faith which his reason could not explain, and had, perhaps, for a time disturbed the peace of orthodoxy, but a statement somewhat similar to that made by Anselm of Canterbury (footnote, p. 173), as to the precedence of faith over reason, had usually been sufficient to silence all inquiry. Once, in the latter part of the eleventh century, when a great discussion as to the nature of knowledge had taken place among the leaders of the Church, a church council had been called to pass upon and give final settlement to the questions raised. [10] RISE OF THE SPIRIT OF INQUIRY. As the cathedral schools grew in importance as teaching institutions, and came to have many teachers and students, a few of them became noted as places where good instruction was imparted and great teachers were to be found. Canterbury in England, Paris and Chartres in France, and several of the cities in northern Italy early were noted for the quality of their instruction. The great teachers and the keenest students of the time were to be found in the cathedral schools in these places, and the monastic schools now lost their earlier importance as teaching institutions. By the twelfth century they had been completely superseded as important teaching centers by the rapidly developing cathedral schools. To these more important cathedral schools students now came from long distances to study under some noted teacher. Says McCabe: [11] The scholastic fever which was soon to influence the youth of Europe, had already set in. You could not travel far over the rough roads of France without meeting some footsore scholar, making for the nearest large monastery or cathedral town. Robbers, frequently in the service of the lord of the land, infested every province. It was safest to don the coarse frieze tunic of the pilgrim, without pockets, sling your little wax tablets and stylus at your girdle, strap a wallet of bread and herbs and salt on your back, and laugh at the nervous folk who peeped out from their coaches over a hedge of pikes and daggers. Few monasteries refused a meal or a rough bed to the wandering scholar. Rarely was any fee exacted for the lesson given. The cathedral school in connection with the church of Notre Dame [12] became especially famous for its teachers of the Liberal Arts (particularly Dialectic) and of Theology, and to this school, just as the eleventh century was drawing to a close, came a youth, then barely twenty years of age, who is generally regarded as having been the keenest scholar of the twelfth century. His brilliant intellect soon enabled him to refute the instruction of his teachers and to vanquish them in debate. His name was Abelard. Before long he himself became a teacher of Grammar and Logic at Paris, and later of Theology, and, so widely had he read, so clearly did he appeal to the reason of his hearers, and so incisive was his teaching, that he attracted large numbers of students to his lectures. To assist in his teaching of Theology he prepared a little textbook, _Sic et Non_ (Yea and Nay), in which he raised for debate many questions as to church teachings (R. 91 b), such as "That faith is based on reason, or not." In the introduction to this textbook he held that "constant and frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom" (R. 91 a). His method was to give the authorities on both sides, but to render no decision. His boldness in raising such questions for debate was new, and his failure to give the students a decision was quite unusual, while his claim that reason was antecedent to faith was startling. Even after being driven from Paris, in part because of this boldness and in part because of a most unfortunate incident which deservedly ruined his career in the Church, students in numbers followed him to his retreat and listened to his teachings. His method of instruction was for the time so unusual and his spirit of inquiry so searching that he stimulated many a young mind to a new type of thinking. One of his pupils was Peter the Lombard (p. 171), who completely redirected the teaching of theology with his _Book of Sentences_ (c. 1145)--This was based largely on Abelard's method, except that a positive and orthodox decision was presented for each question raised. [Illustration: FIG. 53. THE CATHEDRAL OF NOTRE DAME, AT PARIS The present cathedral was begun in 1163, consecrated in 1182, and completed in the thirteenth century. It is built on an island in the Seine, and on the site of a church built in the fourth century. The little community which grew up about the cathedral church formed the nucleus about which the city of Paris eventually grew. This cathedral front, with its statues and beautiful carving, formed a type much followed during the great period of cathedral-building (thirteenth century) in Europe. The school in connection with this cathedral early became famous.] What took place at Paris also took place, though generally on a smaller scale, at many other cathedral and monastery schools of western Europe. The spirit of inquiry had at last been awakened, the Church was being respectfully challenged by its children to prove its faith, and the learning of the Saracens in Spain, which now began to filter across the Pyrenees, added to the strength of their challenge. Returning pilgrims and crusaders (First Crusade, 1099) also began to ask for an explanation of the doubts which had come to them from the contact with Greek and Arab in the East. A desire for a philosophy which would explain the mysteries and contradictions of the Christian faith found expression among the scholars of the time. In the larger cathedral schools, at least, it became common to discuss the doctrines of the Church with much freedom. THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY. The Church, in a very intelligent and commendable manner, prepared to meet and use this new spirit in the organization, systematization, and restatement of its faith and doctrine, and the great era of Scholasticism [13] now arose. During the latter part of the twelfth and in the thirteenth century Scholasticism was at its height; after that, its work being done, it rapidly declined as an educational force, and the new universities inherited the spirit which had given rise to its labors. With the new emphasis now placed on reasoning, Dialectic or Logic superseded Grammar as the great subject of study, and logical analysis was now applied to the problems of religion. The Church adopted and guided the movement, and the schools of the time turned their energy into directions approved by it. Aristotle also was in time adopted by the Church, after the translation of his principal works had been effected (Rs. 87, 90), and his philosophy was made a bulwark for Christian doctrine throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages. For the next four centuries Aristotle thoroughly dominated all philosophic thinking. [14] The great development and use of logical analysis now produced many keen and subtle minds, who worked intensively a narrow and limited field of thought. The result was a thorough reorganization and restatement of the theology of the Church. [Illustration: PLATE 3. SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS] This was the work of Scholasticism. The movement was not characterized by the evolution of new doctrines, but by a systematization and organization into good teaching form of what had grown up during the preceding thousand years. To a large degree it was also an "accommodation" of the old theology to the new Aristotelian philosophy which had recently been brought back to western Europe, and the statement of the Christian doctrines in good philosophic form. THE ORGANIZING WORK OF THE SCHOOLMEN. Peter the Lombard (1100-1160), whose _Book of Sentences_, mentioned above, had so completely changed the character of the instruction in Theology, began this work of theological reorganization. Albert the Great (_Albertus Magnus_, 1193-1280) was the first of the great Schoolmen, and has been termed "the organizing intellect of the Middle Ages." He was a German Dominican monk [15], born in Swabia, and educated in the schools of Paris, Padua, and Bologna. Later he became a celebrated teacher at Paris and Cologne. He was the first to state the philosophy of Aristotle in systematic form, and was noted as an exponent of the work of Peter the Lombard. Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274), the greatest and most influential scholastic philosopher of the Middle Ages, studied first at Monte Cassino and Naples, and then at Paris and Cologne, under Albertus Magnus. He later became a noted teacher of Philosophy and Theology at Rome, Bologna, Viterbo, Perugia, and Naples. Under him Scholasticism came to its highest development in his harmonizing the new Aristotelianism with the doctrines of the Church. His class teaching was based on Aristotle, [16] the Vulgate Bible, and Peter the Lombard's _Book of Sentences_. During the last three years of his life he wrote his _Summa Theologiae_, a book which has ever since been accepted as an authoritative statement of the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. The character of the organization made by Peter the Lombard and Thomas Aquinas may be seen from an examination of their method of presentation, which was dogmatic in form and similar in the textbooks of each. The field of Christian Theology was divided out into parts, heads, subheads, etc., in a way that would cover the subject, and a group of problems, each dealing with some doctrinal point, was then presented under each. The problem was first stated in the text. Next the authorities and arguments for each solution other than that considered as orthodox were presented and confuted, in order. The orthodox solution was next presented, the arguments and authorities for such solution quoted, and the objections to the correct solution presented and refuted (R. 152). RESULTS OF THEIR WORK. The work of the Schoolmen was to organize and present in systematic and dogmatic form the teachings of the Church (R. 92). This they did exceedingly well, and the result was a thorough organization of Theology as a teaching subject. They did little to extend knowledge, and nothing at all to apply it to the problems of nature and man. Their work was abstract and philosophical instead, dealing wholly with theological questions. The purpose was to lay down principles, and to offer a training in analysis, comparison, classification, and deduction which would prepare learned and subtle defenders of the faith of the Church. So successful were the Schoolmen in their efforts that instruction in Theology was raised by their work to a new position of importance, and a new interest in theological scholarship and general learning was awakened which helped not a little to deflect many strong spirits from a life of warfare to a life of study. They made the problems of learning seem much more worth while, and their work helped to create a more tolerant attitude toward the supporters of either side of debatable questions by revealing so clearly that there are two sides to every question. This new learning, new interest in learning, and new spirit of tolerance the rising universities inherited. III. LAW AND MEDICINE AS NEW STUDIES THE OLD ROMAN CITIES. The old Roman Empire, it will be remembered, came to be largely a collection of provincial cities. These were the centers of Roman civilization and culture. After the downfall of the governing power of Rome, the great highways were no longer repaired, brigandage became common, trade and intercourse largely ceased, and the provincial cities which were not destroyed in the barbarian invasions declined in population and number, passing under the control of their bishops who long ruled them as feudal lords. During the long period of disorder many of the old Roman cities entirely disappeared (R. 49). Only in Italy, and particularly in northern Italy, did these old cities retain anything of their earlier municipal life, or anything worth mentioning of their former industry and commerce. But even here they lost most of their earlier importance as centers of culture and trade, becoming merely ecclesiastical towns. After the death of Charlemagne, the break-up of his empire, and the institution of feudal conditions, the cities and towns declined still more in importance, and few of any size remained. In Italy feudalism never attained the strength it did in northern Europe. Throughout all the early Middle Ages the cities there retained something of their old privileges, though ruled by prince-bishops residing in them. They also retained something of the old Roman civilization, and Roman legal usages and some knowledge of Roman law never quite died out. In other respects they much resembled mediaeval cities elsewhere. REESTABLISHMENT OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. After the disintegration of Charlemagne's empire, the portion of it now known as Germany broke up into fragments, largely independent of one another, and full of fight and pride. The result there was continual and pitiless warfare. This, coupled with the raids of the Northmen along the northern coast and the Magyars on the east, led to the election of a king in 919 (Henry the Fowler) who could establish some semblance of unity and order. By 961 the German duchies and small principalities had been so consolidated that a succeeding king (Otto I) felt himself able to attempt to reëstablish the Holy Roman Empire by subjugating Italy and annexing it as an appendage under German rule. He descended into Italy (961), subjugated the cities, overthrew the Papacy, created a pope to his liking, and reëstablished the old Empire, in name at least. For a century the German rule was nominal, but with the outbreak of the conflict in the eleventh century between king and pope over the question of which one should invest the bishops with their authority (known as the _investiture conflict_, 1075-1122), Pope Gregory VII humbled the German king (Henry IV) at Canossa (1077) and won a partial success. Then followed repeated invasions of Italy, and a century and a half of conflicts between pope and king before the dream of universal empire under a German feudal king ended in disaster, and Italy was freed from Teutonic rule. [Illustration: FIG. 54, THE CITY-STATES OF NORTHERN ITALY All of the cities in the valley of the Po, except Turin, Pavia, and Mantua, were members of the Lombard League of 1167.] THE ITALIAN CITIES REVIVE THE STUDY OF ROMAN LAW. As was stated above, Roman legal usages and some knowledge of Roman law had never quite died out in these Italian cities. But, while regarded with reverence, the law was not much understood, little study was given to it, and important parts of it were neglected and forgotten. The struggle with the ruling bishops in the second half of the eleventh century, and the discussions which arose during the investiture conflict, caused new attention to be given to legal questions, and both the study of Roman (civil) and Church (canon) law were revived. The Italian cities stood with the Papacy in the struggles with the German kings, and, in 1167, those in the Valley of the Po formed what was known as the _Lombard League_ for defense. Under the pressure of German oppression they now began a careful study of the known Roman law in an effort to discover some charter, edict, or grant of power upon which they could base their claim for independent legal rights. The result was that the study of Roman law was given an emphasis unknown in Italy since the days of the old Empire. What had been preserved during the period of disorder at last came to be understood, additional books of the law were discovered, and men suddenly awoke to a realization that what had been before considered as of little value actually contained much that was worth studying, as well as many principles of importance that were applicable to the conditions and problems of the time. [Illustration: FIG. 55. FRAGMENT FROM THE RECOVERED "DIGEST" OF JUSTINIAN Capitals and small letters are here used, but note the difficulty of reading without spacing or punctuation.] The great student and teacher of law of the period was Irnerius of Bologna (c. 1070-1137), who began to lecture on the _Code_ and the _Institutes_ of Justinian about 1110 to 1115, and soon attracted large numbers of students to hear his interpretations. About this same time the _Digest_, much the largest and most important part of the old law, was discovered and made known. [17] This gave clearness to the whole, as before its discovery the study of Roman law was like the study of Aristotle when only parts of the _Organon_ were known. Irnerius and his co-laborers at Bologna now collected and arranged the entire body of Roman civil law (_Corpus Juris Civilis_) (R. 93), introduced the _Digest_ to western Europe, and thus made a new contribution of first importance to the list of possible higher studies. Law now ceased to be a part of Rhetoric (p. 157) and became a new subject of study, with a body of material large enough to occupy a student for several years. This was an event of great intellectual significance. A new study was now evolved which offered great possibilities for intellectual activity and the exercise of the critical faculty, while at the same time showing veneration for authority. Law was thus placed alongside Theology as a professional subject, and the evolution of the professional lawyer from the priest was now for the first time made possible. CANON LAW ALSO ORGANIZED AS A SUBJECT OF STUDY. Inspired by the revival of the study of civil law, a monk of Bologna, Gratian by name, set himself to make a compilation of all the Church canons which had been enacted since the Council of Nicaea (325) formulated the first twenty (p. 96), and of the rules for church government as laid down by the church authorities. This he issued in textbook form, about 1142, under the title of _Decretum Gratiani_. So successful were his efforts that his compilation was "one of those great textbooks that take the world by storm." It did for canon (church) law what the rediscovery of the Justinian _Code_ had done for civil law; that is, it organized canon law as a new and important teaching subject. The _Decretum_ of Gratian was published in three parts, and was organized after the same plan as Abelard's _Sic et Non_, except that Gratian drew conclusions from the mass of evidence he presented on each topic. It contained 147 "Distinctions" (questions; cases of church policy), upon each of which were cited the church canons and the views and decisions of important church authorities. [18] This volume was added to by popes later on, [19] so that by the fifteenth century a large body of canon law had grown up, which was known as the _Corpus Juris Canonici_. Canon Law was thus separated from Theology and added to Civil Law as another new subject of study for both theological and legal students, and the two subjects of Canon and Civil Law came to constitute the work of the law faculties in the universities which soon arose in western Europe. [Illustration: FIG. 56. THE FATHER OF MEDICINE HIPPOCRATES OF COS (460- 367? B.C.)] THE BEGINNINGS OF MEDICAL STUDY. The Greeks had made some progress in the beginnings of the study of disease (p. 47). Aristotle had given some anatomical knowledge in his writings on animals, and had theorized a little about the functions of the human body. The real founder of medical science, though, was Hippocrates, of the island of Cos (c. 460-367 B.C.), a contemporary of Plato. He was the first writer on the subject who attempted to base the practice of the healing art on careful observation and scientific principles. He substituted scientific reason for the wrath of offended deities as the causes of disease, and tried to offer proper remedies in place of sacrifices and prayers to the gods for cures. His descriptions of diseases were wonderfully accurate, and his treatments ruled medical practice for ages. [20] He knew, however, little as to anatomy. Another Greek writer, Galen [21](131-201 A.D.), wrote extensively on medicine and left an anatomical account of the human body which was unsurpassed for more than a thousand years. His work was known and used by the Saracens. Avicenna (980-1037), an eastern Mohammedan, wrote a _Canon of Medicine_ in which he summarized the work of all earlier writers, and gave a more minute description of symptoms than any preceding writer had done. These works, together with a few minor writings by teachers in Spain and Salerno, formed the basis of all medical knowledge until Vesalius published his _System of Human Anatomy_, in 1543. The Roman knowledge of medicine was based almost entirely on that of the Greeks, and after the rise of the Christians, with their new attitude toward earthly life and contempt for the human body, the science fell into disrepute and decay. Saint Augustine (354-430), in his great work on _The City of God_, speaks with some bitterness of "medical men who are called anatomists," and who "with a cruel zeal for science have dissected the bodies of the dead, and sometimes of sick persons, who have died under their knives, and have inhumanly pried into the secrets of the human body to learn the nature of disease and its exact seat, and how it might be cured." [22] During the early Middle Ages the Greek medical knowledge practically disappeared, and in its place came the Christian theories of satanic influence, diabolic action, and divine punishment for sin. Correspondingly the cures were prayers at shrines and repositories of sacred relics and images, which were found all over Europe, and to which the injured or fever-stricken peasants hied themselves to make offerings and to pray, and then hope for a miracle. Toward the middle of the eleventh century Salerno, a small city delightfully situated on the Italian coast (see Map, p. 194), thirty-four miles south of Naples, began to attain some reputation as a health resort. In part this was due to the climate and in part to its mineral springs. Southern Italy had, more than any other part of western Europe, retained touch with old Greek thought. The works of Hippocrates and Galen had been preserved there, the monks at Monte Cassino had made some translations, and sometime toward the middle of the eleventh century the study of the Greek medical books was revived here. The Mohammedan medical work by Avicenna (p. 185), also early became known here in translation. About 1065 Constantine of Carthage, a converted Jew and a learned monk, who had traveled extensively in the East [23] and who had been forced to flee from his native city because of a suspicion of "black art," began to lecture at Salerno on the Greek and Mohammedan medical works and the practice of the medical art. In 1099 Robert, Duke of Normandy, returning from the First Crusade, stopped here to be cured of a wound, and he and his knights later spread the fame of Salerno all over Europe. The result was the revival of the study of Medicine in the West, and Salerno developed into the first of the medical schools of Europe. Montpellier, in southern France, also became another early center for the study of Medicine, drawing much of its medical knowledge from Spain. Another new subject of professional study was now made possible, and Faculties of Medicine were in time organized in most of the universities as they arose. The instruction, though, was chiefly book instruction, Galen being the great textbook until the seventeenth century. IV. OTHER NEW INFLUENCES AND MOVEMENTS THE CRUSADES. Perhaps the most romantic happenings during the Middle Ages were that series of adventurous expeditions to the then Far East, undertaken by the kings and knights of western Europe in an attempt to reclaim the Holy Land from the infidel Turks, who in the eleventh century had pushed in and were persecuting Christian pilgrims journeying to Jerusalem. For centuries single pilgrims, small bands of pilgrims, and sometimes large numbers led by priest or noble, had journeyed to distant shrines, to Rome, and to the birthplace of the Saviour, [24] impelled by pure religious devotion, a desire to do penance for sin, or seeking a cure from some disease by prayer and penance. It was the spirit of the age. Says Adams: [25] A pilgrimage was ... in itself a religious act securing merit and reward for the one who performed it, balancing a certain number for his sins, and making his escape from the world of torment hereafter more certain. The more distant and more difficult the pilgrimage, the more meritorious, especially if it led to such supremely holy places as those which had been sanctified by the presence of Christ himself. For the man of the world, for the man who could not, or would not, go into monasticism, the pilgrimage was the one conspicuous act by which he could satisfy the ascetic need, and gain its rewards. A crusade was a stupendous pilgrimage, under especially favorable and meritorious conditions. [Illustration: FIG. 57. A PILGRIM OF THE MIDDLE AGES (From an old manuscript in the British Museum)] The Mohammedan Arabs who took possession of the Holy Land in the seventh century had treated the pilgrims considerately, but the Turks were of a different stamp. In 1071 they had defeated the Eastern Emperor, captured all Asia Minor, and had taken possession of the fortress of Nicaea (Map, p. 183), near Constantinople. The Eastern Emperor now appealed to Rome for help. In 1077 the Turks captured Jerusalem, and returning pilgrims soon began to report having experienced great hardships. In 1095 Pope Urban, in a stirring address to the Council of Clermont (France), issued a call to the lords, knights, and foot soldiers of western Christendom to cease destroying their fellow Christians in private warfare, and to turn their strength of arms against the infidel and rescue the Holy Land. The journey was to take the place of penance for sin, many special privileges were extended to those who went, and those who died on the journey or in battle with the infidels were promised entrance into heaven. [26] nobles and peasants, filled with a desire for adventure and a sense of personal sin, no surer way of satisfying either was to be found than the long pilgrimage to the Saviour's tomb. In France and England the call met with instant response. Unfortunately for the future of civilization, the call met with but small response from the nobles of German lands. The First Crusade set out in 1096. A second went in 1144, and a third in 1187. These were the great Crusades, though five others were undertaken during the thirteenth century. Jerusalem was taken and lost. The Christians quarreled with one another and with the Greeks, though with the Saracens they established somewhat friendly relations, and a mutual respect arose. The armies which went were composed of all kinds of people --lords, knights, merchants, adventurers, peasants, outlaws--and a spirit of adventure and a desire for personal gain, as well as a spirit of religious devotion, actuated many who went. In 1204 the Venetians diverted the fourth crusade to the capture of Constantinople, and established there an outpost of their great commercial empire. The history of the crusades we do not need to trace. The important matter for our purpose was the results of the movement on the intellectual development of western Europe. RESULTS OF THE CRUSADES ON WESTERN EUROPE. In a sense the Crusades were an outward manifestation of the great change in thinking and ideals which had begun sometime before in western Europe. They were at once both a sign and a cause of further change. The old isolation was at last about to end, and intercommunication and some common ideas and common feelings were being brought about. Both those who went and those who remained at home were deeply stirred by the movement. Christendom as a great international community, in which all alike were interested in a common ideal and in a common fight against the infidel, was a new idea now dawning upon the mass of the people, whereas before it had been but little understood. The travel to distant lands, the sight of cities of wealth and power, and the contact with peoples decidedly superior to themselves in civilization, not only excited the imagination and led to a broadening of the minds of those who returned, but served as well to raise the general level of intelligence in western Europe. Some new knowledge also was brought back, but that was not at the time of great importance. The principal gain came in the elimination forever of thousands of quarreling, fighting noblemen, [27] thus giving the kingly power a chance to consolidate holdings and begin the evolution of modern States; in the marked change of attitude toward the old problems; in the awakening of a new interest in the present world; in the creation of new interests and new desires among the common people; in the awakening of a spirit of religious unity and of national consciousness; and especially in the awakening of a new intellectual life, which soon found expression in the organization of universities for study and in more extensive travel and geographical exploration than the world had known since the days of ancient Rome. The greatest of all the results, however, came through the revival of trade, commerce, manufacturing, and industry in the rising cities of western Europe, with the consequent evolution of a new and important class of merchants, bankers, and craftsmen, who formed a new city class and in time developed a new system of training for themselves and their children. THE REVIVAL OF CITY LIFE. The old cities of central and northern Italy, as was stated above, continued through the early Middle Ages as places of some little local importance. In the eleventh century they overthrew in large part the rule of their Prince-Bishops, and became little City- Republics, much after the old Greek model. Outside of Italy almost the only cities not destroyed during the period of the barbarian invasions were the episcopal cities, that is cities which were the residences of bishops. Outside of Italy the present cities of western Europe either rose on the ruins of former Roman provincial cities, or originated about some monastery or castle, on or adjacent to land at one time owned by monks or feudal lord. An ever-increasing company of peasants, themselves little more than serfs in the beginning, huddled together in such places for the protection afforded, and a walled feudal town eventually resulted (R. 94 a). This later, in one way or another, secured its freedom from monastic control or feudal lord, and evolved into the free city we know to-day. Originally each little city was a self-sustaining community. The farming and grazing lands lay outside, while the people were crowded compactly together within the protecting town walls. The need for walls that could be manned for defense, gates that could shut out the marauder, the narrow, dirty streets, and the lack of any sanitary ideas, all alike tended to keep the towns small. [28] The insecurity of life, the constant warfare, the repeated failures or destruction of crops without and want within, and the high death-rate from disease, all kept down the population. A town of a thousand people in the early Middle Ages was a place of some importance, while probably no city outside of Italy, excepting Paris and London, had ten thousand inhabitants before the year 1200. In all England there were but 2,150,000 people, according to the Domesday Survey (1086), while to- day the city of London alone contains nearly three times that number. [Illustration: FIG. 58. A TYPICAL MEDIAEVAL TOWN (PRUSSIAN) All the elements of a typical mediaeval town are seen here--the walls for defense, the watch-towers, the churches, the tall cathedral, the castle, and the high houses huddled together.] After about the year 1000 a revival of something like city life begins to be noticeable here and there in the records of the time (R. 94 a), and by 1100 these signs begin to manifest themselves in many places and lands. By 1200 the cities of Europe were numerous, though small, and their importance in the life of the times [29] was rapidly increasing (R. 94 b). THE RISE OF A CITY CLASS. As the mediaeval towns increased in size and importance the inhabitants, being human, demanded rights. Between 1100 and 1200 there were frequent revolts of the people of the mediaeval towns against their feudal overlord, and frequent demands were made for charters granting privileges to the towns. Sometimes these insurrections were put down with a bloody hand. Sometimes, on the contrary, the overlord granted a charter of rights, willingly or unwillingly, and freed the people from obligation to labor on the lands in return for a fixed money payment. Sometimes the king himself granted the inhabitants a charter by way of curbing the power of the local feudal lord or bishop. The towns became exceedingly skillful in playing off lord against bishop, and the king against both. In England, Flanders, France, and Germany some of the towns had become wealthy enough to purchase their freedom and a charter at some time when their feudal overlord was particularly in need of money. These charters, or birth certificates for the towns, were carefully drawn and officially sealed documents of great value, and were highly prized as evidences of local liberty. The document created a "free town," and gave to the inhabitants certain specified rights as to self-government, the election of magistrates--aldermen, mayor, burgomaster--the levying and payment of taxes, and the military service to be rendered. Before the evolution of strong national governments these charters created hundreds of what were virtually little City-States throughout Europe (R. 95). In these towns a new estate or class of people was now created (R. 96), in between the ruling bishops and lords on the one hand and the peasants tilling the land on the other. These were the citizens--freemen, bourgeoisie, burghers. Out of this new class of city dwellers new social orders--merchants, bankers, tradesmen, artisans, and craftsmen--in time arose, and these new orders soon demanded rights and obtained some form of education for their children. The guild or apprenticeship education which early developed in the cities to meet the needs of artisans and craftsmen (R. 99), and the burgh or city schools of Europe, which began to develop in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, were the educational results of the rise of cities and the evolution of these new social classes. The time would soon be ripe for the mysteries of learning to be passed somewhat farther down the educational pyramid, and new classes in society would begin the mastery of its symbols. [Illustration: FIG. 59. THE EDUCATIONAL PYRAMID (From Smith, W. R., _Educational Sociology_, p. 176) The concave pyramid suggests comparative numbers. Formal education began at the top, and has slowly worked downward.] THE REVIVAL OF COMMERCE. The first city of mediaeval Europe to obtain commercial prominence was Venice. She early sold salt and fish obtained from the lagoons to the Lombards in the Valley of the Po, and sent trading ships to the Greek East. By the year 1000 Venetian ships were bringing the luxuries and riches of the Orient to Venice, and the city soon became a great trading center. There the partially civilized Christian knight "spent splendidly," and the Bohemian, German, and Hunnish lords came [30] to buy such of the luxuries of the East as they could afford. By 1100 Venice was a free City-State, the mistress of the Adriatic, and the trade of the East with Christian Europe passed over her wharves. From the Crusades she profited greatly, carrying knights eastward in the great fleet she had developed, and carpets, fabrics, perfumes, spices, dyes, drugs, silks, and precious stones on the return voyage. From Tana and Trebizond her traders penetrated far into the interior. Her ships and merchants "held the Golden East in fee." By 1400 she was the wealthiest and most powerful city in Europe. [Illustration: FIG. 60. TRADE ROUTES AND COMMERCIAL CITIES] Genoa in time became the great rival of Venice. Marseilles also developed a large trade in the Mediterranean and with the north. From these three cities trade routes ran to the cities of Flanders, England, and Germany, as is shown in the map below. By the thirteenth century, Augsburg, Nuremburg, Magdeburg, Hamburg, Lübeck, Bremen, Antwerp, Ghent, Ypres, Bruges, and London were developing into great commercial cities. Despite bad roads, bad bridges, [31] bad inns, "robber knights" and bandits, the commerce once carried on by Rome with her provinces was reviving. Great fairs, or yearly markets, came to be held in the large interior towns, to which merchants came from near and far to display and exchange their wares, and, still more important, from the standpoint of advancing general education, to exchange ideas and experiences. The "luxuries" displayed at these markets by traveling merchants from the south--salt, pepper, spices, sugar, drugs, dyestuffs, glass beads, glassware, table implements, perfumes, ornaments, underwear, articles of dress, silks, velvets, carpets, rugs--dazzled and astounded the simple townspeople of western Europe. These fairs became educational forces of a high order. THE REVIVAL OF INDUSTRY AND BANKING. The trading of articles at seaports and at the interior city fairs came first, and this soon worked a revolution in industry. Instead of agriculture being almost the only occupation, and the feeding of the local population the only purpose, with only such arts and industries practiced as were needed to supply the wants of the townsmen, it now became possible to create a surplus to barter at the fairs for luxuries from the outside. Local industries, heretofore of but little importance, now developed into trades, and the manufacture of articles for outside sale was begun. At first manufacturing was very limited in scope, and confined largely to local handicrafts or the imitation of imported articles, but later new and important industries arose--the glass industry in Venice, the gold and silver industry of Florence, the weaving industry at Mainz and Erfurt, and the wool industry of Flanders. The craftsman and artisan, as well as the merchant and trader, were now developed in the towns, and soon became important members of the new social order. As serfs and villeins [32] were set free from the land [33] they came to the towns, adding more members to the new industrial classes (R. 96). From 1200 on there was a great revival of industry in western Europe, and by 1500 merchants and craftsmen had won back the place once held by merchants and craftsmen in Roman life and trade. At Florence a banking class arose, and instead of barter, banks and the use of money and credit were developed. From Florence this system gradually extended to the other commercial cities. Gradually the mediaeval objection to the taking of interest for the use of money, which the Church had forbidden in the early Middle Ages as "usury" and wicked, was overcome, and Italian bankers and merchants led the world in the establishment of that credit which has made modern trade and industry possible. With money once more in general use as a measure of value, the Arabic system of notation in use for commercial transactions, and credit at reasonable interest rates provided as a basis for finance, an era in trade and commerce and manufacturing set in unknown since the days of Roman rule. Order, security, and a wider extension of educational advantages now were needed, and nothing contributed more to securing these than the growth of wealth and manufacturing industries in the towns, and the extension of commerce and the use of money throughout the country. Nothing tends so powerfully to demand or secure these things as the possession of wealth among a people. EDUCATION FOR THESE NEW SOCIAL CLASSES. With the evolution of these new social classes an extension of education took place through the formation of guilds. [34] The merchants of the Middle Ages traded, not as individuals, nor as subjects of a State which protected them, for there were as yet no such States, but as members of the guild of merchants of their town, or as members of a trading company. Later, towns united to form trading confederations, of which the Hanseatic League of northern Germany was a conspicuous example. These burgher merchant guilds became wealthy and important socially; [35] they were chartered by kings and given trading privileges analogous to those of a modern corporation (R. 95); they elbowed their way into affairs of State, and in time took over in large part the city governments; they obtained education for themselves, and fought with the church authorities for the creation of independent burgh schools; [36] they began to read books, and books in the vernacular began to be written for them; [37] they in time vied with the clergy and the nobility in their patronage of learning; they everywhere stood with the kings and princes to compel feudal lords to stop warfare and plundering and to submit to law and order; [38] and they entertained royal personages and drew nobles, clergy, and gentry into their honorary membership, thus serving as an important agency in breaking down the social-class exclusiveness of the Middle Ages. In these guilds, which were self-governing bodies debating questions and deciding policies and actions, much elementary political training was given their members which proved of large importance at a later time. In the same way the craft guilds rendered a large educational service to the small merchant and worker, as they provided the technical and social education of such during the later period of the Middle Ages and in early modern times, and protected their members from oppression in an age when oppression was the rule. With the revival of trade and industry craft guilds arose all over western Europe. One of the first of these was the candle-makers' guild, organized at Paris in 1061. Soon after we find large numbers of guilds--masons, shoemakers, harness-makers, bakers, smiths, wool-combers, tanners, saddlers, spurriers, weavers, goldsmiths, pewterers, carpenters, leather-workers, cloth-workers, pinners, fishmongers, butchers, barbers--all organized on much the same plan. These were the working-men's fraternities or labor unions of mediaeval Europe. Each trade or craft became organized as a city guild, composed of the "masters," "journeymen" (paid workmen), and "apprentices." The great mediaeval document, a charter of rights guaranteeing protection, was usually obtained. The guild for each trade laid down rules for the number and training of apprentices, [39] the conditions under which a "journeyman" could become a "master," [40] rules for conducting the trade, standards to be maintained in workmanship, prices to be charged, and dues and obligations of members (R. 97). They supervised work in their craft, cared for the sick, buried the dead, and looked after the widows and orphans. Often they provided one or more priests of their own to minister to the families of their craft, and gradually the custom arose of having the priest also teach something of the rudiments of religion and learning to the children of the members. In time money and lands were set aside or left for such purposes, and a form of chantry school, which later evolved into a regular school, often with instruction in higher studies added, was created for the children of members [41] of the guild (R. 98). APPRENTICESHIP EDUCATION. For centuries after the revival of trade and industry all manufacturing was on a small scale, and in the home-industry stage. There was, of course, no machinery, and only the simple tools known from ancient times were used. In a first-floor room at the back, master, journeymen, and apprentices working together made the articles which were sold by the master or the master's wife and daughter in the room in front. The manufacturer and merchant were one. Apprentices were bound to a master for a term of years (R. 99), often paying for the training and education to be received, and the master boarded and lodged both the apprentices and the paid workmen in the family rooms above the shop and store. The form of apprenticeship education and training which thus developed, from an educational point of view, forms for us the important feature of the history of these craft guilds. With the subdivision of labor and the development of new trades the craft-guild idea was extended to the new occupations, and a steady stream of rural labor flowing to the towns was absorbed by them and taught the elements of social usages, self- government, and the mastery of a trade. Throughout all the long period up to the nineteenth century this apprenticeship education in a trade and in self-government constituted almost the entire formal education the worker with his hands received. The sons of the barbarian invaders, as well as their knightly brothers, at last were busy learning the great lessons of industry, coöperation, and personal loyalty. Here begins, for western Europe, "the nobility of labor--the long pedigree of toil." So well in fact did this apprentice system of training and education meet the needs of the time that it persisted, as was said above, well into the nineteenth century (Rs. 200, 201, 242, 243), being displaced only by modern power machinery and systematized factory methods. During the later Middle Ages and in modern times it rendered an important educational service; in the later nineteenth century it became such an obstacle to educational and industrial progress that it has had to be supplemented or replaced by systematic vocational education. INFLUENCE OF THESE NEW MOVEMENTS. We thus see, by the end of the twelfth century, a number of new influences in western Europe which point to an intellectual awakening and to the rise of a new educated class, separate from the monks and clergy on the one hand or the nobility on the other, and to the awakening of Europe to a new attitude toward life. Saracen learning, filtering across from Spain, had added materially to the knowledge Europe previously had, and had stimulated new intellectual interests. Scholasticism had begun its great work of reorganizing and systematizing theology, which was destined to free philosophy, hitherto regarded as a dangerous foe or a suspected ally, from theology and to remake entirely the teaching of the subject. Civil and canon law had been created as wholly new professional subjects, and the beginnings of the teaching of medicine had been made. Instead of the old Seven Liberal Arts and a very limited course of professional study for the clerical office being the entire curriculum, and Theology the one professional subject, we now find, by the beginning of the thirteenth century, a number of new and important professional subjects of large future significance--subjects destined to break the monopoly of theological study and put an end to logistic hair-splitting. The next step in the history of education came in the development of institutions where thinking and teaching could be carried on free from civil or ecclesiastical control, with the consequent rise of an independent learned class in western Europe. This came with the rise of the universities, to which we next turn, and out of which in time arose the future independent scholarship of Europe, America, and the world in general. We also discover a series of new movements, connected with the Crusades, the rise of cities, and the revival of trade and industry, all of which clearly mark the close of the dark period of the Middle Ages. We note, too, the evolution of new social classes--a new Estate--destined in time to eclipse in importance both priest and noble and to become for long the ruling classes of the modern world. We also note the beginnings of an important independent system of education for the hand-workers which sufficed until the days of steam, machinery, and the evolution of the factory system. The eleventh and twelfth centuries were turning-points of great significance in the history of our western civilization, and with the opening of the wonderful thirteenth century the western world is well headed toward a new life and modern ways of thinking. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Why is it that a strong religious control is never favorable to originality in thinking? 2. Show how the work of the Nestorian Christians for the Mohammedan faith was another example of the Hellenization of the ancient world. 3. Would it be possible for any people anywhere in the world today to make such advances as were made at Bagdad, in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, without such work permanently influencing the course of civilization and learning everywhere? To what is the difference due? 4. What were the chief obstacles to Europe adopting at once the learning from Mohammedan Spain, instead of waiting centuries to discover this learning independently? 5. Why did Aristotle's work seem of much greater value to the mediaeval scholar than the Moslem science? What are the relative values to-day? 6. Why should the light literature of Spain be spoken of as a gay contagion? Did this Christian attitude toward fiction and poetry continue long? 7. In what ways was the _Sic et Non_ of Abelard a complete break with mediaeval traditions? 8. How did the fact that Dialectic (Logic) now became the great subject of study in itself denote a marked intellectual advance? What was the significance of the prominence of this study for the future of thinking? 9. What was the effect on inquiry and individual thinking of the method of presentation used by Saint Thomas Aquinas in his _Summa Theologica_? 10. How do you explain the all-absorbing interest in scholasticism during the greater part of a century? 11. State the significance, for the future, of the revival of the study of Roman law: (a) intellectually; (b) in shaping future civilization. 12. How do you explain the Christian attitude toward disease, and the scientific treatment of it? Has that attitude entirely passed away? Illustrate. 13. Why was it such a good thing for the future of civilization in England and France that so many of its nobility perished in the Crusades? 14. State a number of ways in which the Crusade movements had a beneficial effect on western Europe. 15. Show how the revival of commerce was an educative and a civilizing influence of large importance. 16. Would the organization of commerce and banking, and the establishment of the sanctity of obligations in a country, be one important measure of the civilization to which that country had attained? Illustrate. 17. Show how the development of industry and commerce and the accumulation of wealth tend to promote order and security, and to extend educational advantages. 18. Contrast a mediaeval guild and a modern labor union. A guild and a modern fraternal and benevolent society. 19. Why did apprenticeship education continue so long with so little change, when it is now so rapidly being superseded? 20. Does the rise of a new Estate in society indicate a period of slow or rapid change? Why is such an evolution of importance for education and civilization? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 85. Draper: The Moslem Civilization in Spain. 86. Draper: Learning among the Moslems in Spain. 87. Norton: Works of Aristotle known by 1300. 88. Averroës: On Aristotle's Greatness. 89. Roger Bacon: How Aristotle was received at Oxford. 90. Statutes: How Aristotle was received at Paris. (a) Decree of Church Council, 1210 A.D. (b) Statutes of Papal Legate, 1215 A.D. (c) Statutes of Pope Gregory, 1231 A.D. (d) Statutes of the Masters of Arts, 1254 A.D. 91. Cousin: Abelard's _Sic et Non_. (a) From the Introduction. (b) Types of Questions raised for Debate. 92. Rashdall: The Great Work of the Schoolmen. 93. Justinian: Preface to the Justinian Code. 94. Giry and Réville: The Early Mediaeval Town. (a) To the Eleventh Century. (b) By the Thirteenth Century. 95. Gross: An English Town Charter. 96. London: Oath of a New Freeman in a Mediaeval Town. 97. Riley: Ordinances of the White-Tawyers' Guild. 98. State Report: School of the Guild of Saint Nicholas. 99. England, 1396: A Mediaeval Indenture of Apprenticeship. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Contrast the state of civilization in Spain and the rest of Europe about 1100 (85, 86). 2. Considering Aristotle's great intellectual worth (88) and work (87), is it to be wondered that the mediaevals regarded him with such reverence? 3. Do we today accept Abelard's premise (91 a) as to attaining wisdom? Would his questions (91 b) excite much interest to-day? 4. How do you explain the change in attitude toward him shown by the successive statutes enacted (90 a-d) for the University of Paris? 5. Would the extract from Roger Bacon (89) lead you to think him a man ahead of the times in which he lived? Why? 6. Did scholasticism represent the innocent intellectual activity, from the Church point of view, pictured by Rashdall (92)? 7. What were the main things Justinian hoped to accomplish by the preparation of the great Code, as set forth in the Preface (93)? 8. Characterize the mediaeval town by the eleventh century (94 a). What was the nature of the progress from that time to the thirteenth century (94 b)? 9. What were the chief privileges contained in the town charter of Walling-ford (95), and what position does it indicate was held by the guild-merchant therein? 10. What does the oath of a freeman (96) indicate as to social conditions? 11. State the chief regulations imposed on its members by the White- Tawyers' Guild (97). Compare these regulations with those of a modern labor union, such as the plumbers. With a fraternal order, such as the Masons. 12. What is indicated as to the educational advantages provided by the Guild of Saint Nicholas, in the city of Worcester, by the extract (98) taken from the Report of the King's Commissioner? 13. Does a comparison of Readings 99, 201, and 242 indicate a static condition of apprenticeship education for centuries? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Ameer, Ali. _A Short History of the Saracens_. * Ashley, W. J. _Introduction to English Economic History_. Cutts, Edw. L. _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_. * Gautier, Léon. _Chivalry_. * Giry, A., and Réville, A. _Emancipation of the Mediaeval Towns_. Hibbert, F. A. _Influence and Development of English Guilds_. * Hume, M. A. S. _The Spanish People_. * Lavisse, Ernest. _Mediaeval Commerce and Industry_. * MacCabe, Jos. _Peter Abelard_. * Munro, D. C., and Sellery, G. E. _Mediaeval Civilization_. Poole, R. L. _Illustrations of Mediaeval Thought_. * Rashdall, H. _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, vol. I. Routledge, R. _Popular History of Science_. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. i. Scott, J. F. _Historical Essays on Apprenticeship and Vocational Education_. (England.) * Sedgwick, W. J., and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_. Taylor, H. C. _The Mediaeval Mind_. Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_. Townsend, W. J. _The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages_. CHAPTER IX THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES EVOLUTION OF THE _STUDIUM GENERALE_. In the preceding chapter we described briefly the new movement toward association which characterized the eleventh and the twelfth centuries--the municipal movement, the merchant guilds, the trade guilds, etc. These were doing for civil life what monasticism had earlier done for the religious life. They were collections of like-minded men, who united themselves into associations or guilds for mutual benefit, protection, advancement, and self-government within the limits of their city, business, trade, or occupation. This tendency toward association, in the days when state government was weak or in its infancy, was one of the marked features of the transition time from the early period of the Middle Ages, when the Church was virtually the State, to the later period of the Middle Ages, when the authority of the Church in secular matters was beginning to weaken, modern nations were beginning to form, and an interest in worldly affairs was beginning to replace the previous inordinate interest in the world to come. We also noted in the preceding chapters that certain cathedral and monastery schools, but especially the cathedral schools, [1] stimulated by the new interest in Dialectic, were developing into much more than local teaching institutions designed to afford a supply of priests of some little education for the parishes of the bishopric. Once York and later Canterbury, in England, had had teachers who attracted students from other bishoprics. Paris had for long been a famous center for the study of the Liberal Arts and of Theology. Saint Gall had become noted for its music. Theologians coming from Paris (1167-68) had given a new impetus to study among the monks at Oxford. A series of political events in northern Italy had given emphasis to the study of law in many cities, and the Moslems in Spain had stimulated the schools there and in southern France to a study of medicine and Aristotelian science. Rome was for long a noted center for study. Gradually these places came to be known as _studia publica_, or _studia generalia_, meaning by this a generally recognized place of study, where lectures were open to any one, to students of all countries and of all conditions. [2] Traveling students came to these places from afar to hear some noted teacher read and comment on the famous textbooks of the time. From the first both teachers and students had been considered as members of the clergy, and hence had enjoyed the privileges and immunities extended to that class, but, now that the students were becoming so numerous and were traveling so far, some additional grant of protection was felt to be desirable. Accordingly the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, [3] in 1158, issued a general proclamation of privileges and protection (R. 101). In this he ordered that teachers and students traveling "to the places in which the studies are carried on" should be protected from unjust arrest, should be permitted to "dwell in security," and in case of suit should be tried "before their professors or the bishop of the city." This document marks the beginning of a long series of rights and privileges granted to the teachers and students of the universities now in process of evolution in western Europe. THE UNIVERSITY EVOLUTION. The development of a university out of a cathedral or some other form of school represented, in the Middle Ages, a long local evolution. Universities were not founded then as they are to- day. A teacher of some reputation drew around him a constantly increasing body of students. Other teachers of ability, finding a student body already there, also "set up their chairs" and began to teach. Other teachers and more students came. In this way a _studium_ was created. About these teachers in time collected other university servants-- "bedells, librarians, lower officials, preparers of parchment, scribes, illuminators of parchment, and others who serve it," as Count Rupert enumerated them in the Charter of Foundation granted, in 1386, to Heidelberg (R. 103). At Salerno, as we have already seen (p. 199), medical instruction arose around the work of Constantine of Carthage and the medicinal springs found in the vicinity. Students journeyed there from many lands, and licenses to practice the medical art were granted there as early as 1137. At Bologna, we have also seen (p. 195), the work of Irnerius and Gratian early made this a great center for the study of civil and canon law, and their pupils spread the taste for these new subjects throughout Europe. Paris for two centuries had been a center for the study of the Arts and of Theology, and a succession of famous teachers--William of Champeaux, Abelard, Peter the Lombard--had taught there. So important was the theological teaching there that Paris has been termed "the Sinai of instruction" of the Middle Ages. By the beginning of the thirteenth century both students and teachers had become so numerous, at a number of places in western Europe, that they began to adopt the favorite mediaeval practice and organized themselves into associations, or guilds, for further protection from extortion and oppression and for greater freedom from regulation by the Church. They now sought and obtained additional privileges for themselves, and, in particular, the great mediaeval document--a charter of rights and privileges. [4] As both teachers and students were for long regarded as _clerici_ the charters were usually sought from the Pope, but in some cases they were obtained from the king. [5] These associations of scholars, or teachers, or both, "born of the need of companionship which men who cultivate their intelligence feel," sought to perform the same functions for those who studied and taught that the merchant and craft guilds were performing for their members. The ruling idea was association for protection, and to secure freedom for discussion and study; the obtaining of corporate rights and responsibilities; and the organization of a system of apprenticeship, based on study and developing through journeyman into mastership, [6] as attested by an examination and the license to teach. In the rise of these teacher and student guilds [7] we have the beginnings of the universities of western Europe, and their organization into chartered teaching groups (R. 100) was simply another phase of that great movement toward the association of like-minded men for worldly purposes which began to sweep over the rising cities in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. [8] The term _universitas_, or _university_, which came in time to be applied to these associations of masters and apprentices in study, was a general Roman legal term, practically equivalent to our modern word _corporation_. At first it was applied to any association, and when used with reference to teachers and scholars was so stated. Thus, in addressing the masters and students at Paris, Pope Innocent, in 1205, writes: "_Universis magistris et scholaribus Parisiensibus_", that is, "to the corporation of masters and scholars at Paris." Later the term _university_ became restricted to the meaning which we give it to-day. The university mothers. Though this movement for association and the development of advanced study had manifested itself in a number of places by the close of the twelfth century, two places in particular led all the others and became types which were followed in charters and in new creations. These were Bologna and Paris. [9] After one or the other of these two nearly all the universities of western Europe were modeled. Bologna or Paris, or one of their immediate children, served as a pattern. Thus Bologna was the university mother for almost all the Italian universities; for Montpellier and Grenoble in southern France; for some of the Spanish universities; and for Glasgow, Upsala, Cracow, and for the Law Faculty at Oxford. Paris was the university mother for Oxford, and through her Cambridge; for most of the northern French universities; for the university of Toulouse, which in turn became the mother for other southern French and northern Spanish universities; for Lisbon and Coimbra in Portugal; for the early German universities at Prague, Vienna, Cologne, and Heidelberg; and through Cologne for Copenhagen. Through one of the colleges at Cambridge--Emmanuel--she became, indirectly, the mother of a new Cambridge in America--Harvard--founded in 1636. Figure 61 shows the location of the chief universities founded before 1600. Viewed from the standpoint of instruction, Paris was followed almost entirely in Theology, and Bologna in Law, while the three centers which most influenced the development of instruction in medicine were Salerno, Montpellier, and Salamanca. [Illustration: FIG. 61. SHOWING LOCATION OF THE CHIEF UNIVERSITIES FOUNDED BEFORE 1600] While the earlier universities gradually arose as the result of a long local evolution, it in time became common for others to be founded by a migration of professors from an older university to some cathedral city having a developing _studium_. In the days when a university consisted chiefly of master and students, when lectures could be held in any kind of a building or collection of buildings, and when there were no libraries, laboratories, campus, or other university property to tie down an institution, it was easy to migrate. Thus, in 1209, the school at Cambridge was created a university by a secession of masters from Oxford, much as bees swarm from a hive. Sienna, Padua, Reggio, Vicenza, Arezzo resulted from "swarmings" from Bologna; and Vercelli from Vicenza. In 1228, after a student riot at Paris which provoked reprisals from the city, many of the masters and students went to the studium towns of Angers, Orleans, and Rheims, and universities were established at the first two. Migrations from Prague helped establish many of the German universities. In this way the university organization was spread over Europe. In 1200 there were but six _studia generalia_ which can be considered as having evolved into universities--Salerno, Bologna, and Reggio, in Italy; Paris and Montpellier, in France; and Oxford, in England. By 1300 eight more had evolved in Italy, three more in France, Cambridge in England, and five in Spain and Portugal. By 1400 twenty-two additional universities had developed, five of which were in German lands, and by 1500 thirty-five more had been founded, making a total of eighty. By 1600 the total had been raised to one hundred and eight (R. 100, for list by countries, dates, and method of founding). Some of these (approximately thirty) afterwards died, while in the following centuries additional ones were created. [10] PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES GRANTED. The grant of privileges to physicians and teachers made by the Emperor Constantine, in 333 A.D. (R. 26), and the privileges and immunities granted to the clergy (_clerici_) by the early Christian Roman Emperors (R. 38), doubtless formed a basis for the many grants of special privileges made to the professors and students in the early universities. The document promulgated by Frederick Barbarossa, in 1158 (R. 101), began the granting of privileges to the _studia generalia_, and this was followed by numerous other grants. The grant to students of freedom from trial by the city authorities, and the obligation of every citizen of Paris to seize any one seen striking a student, granted by Philip Augustus, in 1200 (R. 102), is another example, widely followed, of the bestowal of large privileges. Count Rupert I, in founding the University of Heidelberg, in 1386, granted many privileges, exempted the students from "any duty, levy, imposts, tolls, excises, or other exactions whatever" while coming to, studying at, or returning home from the university (R. 103). The exemption from taxation (R. 104) became a matter of form, and was afterwards followed in the chartering of American colleges (R. 187). Exemption from military service also was granted. So valuable an asset was a university to a city, and so easy was it for a university to move almost overnight, that cities often, and at times even nations, encouraged not only the founding of universities, but also the migration of both faculties and students. An interesting case of a city bidding for the presence of a university is that of Vercelli (R. 105), which made a binding agreement, as a part of the city charter, whereby the city agreed with a body of masters and students "swarming" from Padua to loan the students money at lower than the regular rates, to see that there was plenty of food in the markets at no increase in prices, and to protect the students from injustice. An instance of bidding by a State is the case of Cambridge, which obtained quite an addition by the coming of striking Paris masters and students in 1229, in response to the pledge of King Henry III (R. 109), who "humbly sympathized with them for their sufferings at Paris," and promised them that if they would come "to our kingdom of England and remain there to study" he would assign to them "cities, boroughs, towns, whatsoever you may wish to select, and in every fitting way will cause you to rejoice in a state of liberty and tranquillity." One of the most important privileges which the universities early obtained, and a rather singular one at that, was the right of _cessatio_, which meant the right to stop lectures and go on a strike as a means of enforcing a redress of grievances against either town or church authority (R. 107). This right was for long jealously guarded by the university, and frequently used to defend itself from the smallest encroachments on its freedom to teach, study, and discipline the members of its guild as it saw fit, and often the right not to discipline them at all. Often the _cessatio_ was invoked on very trivial grounds, as in the case of the Oxford _cessatio_ of 1209 (R. 108), the Paris _cessatio_ of 1229 (R. 109), and the numerous other _cessationes_ which for two centuries [11] repeatedly disturbed the continuity of instruction at Paris. DEGREES IN THE GUILD. The most important of the university rights, however, was the right to examine and license its own teachers (R. 110), and to grant the license to teach (Rs. 111, 112). Founded as the universities were after the guild model, they were primarily places for the taking of apprentices in the Arts, developing them into journeymen and masters, and certifying to their proficiency in the teaching craft. [12] Their purpose at first was to prepare teachers, and the giving of instruction to students for cultural ends, or a professional training for practical use aside from teaching the subject, was a later development. Accordingly it came about in time that, after a number of years of study in the Arts under some master, a student was permitted to present himself for a test as to his ability to define words, determine the meaning of phrases, and read the ordinary Latin texts in Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic (the _Trivium_), to the satisfaction of other masters than his own. In England this test came to be known by the term _determine_. Its passage was equivalent to advancing from apprenticeship to the ranks of a journeyman, and the successful candidate might now be permitted to assist the master, or even give some elementary instruction himself while continuing his studies. He now became an assistant or companion, and by the fourteenth century was known as a _baccalaureus_, a term used in the Church, in chivalry, and in the guilds, and which meant a _beginner_. There was at first, though, no thought of establishing an examination and a new degree for the completion of this first step in studies. The bachelor's degree was a later development, sought at first by those not intending to teach, and eventually erected into a separate degree. When the student had finally heard a sufficient number of courses, as required by the statutes of his guild, he might present himself for examination for the teaching license. This was a public trial, and took the form of a public disputation on some stated thesis, in the presence of the masters, and against all comers. It was the student's "masterpiece," analogous to the masterpiece of any other guild, and he submitted it to a jury of the masters of his craft. [13] Upon his masterpiece being adjudged satisfactory, he also became a master in his craft, was now able to define and dispute, was formally admitted to the highest rank in the teaching guild, might have a seal, and was variously known as master, doctor, or professor, all of which were once synonymous terms. [14] If he wished to prepare himself for teaching one of the professional subjects he studied still further, usually for a number of years, in one of the professional faculties, and in time he was declared to be a Doctor of Law, or Medicine, or of Theology. [Illustration: FIG 62. SEAL OF A DOCTOR, UNIVERSITY OF PARIS] THE TEACHING FACULTIES. The students for a long time grouped themselves for better protection (and aggression) according to the nation from which they came, [15] and each "nation" elected a _councilor_ to look after the interests of its members. Between the different nations there were constant quarrels, insults were passed back and forth, and much bad blood engendered. [16] On the side of the masters the organization was by teaching subjects, and into what came to be known as _faculties_. [17] Thus there came to be four faculties in a fully organized mediaeval university, representing the four great divisions of knowledge which had been evolved--Arts, Law, Medicine, and Theology. Each faculty elected a _dean_, and the deans and councilors elected a _rector_, who was the head or president of the university. The _chancellor_, the successor of the cathedral school _scholasticus_, was usually appointed by the Pope and represented the Church, and a long struggle ensued between the rector and the chancellor to see who should be the chief authority in the university. The rector was ultimately victorious, and the position of chancellor became largely an honorary position of no real importance. [Illustration: FIG. 63. NEW COLLEGE, AT OXFORD One of the oldest of the Oxford colleges, having been founded in 1379. The picture shows the chapel, cloisters (consecrated in 1400), and a tall tower, once forming a part of the Oxford city walls. Note the similarity of this early college to a monastery, as in Plate 1.] The Arts Faculty was the successor of the old cathedral-school instruction in the Seven Liberal Arts, and was found in practically all the universities. The Law Faculty embraced civil and canon law, as worked out at Bologna. The Medical Faculty taught the knowledge of the medical art, as worked out at Salerno and Montpellier. The Theological Faculty, the most important of the four, prepared learned men for the service of the Church, and was for some two centuries controlled by the scholastics. The Arts Faculty was preparatory to the other three. As Latin was the language of the classroom, and all the texts were Latin texts, a reading and speaking knowledge of Latin was necessary before coming to the university to study. This was obtained from a study of the first of the Seven Arts-- Grammar--in some monastery, cathedral, or other type of school. Thus a knowledge of Latin formed practically the sole requirement for admission to the mediaeval university, and continued to be the chief admission requirement in our universities up to the nineteenth century (R. 186 a). In Europe it is still of great importance as a preparatory subject, but in South American countries it is not required at all. Very few of the universities, in the beginning, had all four of these faculties. The very nature of the evolution of the earlier ones precluded this. Thus Bologna had developed into a _studium generale_ from its prominence in law, and was virtually constituted a university in 1158, but it did not add Medicine until 1316, or Theology until 1360. Paris began sometime before 1200 as an arts school, Theology with some instruction in Canon Law was added by 1208, a Law Faculty in 1271, and a Medical Faculty in 1274. Montpellier began as a medical school sometime in the twelfth century. Law followed a little later, a teacher from Bologna "setting up his chair" there. Arts was organized by 1242. A sort of theological school began in 1263, but it was not chartered as a faculty until 1421. So it was with many of the early universities. These four traditional faculties were well established by the fourteenth century, and continued as the typical form of university organization until modern times. With the great university development and the great multiplication of subjects of study which characterized the nineteenth century, many new faculties and schools and colleges have had to be created, particularly in the United States, in response to new modern demands. [18] NATURE OF THE INSTRUCTION. The teaching material in each faculty was much as we have already indicated. After the recovery of the works of Aristotle he came to dominate the instruction in the Faculty of Arts. [19] The Statutes of Paris, in 1254, giving the books to be read for the A.B. and the A.M. degrees (R. 113), show how fully Aristotle had been adopted there as the basis for instruction in Logic, Ethics, and Natural Philosophy by that time. The books required for these two degrees at Leipzig, in 1410 (R. 114), show a much better-balanced course of instruction, though the time requirements given for each subject show how largely Aristotle predominated there also. Oxford (R. 115) kept up better the traditions of the earlier Seven Liberal Arts in its requirements, and classified the new works of Aristotle in three additional "philosophies"--natural, moral, and metaphysical. From four to seven years were required to complete the arts course, though the tendency was to reduce the length of the arts course as secondary schools below the university were evolved. [20] In the Law Faculty, after Theology the largest and most important of all the faculties in the mediaeval university, the _Corpus Juris Civilis_ of Justinian (p. 195) and the _Decretum_ of Gratian (p. 196) were the textbooks read, with perhaps a little more practical work in discussion than in Arts or Medicine. The Oxford course of study in both Civil and Canon Law (R. 116 b-c) gives a good idea as to what was required for degrees in one of the best of the early law faculties. In the Medical Faculty a variety of books--translations of Hippocrates (p. 197), Galen (p. 198), Avicenna (p. 198), and the works of certain writers at Salerno and Jewish and Moslem writers in Spain--were read and lectured on. The list of medical books used at Montpellier, [21] in 1340, which at that time was the foremost place for medical instruction in western Europe, shows the book-nature and the extent of the instruction given at the leading school of medicine of the time. It was, moreover, customary at Montpellier for the senior students to spend a summer in visiting the sick and doing practical work. We have here the merest beginnings of clinical instruction and hospital service, and at this stage medical instruction remained until quite modern times. The medical courses at Paris (R. 117) and Oxford (R. 116 d) were less satisfactory, only book instruction being required. [Illustration: FIG. 64. A LECTURE ON CIVIL LAW BY GUILLAUME BENEDICTI (After a sixteenth-century wood engraving, now in the National Library, Paris, Cabinet of Designs)] Both Law and Medicine were so dominated by the scholastic ideal and methods that neither accomplished what might have been possible in a freer atmosphere. In the Theological Faculty the _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard (p. 189) and the _Summa Theologiae_ of Thomas Aquinas (p. 191) were the textbooks used. The Bible was at first also used somewhat, but later came to be largely overshadowed by the other books and by philosophical discussions and debates on all kinds of hair-splitting questions, kept carefully within the limits prescribed by the Church. The requirements at Oxford (R. 116 a) give the course of instruction in one of the best of the theological faculties of the time. The teachers were scholastics, and scholastic methods and ideals everywhere prevailed. Roger Bacon's (1214-1294) criticism of this type of theological study (R. 118), which he calls "horse loads, not at all [in consonance] with the most holy text of God," and "philosophical, both in substance and method," gives an idea of the kind of instruction which came to prevail in the theological faculties under the dominance of the scholastic philosophers. Years of study were required in each of these three professional faculties, as is shown by the statement of requirements as given for Montpellier, Paris (R. 117), and Oxford (R. 116 a). [Illustration: FIG. 65. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, IN HOLLAND (After an engraving by J. C. Woudanus, dated 1610) This shows well the chained books, and a common type of bookcase in use in monasteries, churches, and higher schools. Counting 35 books to the case, this shows a library of 35 volumes on mathematics; 70 volumes each on literature, philosophy, and medicine; 140 volumes of historical books; 175 volumes on civil and canon law; and 160 volumes on theology, or a total of 770 volumes--a good-sized library for the time.] METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. A very important reason why so long a period of study was required in each of the professional faculties, as well as in the Faculty of Arts, is to be found in the lack of textbooks and the methods of instruction followed. While the standard textbooks were becoming much more common, due to much copying and the long-continued use of the same texts, they were still expensive and not owned by many. [22] [Illustration: PLATE 4. A LECTURE ON THEOLOGY BY ALBERTUS MAGNUS An illuminated picture in a manuscript of 1310, now in the royal collection of copper engravings, at Berlin. The master in his chair is here shown "reading" to his students.] To provide a loan collection of theological books for poor students we find, in 1271, a gift by will to the University of Paris (R. 119) of a private library, containing twenty-seven books. Even if the students possessed books, the master "read" [23] and commented from his "gloss" at great length on the texts being studied. Besides the mere text each teacher had a "gloss" or commentary for it--that is, a mass of explanatory notes, summaries, cross-references, opinions by others, and objections to the statements of the text. The "gloss" was a book in itself, often larger than the text, and these standard glosses, [24] or commentaries, were used in the university instruction for centuries. In Theology and Canon Law they were particularly extensive. All instruction, too, was in Latin. The professor read from the Latin text and gloss, repeating as necessary, and to this the student listened. Sometimes he read so slowly that the text could be copied, but in 1355 this method was prohibited at Paris (R. 121), and students who tried to force the masters to follow it "by shouting or whistling or raising a din, or by throwing stones," were to be suspended for a year. The first step in the instruction was a minute and subtle analysis of the text itself, in which each line was dissected, analyzed, and paraphrased, and the comments on the text by various authors were set forth. Next all passages capable of two interpretations were thrown into the form of a question; _pro_ and _contra_, after the manner of Abelard. The arguments on each side were advanced, and the lecturer's conclusion set forth and defended. The text was thus worked over day after day in minute detail. Having as yet but little to teach, the masters made the most of what they had. A good example of the mediaeval plan of university instruction is found in the announcement of Odofredus, a distinguished teacher of Law at Bologna, about the middle of the thirteenth century, which Rashdall thinks is equally applicable to methods in other subjects. Odofredus says: First, I shall give you summaries of each title before I proceed to the text; secondly, I shall give you as clear and explicit a statement as I can of the purport of each Law (included in the title); thirdly, I shall read the text with a view to correcting it; fourthly, I shall briefly repeat the contents of the Law; fifthly, I shall solve apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of Law (to be extracted from the passage), and any distinctions and subtle and useful problems arising out of the Law with their solutions, as far as the Divine Providence shall enable me. And if any Law shall seem deserving, by reason of its celebrity or difficulty, of a Repetition, I shall reserve it for an evening Repetition. It will be seen that both students and professors were bound to the text, as were the teachers of the Seven Liberal Arts in the cathedral schools before them. There was no appeal to the imagination, still less to observation, experiment, or experience. Each generation taught what it had learned, except that from time to time some thinker made a new organization, or some new body of knowledge was unearthed and added. Another method much used was the debate, or disputation, and participation in a number of these was required for degrees (R. 116). These disputations were logical contests, not unlike a modern debate, in which the students took sides, cited authorities, and summarized arguments, all in Latin. Sometimes a student gave an exhibition in which he debated both sides of a question, and summarized the argument, after the manner of the professors. As a corrective to the memorization of lectures and texts, these disputations served a useful purpose in awakening intellectual vigor and logical keenness. They were very popular until into the sixteenth century, when new subject-matter and new ways of thinking offered new opportunities for the exercise of the intellect. [Illustration: FIG. 66. A UNIVERSITY DISPUTATION (From Fick's _Auf Deutschland's Höhen Schulen_)] In teaching equipment there was almost nothing at first, and but little for centuries to come. Laboratories, workshops, _gymnasia_, good buildings and classrooms--all alike were equally unknown. Time schedules of lectures (Rs. 122, 123) came in but slowly, in such matters each professor being a free lance. Nor were there any libraries at first, though in time these developed. For a long time books were both expensive and scarce (Rs. 78, 119, 120). After the invention of printing (first book printed in 1456), university libraries increased rapidly and soon became the chief feature of the university equipment. Figure 65 shows the library of the University of Leyden, in Holland, thirty-five years after its foundation, and about one hundred and fifty years after the beginnings of printing. It shows a rather large increase in the size of book collections [25] after the introduction of printing, and a good library organization. [ILLUSTRATION: FIG 67. A UNIVERSITY LECTURE AND LECTURE ROOM (From a woodcut printed at Strassburg, 1608)] VALUE OF THE TRAINING GIVEN. Measured in terms of modern standards the instruction was undoubtedly poor, unnecessarily drawn out, and the educational value low. We could now teach as much information, and in a better manner, in but a fraction of the time then required. Viewed also by the standards of instruction in the higher schools of Greece and Rome the conditions were almost equally bad. Viewed, though, from the standpoint of what had prevailed in western Europe during the dark period of the early Middle Ages, it represented a marked advance in method and content--except in pure literature, where there was an undoubted decline due to the absorbing interest in Dialectic--and it particularly marked a new spirit, as nearly critical as the times would allow. Despite the heterogeneous and but partially civilized student body, youthful and but poorly prepared for study, the drunkenness and fighting, the lack of books and equipment, the large classes and the poor teaching methods, and the small amount of knowledge which formed the grist for their mills and which they ground exceeding small, these new universities held within themselves, almost in embryo form, the largest promise for the intellectual future of western Europe which had appeared since the days of the old universities of the Hellenic world (R. 124). In these new institutions knowledge was not only preserved and transmitted, but was in time to be tremendously advanced and extended. They were the first organizations to break the monopoly of the Church in learning and teaching; they were the centers to which all new knowledge gravitated; under their shadow thousands of young men found intellectual companionship and in their classrooms intellectual stimulation; and in encouraging "laborious subtlety, heroic industry, and intense application", even though on very limited subject-matter, and in training "men to think and work rather than to enjoy" (R. 124), they were preparing for the time when western Europe should awaken to the riches of Greece and Rome and to a new type of intellectual life of its own. From these beginnings the university organization has persisted and grown and expanded, and to-day stands, the Synagogue and the Catholic Church alone excepted, as the oldest organized institution of human society. The manifest tendency of the universities toward speculation, though for long within limits approved by the Church, was ultimately to awaken inquiry, investigation, rational thinking, and to bring forth the modern spirit. The preservation and transmission of knowledge was by the university organization transferred from the monastery to the school, from monks to doctors, and from the Church to a body of logically trained men, only nominally members of the _clerici_. Their successors would in time entirely break away from connections with either Church or State, and stand forth as the independent thinkers and scholars in the arts, sciences, professions, and even in Theology. University graduates in Medicine would in time wage a long struggle against bigotry to lay the foundations of modern medicine. Graduates in Law would contend with kings and feudal lords for larger privileges for the as yet lowly common man, and would help to usher in a period of greater political equality. The university schools of Theology were in time to send forth the keenest critics of the practices of the Church. Out of the university cloisters were to come the men--Dante, Petrarch, Wycliffe, Huss, Luther, Calvin, Copernicus, Galileo, Newton--who were to usher in the modern spirit. The universities as a public force. Almost from the first the universities availed themselves of their privileges and proclaimed a bold independence. The freedom from arrest and trial by the civil authorities for petty offenses, or even for murder, and the right to go on a strike if in any way interfered with, were but beginnings in independence in an age when such independence seemed important. These rights were in time given up, [26] and in their place the much more important rights of liberty to study as truth seemed to lead, freedom in teaching as the master saw the truth, and the right to express themselves as an institution on public questions which seemed to concern them, were slowly but definitely taken on in place of the earlier privileges. Virtually a new type of members of society--a new Estate--was evolved, ranking with Church, State, and nobility, and this new Estate soon began to express itself in no uncertain tones on matters which concerned both Church and State. The universities were democratic in organization and became democratic in spirit, representing a heretofore unknown and unexpressed public opinion in western Europe. They did not wait to be asked; they gave their opinions unsolicited. "The authority of the University of Paris," writes one contemporary, "has risen to such a height that it is necessary to satisfy it, no matter on what conditions." The university "wanted to meddle with the government of the Pope, the King, and everything else," writes another. We find Paris intervening repeatedly in both church and state affairs, [27] and representing French nationality before it had come into being, as the so- called Holy Roman Empire represented the Germans, and the Papacy represented the Italians. In Montpellier, professors of Law were considered as knights, and after twenty years of practice they became counts. In Bologna we find the professors of Law one of the three assemblies of the city. Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and the Scottish universities were given representation in Parliament. The German universities were from the first prominent in political affairs, and in the reformation struggle of the early sixteenth century they were the battle-grounds. In an age of oppression these university organizations stood for freedom. In an age of force they began the substitution of reason. In the centuries from the end of the Dark Ages to the Reformation they were the homes of free thought. They early assumed national character and proclaimed a bold independence. Questions of State and Church they discussed with a freedom before unknown. They presented their grievances to both kings and popes, from both they obtained new privileges, to both they freely offered their advice, and sometimes both were forced to do their bidding. At times important questions of State, such as the divorce of Philip of France and that of Henry VIII of England, were submitted to them for decision. They were not infrequently called upon to pass upon questions of doctrine or heresy. "Kings and princes," says Rashdall, in an excellent summary as to the value and influence of the mediaeval university instruction (R. 124), "found their statesmen and men of business in the universities, most often, no doubt, among those trained in the practical science of Law." Talleyrand is said to have asserted that "their theologians made the best diplomats." For the first time since the downfall of Rome the administration of human affairs was now placed once more in the hands of educated men. By the interchange of students from all lands and their hospitality, such as it was, to the stranger, the universities tended to break down barriers and to prepare Europe for larger intercourse and for more of a common life. On the masses of the people, of course, they had little or no influence, and could not have for centuries to come. Their greatest work, as has been the case with universities ever since their foundation, was that of drawing to their classrooms the brightest minds of the times, the most capable and the most industrious, and out of this young raw material training the leaders of the future in Church and State. Educationally, one of their most important services was in creating a surplus of teachers in the Arts who had to find a market for their abilities in the rising secondary schools. These developed rapidly after 1200, and to these we owe a somewhat more general diffusion of the little learning and the intellectual training of the time. In preparing future leaders for State and Church in law, theology, and teaching, the universities, though sometimes opposed and their opinions ignored, nevertheless contributed materially to the making and moulding of national history. The first great result of their work in training leaders we see in the Renaissance movement of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, to which we next turn. In this movement for a revival of the ancient learning, and the subsequent movements for a purer and a better religious life, the men trained by the universities were the leaders. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Why would the _studia publica_ tend to attract a different type of scholar than those in the monasteries, and gradually to supersede them in importance? 2. Show how the mediaeval university was a gradual and natural evolution, as distinct from a founded university of to-day. 3. Show that the university charter was a first step toward independence from church and state control. 4. Show the relation between the system of apprenticeship developed for student and teacher in a mediaeval university, and the stages of student and teacher in a university of to-day. 5. Show how the chartered university of the Middle Ages was an "association of like-minded men for worldly purposes." 6. To what university mother does Harvard go back, ultimately? 7. Show how the English and the German universities are extreme evolutions from the mediaeval type, and our American universities a combination of the two extremes. 8. Do university professors to-day have privileges akin to those granted professors in a mediaeval university? 9. What has caused the old Arts Faculty to break up into so many groups, whereas Law, Medicine, and Theology have stayed united? 10. Do universities, when founded to-day, usually start with all four of the mediaeval faculties represented? 11. Which of the professional faculties has changed most in the nature and character of its instruction? Why has this been so? 12. Enumerate a number of different things which have enabled the modern university greatly to shorten the period of instruction? 13. Aside from differences in teachers, why are some university subjects today taught much more compactly and economically than other subjects? 14. After admitting all the defects of the mediaeval university, why did the university nevertheless represent so important a development for the future of western civilization? 15. What does the long continuance, without great changes in character, of the university as an institution indicate as to its usefulness to society? 16. Does the university of to-day play as important a part in the progress of society as it did in the mediaeval times? Why? 17. Is the chief university force to-day exerted directly or indirectly? Illustrate. 18. What is probably the greatest work of any university, in any age? 19. Compare the influence of the mediaeval university, and the Greek universities of the ancient world. 20. Explain the evolution of the English college system as an effort to improve discipline, morals, and thinking. Has it been successful in this? 21. Show how the mediaeval university put books in the place of things, whereas the modern university tries to reverse this. 22. Show how the rise of the universities gave an educated ruling class to Europe, even though the nobility may not have attended them. 23. Show how, in an age of lawlessness, the universities symbolized the supremacy of mind over brute force. 24. Show how the mediaeval universities aided civilization by breaking down, somewhat, barriers of nationality and ignorance among peoples. 25. Show how the university stood, as the crowning effort of its time, in the slow upward struggle to rebuild civilization on the ruins of what had once been. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 100. Rashdall and Minerva: University Foundations before 1600. 101. Fr. Barbarossa: Privileges for Students who travel for Study. 102. Philip Augustus: Privileges granted Students at Paris. 103. Count Rupert: Charter of the University of Heidelberg. 104. Philip IV: Exemption of Students and Masters from Taxation. 105. Vercelli: Privileges granted to the University by the City. 106. Villani: The Cost to a City of maintaining a University. 107. Pope Gregory IX: Right to suspend Lectures (_Cessatio_). 108. Roger of Wendover: a _Cessatio_ at Oxford. 109. Henry III: England invites Scholars to leave Paris. 110. Pope Gregory IX: Early Licensing of Professors to teach. 111. Pope Nicholas IV: The Right to grant Licenses to teach. 112. Rashdall: A University License to teach. 113. Paris Statutes, 1254: Books required for the Arts Degree. 114. Leipzig Statutes, 1410: Books required for the Arts Degree. 115. Oxford Statutes, 1408-31: Books required for the Arts Degree. 116. Oxford, Fourteenth Century: Requirements for the Professional Degrees. (a) In Theology. (c) In Civil Law. (b) In Canon Law. (d) In Medicine. 117. Paris Statutes, 1270-74: Requirements for the Medical Degree. 118. Roger Bacon: On the Teaching of Theology. 119. Master Stephen: Books left by Will to the University of Paris. 120. Roger Bacon: The Scarcity of Books on Morals. 121. Balaeus: Methods of Instruction in the Arts Faculty of Paris. 122. Toulouse: Time-Table of Lectures in Arts, 1309. 123. Leipzig: Time-Table of Lectures in Arts, 1519. 124. Rashdall: Value and Influence of the Mediaeval University. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. What does a glance at the page giving the university foundations before 1600 (100) show as to the rate and direction of the university movement? 2. How do you account for the very large privileges granted university students in the early grants (101, 102) and charters (103)? Should a university student to-day have any privileges not given to all citizens? Why? 3. Do universities, when founded to-day, secure a charter? If so, from whom, and what terms are included? Do normal schools? What form of a charter, if any, has your university or normal school? 4. Compare the freedom from taxation granted to masters and students at Paris (104) with the grant to professors at Brown University (187b). Was the Brown University grant exceptional, or common in other American foundations? 5. Do any American cities to-day maintain colleges or universities, as did the Italian cities (105)? Normal schools? Are somewhat similar ends served? 6. What does the _cessatio_, as exercised by the mediaeval university (107, 108), indicate as to standards of conduct on the part of teachers and students? 7. Why is the licensing of university professors to teach not followed in our American universities? What has taken the place of the license? What did the mediaeval license (110, 111, 112) really signify? 8. Compare the license to teach (112) with a modern doctor's diploma. 9. Compare the requirements for the Arts degree (113, 114, 115) with the requirements for the Baccalaureate degree at a modern university. 10. Compare the additional length of time for professional degrees (116, 117). 11. How do you account for the American practice of admitting students to the professional courses without the Arts course? What is the best American practice in this matter to-day, and what tendencies are observable? 12. Characterize the medical course at Paris (117) from a modern point of view. 13. Compare the instruction in medicine at Paris (117) and Toulouse (122). How do you account for the superiority shown by one? Which one? 14. What does the extract from Roger Bacon (118) indicate as to the character of the teaching of Theology? 15. What was the nature and extent of the library of Master Stephen (119)? Compare such a library with that of a scholar of to-day. 16. Show how the Paris statute as to lecturing (121) was an attempt at an improvement of the methods of instruction and individual thinking. 17. What do the two time-tables reproduced (122, 123) reveal as to the nature of a university day, and the instruction given? 18. Show how Rashdall's statement (124) that lawyers have been a civilizing agent is true. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Boase, Charles William. _Oxford_ (Historic Towns Series). Clark, Andrew. _The Colleges at Oxford_. Clark, J. W. _Libraries in the Medieval and Renaissance Periods_. * Clark, J. W. _The Care of Books_. Corbin, John. _An American at Oxford_. * Compayré, G. _Abelard, and the Origin and Early History of the Universities_. * Jebb, R. C. _The Work of the Universities for the Nation_. Mullinger, J. B. _History of the University of Cambridge_. * Norton, A. 0. _Readings in the History of Education; Medieval Universities_. * Paetow, L. J. _The Arts Course at Mediaeval Universities_. (Univ. Ill. Studies, vol. in, no. 7, Jan. 1910). * Paulsen, Fr. _The German Universities_. Rait, R. S. _Life of a Mediaeval University_. * Rashdall, H. _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I. Sheldon, Henry. _Student Life and Customs_. PART III THE TRANSITION FROM MEDIAEVAL TO MODERN ATTITUDES THE RECOVERY OF THE ANCIENT LEARNING THE REAWAKENING OF SCHOLARSHIP AND THE RISE OF RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY CHAPTER X THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING THE PERIOD OF CHANGE. The thirteenth century has often been called the wonderful century of the mediaeval world. It was wonderful largely in that the forces struggling against mediaevalism to evolve the modern spirit here first find clear expression. It was a century of rapid and unmistakable progress in almost every line. By its close great changes were under way which were destined ultimately to shake off the incubus of mediaevalism and to transform Europe. In many respects, though, the fourteenth was a still more wonderful century. The evolution of the universities which we have just traced was one of the most important of these thirteenth-century manifestations. Lacking in intellectual material, but impelled by the new impulses beginning to work in the world, the scholars of the time went earnestly to work, by speculative methods, to organize the dogmatic theology of the Church into a system of thinking. The result was Scholasticism. From one point of view the result was barren; from another it was full of promise for the future. Though the workers lacked materials, were overshadowed by the mediaeval spirit of authority, and kept their efforts clearly within limits approved by the Church, the "heroic industry" and the "in tense application" displayed in effecting the organization, and the logical subtlety developed in discussing the results, promised much for the future. The rise of university instruction, and the work of the Scholastics in organizing the knowledge of the time, were both a resultant of new influences already at work and a prediction of larger consequences to follow. In a later age, and with men more emancipated from church control, the same spirit was destined to burst forth in an effort to discover and reconstruct the historic past. During the thirteenth century, too, the new Estate, which had come into existence alongside of the clergy and the nobility, began to assume large importance. The arts-and-crafts guilds were attaining a large development, and out of this new burgher class the great general public of modern times has in time evolved. Trade and industry were increasing in all lands, and merchants and successful artisans were becoming influential through their newly obtained wealth and rights. The erection of stately churches and town halls, often beautifully carved and highly ornamented, was taking place. Great cathedrals, those "symphonies in stone," of which Notre Dame (Figure 53) is a good example, were rising or being further expanded and decorated at many places in western Europe. Mystery and miracle plays had begun to be performed and to attract great attention. In the fourteenth century religious pageants were added. "All art was still religion," but an art was unmistakably arising amid cathedral-building and the setting- forth of the Christian mysteries, and before long this was to flower in modern forms of expression in painting, sculpture, and the drama. THE NEW SPIRIT OF NATIONALITY. The new spirit moving in western Europe also found expression in the evolution of the modern European States, based on the new national feeling. As the kingly power in these was consolidated, the developing States, each in its own domain, began to curb the dominion of the universal Church, slowly to deprive it of the governmental functions it had assumed and exercised for so long, and to confine the Pope and clergy more and more to their original functions as religious agents. The Papacy as a temporal power passed the maximum period of its greatness early in the thirteenth century; in the nineteenth century the last vestiges of its temporal power were taken away. New national languages also were coming into being, and the national epics of the people--the Cid, the Arthurian Legends, the _Chansons_, and the _Nibelungen Lied_--were reduced to writing. With the introduction from the East, toward the close of the thirteenth century, of the process of making paper for writing, and with the increase of books in the vernacular, the English, French, Spanish, Italian, and German languages rapidly took shape. Their development was expressive of the new spirit in western Europe, as also was the fact that Dante (1264-1321), "the first literary layman since Boethius" (d. 524), wrote his great poem, _The Divine Comedy_, in his native Italian instead of in the Latin which he knew so well--an evidence of independence of large future import. New native literatures were springing forth all over Europe. Beginning with the _troubadours_ in southern France (p. 186), and taken up by the _trouvères_ in northern France and by the _minnesingers_ in German lands, the new poetry of nature and love and joy of living had spread everywhere. [1] A new race of men was beginning to "sing songs as blithesome and gay as the birds" and to express in these songs the joys of the world here below. TRANSFORMATION OF THE MEDIAEVAL MAN. The fourteenth century was a period of still more rapid change and transformation. New objects of interest were coming to the front, and new standards of judgment were being applied. National spirit and a national patriotism were finding expression. The mediaeval man, with his feeling of personal insignificance, lack of self-confidence, "no sense of the past behind him, and no conception of the possibilities of the future before him," [2] was rapidly giving way to the man possessed of the modern spirit--the man of self-confidence, conscious of his powers, enjoying life, feeling his connection with the historic past, and realizing the potentialities of accomplishment in the world here below. It was the great work of the period of transition, and especially of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, to effect this change, "to awaken in man a consciousness of his powers, to give him confidence in himself, to show him the beauty of the world and the joy of life, and to make him feel his living connection with the past and the greatness of the future he might create." [3] As soon as men began clearly to experience such feelings, they began to inquire, and inquiry led to the realization that there had been a great historic past of which they knew but little, and of which they wanted to know much. When this point had been reached, western Europe was ready for a revival of learning. THE BEGINNINGS IN ITALY. This revival began in Italy. The Italians had preserved more of the old Roman culture than had any other people, and had been the first to develop a new political and social order and revive the refinements of life after the deluge of barbarism which had engulfed Europe. They, too, had been the first to feel the inadequacy of mediaeval learning to satisfy the intellectual unrest of men conscious of new standards of life. This gave them at least a century of advance over the nations of northern Europe. The old Roman life also was nearer to them, and meant more, so that a movement for a revival of interest in it attracted to it the finest young minds of central and northern Italy and inspired in them something closely akin to patriotic fervor. They felt themselves the direct heirs of the political and intellectual eminence of Imperial Rome, and they began the work of restoring to themselves and of trying to understand their inheritance. [Illustration: FIG. 68. PETRARCH (1304-74) "The Morning Star of the Renaissance"] In Petrarch (1304-74) we have the beginnings of the movement. He has been called "the first modern scholar and man of letters." Repudiating the other-worldliness ideal and the scholastic learning of his time, [4] possessed of a deep love for beauty in nature and art, a delight in travel, a desire for worldly fame, a strong historical sense, and the self-confidence to plan a great constructive work, he began the task of unearthing the monastic treasures to ascertain what the past had been and known and done. At twenty-nine he made his first great discovery, at Liège, in the form of two previously unknown orations of Cicero. Twelve years later, at Verona, he found half of one of the letters of Cicero which had been lost for ages. All his life he collected and copied manuscripts. His letter to a friend telling him of his difficulty in getting a work of Cicero copied, and his joy in doing the work himself (R. 125), is typical of his labors. He began the work of copying and comparing the old classical manuscripts, and from them reconstructing the past. He also wrote many sonnets, ballads, lyrics, and letters, all filled with a new modern classical spirit. He also constructed the first modern map of Italy. [Illustration: FIG. 69. BOCCACCIO (1313-75) "The Father of Italian Prose"] Through Boccaccio, whom he first met in 1350, Petrarch's work was made known in Florence, then the wealthiest and most artistic and literary city in the world, [5] and there the new knowledge and method were warmly received. Boccaccio equaled Petrarch in his passion for the ancient writers, hunting for them wherever he thought they might be found. One of his pupils has left us a melancholy picture of the library at Monte Cassino, as Boccaccio found it at the time of his visit (R. 126). He wrote a book of popular tales and romances, filled with the modern spirit, which made him the father of Italian prose as Dante was of Italian poetry; prepared the first dictionaries of classical geography and Greek mythology; and was the first western scholar to learn Greek. "In the dim light of learning's dawn they stand, Flushed with the first glimpses of a long-lost land." A CENTURY OF RECOVERY AND RECONSTRUCTION. The work done by these two friends in discovering and editing was taken up by others, and during the century (1333-1433) dating from the first great "find" of Petrarch the principal additions to Latin literature were made. The monasteries and castles of Europe were ransacked in the hope of discovering something new, or more accurate copies of previously known books. At monasteries and churches as widely separated as Monte Cassino, near Naples: Lodi, near Milan; Milan, itself; and Vercelli, in Italy: Saint Gall and other monasteries, in Switzerland: Paris; Cluny, near the present city of Macon; Langres, near the source of the Marne; and monasteries in the Vosges Mountains, in France: Corvey, in Westphalia; and Hersfeld, Cologne, and Mainz in Germany--important finds were made. [6] Thus widely had the old Latin authors been scattered, copied, and forgotten. In a letter to a friend (R. 127 a) the enthusiast, Poggio Bracciolini, tells of finding (1416) the long-lost _Institutes of Oratory_ of Quintilian, at Saint Gall, and of copying it for posterity. This, and the reply of his friend (R. 127 b), reveal something of the spirit and the emotions of those engaged in the recovery of Latin literature and the reconstruction of Roman history. The finds, though, while important, were after all of less value than the spirit which directed the search, or the careful work which was done in collecting, comparing, questioning, inferring, criticizing, and editing corrected texts, and reconstructing old Roman life and history. [7] We have in this new work a complete break with scholastic methods, and we see in it the awakening of the modern scientific spirit. [8] It was this same critical, constructive spirit which, when applied later to Christian practices, brought on the Reformation; when applied to the problems of the universe, revealed to men the wonderful world of science; and when applied to problems of government, led to the questioning of the theory of the divine right of kings, and to the evolution of democracy. We have here a modern spirit, a craving for truth for its own sake, an awakening of the historical sense, [9] and an appreciation of beauty in literature and nature which was soon to be followed by an appreciation of beauty in art. A worship of classical literature and classical ideas now set in, of which rich and prosperous Florence became the center, with Venice and Rome, as well as a number of the northern Italian cities, as centers of more than minor importance. THE REVIVAL OF GREEK IN THE WEST. With the new interest in Latin literature it was but natural that a revival of the study of Greek should follow. While a knowledge of Greek had not absolutely died out in the West during the Middle Ages, there were very few scholars who knew anything about it, and none who could read it. [10] It was natural, too, that the revival of it should come first in Italy. Southern Italy (_Magna Graecia_) had remained under the Eastern Empire and Greek until its conquest by the Normans (1041-71), and to southern Italy a few Greek monks had from time to time migrated. With southern Italy, though, papal Italy and the western Christian world seem to have had little contact. In 1339, and again in 1342, a Greek monk from southern Italy visited the Pope, coming as an ambassador from Constantinople, and from him Petrarch learned the Greek alphabet. In 1353 another envoy brought Petrarch a copy of Homer. This he could not read, but in time (1367) a poor translation into Latin was effected. Boccaccio studied Greek, being the first western scholar to read Homer in the original. Near the end of the fourteenth century it became known in Florence that Manuel Chrysoloras (c. 1350-1415), a Byzantine of noble birth, a teacher of rhetoric and philosophy at Constantinople, and the most accomplished Greek scholar of his age, had arrived in Venice as an envoy from the Eastern Emperor. Florentine scholars visited him, and on his return accompanied him to Constantinople to learn Greek. In 1396 Chrysoloras was invited by Florence to accept an appointment, in the university there, to the first chair of Greek letters in the West, and accepted. From 1396 to 1400 he taught Greek in the rich and stately city of Florence, at that time the intellectual and artistic center of Christendom. For a few years, beginning in 1402, he also taught Greek at the University of Pavia. He had earlier written a _Catechism of Greek Grammar_, and at Pavia he began a literal rendering of Plato's _Republic_ into Latin. From his visit dates the enthusiasm for the study of Greek in the West. OTHER GREEK SCHOLARS ARRIVE IN ITALY. Chrysoloras returned to Constantinople for a time, in 1403, and Guarino of Verona, who had been one of his pupils, accompanied him and spent five years there as a member of his household. When he returned to Italy he brought with him about fifty manuscripts, and before his death he had translated a number of them into Latin. He also prepared a Greek grammar which superseded that of Chrysoloras. In 1412 he was elected to the chair at Florence formerly held by Chrysoloras, and later he established an important school at Ferrara, based largely on instruction in the Latin and Greek classics, which will be referred to again in the next chapter. A rage for Greek learning and Greek books now for a time set in. Aurispa, a Sicilian, went to Constantinople, learned Greek, and returned to Italy, in 1422, with 238 Greek manuscripts. Messer Filelfo, of Padua, after seven years at Constantinople, returned, in 1427, with forty manuscripts and with the grand-niece of Chrysoloras as his wife. In 1448 Theodorus Gaza (c. 1400-75), a learned Greek from the city of Thessalonica, who had fled from his native city just before its capture by the Turks (1430), came to Ferrara as the first professor of Greek in the university there. He made many translations, prepared a very popular Greek grammar, and in 1451 became professor of philosophy at Rome. Another Greek of importance was Demetrius Chalcondyles of Athens (1424- 1511), who reached Italy in 1447. In 1450 he became professor of Greek at Perugia, and of his lectures there one of his enthusiastic pupils [11] wrote: A Greek has just arrived, who has begun to teach me with great pains, and I to listen to his precepts with incredible pleasure, because he is a Greek, because he is an Athenian, and because he is Demetrius. It seems to me that in him is figured all the wisdom, the civility, and the elegance of those so famous and illustrious ancients. Merely seeing him you fancy you are looking on Plato; far more when you hear him speak. In 1463 Demetrius transferred to Padua as professor of Greek, and was the first professor of Greek in a western European university to be paid a fixed salary. He also taught for a time at Milan, and from 1471 to 1491 was professor of Greek at Florence. A number of other learned Greeks had reached Italy prior to the fall of Constantinople (1453) before the advancing Turks, [12] and after its fall many more sought there a new home. Many of these found, on landing, that their knowledge of Greek and the possession of a few Greek books were an open sesame to the learned circles of Italy. [Illustration: FIG. 70. DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLES (1424-1511) (Drawn from a picture of a fresco by Ghirlandajo, painted in 1490, on the walls of the church of Santa Maria Novella, at Florence)] ENTHUSIASM FOR THE NEW MOVEMENT; LIBRARIES AND ACADEMICS FOUNDED. The enthusiasm for the recovery and restoration of ancient literature and history which this work awakened among the younger scholars of Italy can be imagined. While most of the professors in the universities and most of the church officials at first had nothing to do with the new movement, being wedded to scholastic methods of thinking, the leaders of the new learning drew about them many of the brightest and most energetic of the young men who came to those universities which were hospitable to the new movement. [13] Greek scholars in the university towns were followed by admiring bands of younger students, [14] who soon took up the work and superseded their masters. Academies, named after the one conducted by Plato in the groves near Athens, whose purpose was to promote literary studies, were founded in all the important Italian cities (R. 129). The members usually Latinized their names, and celebrated the ancient festivals. In Venice a Greek Academy was formed in which all the proceedings were in Greek, and the members were known by Greek names. The _Academia of Aldus_, at Venice, of which his celebrated press was a department, became a veritable university for classical learning, and to participate in its proceedings scholars came from many lands. It was the curious and enthusiastic Italians who, more than the Greek scholars who taught them the language, opened up the literature and history of Athens to the comprehension of the western world. The financial support of the movement came from the wealthy merchant princes, reigning dukes, and a few church authorities, who assisted scholars and spent money most liberally in collecting manuscripts and accumulating books. Says Symonds: Never was there a time in the world's history when money was spent more freely upon the collection and preservation of MSS., and when a more complete machinery was put in motion for the sake of securing literary treasures. Prince vied with prince, and eminent burgher with burgher, in buying books. The commercial correspondents of the Medici and other great Florentine houses, whose banks and discount offices extended over Europe and the Levant, were instructed to purchase relics of antiquity without regard for cost, and to forward them to Florence. The most acceptable present that could be sent to a king was a copy of a Roman historian. The best credentials which a young Greek arriving from Byzantium could use to gain the patronage of men like Palla degli Strozzi was a fragment of some ancient; the merchandise insuring the largest profit to a speculator who had special knowledge in such matters was old parchment covered with crabbed characters. [15] Cosimo de' Medici (1393-1464), a banker and ruler of Florence, spent great sums in collecting and copying manuscripts. Vespasiano, a fifteenth- century bookseller of Florence, has left us an interesting picture of the work of Cosimo in founding (1444) the great Medicean library [16] at Florence (R. 130) and of the difficulties of book collecting in the days before the invention of printing. [Illustration: FIG. 71. BOOKCASE AND DESK IN THE MEDICEAN LIBRARY AT FLORENCE (Drawn from a photograph) This library was founded in 1444. It contains to-day about 10,000 Greek and Latin manuscripts, many of them very rare, and of a few the only copies known. The building was designed by Michael Angelo, and its construction was begun in 1525. The bookcases are of about this date. It shows the early method of chaining books to the shelves, and cataloguing the volumes on the end of each stack.] Under Cosimo's grandson, Lorenzo the Magnificent, who died in 1492, two expeditions were sent to Greece to obtain manuscripts for the Florentine library. Vespasiano also describes for us the books collected (c. 1475-80) for the great ducal library at Urbino (R. 131), the greatest library in the Christian world at the time of its completion, and the work of Pope Nicholas V [17] (1447-1455) in laying the foundations (1450) for the great Vatican Library at Rome (R. 132). Nicholas was an enthusiast in the new movement, and formed a plan for the translation of all the Greek writers into Latin. A later Pope, Leo X (1513-1521), planned to make Rome the international center for Greek learning. THE MOVEMENT EXTENDS TO OTHER COUNTRIES. Petrarch made his first great find in 1333, and up to 1450 the Revival of Learning, often termed the Renaissance, was entirely an Italian movement. By that date the great work in Italy had been done, and the Italians were once more in possession of the literature and history of the past. With them the movement was literary, historical, and patriotic in purpose and spirit. With them the movement was known as _humanism_, from an old Roman word (_humanitas_) meaning culture, and this term came to be applied to the new studies in all other lands. In their work with the literatures, inscriptions, coins, and archaeological remains of the Greeks and Romans, their own literature, history, mythology, and political and social life was reconstructed. The methods employed were the methods used in modern science, and the result was to develop in Italy a new type of scholar, possessed of a literary, artistic, and historical appreciation unknown since the days of ancient Rome, and with the greatest enthusiasm for Latin as a living language. By the time the revival had culminated in Italy it began to be heard of north of the Alps. France was the first country to take up the study of Greek, a professorship being established at Paris in 1458. There was but little interest in the subject, however, or in any of the new studies, until two events of political importance, forty years later, brought Frenchmen in close touch with what had been done in northern Italy. In 1494 Charles VIII, of France, claiming Naples as his possession, took an army into Italy, and forcibly occupied Rome and Florence. Four years later his successor, Louis XII, claimed Milan also and seized it and Naples, maintaining a French court at Milan from 1498 to 1512. Though both these expeditions were unsuccessful, from a political point of view, the effect of the direct contact with humanism in its home was lasting. New ideas in architecture, art, and learning were carried back to France, French scholars traveled to Italy, and early in the sixteenth century Paris became a center for the new humanistic studies. In Greek, France completely superseded Italy as the interpreter of Greek life and literature to the modern world. In 1473 a Spanish scholar, Mebrissensis (1444-1522), returned home after twenty years in Italy and introduced Greek at Seville, Salamanca, and Alcalà. [Illustration: FIG. 72. TWO EARLY NORTHERN HUMANISTS RUDOLPH AGRICOLA (1443-85) Early Dutch Humanist. Lectured at Heidelberg (From a contemporary engraving) THOMAS LINACRE (c. 1460-1524) English Professor of Medicine and Lecturer on Greek (From a portrait in the British Museum)] About 1488 Thomas Linacre (c. 1460-1524) and William Grocyn (1446-1514), two Oxford graduates, went to Florence from England, studying Greek under Demetrius Chalcondyles, and, returning, introduced the new learning at Oxford. [18] Linacre, as professor of medicine, translated much of Galen (p. 198) from the Greek, and he and Grocyn lectured on Greek at the University. From Oxford the new learning was transmitted to Cambridge, and, over a century afterward, to Harvard in America. A third Oxford man to study Greek in Italy was John Colet (1467-1519), who studied in Florence from 1493 to 1496, and returned home an enthusiastic humanist. He was the first Englishman to attract much attention to the new studies, and to him is chiefly due their introduction into the English secondary school. The first German of whom we have any record as having studied in Italy was Peter Luder (c. 1415-74), who returned in 1456, and lectured on the new learning at the Universities of Heidelberg, Erfurt, and Leipzig, but awakened no response. In 1470 Johann Wessel (1420-89) and in 1476 Rodolph Agricola (1443-85), two noted Dutch scholars, studied in Italy. On returning, Agricola, [19] who has been called "the Petrarch of German lands," did much "to spread the great inheritance of antiquity and the new civilization to which it had given birth among his uncouth countrymen" (_barbari_, he calls them). He made Heidelberg, for a time, a center of humanistic appreciation. Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), a German by birth, studied in Florence and elsewhere in Italy in 1481 to 1490, and there learned Hebrew. Returning, he became a professor at Heidelberg and the father of modern Hebrew studies. In 1506 he published the first Hebrew grammar. In 1493 the University of Erfurt established a professorship of Poetry and Eloquence, this being the first German university to countenance the new learning. In 1523 the first chair of Greek was established at Vienna. Thus slowly did the revival of learning spread to northern lands. THE REVIVAL AIDED BY THE INVENTION OF PAPER AND PRINTING. Very fortunately for the spread of the new learning an important process and a great invention now came in at a most opportune time. The process was the manufacture of paper; the invention that of printing. The manufacture of paper is probably a Chinese invention, early obtained by the Arabs. During the Mohammedan occupation of Spain paper mills were set up there, and a small supply of their paper found its way across the Pyrenees. The Christians who drove the Mohammedans out lost the process, and it now came back once more from the East. By about 1250 the Greeks had obtained the process from Mohammedan sources, and in 1276 the first paper mill was set up in Italy. In 1340 a paper factory was established at Padua, and soon thereafter other factories began to make paper at Florence, Bologna, Milan, and Venice. In 1320 a paper factory was established at Mainz, in Germany, and in 1390 another at Nuremberg. By 1450 paper was in common use and the way was now open for one of the world's greatest inventions. This was the invention of printing. From the difficulty experienced in securing books for the great libraries at Florence, Urbino, and Rome, as we have seen (Rs. 130, 131, 132), and the great cost of reproducing single copies of books, we can see that the work of the humanists of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Italy probably would have had but little influence elsewhere but for the invention of printing. To disseminate a new learning involving two great literatures by copying books, one at a time by hand, would have prevented instruction in the new subjects becoming general for centuries, and would have materially retarded the progress of the world. The discovery of the art of printing, coming when it did, scattered the new learning over Europe. [Illustration: FIG. 73. AN EARLY SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PRESS "The prynters have founde a crafte to make bokis by brasen letters sette in ordre by a frame." An engraving, dated 1520. The man at the right is setting type, and the one at the lever is making an impression. A number of four-page printed sheets are seen on the table at the right of the press.] SPREAD AND WORK OF THE PRESS. The dates connected with this new invention and its diffusion over Europe are: 1423. Coster of Harlem made the first engraved single page. 1438. Gutenberg invented movable wooden types. 1450. Schoeffer and Faust cast first metal type. 1456. Bible printed in Latin by Gutenberg and Faust at Mainz. This the first complete book printed. [20] 1457. The Mayence Psalter, the first dated book, printed. [21] 1462. Adolph of Nassau pillaged Mainz, drove out the printers, and in consequence scattered the art over Europe. 1465. Press set up in the German monastery of Subiaco, in the Sabine Mountains, in Italy. 1467. This press moved to Rome. 1469. Presses at Paris and Vienna. 1470. Printing introduced into Switzerland. 1471. Presses set up at Florence, Milan, and Ferrara. 1473. Printing introduced into Holland and Belgium. 1474. Printing introduced into Spain. 1474-77. Printing introduced into England. Caxton set up his press in 1477. 1476. First book printed in Greek at Milan. 1490. The Aldine press established at Venice, by Aldus Manutius. 1501. First Greek book printed in Germany, at Erfurt. 1563. First newspaper established, in Venice. Inventions traveled but slowly in those days, yet in time the press was to be found in every country of Europe. The professional copyists made a great outcry against the innovation; presses were at first licensed and closely limited in number; in France the University of Paris was given the proceeds of a tax levied on all books printed; and in England the beginnings of the modern copyright are to be seen in the necessity of obtaining a license from the ecclesiastical authorities to be permitted to print a book. [Illustration: FIG. 74. AN EARLY SPECIMEN OF CAXTON'S PRINTING] In cutting and casting the first type a style of heavy-faced letter, much like that written by the mediaeval monks--the so-called _Gothic_--was used. Caxton, in England, used this at first, and the Germans have continued its use up to the present time. The Italians, however, soon devised a type with letters like those used by the old Romans--the so- called Roman type, this type which was soon accepted in all non-German European countries. The Italians also devised a compressed type--the _Italic_--which enabled printers to get more words on a page. Venice, almost from the first, became the center of the book trade, and books literally poured from the presses there. By 1500 as many as five thousand editions, often of as many as a thousand copies to an edition, had been printed in Italy. [22] Of this number 2835 had been printed in Venice, and most of them by the Aldine press of Aldus Manutius, and edited by the _Academia_ (p. 250) connected therewith. [23] By 1500 many books had also been printed in a number of northern cities, [24] and Lyons, Paris, Basel, Nuremberg, Cologne, Leipzig, and London soon became centers of the northern book trade. Caxton in England soon vied with Aldus in Venice as a printer of beautiful books. When we remember that it required fifty-three days (Sandys) to make by hand one copy of Quintilian's _Institutes_, and forty-five copyists twenty-two months to reproduce two hundred volumes for the Medicean Library at Florence (R. 130), the enormous importance of an invention which would print rapidly a thousand or more copies of a book, all exactly alike and free from copyist errors, can be appreciated. It tremendously cheapened books, [25] made the general use of the textbook method of teaching possible, and paved the way for a great extension of schools and learning (R. 134). From now on the press became a formidable rival to the pulpit and the sermon, and one of the greatest of instruments for human progress and individual liberty. From this time on educational progress was to be much more rapid than it had been in the past. From an educational point of view the invention of printing might almost be taken as marking the close of the mediaeval and the beginning of modern times. RISE OF GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY. The new influences awakened by the Revival of Learning found expression in other directions. One of these was geographical discovery, itself an outgrowth of that series of movements known as the _Crusades_, with the accompanying revival of trade and commerce. These led to travel, exploration, and discovery. By the latter part of the thirteenth century the most extensive travel which had taken place since the days of ancient Rome had begun, and in the next two and a half centuries a great expansion of the known world took place. [Illustration: FIG. 75. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO CHRISTIAN EUROPE BEFORE COLUMBUS] Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville made extended travels to the Orient, and returning (Polo returned, 1295) described to a wondering Europe the new lands and peoples they had seen. The _Voyages_ of Polo and the _Travels_ of Mandeville were widely read. By the beginning of the fourteenth century the compass had been perfected, in Naples, and a great era of exploration had been begun. In 1402 venturesome sailors, out beyond the "Pillars of Hercules," discovered the Canary Islands; in 1419 the Madeira Islands were reached; in 1460 the Cape Verde Islands were found; in 1497 Bartholomew Diaz rounded the southern tip of Africa; and in 1497 Vasco da Gama discovered the long-hoped-for sea route to India. Five years later, sailing westward with the same end in view, Columbus discovered the American continent. Finally, in 1519-22, Magellan's ships circumnavigated the globe, and, returning safely to Spain, proved that the world was round. In 1507 Waldenseemüller published his _Introduction to Geography_, a book that was widely read, and one which laid the foundations of this modern study. The effect of these discoveries in broadening the minds of men can be imagined. The religious theories and teachings of the Middle Ages as to the world were in large part upset. New races and new peoples had been found, a round earth instead of a flat one had been proved to exist, new continents had been discovered, and new worlds were now ready to be opened up for scientific exploration and colonization. ABOUT 1500 A STIMULATING TIME. The latter part of the fifteenth century and the earlier part of the sixteenth was a stimulating period in the intellectual development of Christian Europe. The Turks had closed in on Constantinople (1453) and ended the Eastern Empire, and many Greek scholars had fled to the West. Though the Revival of Learning had culminated in Italy, its influence was still strongly felt in such cities as Florence and Venice, while in German lands and in England the reform movement awakened by it was at its height. Greek and Hebrew were now taught generally in the northern universities. Everywhere the old scholastic learning and methods were being overturned by the new humanism, and scholastic teachers were being displaced from their positions in the universities and schools. The new humanistic university at Wittenberg, founded in 1502, was exerting large influence among German scholars and attracting to it the brightest young minds in German lands. Erasmus was the greatest international scholar of the age, though ably seconded by distinguished humanistic scholars in Italy, France, England, the Low Countries, and German lands. The court schools of Italy (R. 135) and the municipal colleges of France (R. 136) were marking out new lines in the education of the select few. Colet was founding his reformed grammar school (1510) at Saint Paul's, in London (R. 138), the first of a long line of English humanistic grammar schools. Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael, and Michael Angelo were adding new fame to Italy, and carrying the Renaissance movement over into that art which the world has ever since treasured and admired. The Italian cities, particularly Genoa and Venice, had become rich from their commerce, as had many cities in northern lands. Everywhere the cities were centers for the new life in western Christendom. England was rapidly changing from an agricultural to a manufacturing nation. The serf was evolving into a free man all over western Europe. Italian navigators had discovered new sea routes and lands, and robbed the ocean of its terrors. Columbus had discovered a new world, soon to be peopled and to become the home of a new civilization. Magellan had shown that the world was round and poised in space, instead of flat and surrounded by a circumfluent ocean. The printing-press had been perfected and scattered over Europe, and was rapidly multiplying books and creating a new desire to read (R. 134). The Church was more tolerant of new ideas than it had been in the past, or soon was to be for centuries to come. All of these new influences and conditions combined to awaken thought as had not happened before since the days of ancient Rome. The world seemed about ready for rapid advances in many new directions, and great progress in learning, education, government, art, commerce, and invention seemed almost within grasp. Unfortunately the promise was not to be fulfilled, and the progress that seemed possible in 1500 was soon lost amid the bitterness and hatreds engendered by a great religious conflict, then about to break, and which was destined to leave, for centuries to come, a legacy of intolerance and suspicion in all lands. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. In what way was the fact that Dante wrote his _Divine Comedy_ in Italian instead of Latin an evidence of large independence? 2. Was it a good thing for peace and civilization that the modern languages arose, instead of all speaking and writing Latin? Why? 3. Of what value to one is a "sense of the past behind him, and a conception of the possibilities of the future before him," by way of giving perspective and self-confidence? Do we have many mediaeval-type people to-day? 4. Show how the work of Petrarch required a man with a strong historic sense. 5. Show the awakening of the modern scientific spirit in the critical and reconstructive work of the scholars of the Revival. 6. Of what was the exposure of the forgery of the "Donation of Constantine" a precursor? 7. Contrast the modern and the mediaeval spirit as related to learning. 8. Suppose that we should unexpectedly unearth in Mexico a vast literature of a very learned and scholarly people who once inhabited the United States, and should discover a key by which to read it. Would the interest awakened be comparable with that awakened by the revival of Greek in Italy? Why? 9. What does the fact that no copy of Quintilian's _Institutes_, a very famous Roman book, was known in Europe before 1416 indicate as to the destruction of books during the early Christian period? 10. What does the fact that the Christians knew little about Greek literature or scholarship for centuries, and that the awakening was in large part brought about by the pressure of the Turks on the Eastern Empire, indicate as to intercourse among Mediterranean peoples during the Middle Ages? 11. How do you explain the fact that the recovery of the ancient learning was very largely the work of young men, and that older professors in the universities frequently held aloof from any connection with the movement? 12. Compare the financial support of the Revival in Italy with the support of universities and of scientific undertakings in America during recent times. 13. Explain the long-delayed interest in the Revival in the northern countries. 14. Trace the larger steps in the transference of Greek literature and learning from Athens, in the fifth century B.C., to its arrival at Harvard, in Massachusetts, in 1636. 15. What was the importance of the rediscovery of Hebrew? 16. Show how the invention of printing was a revolutionary force of the first magnitude. 17. Why should a license from the Church have been necessary to print a book? Have we any remaining vestiges of this church control over books? 18. Do you see any special reason why Venice should have become the early center of the book trade? 19. Show how the printing-press became "a formidable rival to the pulpit and the sermon, and one of the greatest instruments for human progress and liberty." 20. One writer has characterized the Revival of Learning as the beginnings of the emergence of the individual from institutional control, and the substitution of the humanities for the divinities as the basis of education. Is this a good characterization of a phase of the movement? 21. Counting each edition of a printed book at only three hundred copies, how many volumes had been printed before 1500 at the places listed in footnote 3, page 257? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 125. Petrarch: On copying a Work of Cicero. 126. Benvenuto: Boccaccio's Visit to the Library at Monte Cassino. 127. Symonds: Finding of Quintilian's _Institutes_ at Saint Gall. (a) Letter of Poggio Bracciolini on the "Find." (b) Reply of Lionardo Bruni. 128. MS.: Reproducing Books before the Days of Printing. 129. Symonds: Italian Societies for studying the Classics. 130. Vespasiano: Founding of the Medicean Library at Florence. 131. Vespasiano: Founding of the Ducal Library at Urbino. 132. Vespasiano: Founding of the Vatican Library at Rome. 133. Green: The New Learning at Oxford. 134. Green: The New Taste for Books. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Is it probable that Petrarch's explanation (125) of why many of the older Latin books were copied so infrequently, psalters being preferred instead, is correct? 2. How do you explain the later neglect of so valuable a library as that at Monte Cassino (126) or Saint Gall (127 a)? 3. Was Lionardo Bruni's letter to Poggio (127 b) overdrawn? 4. Was there anything unnatural about the work and customs of the Italian societies for studying the classics (129)? Compare with a modern literary or scientific society, or with the National Dante Society. 5. What does the extract from Vespasiano, telling how he got books for Cosimo de' Medici (130), indicate as to the scarcity of books in Italy toward the middle of the fifteenth century? 6. The library of the Duke of Urbino (131) was the most complete collected up to that time. List the larger classifications of the books copied, as to the lines represented in a great library of that day. 7. What does the work of Pope Nicholas V, in establishing the Vatican Library (132), indicate as to his interest in the new humanistic movement? 8. Show from the selection from Green (133) that the revival movement in England was essentially a religious revival. 9. Explain Green's cause-and-effect theory, as given in selection 134. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Blades, William. _William Caxton_. Duff, E. G. _Early Printed Books_. * Field, Lilian F. _Introduction to the Study of the Renaissance_. * Howells, W. D. _Venetian Days_ (Venetian commerce). * Keane, John. _The Evolution of Geography_. La Croix, Paul. _The Arts in the Middle Ages and at the Period of the Renaissance_. * Loomis, Louise. _Mediaeval Hellenism_. Oliphant, Mrs. _Makers of Venice_. * Robinson, J. H., and Rolfe, H. W. _Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar and Man of Letters_. Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. II. * Sandys, J. E. _Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning_. Scaife, W. B. _Florentine Life during the Renaissance_. Sedgwick, H. D. _Italy in the Thirteenth Century_. * Symonds, J. A. _The Renaissance in Italy_; vol. II, _The Revival of Learning_. Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_. Whitcomb, M. _Source Book of the Italian Renaissance_. * Walsh, Jas. J. _The Thirteenth, Greatest of Centuries_. CHAPTER XI EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. It is often stated that the roots of all our modern educational practices in secondary education lie buried deep in the great Italian Revival of Learning. If we limit the statement to the time preceding the middle of the nineteenth century we shall be more nearly correct, as tremendous changes in both the character and the purpose of secondary education have taken place since that time. The important and outstanding educational result of the revival of ancient learning by Italian scholars was that it laid a basis for a new type of education below that of the university, destined in time to be much more widely opened to promising youths than the old cathedral and monastic schools had been. This new education, based on the great intellectual inheritance recovered from the ancient world by a relatively small number of Italian scholars, dominated the secondary-school training of the middle and higher classes of society for the next four hundred years. It clearly began by 1450, it clearly controlled secondary education until at least after 1850. Out of the efforts of Italian scholars to resurrect, reconstruct, understand, and utilize in education the fruits of their legacy from the ancient Greek and Roman world, arose modern secondary education, as contrasted with mediaeval church education. Mediaeval education, after all, was narrowly technical. It prepared for but one profession, and one type of service. There was little that was liberal, cultural, or humanitarian about it. It prepared for the world to come, not for the world men live in here. The new education developed in Italy aimed to prepare directly for life in the world here, and for useful and enjoyable life at that. Combining with the new humanistic (cultural) studies the best ideals and practices of the old chivalric education-- physical training, manners and courtesy, reverence--the Italian pioneers devised a scheme of education, below that of the universities, which they claimed prepared youths not only for an intellectual appreciation of the great and wonderful past of which they were descendants, but also for intelligent service in the two great non-church occupations of Italy in the fifteenth century--public service for the City-State, and commerce and a business life. This new type of education spread to other lands, and a new type of secondary-school training, actuated by a new and a modern purpose, thus came out of the revival of learning in Italy. THE MOVEMENT IN ITALY PATRIOTIC. The inspiration for the revival of learning in Italy did not originate with the universities. Even the new chairs when established in the universities were regarded as inferior, and, in true university fashion, the occupants were tolerated by the other professors rather than approved of by them. Some of the universities-- Pavia and Bologna, in particular--had practically nothing to do with the new movement. [1] Even in the rich and learned city of Florence, the head and front of the revival movement, the church scholars and many university men took little or no part in the restoration of the old studies. The learned archbishop, Saint Antoninus, who presided over the cathedral at Florence during the brightest days of that city's history, pursued his mediaeval scholastic instruction undisturbed, and even wrote a _Summa Theologica_ of his own. [Illustration: FIG. 76. SAINT ANTONINUS AND HIS SCHOLARS Saint Antoninus (1380-1459) was the learned and pious Archbishop of Florence from 1446 until his death. The picture of him giving instruction is from the Venice (1503) edition of his _Summa Theologica_.] The revival movement, on the contrary, was directed in its beginnings by a small group of patriotic Italians possessed of a modern spirit, and was financed by intelligent and patriotic merchants, bankers, and princes. Surrounded on all sides by monuments and remains testifying to Roman greatness, and with Roman speech in constant use by the scholars of the Church, the revival of Latin literature meant more to Italian scholars than to those of any other country. It seemed to them still possible to revive Roman life and make Roman speech once more the language of the learned world. The revival of Latin literature, too, meant much more to them than the revival of Greek. The chief value of the latter was to open up a still greater past, and through this to illuminate Roman life and literature. After about 1500 the enthusiasm for Greek rapidly died out in Italy, and the further interpretation of Greek life and thought was left to the northern nations. In this effort to revive the old Roman world the Italian scholars received the sympathy of the great men of wealth, and of some of the popes of the time. It was the Medici family at Florence who aided the movement liberally there, rejuvenated the university of Florence along new humanistic lines, accumulated libraries there (R. 130) and at Venice, and aided scholars all over Italy. At Milan the Visconti family paid the expenses of a chair of Latin and Greek, established in the university there in 1440. Popes Nicholas V and Leo X were prodigal in their support of the new learning at Rome (R. 132), and the university there was reconstructed along modern lines. At Venice the rulers gave large financial and other support to the leaders of the new learning. Academies (R. 129), under the patronage of the nobility, were founded in almost all the northern Italian cities, and those in political power did much to make their cities notable centers for classical studies. NEW SCHOOLS CREATED. The "finds" began with Petrarch's discovery of two orations of Cicero, in 1333, and by the time "the century of finds" (1333- 1433) was drawing to a close the materials for a new type of secondary education had been accumulated. Not only was the old literature discovered and edited, but the finding of a complete copy of Quintilian's "Institutes of Oratory" at Saint Gall (R. 127), in 1416, gave a detailed explanation of the old Roman theory of education at its best. A number of "court schools" now arose in the different cities, to which children from the nobility and the banking and merchant classes were sent to enjoy the advantages they offered over the older types of religious schools. [Illustration: FIG. 77. TWO EARLY ITALIAN HUMANIST EDUCATORS GUARINO DA VERONA (1374-1460) (Drawn from a photograph of a contemporary painting. School at Ferrara, 1429-1460) VITTORINO DA FELTRE (1378-1446) (Drawn from a medallion in the British Museum. School at Mantua, 1423-46)] Two of the most famous teachers in these court schools were Vittorino da Feltre, who conducted a famous school at Mantua from 1423 to 1446, and Guarino da Verona, who conducted another almost equally famous school at Ferrara from 1429 to 1460. Taking boys at nine or ten and retaining them until twenty or twenty-one, their schools were much like the best private boarding-schools of England and America to-day. Drawing to them a selected class of students; emphasizing physical activities, manners, and morals; employing good teaching processes; and providing the best instruction the world had up to that time known--the influence of these court schools was indeed large. Many of the most distinguished leaders in Church and State and some of the best scholars of the time were trained in them. By better methods they covered, in shorter time, as much or more than was provided in the Arts course of the universities, and so became rivals of them. The ultimate result was that, with the evolution of a series of secondary schools which prepared for admission to the universities, the gradual "humanizing" of the universities, and the introduction of printed textbooks, the Arts courses in the universities were advanced to a much higher plane. We have here one of the first of a number of subsequent steps by means of which new knowledge, organized into teaching shape, has been passed on down to lower schools to teach, while the universities have stepped forward into new and higher fields of endeavor. THE HUMANISTIC COURSE OF STUDY. The new instruction was based on the study of Greek and Latin, combined with the courtly ideal and with some of the physical activities of the old chivalric education. Latin was begun with the first year in school, and the regular Roman emphasis was placed on articulation and proper accent. After some facility in the language had been gained, easy readings, selected from the greatest Roman writers, were attempted. As progress was made in reading and writing and speaking Latin as a living language, Cicero and Quintilian among prose writers, and Vergil, Lucan, Horace, Seneca, and Claudian among the poets, were read and studied. History was introduced in these schools for the first time and as a new subject of study, though the history was the history of Greece and Rome and was drawn from the authors studied. Livy and Plutarch were the chief historical writers used. Nothing that happened after the fall of Rome was deemed as of importance. Much emphasis was placed on manners, morality, and reverence, with Livy and Plutarch again as the great guides to conduct. Throughout all this the use of Latin as a living language was insisted upon; declamation became a fine art; and the ability to read, speak, and compose in Latin was the test. Cicero, in particular, because of the exquisite quality of his Latin style, became the great prose model. Quintilian was the supreme authority on the purpose and method of teaching (R. 25). Greek also was begun later, though studied much less extensively and thoroughly. The Greek grammar of Theodorus Gaza (p. 248) was studied, followed by the reading of Xenophon, Isocrates, Plutarch, and some of Homer and Hesiod. This thorough drill in ancient history and literature was given along with careful attention to manners and moral training, and each pupil's health was watchfully supervised--an absolutely new thought in the Christian world. Such physical sports and games as fencing, wrestling, playing ball, football, running, leaping, and dancing were also given special emphasis. Competitive games between different schools were held, much as in modern times. The result was an all-round physical, mental, and moral training, vastly superior to anything previously offered by the cathedral and other church schools, and which at once established a new type which was widely copied. A number of these new teachers, called _humanists_, wrote treatises on the proper order of studies, the methods to be employed, the right education of a prince, liberal education, and similar topics. [2] One of these, Battista Guarino, describing the education provided in the school which his father founded at Ferrara (R. 135), laid down a dictum which was accepted widely until the middle of the nineteenth century, when he wrote: I have said that ability to write Latin verse is one of the essential marks of an educated person. I wish now to indicate a second, which is of at least equal importance, namely, familiarity with the literature and language of Greece. The time has come when we must speak in no uncertain voice upon this vital requirement of scholarship. HUMANISM IN FRANCE. From Italy the new humanism was carried to France, along with the retreating armies that had occupied Naples, Florence, and Milan (p. 252), and when Francis I came to the French throne, in 1515, the new learning found in him a willing patron. Though there had been beginnings before this, the new learning really found a home in France now for the first time. Here, too, it became associated with court and noble, and the schools created to furnish this new instruction were provided at the instigation of some form of public authority. The greatest humanistic scholar in France at the time, Budaeus, was made royal librarian, in 1522. His study of the old Roman coinage, upon which he spent nine years, would pass to-day as a study representing a high grade of scholarship, and was in marked contrast with the scholastic methods of the university. In his writings Budaeus set forth for France the dictum that every man, even if he be a king, should be devoted to letters and liberal learning, and that this culture can be obtained only through Greek and Latin, and of these, unlike the Italians, he held Greek to be the more important. Other scholars now helped to transfer the center for Greek scholarship to Paris, where it remained for the next two centuries. [Illustration: FIG. 78. GUILLAUME BUDAEUS (1467-1540)] A royal press was set up in Paris, in 1526, to promote the introduction of the new learning. Libraries were built up, as in Italy. Humanist scholars were made secretaries and ambassadors. The _College de France_ was established at Paris, by direction of the King, with chairs in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and mathematics. To Hebrew the Italians had given almost no attention, but in France, and particularly in Germany, Hebrew became an important study. The development of schools in northern France was hindered by the dissensions following the religious revolts of Luther and Calvin, but in southern France many of the cities founded municipal colleges, much like the court schools of northern Italy in type. The work of the city of Bordeaux in reorganizing its town school along the new lines was typical of the work of other southern cities. Good teachers, liberal instruction, and a broad-minded attitude on the part of the governing authorities [3] made this school, known as the _Collège de Guyenne_, notable not only for humanistic instruction, but for intelligent public education during the second half of the sixteenth century. The picture of this college (school) left us by its greatest principal, Elie Vinet (R. 136), gives an interesting description of its work. [Illustration: FIG. 79. COLLÈGE DE FRANCE Founded at Paris, in 1530, by King Francis I. for instruction in the new humanistic learning] HUMANISM IN GERMANY. The French language and life was closely related to that of northern Italy, and French religious thought had always been so closely in touch with that of Rome that something of the Italian feeling for the old Roman culture and institutions was felt by the humanists of France. In Germany and England no such feeling existed, and in these countries any effort to discredit the rising native languages was much more likely to be regarded as mere pedantry. In both these countries, though, Latin was still the language of the Church, of the universities, of all learned writing, and the means of international intercourse, and after the new humanism had once obtained a foothold it was welcomed by scholars as a great addition to existing knowledge. Erasmus, the foremost scholar of his day, not only labored hard to introduce the new learning in the schools, but welcomed the restored Roman tongue as an international language for scholarship, as a potent weapon for destroying barriers of language, religion, law, and possibly in time governments based on nationality, and for the promise it gave of peace in international relationships. In both Germany and England, in place of the patriotic fervor of the Italians, religious zeal, as we shall see later on, was kindled by the new humanistic studies. [Illustration: FIG. 80. JOHANN REUCHLIN (1455-1522) "Father of modern Hebrew Studies"] Among the universities Vienna, Heidelberg, Erfurt, Tübingen, and Leipzig (see Figure 61) were foremost in the introduction of the new learning. Erfurt became the center of a group of humanistic scholars during the closing years of the fifteenth century, and the first Greek book printed in Germany appeared there, in 1501. At both Tübingen and Heidelberg Reuchlin (p. 254) taught for a time, and both institutions early became centers for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. At Leipzig the reigning duke brought various humanistic scholars to the university to lecture, after 1507, and in 1519 entirely reformed the university by subordinating the mediaeval disciplines to the new studies. Four new universities-- Wittenberg (1502), Marburg (1527), Königsberg (1544), and Jena (1558)-- were established on the new humanistic basis, and from their beginning were centers for the new learning. At Wittenberg, Martin Luther had been made Professor of Theology, in 1508, when but twenty-five years of age, and to Wittenberg the Electoral Prince, in 1518, brought the young Melanchthon, then but twenty-one, as Professor of Greek. The universities of Germany were more profoundly affected by the introduction of the new learning than were those of any other country. The monastic orders and the Scholastics, who had for long controlled the German institutions, were overthrown by the aid of the ruling princes, and by the close of the first quarter of the sixteenth century the new humanism was everywhere triumphant in German lands. GERMAN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. The enthusiasm of the humanists for the new learning led them to urge the establishment of humanistic secondary schools in the German cities. The schools of "The Brethren of the Common Life" (Hieronymians), a teaching order founded by Gerhard Grote at Deventer, Holland, in 1384, and which had established forty-five houses by the time the new learning came into the Netherlands from Italy, at once adopted the new studies, soon trebled the number of its houses, and for decades supplied teachers of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to all the surrounding countries. [4] Wessel, Agricola, Hegius, Reuchlin, and Sturm were among their greatest teachers, and Erasmus their greatest pupil. Here and there in German cities Latin schools, teaching the subjects of the _Trivium_, but principally the elements of Latin and grammar, had been established in the course of the later Middle Ages, and to these scholars trained in the new learning gradually made their way, secured employment, and thus quietly introduced a purified Latin and the intellectual part of the new humanistic course of study. Up to 1520 this method was followed entirely in German lands. As in Italy, the commercial cities were among the first to provide schools of the new type. In 1526 the commercial city of Nuremberg, in southern Germany, opened one of the first of the new city humanistic secondary schools, Melanchthon being present and giving the dedicatory address. A number of similar schools were founded about this time in various German cities--Ilfeld, Frankfort, Strassburg, Hamburg, Bremen, Dantzig--among the number. Many of these failed, as did the one at Nuremberg, to meet the needs of the people in essentially commercial cities. Whatever might have been true in more cultured Italy, in German cities a rigidly classical training for youth and early manhood was found but poorly suited to the needs of the sons of wealthy burghers destined to a commercial career. The rising commerce of the world apparently was to rest on native languages, and not on elegant Latin verse and prose. The commercial classes soon fell back on burgher schools, elementary vernacular schools, writing and reckoning schools, business experience, and travel for the education of their sons, leaving the Latin schools of the humanists to those destined for the service of the Church, the law, teaching, or the higher state service. [Illustration: FIG. 81. JOHANN STURM (1507-89) (After a contemporary engraving by Stofflin)] THE WORK OF JOHANN STURM. The most successful classical school in all Germany, and the one which formed the pattern for future classical creations, was the _gymnasium_ [5] at Strassburg, under the direction (1536-82) of the famous Johann Sturm, or Sturmius, as he came to call himself. This was one of the early classical schools founded by the commercial cities, but it had not been successful. In 1536 the authorities invited Sturm, a graduate of the University of Louvain, and at that time a teacher of classics and dialectic at Paris, where he had come in contact with the humanism brought from Italy, to become head of the school and reorganize it. This he did, and during the forty-five years he was head of the school it became the most famous classical school in continental Europe. His _Plan of Organization_, published in 1538; his _Letters to the Masters_ on the course of study, in 1565; and the record of an examination of each class in the school, conducted in 1578, all of which have been preserved, give us a good idea as to the nature of the organization and instruction (R. 137). Sturm was a strong and masterful man, with a genius for organization. Probably adopting the plan of the French colleges (R. 136), he organized his school into ten classes, [6] one for each year the pupil was to spend in the school, and placed a teacher in charge of each. The aim and end of education, as he stated it, was "piety, knowledge, and the art of speaking," and "every effort of teachers and pupils" should bend toward acquiring "knowledge, and purity and elegance of diction." Of the ten years the pupil was to spend in the _gymnasium_, seven were to be spent in acquiring a thorough mastery of pure idiomatic Latin, and the three remaining years to the acquisition of an elegant style. Cicero was the great model, but Vergil, Plautus, Terence, Martial, Sallust, Horace, and other authors were read and studied. Except that the Catechism was first studied in the native German, Latin was made the language of the classroom. Great emphasis was placed on letter-writing, declamation, and the acting of plays. Rhetoric, too, was made a very important subject of study. Greek was begun in the fifth year of school and continued throughout, all instruction in Greek being given through the medium of the Latin. [7] The instruction in both Latin and Greek was much like that of the court schools of Italy, except that in Greek the New Testament was read in addition. The plays and games and physical training of the Italian schools, however, were omitted; much less emphasis was placed on manners and gentlemanly conduct; and in educational purpose a narrow drill was substituted for the broad cultural spirit of the French and Italian schools. Sturm was the greatest and most successful schoolman of his day. In clearly defined aim, thorough organization, carefully graded instruction, good teaching, and sound scholarship, his school surpassed all others. Sturm's aim was to train pious, learned, and eloquent men for service in Church and State, using religion and the new learning as means, and in this he was very successful. In a short time after taking charge his _gymnasium_ had six hundred pupils, and in 1578 there were "thousands of pupils, representing eight nations," in attendance. Sturm became widely known throughout northern Europe, and scholars and princes passing through Strassburg stopped to visit his school and secure his advice. He corresponded with scholars in many lands, and the influence of his institution was enormous. He was the author of many school textbooks, and of half a dozen works on the theory and practice of education. He fixed both the type and the name--_gymnasium_--of the German classical secondary school, which to-day is not very materially changed from the form and character which Sturm gave it. Sturm's work deeply influenced many later foundations in Germany, and also helped to mould the educational system devised later on by the Jesuits. [Illustration: FIG. 82. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS (1467-1536) A contemporary portrait by the German artist, Hans Holbein the Younger, in the Louvre, Paris] HUMANISM IN ENGLAND. Grocyn, Linacre, and Colet had introduced the new learning at Oxford, as we have already seen (p. 253), in the closing years of the fifteenth century (R. 133), but had made but little impression. They were ably seconded by Erasmus, who taught Greek at Cambridge (1510- 14), and who labored hard to substitute true classical culture for the poor Latin and the empty scholasticism of his time. He wrote textbooks [8] to help introduce the new learning, urged the importance of history, geography, and science as serving to elucidate the classics, edited editions of the classical authors, wrote two treatises of importance on education, [9] and in two other books [10] ridiculed those who mistook the form for the spirit of the ancient learning. His Latin Greek edition of the New Testament definitely fixed the place of the New Testament in the humanistic schools. In spite of the opposition of monks and scholastics in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and in the face of the coming religious turmoil in the days of Henry VIII, the new learning made steady progress in the universities, [11] with the court, and among the scholars and statesmen of the time. With the coming of Elizabeth to the throne, [12] in 1558, the court, from the Queen down, was imbued with the spirit of the new learning (R. 139). Elizabeth appointed new chancellors for the two universities, and these institutions were soon transformed from places for the training of mediaeval scholars and theologians into places for the production of a "due supply of fit persons to serve God in Church and State." As Sir Thomas Elyot so well expressed it, in his _The Governour_ (1544)--a book on the education of rulers for a State, and which was permeated by the new spirit--"the new political order requires qualified instruments for its administration, and a trained governing class must henceforth take the place of the privileged caste and the clerk [cleric] education under the mediaeval disciplines." COLET AND SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL. The first real establishment of the new learning in England came through the secondary schools, and through the refounding of the cathedral school of Saint Paul's, in London, by the humanist John Colet, in 1510. Colet had become Dean of Saint Paul's Church, and Erasmus urged him to embrace the opportunity to reconstruct the school along humanistic lines. This he did, endowing it with all his wealth, and in a series of carefully drawn-up Statutes (R. 138), which were widely copied in subsequent foundations, Colet laid special emphasis on the school giving training in the new learning and in Christian discipline. Erasmus gave much of his time for years to finding teachers and writing textbooks for the school. William Lily (1468-1522), another early humanist recently returned from study in Italy, and the author of a widely known and much used textbook [13]--_Lily's Latin Grammar_ (R. 140) --was made headmaster of the school. [Illustration: FIG. 83. SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL, LONDON] The course of study was of the humanistic type already described, coupled with careful religious instruction. In place of the monkish Latin pure Latin and Greek were to be taught, and the best classical authors took the place of the old mediaeval disciplines. The school met with much opposition, was denounced as a temple of idolatry and heathenism by the men of the old schools, and even the Bishop of London tried twice to convict Colet of heresy and suppress the instruction. Notwithstanding this the school became famous for its work, not only in London but throughout England. From its desks came a long line of capable statesmen, learned clergy, brilliant scholars, and literary men. [Illustration: FIG. 84. GIGGLESWICK GRAMMAR SCHOOL One of the chief schools of Yorkshire, England, and dating back to 1499. This building was erected in 1507-12 by a chantry priest named James Carr (Ker). Drawn from an old print. On the front of the building was a Latin tablet (shown in the drawing), now in the British Museum, which, translated, read: "Kindly mother of God, defend James Ker from ill. For priests and young clerks this house is made, in 1512. Jesus, have mercy on us. Old men and children praise the name of the Lord."] INFLUENCE ON OTHER ENGLISH GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. In a preceding chapter (p. 152) we mentioned the founding of many English grammar schools after 1200. At the time Saint Paul's School was refounded there were something like three hundred of these, of all classes, in England. They existed in connection with the old monasteries, cathedrals, collegiate churches, guilds, and charity foundations in connection with parish churches, while a few were due to private benevolence and had been founded independently of either Church or State. The Sevenoaks Grammar School, founded by the will of William Sevenoaks, in 1432 (R. 141), and for which he stated in his will that he desired as master "an honest man, sufficiently advanced and expert in the science of Grammar, B.A., by no means in holy orders," and the chantry grammar school founded by John Percyvall, in 1503 (R. 142), are examples of the parish type. The famous Winchester Public School, founded by Bishop William of Wykeham, in 1382, to emphasize grammar, religion, and manners, and to prepare seventy scholars for New College, at Oxford, [14] where they were to be trained as priests; and Eton College, founded by Henry VI, in 1440, to prepare students for King's College, at Cambridge, are examples of the larger private foundations. A few, such as the grammar school at Sandwich (1579), owed their origin (R. 143) to the initiative of the city authorities. Most of these grammar schools were small, but a few were large and wealthy establishments. These old foundations, with their mediaeval curriculum, after a time began to feel the influence of Colet's school. Within a century, due to one influence or another, practically all had been remodeled after the new classical type set up by Colet. In the course of study given for Eton (R. 144), for 1560, we see the new learning fully established, and in the course of study for a small country grammar school, in 1635 (R. 145), we see how fully the new learning, with its emphasis on Latin as a living language, had by this time extended to even the smallest of the English grammar schools. The new foundations, after 1510, were almost entirely new-learning grammar schools, with large emphasis on grammar, good Latin and Greek, games and sports, and the religious spirit. One of the most conspicuous of these later foundations was Merchant Taylor's School, [15] founded in London in 1561, and of which Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), the author of two important books on educational theory, [16] was for long the headmaster. The first American Latin grammar school (Boston, 1635) was a direct descendant of these English influences and traditions. [Illustration: PLATE 5. STRATFORD-ON-AVON GRAMMAR SCHOOL Established by the Holy Cross Guild of Stratford-on-Avon, at the beginning of the fifteenth century. The Grammar School was built in 1426, of wood, and at a cost of £10, 5_s_., 3-1/2_d_. The school was held on the upper floor, the lower being used as a guild-hall. Here Shakespeare went to school, and saw companies of strolling players in the hall below. The lower picture shows the grammar-school room after its "restoration," in 1892.] THE REACTION AGAINST MEDIAEVALISM. Having traced the introduction of the new learning by countries, it still remains to point out certain significant educational features of the movement which were common in all lands, and which profoundly modified subsequent educational practice. Both the purpose and the method of education were permanently changed. Up to about the middle of the fourth Christian century the aim of both Greek and Roman education had been to prepare men to become good and useful citizens in the State. Then the Church gained control of education, and for a thousand years the chief object was to prepare for the world to come. Success and good citizenship in this world counted for little, religious devotion took the place of the old state patriotism, the salvation of souls took the place of the promotion of the social welfare, and the aim and end of life here was to attain everlasting bliss in the world to come. To be able to appease the dread Judge at the Day of Judgment, prayer, penance, and holy contemplation were the important things here below. It was preëminently the age of the self-abasing monk, and this mental attitude dominated all thinking and learning. The spirit behind the Revival of Learning was a protest against this mediaeval attitude, and the protest was vigorous and successful. The Revival of Learning was a clear break with mediaeval traditions and with mediaeval authority. It restored to the world the ideals of earlier education--self-culture, and preparation for usefulness and success in the world here. In Italy, France, Germany, and England the movement, too, met with the most thorough approval from modern men--merchants, court officials, and scholars who were ready to break with the mediaeval type of thinking. The court and other types of secondary schools now established were popular with the higher classes in society, and this aristocratic stamp the humanistic schools and courses have ever since retained. These schools restored to the world the practical education of the days of Cicero, and preparation for intelligent service in the Church, State, and the larger business life became one of their important purposes. Supported as they were by the ruling classes, the new schools were close to the most progressive forces in the national life of the different countries. They represented an unmistakable reaction against the world of the mediaeval monk and the Scholastic, and their early success was in large part because of this. MODIFICATION OF THE MEDIAEVAL CURRICULUM. The mediaeval curriculum, as we have seen (chap. VII), was based on instruction in the Seven Liberal Arts. Grammar at first was the great subject, but later Dialectic became the master science. Knowledge was regarded as an organic whole, capable of being stated in a brief encyclopaedia, and each man could learn it all. With the rise of university instruction some new knowledge was added, chiefly from Moslem sources, and the old knowledge was minutely re-ground. With the revival of the ancient learning there came, within a little more than a century, an enormous increase in the world's sum of knowledge, and the invention of printing came just in time to multiply and scatter this new knowledge throughout western Europe. To all the old subjects a new wealth of detail was added which made teaching encyclopaedias impossible. New purposes in education now came to prevail, and the great mediaeval teaching curriculum was changed in content and in relative importance. Of the subjects in the old _Trivium_, Dialectic or Logic, which Scholastics had raised to the place of first importance, was dethroned, and relegated to a minor position in university instruction. In its place Grammar, as Quintilian knew and used the term (R. 76) and as based on and including Literature, was raised once more to the place of first importance. Out of this, Literature--at first the classical and later the modern--later came as a separate study, as did also the study of History and Mythology. By the latter part of the sixteenth century technical Grammar had been separated from Literature, and made a more elementary subject, while Rhetoric had developed into a critical study of literary art. Of the subjects of the _Quadrivium_, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy were each greatly expanded, as a result of the introduction of much new knowledge, and each was reduced to textbook form, while Algebra and Trigonometry were now organized as teaching subjects. Due to their newness and difficulty these subjects were taught chiefly in the universities. There they remained for a long time before being passed down to the secondary schools. Out of the very elemental instruction given in Geography and Astronomy were in time evolved all the biological and physical sciences, though this development belongs to a later chapter (XVII), and these new subjects did not reach the secondary schools until well into the nineteenth century. The last of the quadrivial subjects, Music, experienced a different history in different countries. In the Germanic countries it continued to receive its old emphasis, while in England and France much less was made of it. After the setting-in of Puritanism in England, when music was regarded with great disfavor, it in large part passed out of the English curriculum. As a result the Germanic and Scandinavian nations are to-day singing nations, while the English and American are not. In early America, in particular, was the religious reaction against music especially strong. [Illustration: FIG. 85. THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN STUDIES The great study of each period is in CAPITALS; subjects in _italics_ indicate that they also were quite important. Least important subjects in ordinary type.] NEW TEACHING METHODS. Such important changes naturally called for a progressively evolving series of printed textbooks, and these now came fast from the presses. The day of one textbook, which could dominate all instruction for hundreds of years, was over forever. A few books, such as Lily's or Melanchthon's Latin grammars and the textbooks of Erasmus, were still used for a long time, but throughout the sixteenth century, before the schools became formalized and lost their earlier purpose, each textbook issued was soon superseded by a better one. The invention of printing, too, changed teaching from a reading-by-the-professor to a textbook method, and tremendously shortened the time necessary to give instruction in any subject. With the manufacture of paper the written theme, too, displaced the disputation, with great gains in accuracy of thinking and refinement in the use of words. It was still the Latin theme or verse or oration, to be sure, and the object of the new instruction was to teach Latin as a living language, but before long the time was to come when the same methods would be transferred to instruction in the native tongues and for national ends. To make the instruction as practical as possible, and thus prepare the pupils for service as Latin scholars in public or scholarly pursuits, the ancient literature was studied in part as a storehouse of adequate and elegant expression, and numerous phrase books [17] were written for use in the schools. When we remember that Latin was still the language of all learned literature, of the university classroom, of most diplomatic and legal documents, and a practical necessity for travel or communication abroad, we can realize why so much emphasis was placed on the constant use of Latin as the language of the school. [18] As Leach [19] so well puts it: "The learned professions required a competent knowledge of Latin far more directly then than now. A need for Latin was not confined to the Church and the priest. The diplomatist, the lawyer, the civil servant, the physician, the naturalist, the philosopher, wrote, read, and to a large extent spoke and perhaps thought in Latin. Nor was Latin only the language of the higher professions. A merchant, or a bailiff of a manor, wanted it for his accounts; every town clerk or guild clerk wanted it for his minute book. Columbus had to study for his voyages in Latin; the general had to study tactics in it. The architect, the musician, every one who was neither a mere soldier nor a mere handicraftsman, wanted, not a smattering of grammar, but a living acquaintance with the tongue, as a spoken as well as a written language." THE SCHOOLS BECOME FORMAL. After the new learning had obtained a firm footing in the schools there happened what has often happened in the history of new educational efforts--that is, the new learning became narrow, formal, and fixed, and lost the liberal spirit which actuated its earlier promoters. In the beginning the Italian humanists had aimed at large personal self-culture and individual development, and the northern humanists at moral and religious reform and preparation for useful service, both using the classics as a means to these new ends. After about 1500 in Italy, and 1600 in the northern countries, when the new-learning schools had become well established and thoroughly organized, the tendency arose to make the means an end in itself. Instead of using the classical literatures to impart a liberal education, give larger vision, and prepare for useful public service, they came to be used largely for disciplinary ends. The teaching of Campion at Prague (1574) well illustrates this degeneracy (R. 146). This change alienated practical men from the schools. French now in turn became the language of the court and of diplomacy, and the work of the schools tended to be confined largely to preparing students to enter the universities or the service of the Church. Men of the world hence turned to a new type of schools which now arose (chapter xvii), and which made preparation for social efficiency in a modern world their aim. In consequence the aim of the new humanistic education came in time to be thought of in terms of languages and literatures, instead of in terms of usefulness as a preparation for intelligent living, and educational effort was transferred from the larger human point of view of the early humanistic teachers to the narrower and much less important one of mastering Greek and Latin, writing verses, and cultivating a good (Ciceronian) Latin style. Sturm's school at Strassburg clearly shows the beginnings of such a transformation (R. 137). As Latin came to be less and less used by scholars in writing, passed out of use as the language of government and of international communication, was replaced by French as the language of polite society, and was gradually superseded in the university lecture room by the vernaculars, the practical motive for learning Latin died out, except for service in the Church, and the disciplinary and cultural value of the study of the classics alone remained. The disciplinary, being easier to give, and better within the understanding of most teachers, gradually won over the cultural. As a result, classical education gradually became narrow and formal, and drill in composition and declamation and imitation of the style of ancient authors--particularly Cicero, whence the term "Ciceronianism" which came to be applied to it--grew to be the ruling motives in instruction. By the end of the sixteenth century this change had taken place in both the secondary schools and the universities, and this narrow linguistic attitude continued to dominate classical education, in German lands until the mid-eighteenth, and in all other western European countries and in America until near the middle of the nineteenth century. It was not until vigorously challenged by the enthusiasts for modern scientific studies that the teachers of the classics awoke to the need of improving their instruction and restoring something of the old cultural value to what they were teaching. The new learning in northern and western Europe was also much changed in character by the violent religious dissensions, following the Protestant Revolt, to a consideration of which we next turn. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Explain just what is meant by the statement that mediaeval education was narrowly technical. 2. State the educational ideals of the new secondary schools evolved by the Italian humanistic scholars, and show whether these ideals have been best embodied in the German _gymnasium_ or the English grammar school. 3. How do you explain the merchants and bankers and princes of Italy being more interested in the revival-of-learning movement than the Church and university scholars? Do such classes to-day show the same type of interest in aiding learning? 4. What was the particular importance of the recovery of Quintilian's _Institutes_? Of Cicero's _Orations_ and _Letters_? 5. What better methods could the Italian court schools have used to enable them to cover the university Arts course in shorter time? How would this have advanced the character of the instruction in Arts in the university? 6. Show how the type of education developed in the Italian court schools was superior to that of the best of the cathedral schools. To that developed by Sturm. 7. Show how the new type of secondary schools was naturally associated with court and nobility and men of large worldly affairs, and how in consequence the new secondary education became and for long continued to be considered as aristocratic education. 8. Explain how the terms _college_, _lycée_, _gymnasium_, _academy_, and _grammar school_ all came to be employed, in different countries, to designate about the same type of secondary school. 9. Had the purified Latin been restored, as the general international language of learning and government, would it have helped materially in bringing about the civilizing influences Erasmus saw in it? 10. Has the development of separate nationalities and different national languages aided in advancing international peace and civilization? Why? 11. Why should the new humanistic studies have developed religious fervor in Germany and England, in place of the patriotic fervor of the Italian scholars? 12. Was the struggle against the introduction of the new learning into the German universities parallel to the late struggle against the introduction of science into American universities? 13. Contrast the aim of Sturm's school with that of the Italian court schools, and the English grammar schools. Point out the new tendencies in his work. 14. Does the sentence quoted from Elyot's _Governour_ express well the changed conditions in England at the middle of the sixteenth century? Do such changed conditions always demand educational reorganizations? 15. What basis, if any, did the opponents of Colet's school have for denouncing it as a temple of idolatry and heathenism? 16. Show how it was natural that the first American school should have been a Latin grammar school in type. 17. Show that the new conception as to education, as expressed by the new humanism, found a public ready to support it. What was the nature of this public? 18. Show how the new schools were "close to the most progressive forces in the national life," and the influence of this, particularly in England and America, in fixing classical training as the approved type of secondary education. 19. Explain how the written theme of to-day is the successor of the mediaeval disputation. 20. Show how the methods of instruction employed in the new Latin grammar schools have been passed over to the native-language schools. 21. From the paragraph quoted from Leach (p. 282), explain why a knowledge of Latin was for so long regarded as synonymous with being educated. 22. Show how instruction in Latin, by being changed from cultural to disciplinary ends, made French the language of diplomacy and society, tended to elevate all the vernacular tongues, and marked the beginnings of the end of the importance of Latin as a school study except for the purposes of the Roman Catholic Church. 23. What was the purpose of the Latin instruction, as you received it? 24. Does it require a higher quality of teaching to impart the cultural aspect of a study than is required for the disciplinary? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 135. Guarino: On Teaching the Classical Authors. 136. Vinet: The Collège de Guyenne at Bordeaux. 137. Sturm: Course of Study at Strassburg. 138. Colet: Statutes for St. Paul's School, London. (a) Religious Observances. (b) Admission of Children. (c) The Course of Study. 139. Ascham: On Queen Elizabeth's Learning. 140. Colet: Introduction to Lily's Latin Grammar. 141. William Sevenoaks: Foundation Bequest for Sevenoaks Grammar School. 142. John Percyvall: Foundation Bequest for a Chantry Grammar School. 143. Sandwich: A City Grammar School Foundation. 144. Eton: Course of Study in 1560. 145. Martindale: Course of Study in an English Country Grammar School. 146. Simpson: Degeneracy of Classical Instruction. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Show the large scope of Grammar, as outlined by Guarino (135). 2. How generally was his dictum that a knowledge of Latin and Greek were essential for a well-educated gentleman (135) accepted? 3. Compare the course of study in Sturm's school (137) with that at Bordeaux (136), and with that at Eton (144) a little later. 4. From Ascham's statements (139), what do you infer as to the reception of the new learning at the English court? 5. Show how Colet (138 a) and William Sevenoaks (141) both aimed to provide for real teachers, specialized for the service, and not for teaching as an adjunct to priestly duties. What was the significance of these provisions? 6. Show that Colet (138 b) desired to train leaders, rather than followers. 7. Show that he clearly provided (138 c) for a humanistic school of the reformed type. 8. Characterize Colet's Introduction to Lily's Grammar (140). 9. What was the educational significance of such a bequest as that of William Sevenoaks (141)? 10. What did the founding of a chantry grammar school (142), instead of a song school, indicate as to the progress of education? 11. Would the action taken by the authorities of the City of Sandwich (143) indicate that the humanistic grammar school had taken a deep hold on English thought, or not? The same with reference to the course given in a small English country grammar school, as described by Martindale (145)? 12. Just what does the instruction described as given by Campion (146) indicate? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Jebb, R. C. _Humanism in Education_. Laurie, S. S. _Development of Educational Opinion since the Renaissance_. Laurie, S. S. "The Renaissance and the School, 1440-1580"; in _School Review_, vol. 4, pp. 140-48, 202-14. * Lupton, J. H. _A Life of John Colet_. Palgrave, F. T. "The Oxford Movement in the Fifteenth Century"; in _Nineteenth Century_, vol. 28, pp. 812-30. (Nov. 1890.) Seebohm, F. _The Oxford Reformers of 1498; Colet, Erasmus, More_. * Stowe, A. M. _English Grammar Schools in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth_. * Thurber, C. H. "Vittorino da Feltre"; in School _Review_, vol. 7, pp. 295-300. Watson, Foster. _English Grammar Schools to 1660_. * Woodward, W. H. _Vittorino da Feltre, and other Humanistic Educators_. * Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_. Woodward, W. H. _Desiderius Erasmus, Concerning the Method and Aim of Education_. CHAPTER XII THE REVOLT AGAINST AUTHORITY THE NEW QUESTIONING ATTITUDE. The student can hardly have followed the history of educational development thus far without realizing that a serious questioning of the practices and of the dogmatic and repressive attitude of the omnipresent mediaeval Church was certain to come, sooner or later, unless the Church itself realized that the mediaeval conditions which once demanded such an attitude were rapidly passing away, and that the new life in Christendom now called for a progressive stand in religious matters as in other affairs. The new life resulting from the Crusades, the rise of commerce and industry, the organization of city governments, the rise of lawyer and merchant classes, the formation of new national States, the rise of a new "Estate" of tradesmen and workers, the new knowledge, the evolution of the university organizations, and the discovery of the art of printing--all these forces had united to develop a new attitude toward the old problems and to prepare western Europe for a rapid evolution out of the mediaeval conditions which had for so long dominated all action and thinking. This the Church should have realized, and it should have assumed toward the progressive tendencies of the time the same intelligent attitude assumed earlier toward the rise of scholastic inquiry. But it did not, and by the fifteenth century the situation had been further aggravated by a marked decline in morality on the part of both monks and clergy, which awakened deep and general criticism in all lands, but particularly among the northern peoples. The Revival of Learning was the first clear break with mediaevalism. In the critical and constructive attitude developed by the scholars of the movement, their renunciation of the old forms of thinking, the new craving for truth for its own sake which they everywhere awakened, and their continual appeal to the original sources of knowledge for guidance, we have the definite beginnings of a modern scientific spirit which was destined ultimately to question all things, and in time to usher in modern conceptions and modern ways of thinking. The authority of the mediaeval Church would be questioned, and out of this questioning would come in time a religious freedom and a religious tolerance unknown in the mediaeval world. The great world of scientific truth would be inquired into and the facts of modern science established, regardless of what preconceived ideas, popular or religious, might be upset thereby. The divine right of kings to rule, and to dispose of the fortunes and happiness of their peoples as they saw fit, was also destined to be questioned, and another new "Estate" would in time arise and substitute, instead, in all progressive lands, the divine right of the common people. Religious freedom and toleration, scientific inquiry and scholarship, and the ultimate rise of democracy were all involved in the critical, questioning, and constructive attitude of the humanistic scholars of the Renaissance. These came historically in the order just stated, and in this order we shall consider them. HUMANISM BECAME A RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENT IN THE NORTH. In Italy the Revival of Learning was classical and scientific in its methods and results, and awakened little or no tendency toward religious and moral reform. Instead it resulted in something of a paganization of religion, with the result that the Papacy and the Italian Church probably reached their lowest religious levels at about the time the great religious agitation took place in northern lands. In the latter, on the contrary, the introduction of humanism awakened a new religious zeal, and religious reform and classical learning there came to be associated almost as one movement. In England, Germany, the Low Countries, and in large parts of northern France, the new learning was at once directed to religious and moral ends. The patriotic emotions roused in the Italians by the humanistic movement were in the northern countries superseded by religious and moral emotions, and the constant appeal to sources turned the northern leaders almost at once back to the Church Fathers and the original Greek and Hebrew Testaments for authority in religious matters. Colet, from England, who had spent the years 1493-96 in Florence (p. 254), during the period when Savonarola (1452-98) was preaching moral reform there, returned home, not only a humanist, but a religious reformer as well, and began to lecture at Oxford on the Epistles of Saint Paul in the Greek. Linacre, Grocyn, Colet, Erasmus, and Sir Thomas More (author of _Utopia_), among others, formed a little group of humanists all of whom were also deeply interested in a reform of the practices of the Church. Erasmus, in particular, labored hard by his writings to remove religious abuses. His _Colloquies_ (1519), a widely used Latin reading book, was banned from the classrooms of the University of Paris (1528), and forbidden to be used in Catholic lands by the Church Council of Trent (1564), because of the way in which it held up to ridicule the abuses in the Church, the superstitions of the age, and the immoralities in the lives of the monks and clergy. His work as Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, his numerous editions of the writings of the Church Fathers, and his Latin-Greek edition (1516), of the New Testament [1] all alike tended to turn theological scholars back to the original sources instead of to the scholastics for the foundations of their religious faith. In Germany such men as Hegius (p, 271), Reuchlin (p. 254), and Melanchthon (p. 270) began, by similar methods, to go back to Greek and Hebrew sources and to the Church Fathers for new interpretations as to religious doctrines. In so doing they discovered that many practices and demands of the Church, all of which had grown up during the long mediaeval period, were not in harmony with the earlier teachings of Christ, the Apostles, or the early Fathers. In France, Jacques Lefèvre (c. 1455-1536), a humanist and a pioneer Protestant, contended for the rule of the Scriptures and for justification by faith, and translated the Bible into the French (New Testament, 1523; complete, 1530) that the people might read it. EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION. The reaction against the mediaeval dogmas of the Church and the demand by the humanists of the North for a return to the simpler religion of Christ gradually grew, and in time became more and more insistent. This demand was not something which broke out all at once and with Luther, as many seem to think. Had this been so he would soon have been suppressed, and little more would have been heard of him. Instead, the literature of the time clearly reveals that there had been, for two centuries, an increasing criticism of the Church, and a number of local and unsuccessful efforts at reform had been attempted. The demand for reform was general, and of long standing, outside of Italy and southern France. Had it been heeded probably much subsequent history might have been different. A few of the more important attempts at reform may be mentioned here, as a background for our study. The first organized revolt against the Church occurred in southern France, in the early thirteenth century, and the revolters (_Albigenses_) were so fearfully punished by fire and sword that it was not attempted there again. [Illustration: FIG. 86. JOHN WYCLIFFE (1320?-84) A popular English preacher (Drawn from an old print)] In 1378 there was a disputed papal election, and for nearly forty years there were two Popes, one at Rome, and one at Avignon in southern France, each attempting to control the Church and each denouncing the other as Antichrist. The discussions which accompanied this "Great Schism" did much to weaken the authority of the Church in all Christian lands. In England a popular preacher and Oxford divinity graduate by the name of John Wycliffe was led, by the sad condition of the Church there, to a careful study of the Bible. He came to the conclusion that many of the claims of the Popes and many practices of the Church were wrong (R. 147) and he refused to accept teachings of the Church for which he could not find sanction in the Bible. His revolt was as direct and vigorous as that of Luther, in German lands, a century and a half later (R. 148). So great was his zeal for reform that he and his scholars attempted a translation of the Bible [2] into English (see Figure 93), that the people might read it, and he and his followers (called _Lollards_) went about the country teaching what they believed to be the true Christianity. What had before in England been a widespread but undefined feeling of disaffection for the rich and careless clergy and monks, the work of Wycliffe organized into a political and social force. Due to the then close connection of the English and Bohemian courts, through royal marriages, Wycliffe's teachings were carried to Bohemia, where a popular preacher and university theologian by the name of John Huss (1373-1415) expounded them. He denounced the evil conduct of the clergy, and he and his followers tried to introduce several new customs into the Church. For this Huss was first excommunicated, and then burned at the stake as a dangerous heretic. [3] After a series of terrible massacres his followers were forced, in large part, to accept once more the old system. [Illustration: FIG. 87. RELIGIOUS WARFARE IN BOHEMIA Sacking a village in true German style (From a picture in the Germanic Museum at Nuremberg)] In 1414 a Council of the Church was called at Constance, in Switzerland, to heal the papal schism, and this Council made a serious attempt at church reform. After reuniting the Church under one Pope, it drew up a list of abuses which it ordered remedied (R. 149). It also attempted to establish a democratic form of organization for the government of the Church, with Church Councils meeting from time to time to advise with the Pope and formulate church policy, much like the government of a modern parliament and king. Had this succeeded, much future history might have been different [4] and the civilization of the world to-day much advanced. But the attempt failed, and the absolutism of the reunited Papacy became stronger than ever before. Protests of princes, actions of legislative assemblies, [5] protests sometimes of bishops, [6] the failing allegiance of men of affairs, the increasing condemnation and ridicule from laymen and scholars--all signs of a strong undercurrent of public opinion--seemed to have no effect on those responsible for the policy of the Church. That the different rebellions and refusals of reform helped directly to the ultimate break of Luther is not probable, as Luther seems to have worked out his position by himself. Each of these earlier defiances of authority and the later defiance of Luther were alike, though, in two respects. Each demanded a return to the usages and beliefs and practices of the earlier Christian Church, as derived from a study of the Bible and of the writings of the early Christian Fathers; and each insisted that Christians should be permitted to study the Bible for themselves, and reach their own conclusions as to Christian duty. In this demand to be allowed to go back to the original sources for authority, and the assertion of the right to personal investigation and conclusions, we see the new intellectual standards established by the Revival of Learning in full force. After 1500 the rising demands for moral reform and the recognition of individual judgment could not be put aside much longer. Unless there could be evolution there would be revolution. Evolution was refused, [7] and revolution was the result. DISCONTENT IN GERMAN LANDS. It happened that the first revolt to be successful in a large way broke out in Germany, and about the person of an Augustinian monk and Professor of Theology in the University of Wittenberg by the name of Martin Luther (1483-1546). Had it not centered about Luther the revolt would have come about some one else; had it not come in Germany it would have come in some other land. It was the modern scientific spirit of inquiry and reason in conflict with the mediaeval spirit of dogmatic authority, and two such forces are sooner or later destined to clash. Whether we be Catholic or Protestant, and whether we approve or disapprove of what Luther did or of his methods, makes little difference in this study. Over a question involving so much religious partisanship we do not need to take sides. All that we need concern ourselves with is that a certain Martin Luther lived, did certain things, made certain stands for what he believed to be right, and what he did, whether right or wrong, whether beneficial to progress and civilization or not, stands as a great historical fact with which the student of the history of education must take account. That the same or even better results might have been arrived at in time by other methods may be true, but what we are concerned with is the course which history actually took. [8] There were special reasons why the trouble, when once it broke, made such rapid entry in German lands. The Germans had a long-standing grudge against the Italian papal court, chiefly because it had for long been draining Germany of money to support the Italian Church. Germany's greatest minnesinger, Walther von der Vogelweide (1170-1228), three centuries before Luther had sung to the German people how the Pope made merry over the stupid Germans. "All their goods will be mine, Their silver is flowing into my far-away chest; Their priests are living on poultry and wine, And leaving the silly layman to fast." Many positions in the German Church had been filled by the Pope with Italians, who not infrequently drew the perquisites, but did not reside in Germany. The princely and feudal Archbishops of Mayence, Treves, Cologne, and Salzburg, with their fortified castles and lands and troops and large governmental powers, frequently proved to be serious sources of irritation. The most widespread discontent, though, arose over the heavy church taxation, which drained the money of the people to Italy. The whole German people, from the princes down to the peasants, felt themselves unjustly treated, that the German money which flowed to Rome should be kept at home, and that the immoral and inefficient clergy should be replaced by upright, earnest men who would attend better to their religious duties (R. 150). It was these conditions which prepared the Germans for revolt, and enabled Luther to rally so many of the princes and people to his side when once he had defied authority. THE GERMAN REVOLT. The crisis came over the sale of indulgences for sins by the papal agent, Tetzel, who began the practice in the neighborhood of Wittenberg, where Luther was a Professor of Theology, in 1516. There is little doubt but that Tetzel, in his zeal to raise money for the rebuilding of the church of Saint Peter's at Rome, a great undertaking then under way, exceeded his instructions and made claims as to the nature and efficacy of indulgences which were not warranted by church doctrines. Such would be only human. The sale, however, irritated Luther, and he appealed to the Archbishop of Magdeburg to prohibit it. Failing to obtain any satisfaction, he followed the old university custom, made out ninety- five theses, or reasons, why he did not believe the practice justifiable, detailed the abuses, set forth what he conceived to be the true Christian doctrine in the matter, and challenged all comers to a debate on the theses (R. 151). Following true university custom, also, these theses were made out in Latin, and in October, 1517, Luther followed still another university custom and nailed them to the church door in Wittenberg. Luther was probably as much surprised as any one to find that these were at once translated into German, printed, and in two weeks had been scattered all over Germany. Within a month they were known in all the important centers of the Western Christian world. They had been carried everywhere on the currents of discontent. Luther at first intended no revolt from the Church, but only a protest against its practices. From one step to another, though, he was gradually led into open rebellion, and finally, in 1520, was excommunicated from the Church. He then expressed his defiance by publicly burning the bull of excommunication, together with a volume of the canon law. This was open rebellion, and such heresy (R. 152) must needs be stamped out. Luther took his stand on the authority of the Scriptures, and the battle was now joined between the forces representing the authority of the Church _versus_ the authority of the Bible, and salvation through the Church _versus_ salvation through personal faith and works. [9] Luther also forced the issue for freedom of thought in religious matters. It was, to be sure, some three centuries before freedom in religious thinking and worship became clearly recognized, but what the early university masters and scholars had stood for in intellectual matters, Luther now asserted in religious affairs as well. [Illustration: FIG. 88. SHOWING THE RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS] We do not need to follow the details of the conflict. Suffice it to know that great portions of northern and western Germany followed Luther, as is shown in Figure 88, and that the Western Church, which had remained one for so many centuries and been the one great unifying force in western Europe, was permanently split by the Protestant Revolt. The large success of Luther is easily explained by the new life which now permeated western Europe. The world was rapidly becoming modern, while the Church, with a perversity almost unexplainable, insisted upon remaining mediaeval and tried to force others to remain mediaeval with it. Adams expresses the situation well when he says: [10] A revolution had been wrought in the intellectual world in the century between Huss and Luther. At the death of Huss the world had only just begun the study of Greek. Since that date, the great body of classical literature had been recovered, and the sciences of philology and historical criticism thoroughly established. As a result Luther had at his command a well-developed method ... impossible to any earlier reformer.... The world also had become familiar with independent investigation, and with the proclamation of new views and the upsetting of old ones. By no means the least of the great services of Erasmus to civilization had been to hold up before all the world so conspicuous an example of the scholar following, as his inalienable right, the truth as he found it and wherever it appeared to lead him, and honest in his public utterances as to the results of his studies.... His was the crowning work of a century which had produced in the general public a greatly changed attitude of mind toward intellectual independence since the days of Huss. The printing press was of itself almost enough to account for Luther's success as compared with his predecessors. Wycliffe made almost as direct and vigorous an appeal to the public at large, and with "an amazing industry he issued tract after tract in the tongue of the people," but Luther had the advantage in the rapid multiplication of copies and in their cheapness, and he covered Europe with the issues of his press.... Luther spoke to a very different public from that which Wycliffe or Huss had addressed,--a public European in extent, and one not merely familiar with the assertion of new ideas, but tolerant, in a certain way, of the innovator, and expectant of great things in the future. A revolution it undoubtedly was, but a revolution in thinking much more than a political revolution. It was but a further manifestation of the inquiring and questioning tendency awakened by the Revival of Learning. It might in a sense be dated from Wycliffe and Huss, as well as from Erasmus and Luther. Luther did not create the Reformation. He rather popularized the work of preceding protesters, giving the impress of his powerful personality to the movement, and directing and moulding its form. [Illustration: FIG. 89. HULDREICH ZWINGLI (1487-1531)] REVOLTS IN OTHER LANDS. The outbreak in Germany soon spread to other lands. Lutheranism made rapid headway in Denmark, where the German grievances against Italian rule were equally familiar, and in 1537 the Danish Diet severed all connection with Rome and established Lutheranism as the religion of the country. Norway, being then a part of Denmark, was carried for Lutheranism also. In Sweden the Church was shorn of some of its powers and property in 1527, and in 1592 Lutheranism was definitely adopted as the religion for the nation. This included Finland, then a part of Sweden. An independent reform movement, closely akin to Lutheranism in its aims, made considerable headway in German Switzerland contemporaneously with the reform work of Luther in Germany. This was under the leadership of a popular humanist preacher in Zurich by the name of Huldreich Zwingli. In 1519 he began a series of sermons on real religion, as he had learned it from a study of the New Testament writings. Zwingli, being supported by the people, made many changes in church practices and worship, eventually even abolishing the mass. Many other towns took up this reform movement, and civil war was the result. Zwingli was killed in battle between Swiss partisans of the old regime and reformers, in 1531, but his work though checked persisted, and German Switzerland became mixed Catholic and Protestant. [11] In England the struggle came nominally over the divorce (1533) of Henry VIII from Catherine of Aragon, though the independence of the English Church had been asserted from time to time for two centuries, and a free National Church had for long been a growing ideal with English statesmen. In 1534 Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy (R. 153) which severed England from Rome. By it the King was made head of the English National Church. The change was in no sense a profound one, such as had taken place in Lutheran Germany. The priests who took the new oath of allegiance to the King instead of the Pope as the head of the Church, as most of them did, continued in the churches, the service was changed to English, some reforms were instituted, but the people did not experience any great change in religious feeling or ideas. This new National Church became known as the English or Anglican Church. So far as the early history of America is concerned, the most important reform movement was neither Lutheranism nor Anglicanism, but Calvinism. In 1537 John Calvin, a French Protestant who had fled to Switzerland, [12] was invited to submit a plan for the educational and religious reorganization of the city of Geneva, and in 1541 he was entrusted with the task of organizing there a little religious City-Republic. For this he established a combined church and city government, in which religious affairs and the civil government were as closely connected as they had ever been in any Catholic country. During the twenty-three years that Calvin dominated Geneva it became the Rome of Protestantism. Calvin's _The Institutes of Christianity_, published in Latin in 1536, and in French in 1541, was the first orderly presentation of the principles of Christian faith from the Protestant standpoint, [13] while his French _Catechism_ (1537) was extensively used [14] in Calvinistic lands as a basis for elementary religious instruction. [Illustration: FIG. 90. JOHN CALVIN (1509-1564) (Drawn from a contemporary painting)] From Geneva a reformed Calvinistic religion spread over northern France, [15] where its followers became known as _Huguenots_; to Scotland (1560), where they were known as _Scotch Presbyterians_; to the Netherlands (1572), where originated the Dutch Reformed Church; and to portions of central England, where those who embraced it became known as _Puritans_. Through the Puritans who settled New England, and later through the Huguenots in the Carolinas, the Scotch Presbyterians in the central colonies, and the Dutch in New York, Calvinism was carried to America, was for long the dominant religious belief, and profoundly colored all early American education. Lutheranism also came in through the Swedes along the Delaware and the Germans in Pennsylvania, while the Anglican Church, known in America as the _Episcopalian_, came in through the landed aristocracy in Virginia and the later settlers in New York. The early settlement of America was thus a Protestant settlement, while the migration to America of large numbers of peoples from Catholic lands is a relatively recent movement. RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND RELIGIOUS WARFARE. Of course the revolt against the authority of the Church, once inaugurated, could not be stopped. The same right to freedom in religious belief which Luther claimed for himself and his followers had of course to be extended to others. This the Protestants were not much more willing to grant than had been the Catholics before them. The world was not as yet ready for such rapid advances, and religious toleration, [16] though established in principle by the revolt, was an idea to which the world has required a long time to become accustomed. It took two centuries of intermittent religious warfare, during which Catholic and Protestant waged war on one another, plundered and pillaged lands, and murdered one another for the salvation of their respective souls, before the people of western Europe were willing to stop fighting and begin to recognize for others that which they were fighting for for themselves. When religious tolerance finally became established by law, civilization had made a tremendous advance. The religious wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were waged with greatest intensity in Spain, France, and the German States, though no land wholly escaped. The result of this religious strife was to check the progress of the higher civilization of the people for nearly three centuries, and to delay greatly the coming of the great blessing of freedom in matters of religious belief, while the poverty and misery resulting from the devastation of these religious wars left neither the energy for nor the interest in educational or political progress. The struggle to suppress Lutheranism in Germany was postponed for twenty- five years--due to outside pressure, chiefly that of the Turks in southeastern Europe--from the time that the Diet of Worms decided against Luther (1521). Finally, in 1546, the German-Spanish Emperor Charles V felt at last free to proceed against the Lutheran heresy, and from the breaking-out in that year of the struggle between Charles and the German princes who sided with Luther, to the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, represents a century of almost continual religious warfare in the German States. The worst of the period was the last thirty years, when religious ferocity and hatred reached its climax in the period known as the _Thirty Years' War_ (1618-48). Though fought on German soil, France, Spain, and Sweden were deeply involved in the struggle. It left Germany a ruin. From the most prosperous State in Europe, in 1550, Germany was so reduced that it was not until the second third of the nineteenth century that central and southern Germany had fully recovered. More than half the population and two thirds of the movable property were swept away. The people were so reduced by starvation that cannibalism was openly practiced. But one tenth of the inhabitants of the Duchy of Würtemberg were left alive. Land tilled for centuries became a wilderness, thousands of towns were destroyed, whole trades were swept away, and the generation which survived the war came to manhood without knowing education, religion, law and order, or organized industry. Not until the end of the eighteenth century was Germany again able to make any significant contribution to education or civilization, and not until the middle of the nineteenth century did parts of Germany come to have as many people or cattle as before this devastating religious war broke out. [Illustration: FIG. 91. A FRENCH PROTESTANT (c. 1600) A restoration, Musée d'Artillerie, Paris] From 1560 to 1629 in France, also, a period of carnage and devastation prevailed, due to an attempt to exterminate the Calvinistic Huguenots. In the massacre of Saint Bartholomew's eve, in 1572, ten thousand Protestants are said to have perished in Paris alone, and forty-five thousand additional outside the city. Though the Edict of Nantes (1598) had granted religious toleration, this never was fully accomplished, and in 1685 the Edict was revoked. The Huguenots were now given fifteen days to become Catholics or leave France. The demands were enforced with great severity, and the sect, which embraced one tenth of the population of France, was stamped out and France became once more a Catholic country. In a short time four hundred thousand thrifty and highly intelligent Huguenots had left France for other lands. In Southern German lands, Holland, England, and America many found a new home. CHANGED ATTITUDE TOWARD THE OLD PROBLEMS. The Peace of Westphalia (1648), which ended the bloody Thirty Years' War, itself the culmination of a century of bitter and vindictive religious strife, has often been regarded as both an end and a beginning. Though the persecution of minorities for a time continued, especially in France, this treaty marked the end of the attempt of the Church and the Catholic States to stamp out Protestantism on the continent of Europe. The religious independence of the Protestant States was now acknowledged, and the beginnings of religious freedom were established by treaty. This new freedom of conscience, once definitely begun for the ruling princes, was certain in time to be extended further. Ultimately the day must come, though it might be centuries away, when individual as well as national freedom in religious matters must be granted as a right, and one of the greatest blessings of mankind finally be firmly established by law. [17] The end of the period of bitter religious warfare, too, was followed by a reaction against religious intolerance which contained within itself the germs of much future liberty and human progress. Paulsen has well expressed the change, in the following words: [18] The long and terrible wars to which the ecclesiastical schism had everywhere given rise--the wars of the Huguenots in France, the Thirty Years War, and the Civil War in England--had, in the end, created a feeling of indifference toward religious and theological problems. Did it really pay, people asked themselves, to kill each other and devastate each other's countries for the sake of such questions? Could these problems ever be decided at all? If not, was it not much more reasonable to let everyone believe what he could, and, instead of wasting breath and arguments, convincing to nobody, on transubstantiation, predestination, and real presence, to cultivate sciences which really placed lasting and verifiable truths within the reach of the understanding, such as mathematics and natural philosophy, geography and astronomy? Here were sciences which offered knowledge to the mind that could be turned to account in this earthly life, whereas those transcendental speculations were of no use at all.... Toward the end of the seventeenth century this spirit of indifference and scepticism toward theology, and sometimes even toward religion in general and the future world, formed a most important factor in the changing intellectual attitude of the times. [19] Physically exhausted, and recognizing at last the futility of fire and sword as means for stamping out opposing religious convictions, but still thoroughly convinced as to the correctness of their respective points of view, both sides now settled down to another century and more of religious hatred, suspicion, and intolerance, and to a close supervision of both preaching and teaching as safeguards to orthodoxy. During the century following the Peace of Westphalia greater reliance than ever before was placed on the school as a means for protecting the faith, and the pulpit and the school now took the place of the sword and the torch as converting and holding agents. RELIGIOUS REFORM. The effect of the Protestant Revolts on the Church was good. For the first time in history Catholic churchmen learned that they could not rely on the general acceptance of any teachings they promulgated, or any practices they saw fit to approve. The spirit of inquiry which had been aroused by the methods of the humanists would in the future force them to explain and to defend. If they were to make headway against this great rebellion they must reform abuses, purify church practices, and see that monks and clergy led upright Christian lives. Unless the mass of the people could be made loyal to the Church by reverence for it, further revolts and the ultimate break-up of the institution were in prospect. The Council of Trent (1545-63) at last undertook the reform which should have come at least a century before. Better men were selected for the church offices, and bishops and clergy were ordered to reside in their proper places and to preach regularly. New religious orders arose, whose purpose was to prepare priests better for the service of the Church and for ministry to the needs of the people. Irritating practices were abandoned. The laws and doctrines of the Church were restated, in new and better form. Moral reforms were instituted. In most particulars the reforms forced by the work of Luther were thorough and complete, and since the middle of the sixteenth century the Catholic Church, in morals and government, has been a reformed Church. Above all, attention was turned to education rather than force as a means of winning and holding territory. A rigid quarantine was, however, established in Catholic lands against the further spread of heretical text books and literature. Especially was the reading of the Bible, which had been the cause of all the trouble, for a time rigidly prohibited. [20] Such, in brief, are the historical facts connected with the various revolts against authority which split the Roman Catholic Church in the sixteenth century. These have been stated, as briefly and as impartially as possible, because so much of future educational history arose out of the conditions resulting from these revolts. The early educational history of America is hardly understandable without some knowledge of the religious forces awakened by the work of the Protestants. To the educational significance and consequences of these revolts we next turn. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. How do you explain the difference in the effect, on the scholars of the time, of the Revival of Learning in Italy and in northern lands? 2. How do you explain the serious church opposition to the different attempts of northern scholars to try to turn the Church back to the simpler religious ideals and practices of early Christianity? 3. Explain how opposition to the practices of the Church could be organized into a political force. 4. Explain the analogy of a heretic in the fifteenth century and an anarchist of to-day. 5. Assuming that the Church had encouraged progressive evolution as a policy, and thus warded off revolution and disruption, in what ways might history have been different? 6. How can the bitter opposition to the reading and study of the Bible be explained? 7. Show the analogy between the freedom of thinking demanded by Luther, and that obtained three centuries earlier by the scholars in the rising universities. Why were the universities not opposed? 8. Enumerate the changes which had taken place in western Europe between the days of Wycliffe and Huss and the time of Luther, which enabled him to succeed where they had failed. 9. Explain in what ways the Protestant Revolt was essentially a revolution in thinking, and that, once started, certain other consequences must inevitably follow in time. 10. Was it perfectly natural that the reformers should refuse to their followers the same right to revolt, and separate off into smaller and still different sects, which they had contended for for themselves? Why? 11. On what basis could Catholic and Protestant wage war on one another to try to enforce their own particular belief? 12. Compare the individualism of the Greek Sophists with that of the Protestant reformers. Did Greece attempt to deal with them in the same way? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 147. Wycliffe: On the Enemies of Christ. 148. Wycliffites: Attack the Pope and the Practice of Indulgences. 149. Council of Constance: List of Church Abuses demanding Reform. 150. Geiler: A German Priest's View as to Coming Reform. 151. Luther: Illustrations from his Ninety-Five Theses. 152. Saint Thomas Aquinas: On the Treatment of Heresy. 153. Henry VIII: The English Act of Supremacy. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Was Wycliffe's attack (147) as direct and fierce as Luther's (151)? 2. Explain the difference in the results attained by the two attacks? 3. Was the challenge of Wycliffe's followers on indulgences (148) any less direct than that of Luther (151)? 4. Does the list of items drawn up by the Church Council of Constance (149) indicate a general recognition of the need for extensive Church reform? 5. Try to state the possible change in the progress of human history and civilization, had the demands of the Council of Constance (149) been carried out in good faith. 6. Considering the nature of heresy at the time, does the extract from Thomas Aquinas (152) indicate a narrow or a liberal attitude? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_. Beard, Charles. _Martin Luther and the Reformation_. Beard, Charles. _The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in its Relation to Modern Thought and Knowledge_. (Hibbert Lectures, 1883.) Fisher, George P. _History of the Reformation_. Gasquet, F. A. _Eve of the Reformation_. Johnson, A. H. _Europe in the Sixteenth Century_. Perry, George G. _History of the Reformation in England_. CHAPTER XIII EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS I. AMONG LUTHERANS AND ANGLICANS ULTIMATE CONSEQUENCES OF THE BREAK WITH AUTHORITY. That the Protestant Revolts in the different lands produced large immediate and permanent changes in the character of the education provided in the revolting States is no longer accepted as being the case. In every phase of educational history growth has proceeded by evolution rather than by revolution, and this applies to the Protestant Revolts as well as to other revolutions. Many changes naturally resulted at once, some of which were good and some of which were not, while others which were enthusiastically attempted failed of results because they involved too great advances for the time. Much, too, of the progress that was inaugurated was lost in the more than a century of religious strife which followed, and the additional century and more of suspicion, hatred, religious formalism, and strict religious conformity which followed the period of religious strife. The educational significance of the reformation movement, though, lies in the far-reaching nature of its larger results and ultimate consequences rather than in its immediate accomplishments, and because of this the importance of the immediate changes effected have been overestimated by Protestants and underestimated by Catholics. The dominant idea underlying Luther's break with authority, and for that matter the revolts of Wycliffe, Huss, Zwingli, and Calvin as well, was that of substituting the authority of the Bible in religious matters for the authority of the Church; of substituting individual judgment in the interpretation of the Scriptures and in formulating decisions as to Christian duty for the collective judgment of the Church; and of substituting individual responsibility for salvation, in Luther's conception of justification through personal faith and prayer, for the collective responsibility for salvation of the Church. [1] Whether one believes that the Protestant position was sound or not depends almost entirely upon one's religious training and beliefs, and need not concern us here, as it makes no difference with the course of history. We can believe either way, and the course that history took remains the same. The educational consequences of the position taken by the Protestants, though, are important. Under the older theory of collective judgment and collective responsibility for salvation--that is, the judgment of the Church rather than that of individuals--it was not important that more than a few be educated. Under the new theory of individual judgment and individual responsibility promulgated by the Protestants it became very important, in theory at least, that every one should be able to read the word of God, participate intelligently in the church services, and shape his life as he understood was in accordance with the commandments of the Heavenly Father. This undoubtedly called for the education of all. Still more, from individual participation in the services of the Church, with freedom of judgment and personal responsibility in religious matters, to individual participation in and responsibility for the conduct of government was not a long step, and the rise of democratic governments and the provision of universal education were the natural and ultimate corollaries, though not immediately attained of the Protestant position regarding the interpretation of the Scriptures and the place and authority of the Church. This was soon seen and acted upon. The great struggle of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in consequence, became one for religious freedom and toleration; the great struggle of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been for political freedom and political rights; to supply universal education has been left to the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. SCHOOLS AND LEARNING BEFORE THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. After the rise of the universities, as we have seen, many Latin secondary schools were founded in western Europe, and a more extensive development of the cathedral and other larger church schools took place. Rashdall (R. 154) thinks that by 1400 the opportunity to attend a Latin grammar school was rather common, an opinion in which Leach and Nohle concur. After the humanistic learning had spread to northern lands these opportunities were increased and improved. In England, for example, some two hundred and fifty Latin grammar schools are known to have been in existence by 1500. In Germany, as we have seen (chapter xi), many such schools were founded before the time of Luther. These offered a form of advanced education, in the language of the educated classes of the time, for those intending to go to the universities to prepare for service in either Church or State, and for teaching. The Church had also for long maintained or exercised control over a number of types of more elementary schools--parish, song, chantry, hospital (chapter VII)--the chief purpose of which was to prepare for certain phases of the church service, or to enter the secondary schools. These schools, too, were taught partly or wholly in Latin. In consequence, while Latin schools came to be rather widely diffused, schools in the vernacular hardly existed outside of a few of the larger commercial cities of the north. Even the burgh and guild schools (p. 205), established in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were essentially Latin schools. [Illustration: PLATE 6. EDUCATIONAL LEADERS IN PROTESTANT GERMANY (From a painting dated 1543, by Lucas Cranach, a German contemporary of both men, and now in the Uffizi Gallery, at Florence) MARTIN LUTHER (1483-1546) Professor of Theology at Wittenberg PHILIPP MELANCHTHON (1497-1560) Professor of Greek at Wittenberg] In the commercial cities of the North, however, though often only after quite a struggle with the local church authorities, which throughout the Middle Ages had maintained a monopoly of all instruction as a protection to orthodoxy, different types of elementary vernacular schools had been developed to meet local commercial needs, such as writing-schools to train writers, [2] and reckoning-schools to train young men to handle accounts. [3] Reading, manners, and religion were also taught in these schools. Other city schools, largely Latin in type, but containing some vernacular instruction to meet local business needs not met by the cathedral or parish schools of the city, were also developed. Up to the time of the Protestant Revolts, however, there was almost no instruction in the vernacular outside of the commercial cities, nor was there any particular demand for such instruction elsewhere. If one wished to be a scholar, a statesman, a diplomat, a teacher, a churchman, or to join a religious brotherhood, he needed to study the learned language of the time,--Latin. With this he could be at home with people of his kind anywhere in western Europe. The vernacular he could leave to tradesmen, craftsmen, soldiers, laborers, and the servant classes. [Illustration: FIG. 92. TWO EARLY VERNACULAR SCHOOLS GERMAN (From a woodcut, printed at Nuremberg, 1505) FRENCH (After a drawing by Soquand, 1528)] These people, on the other hand, had practically no need for a written language, aside from a very small amount for business needs. Even here the sign of the cross would do. There were but few books written in the vernacular tongues, and these had to be copied by hand and, in consequence, were scarce and expensive. There were no newspapers (first newspaper, Venice, 1563) or magazines. Spectacles for reading were not known until the end of the thirteenth century, and were not common for two centuries after that. There was little knowledge that could not pass from mouth to mouth. Such little vernacular literature as did exist was transmitted orally, and no great issue which appealed to the imagination of the masses had as yet come to the front to create any strong desire for the ability to read. As a result, the education of the masses was in hand labor, the trades, and religion, and not in books, and the need for book education was scarcely felt. A NEW DEMAND FOR VERNACULAR SCHOOLS. The invention of printing and the Protestant Revolts were in a sense two revolutionary forces, which in combination soon produced vast and far-reaching changes. The discovery of the process of making paper and the invention of the printing press changed the whole situation as to books. These could now be reproduced rapidly and in large numbers, and could be sold at but a small fraction of their former cost. The printing of the Bible in the common tongue did far more to stimulate a desire to be able to read than did the Revival of Learning (Rs. 155, 170). Then came the religious discussions of the Reformation period, which stirred intellectually the masses of the people in northern lands as nothing before in history had ever done. In an effort to reach the people the reformers originated small and cheap pamphlets, written in the vernacular, and these, sold for a penny or two, were peddled in the market-places and from house to house. While there had been imperfect translations of the Bible in German before Luther's, his translation (New Testament, 1522) was direct from the original Greek and so carefully done that it virtually fixed the character of the German language. [4] Calvin's _Institutes of Christianity_ (French edition, 1541) in a similar manner fixed the character of the French language, [5] and Tyndale's translation of the New Testament (1526) was into such simple and homely language [6] that it fixed the character of the English tongue, and was made the basis for the later Authorized translation. [Illustration: FIG. 93. THE FIRST PAGE OF WYCLIFFE'S BIBLE Translated between 1382 and 1384. Facsimile of the first verses of Genesis] The leaders of the Protestant Revolts, too, in asserting that each person should be able to read and study the Scriptures as a means to personal salvation, created an entirely new demand, in Protestant lands, for elementary schools in the vernacular. Heretofore the demand had been for schools only for those who expected to become scholars or leaders in Church or State, while the masses of the people had little or no interest in learning. Now a new class became desirous of learning to read, not Latin, but the language which they had already learned to speak. Wycliffe, Huss, Zwingli, Luther, Calvin, and Knox alike insisted on the importance of the study of the Bible as a primary necessity in the religious life. In an effort to bring the Bible within reach of the people Wycliffe's followers had attempted the laborious and impossible task of multiplying by hand (p. 290) copies of his translation. Zwingli had written a pamphlet on _The Manner of Instruction and Bringing up Boys in a Christian Way_ (1524), in which he urged the importance of religious education. Luther, besides translating the Bible, had prepared two general Catechisms, one for adults and one for children, had written hymns [7] and issued numerous letters and sermons in behalf of religious education. All these were printed in the vernacular and scattered broadcast. Luther thought that "every human being, by the time he has reached his tenth year, should be familiar with the Holy Gospels, in which the very core and marrow of his life is bound." In his sermons and addresses he urged a study of the Bible and the duty of sending children to school. Calvin's Catechism similarly was extensively used in Protestant lands. 1. _Lutheran School Organization_ EDUCATIONAL IDEAS OF LUTHER. Luther enunciated the most progressive ideas on education of all the German Protestant reformers. In his _Letter to the Mayors and Aldermen of all the Cities of Germany in behalf of Christian Schools_ (1524) (R. 156), and in his _Sermon on the Duty of Sending Children to School_ (1530), we find these set forth. That his ideas could be but partially carried out is not surprising. There were but few among his followers who could understand such progressive proposals, they were entirely too advanced for the time, there was no body of vernacular teachers [8] or means to prepare them, the importance of such training was not understood, and the religious wars which followed made such educational advantages impossible, for a long time to come. The sad condition of the schools, which he said were "deteriorating throughout Germany," awakened his deep regret, and he begged of those in authority "not to think of the subject lightly, for the instruction of youth is a matter in which Christ and all the world are concerned." All towns had to spend money for roads, defense, bridges, and the like, and why not some for schools? This they now could easily afford, "since Divine Grace has released them from the exaction and robbery of the Roman Church." Parents continually neglected their educational duty, yet there must be civil government. "Were there neither soul, heaven, nor hell," he declared, "it would still be necessary to have schools for the sake of affairs here below.... The world has need of educated men and women to the end that men may govern the country properly and women may properly bring up their children, care for their domestics, and direct the affairs of their households." "The welfare of the State depends upon the intelligence and virtue of its citizens," he said, "and it is therefore the duty of mayors and aldermen in all cities to see that Christian schools are founded and maintained" (R. 156). [Illustration: FIG. 94. LUTHER GIVING INSTRUCTION An ideal drawing, though representative of early Protestant popular instruction] The parents of children he held responsible for their Christian and civic education. This must be free, and equally open to all--boys and girls, high and low, rich and poor. It was the inherent right of each child to be educated, and the State must not only see that the means are provided, but also require attendance at the schools (R. 158). At the basis of all education lay Christian education. The importance of the services of the teacher was beyond ordinary comprehension (R. 157). Teachers should be trained for their work, and clergymen should have had experience as teachers. A school system for German people should be a state system, divided into: 1. _Vernacular Primary Schools._ Schools for the common people, to be taught in the vernacular, to be open to both sexes, to include reading, writing, physical training, singing, and religion, and to give practical instruction in a trade or in household duties. Upon this attendance should be compulsory. "It is my opinion," he said, "that we should send boys to school for one or two hours a day, and have them learn a trade at home the rest of the time. It is desirable that these two occupations march side by side." 2. _Latin Secondary Schools._ Upon these he placed great emphasis (R. 156) as preparatory schools by means of which a learned clergy was to be perpetuated for the instruction of the people. In these he would teach Latin, Greek, Hebrew, rhetoric, dialectic, history, science, mathematics, music, and gymnastics. 3. _The Universities._ For training for the higher service in Church and State. [Illustration: FIG. 95. JOHANNES BUGENHAGEN (1485-1558) Father of the Lutheran _Volksschule_ in northern Germany] THE ORGANIZING WORK OF BUGENHAGEN. Luther assisted in reorganizing the churches at Wittenberg (1523), Leipzig (1523), and Magdeburg (1524), in connection with all of which he provided for Lutheran-type schools. [9] Luther, though, was not essentially an organizer. The organizing genius of the Reformation, in central and southern Germany, was Luther's colleague, Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560), Professor of Greek at the University of Wittenberg. In northern Germany it was Johannes Bugenhagen (1485-1558), another of Luther's colleagues at Wittenberg. More than any other Germans these two directed the necessary reorganization of religion and education in those parts of Germany which changed from Roman Catholicism to German Lutheranism. The churches, of course, had to be reorganized as Lutheran churches, and the schools connected with them refounded as Lutheran schools. For the reorganization of each of these a more or less detailed _Ordnung_ had to be written out (Rs. 159, 160). In this change cathedral and other large church schools became Latin secondary schools, while the song, chantry, and other types of parish elementary schools were transformed into Lutheran vernacular parish schools. Bugenhagen was sent to reorganize the churches of northern Germany. Being in close sympathy with Luther's ideas, he made good provision for Lutheran parish schools in connection with each of the churches he reorganized. At Brunswick (1528), Hamburg (1529) (R. 159), Lübeck (1530), for his native State of Pomerania (1534), for Schleswig-Holstein (1537), and elsewhere in northern Germany, he drew up church and school plans (_Kirchen und Schule- Ordnungen_) which formed models (Rs. 159, 160) for many northern German cities and towns. Besides providing for a Latin school for the city, he organized elementary vernacular schools in each parish, for both boys and girls, in which instruction in reading, writing, and religion was to be given in the German tongue. He has been called the father of the German _Volksschule_, though probably much of what he did was merely the redirection of existing schools. In 1537 he was called to Denmark, by the Danish King, to reorganize the University of Copenhagen and the Danish Church and schools as Lutheran institutions. Efforts were also made to create Protestant schools in the Scandinavian countries. In Denmark writing-schools for both boys and girls were organized, and the sexton of each parish was ordered to gather the children together once a week for instruction in the Catechism. In Sweden little was done before 1686, when Charles XI ordained that the sacristan of each parish should instruct the children in reading, while the religious instruction should be conducted by the clergy, and carried on by means of sermons, the Catechism, and a yearly public examination. The ability to read and a knowledge of the Catechism was made necessary for communion. A Swedish law of this same time also ordered that, "No one should enter the married state without knowing the lesser Catechism of Luther by heart and having received the sacrament." This latter regulation drove the peasants to request the erection of children's schools in the parishes, to be supported by the State, though it was not for more than a century that this was generally brought about. The general result of this legislation was that the Scandinavian countries, then including Finland, early became literate nations. THE REORGANIZING WORK OF MELANCHTHON. Melanchthon, unlike Bugenhagen, was essentially a humanistic scholar, and his interest lay chiefly In the Latin secondary schools. He prepared plans for schools in many cities and smaller States of central and southern Germany, among which were Luther's native town, Eisleben (1525), and for Nuremberg (1526), Herzeberg (1538), Cologne (1543), and Wittenberg (1545) among cities; and Saxony (1528), Mecklenberg (1552), and the Palatinate (1556) among States. The schools he provided for Saxony may be described as typical of his work. In 1527 he was asked by the Elector of Saxony to head a commission of three to travel over the kingdom and report on its needs as to schools. In his _Report, or Book of Visitation_, which was probably the first school survey report in history, he outlined in detail plans for school organization for the State (R. 161), of which the following is an abstract: Each school was to consist of three classes. In the first class there was to be taught the beginnings of reading and writing, in both the vernacular and in Latin, Latin grammar (Donatus), the Creed, the Lord's prayer, and the prayers and hymns of the church service. In the second class Latin became the language of instruction, and Latin grammar was thoroughly learned. Latin authors were read, and religious instruction was continued. In the third class more advanced work in reading Latin (Livy, Sallust, Vergil, Horace, and Cicero) was given, and rhetoric and dialectic were studied. These were essentially humanistic schools with but a little preparatory work in the vernacular, and their purpose was to prepare those likely to become the future leaders of the State for entrance to the universities. How different was Melanchthon's conception as to the needs for education from the conceptions of Luther and Bugenhagen may easily be seen. Yet, so great were his services in organizing and advising, and so well did such schools meet the great demand of the time for educational leaders that he has, very properly, been called "the Preceptor of Germany." His work was copied by other leaders, and the result was the organization of a large number of humanistic _gymnasia_ throughout northern Germany, in which the new learning and the Protestant faith were combined. Sturm's school at Strassburg (p. 272) was one of the more important and better organized of this type, many of which have had a continuous existence up to the present. By 1540 the process was begun of endowing such schools from the proceeds of old monasteries, confiscated by the State, and many German _gymnasia_ of to-day trace their origin back to some old monastic foundation, altered by state authority to meet modern needs and purposes. EARLY GERMAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEMS. Melanchthon's Saxony plan was put into partial operation as a Lutheran Church school system, but the first German State to organize a complete system of schools was Würtemberg (R. 162), in southwestern Germany, in 1559. This marks the real beginning of the German state school systems. Three classes of schools were provided for: (1) Elementary schools, for both sexes, in which were to be taught reading, writing, reckoning, singing, and religion, all in the vernacular. These were to be provided in every village in the Duchy. (2) Latin schools (_Particularschulen_), with five or six classes, in which the ability to read, write, and speak Latin, together with the elements of mathematics and Greek in the last year, were to be taught. (3) The universities or colleges of the State, of which the University of Tübingen (f. 1476) and the higher school at Stuttgart were declared to be constituent parts. Acting through the church authorities, these schools were to be under the supervision of the State. The example of Würtemberg was followed by a number of the smaller German States. Ten years later Brunswick followed the same plan, and in 1580 Saxony revised its school organization after the state-system plan thus established. In 1619 the Duchy of Weimar added compulsory education in the vernacular for all children from six to twelve years of age. In 1642, the same date as the first Massachusetts school law (chapter XV), Duke Ernest the Pious of little Saxe-Gotha and Altenburg established the first school system of a modern type in German lands. An intelligent and ardent Protestant, he attempted to elevate his miserable peasants, after the ravages of the Thirty Years' War, by a wise economic administration and universal education. With the help of a disciple of the greatest educational thinker of the period, John Amos Comenius (chapter XVII), he worked out a School Code (_Schulmethode_, 1642) which was the pedagogic masterpiece of the seventeenth century (R. 163). In it he provided for compulsory school attendance, and regulated the details of method, grading, and courses of study. Teachers were paid salaries which for the time were large, pensions for their widows and children were provided, and textbooks were prepared and supplied free. So successful were his efforts that Gotha became one of the most prosperous little spots in Europe, and it was said that "Duke Ernest's peasants were better educated than noblemen anywhere else." By the middle of the seventeenth century most of the German States had followed the Würtemberg plan of organization. Even Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria, which was a Catholic State, ordered the establishment of "German schools" throughout his realm, with instruction in reading, writing, and the Catholic creed, the schools to be responsible through the Church to the State. PROTESTANT STATE SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. We see here in German lands a new, and, for the future, a very important tendency. Throughout all the long Middle Ages the Church had absolutely controlled all education. From the suppression of the pagan schools, in 529 A.D., to the time of the Reformation there had been no one to dispute with the Church its complete monopoly of education. Even Charlemagne's attempt at the stimulation of educational activity had been clearly within the lines of church control. Until the beginnings of the modern States, following the Crusades, the Church had been the State as well, and for long humbled any ruler who dared dispute its power. In the later Middle Ages nobles and rising parliaments had at times sided with the king against the Church--warnings of a changing Europe that the Church should have heeded--but there had been no serious trouble with the rising nationalities before the sixteenth century. Now, in Protestant lands, all was changed. The authority of the Church was overthrown. By the Peace of Augsburg (1555) each German prince and town and knight were to be permitted to make choice between the Catholic and Lutheran faith, and all subjects were to accept the faith of their ruler or emigrate. This established freedom of conscience for the rulers, but for no one else. It also gave them control of both religious and secular affairs, thus uniting in the person of the ruler, large or small, control of both Church and State. This was as much progress toward religious freedom as the world was then ready for, as Church and State had been united for so many centuries that a complete separation of the two was almost inconceivable. It was left for the United States (1787) to completely divorce Church and State, and to reduce the churches to the control of purely spiritual affairs. The German rulers, however, were now free to develop schools as they saw fit, and, through their headship of the Church in their principality or duchy or city, to control education therein. We have here the beginnings of the transfer of educational control from the Church to the State, the ultimate fruition of which came first in German lands, and which was to be the great work of the nineteenth century. It was through the kingly or ducal headship of the Church, and through it of the educational system of the kingdom or duchy, that the great educational development in Würtemberg, Saxony, and Gotha was brought about by their rulers, and it was through the ruling princes that the German Universities were reformed [10] and the new Protestant universities established. [11] Even in Catholic States, as Bavaria, the German state-control idea took root early. Many of the important features of the modern German school systems are to be seen in their beginnings in these Lutheran state-church schools. [Illustration: FIG. 96. EVOLUTION OF GERMAN STATE SCHOOL CONTROL] 2. _Anglican foundations_ THE REFORMATION AND EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. The Reformation in England took a very different direction from what it did in Germany, and its educational results in consequence were very different. In England the reform movement was much more political in character than in German lands. Henry VIII was no Protestant, in the sense that Luther or Calvin or Zwingli or Knox was. He distrusted their teachings, and was always anxious to explain objections to the old faith. The people of England as a body, too, had been much less antagonized by the exactions of the Roman Church and the immoral lives of the monks and Roman clergy; the new learning had awakened there somewhat less of a spirit of moral and religious reform; and the reformation movement of Luther, after a decade and a half, had roused no general interest. The change from the Roman Catholic faith to an independent English Church, when made, was in consequence much more nominal than had been the case in German lands. As a result the severance from Rome was largely carried out by the ruling classes, and the masses of the people were in no way deeply interested in it. The English National Church merely took over most of the functions formerly exercised by the Roman Church, in general the same priests remained in charge of the parish churches, and the church doctrines and church practices were not greatly altered by the change in allegiance. The changing of the service from Latin to English was perhaps the most important change. The English Church, in spirit and service, has in consequence retained the greatest resemblance to the Roman Catholic Church of any Protestant denomination. In particular, the Lutheran idea of personal responsibility for salvation, and hence the need of all being taught to read, made scarcely any impression in England. By the time of Elizabeth (1558-1603) it had become a settled conviction with the English as a people that the provision of education was a matter for the Church, and was no business of the State, and this attitude continued until well into the nineteenth century. The English Church merely succeeded the Roman Church in the control of education, and now licensed the teachers (R. 168), took their oath of allegiance (R. 167), supervised prayers (R. 169) and the instruction, and became very strict as to conformity to the new faith (Rs. 164-166), while the schools, aside from the private tuition and endowed schools, continued to be maintained chiefly from religious sources, charitable funds, and tuition fees. Private tuition schools in time flourished, and the tutor in the home became the rule with families of means. The poorer people largely did without schooling, as they had done for centuries before. As a consequence, the educational results of the change in the headship of the Church relate almost entirely to grammar schools and to the universities, and not to elementary education. The development of anything approaching a system of elementary schools for England was consequently left for the educational awakening of the latter half of the nineteenth century. When this finally came the development was due to political and economic, and not to religious causes. The English Act of Supremacy (R. 153), which severed England from Rome, had been passed by parliament in 1534. In 1536 an English Bible was issued to the churches, [12] the services were ordered conducted in English, and in 1549 the English Prayer Book, Psalter, and Catechism were put into use. In 1538 the English Bible was ordered chained in the churches, [13] that the people might read it (R. 170), and the people were ordered instructed in English in the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments. The change of the service to English was perhaps the largest educational gain the masses of the people obtained as the result of the Reformation in England. [14] [Illustration: FIG. 97. A CHAINED BIBLE (Redrawn from an old print showing a chained Bible in a church in York, England)] SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES AND THE FOUNDING OF GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. Between 1536 and 1539 the most striking result of the Reformation in England took place,--the dissolution of the monasteries. Their doubtful reputation enabled Henry and Parliament to confiscate their property, and "the dead hand of monasticism was removed from a third of the lands of England." There were precedents for this in pre-Reformation times, the church authorities themselves having converted several monastic foundations into grammar schools. At one blow Parliament now suppressed the monasteries of all England, some eight thousand monks and nuns were driven out, many of the monasteries, nunneries, and abbey churches were destroyed, and the monastic lands were forfeited to the Crown. It was a ruthless proceeding, though in the long course of history beneficial to the nation. Much of the land was given to influential followers of the king in return for their support, and a large part of the proceeds from sales was spent on coast defenses and a navy, though more than was formerly thought to be the case was used in refounding grammar schools. A number of the monasteries were converted into collegiate churches, with schools attached. Some of the alms-houses and hospitals confiscated at the same time were similarly used, and the cathedral churches in nine English cities were taken from the monks (R. 171), who had driven out the regular clergy during the tenth to the twelfth centuries, and were refounded as cathedral church schools. The cathedral church school at Canterbury, which Henry refounded in 1541 as a humanistic grammar school, with a song school attached, and for the government of which he made detailed provisions (R. 172), is typical of a school which had fallen into bad repute (R. 171), and was later refounded as a result of the confiscation of the monastic property. The College of Christ Church at Oxford, and Trinity College at Cambridge, were also richly endowed from the monastic proceeds. In 1546 another Act of Parliament vested the title of all chantry foundations, some two hundred in number, in the Crown that they might be "altered, changed, and amended to convert them to good and godly uses as in the erecting of grammar schools," but so pressing became the royal need for money that, after their sale, the intended endowments were never made. As the song schools had been established originally to train a few boys "to help a priest sing mass," and as the service was now to be read rather than sung, the need for choristers largely disappeared. Being regarded as nurseries of superstition, they were abandoned without regret. [Illustration: PLATE 7. THE FREE SCHOOL AT HARROW One of the "Great Public" Grammar Schools of England. Founded in 1571, in the reign of Elizabeth; building finished in 1593. The names of famous "old boys" are seen lettered on the wall at the back. Pupils are seen seated in "forms," reciting to the masters. (From a picture published by Ackermann, in his illustrated _History of the Colleges of Winchester, Eton, Westminster_, etc. London, 1816.)] RESULT OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. The result of the change in religious allegiance in England was a material decrease in the number of places offering grammar-school advantages, though with a material improvement in the quality of the instruction provided, and a consequent decrease in the number of boys given free education in the refounded grammar schools. As for elementary education, the abolition of the song, chantry, and hospital schools took away most of the elementary schools which had once existed. The clerk of the parish usually replaced them by teaching a certain number of boys "to read English intelligently instead of Latin unintelligently," many new parish elementary schools were created, especially during the reign of Elizabeth, and in time the dame school, the charity school, the writing school, and apprenticeship training arose (chapter XVIII) and became regular English institutions. These types of schooling constituted almost all the elementary-school advantages provided in England until well into the eighteenth century. The post-Reformation educational energy of England was given to the founding of grammar schools, and during the century and a half before the outbreak of the struggle with James II (1688) to put an end in England for all time to the late-mediaeval theory of the divine right of kings, a total of 558 grammar schools were founded or refounded. [15] The grammar schools thus founded were, one and all, grammar schools of the reformed humanistic type. What was to be taught in them was seldom mentioned in the foundation articles, as it was assumed that every one knew what a grammar school was, so well by this time had the humanistic type become established. They were one and all modeled after the instruction first provided in Saint Paul's School (p. 275) in London, and such modifications as had been sanctioned with time, and this continued to be the type of English secondary school instruction until well into the nineteenth century. THE DOMINATING RELIGIOUS PURPOSE. The religious conflicts following the reformation movement everywhere intensified religious prejudices and stimulated religious bigotry. This was soon reflected in the schools of all lands. In England, after the restoration under Catholic Mary (1553-58) and the final reëstablishment of the English Church under Elizabeth (1558), all school instruction became narrowly religious and English Protestant in type. By the middle of the seventeenth century the grammar schools had become nurseries of the faith, as well as very formal and disciplinary in character. In England, perhaps more than in any other Protestant country, Christianity came to be identified with a strict conformity to the teachings and practices of the Established Church, and to teach that particular faith became one of the particular missions of all types of schools. Bishops were instructed to hunt out schoolmasters who were unsound in the faith (R. 164 a), and teachers were deprived of their positions for nonconformity (R. 164 b). More effectively to handle the problem a series of laws were enacted, the result of which was to institute such an inquisitorial policy that the position of schoolmaster became almost intolerable. In 1580 a law (R. 165) imposed a fine of £10 on any one employing a schoolmaster of unsound faith, with disability and imprisonment for the schoolmaster so offending; in 1603 another law required a license from the bishop on the part of all schoolmasters as a condition precedent to teaching; in 1662 the obnoxious Act of Uniformity (R. 166) required every schoolmaster in any type of school, and all private tutors, to subscribe to a declaration that they would conform to the liturgy of the Church, as established by law, with fine and imprisonment for breaking the law; in 1665 the so-called "Five-Mile Act" forbade Dissenters to teach in any school, under penalty of a fine of £40; and in that same year bishops were instructed to see that the said schoolmasters, ushers, schoolmistresses, and instructors, or teachers of youth, publicly or privately, do themselves frequent the public prayers of the Church, and cause their scholars to do the same; and whether they appear well affected to the Government of his Majesty, and the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England. This attitude also extended upward to the universities as well, where nonconformists were prohibited by law (1558) from receiving degrees, a condition not remedied until 1871 (R. 305). The great purpose of instruction came to be to support the authority and the rule of the Established Church, and the almost complete purpose of elementary instruction came to be to train pupils to read the Catechism, the Prayer Book, and the Bible. This intense religious attitude in England was reflected in early colonial America, as we shall see in a following chapter. THE POOR-LAW LEGISLATION, AND ITS EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE. After the thirteenth century, due in part to the rise of the wool industry in Flanders, England began to change from a farming to a sheep-raising country. Accompanying this decline in the importance of farming there had been a slow but gradual growth of trade and manufacturing in the cities, and to the cities the surplus of rural peasantry began to drift. The cost of living also increased rapidly after the fifteenth century. As a result there was a marked shifting of occupations, much unemployment, and a constantly increasing number of persons in need of poor-relief. In the time of Elizabeth (1558-1603) it has been estimated that one half the population of England did not have an income sufficient for sustenance, and great numbers of children were running about without proper food or care, and growing up in idleness and vice. The situation, which had been growing worse for two centuries, culminated at the time of the Reformation when the religious houses, which had previously provided alms, were confiscated as a result of the reformation activities. The groundwork of the old system of religious charity was thus swept away, and the relation which had for so long existed between prayer and penance and almsgiving and charity was altered. The nation was thus forced to deal with the problem of poor-relief, and with the care of the children of the poor. In the place of the old system the people were forced, by circumstances, to develop a new conception of the State as a community of peoples bound together by community interest, good feeling, charity, and service. As this new conception dawned on the English people, a series of laws were enacted which attempted to provide for the situation which had been created. These were progressive in character, and ranged over much of the sixteenth century. First the poor were restricted from begging, outside of certain specified limits. Next church collections and parish support for the poor were ordered (1553), and the people were to be urged to give. Then workhouses for the poor and their children, and materials with which to work, were ordered provided, and those persons of means who would not give freely were to be cited before the bishop first (R. 173), and the justices later, and if necessary forcibly assessed (1563). The next step was to permit the local authorities to raise needed funds by strictly local taxation (1572). In 1601 the last step was taken, when the compulsory taxation of all persons of property was ordered to provide the necessary poor-relief, and the excessive burdens of one parish were to be shared by neighboring parishes. Thus, after a long period of slowly evolving legislation (R. 173), the English Poor-Law of 1601 (R. 174) finally gave expression to the following principles: 1. The compulsory care of the poor, as an obligation of the State. 2. The compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, male and female, to learn a useful trade. 3. The obligation of the master to train his apprentices in a trade. 4. The obligation of the overseers of the poor to supply, where necessary, the opportunity and the materials for such training of the children of the poor. 5. The compulsory taxation of all persons of property to provide the necessary funds for such a purpose, and without reference to any benefits derived from the taxation. 6. The excessive burdens of any one parish to be pooled throughout the hundred or county. In this compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, with the obligation imposed that such children must be trained in a trade and in proper living, with general taxation of those of property to provide workhouses and materials for such a purpose, we have the germ, among English-speaking peoples, of the idea of the general taxation of all persons by the State to provide schools for the children of the State. The apprenticing of the children of the poor to labor and the requirement that they be taught the elements of religion soon became a fixed English practice (R. 217), and in the seventeenth century this idea was carried to the American colonies and firmly established there. It was on the foundations of the English Poor-Law of 1601, above stated, that the first Massachusetts law relating to the schooling of all children (1642) was framed (R. 190), but with the significant Calvinistic addition that: 7. "In euery towne ye chosen men" shall see that parents and masters not only train their children in learning and labor, but also "to read & understand the principles of religion & the capitall lawes of this country," with power to impose fines on such as refuse to render accounts concerning their children. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Why is progress that is substantial nearly always a product of slow rather than rapid evolution? 2. Show why the evolution of many Protestant sects was a natural consequence of the position assumed by Luther. What is the ultimate outcome of the process? 3. Why was it not important that more than a few be educated under the older theory of salvation? 4. Show how modern democratic government was a natural consequence of the Protestant position. 5. Why was universal education involved as a later but ultimate consequence of the position taken by the Protestants? 6. Explain why the local Church authorities, before 1520, tried so hard to prevent the establishment of vernacular schools. 7. Explain why the religious discussions of the Reformation should have so strongly stimulated a desire to read. 8. Explain the fixing in character of the German, French, and English languages by a single book. What had fixed the Italian? 9. Was Luther probably right when he wrote, in 1524, that the schools "were deteriorating throughout Germany"? Why? 10. Give reasons why Luther's appeals for schools were not more fruitful. 11. What was the significance of the position of Luther for the future education of girls? 12. Was Luther's idea that a clergyman should have had some experience as a teacher a good one, or not? Why? 13. How do you explain Luther's ideas as to coupling up elementary and trade education in his primary schools? 14. Point out the similarity of Luther's scheme for a school system with the German school system as finally evolved (Figure 96). 15. Show how Melanchthon's Saxony Plan differed from Luther's ideas. For the times was it a more practical plan? Why? 16. Explain why the Lutheran idea of personal responsibility for salvation made so little headway in England, and show that the natural educational consequences of this resulted. 17. Show what different conditions were likely to follow, in later centuries, from the different stands taken as to the relation of the State and Church to education by the German people by the middle of the sixteenth century, and by the English at the time of Elizabeth. 18. Compare the origin of the vernacular elementary-school teacher in Germany and England. 19. Leach estimates that, in 1546, there were approximately three hundred grammar schools in England for a total population of approximately two and one half millions. About what opportunities for grammar-school education did this afford? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections are reproduced: 154. Rashdall: Diffusion of Education in Mediaeval Times. 155. Times: The Vernacular Style of the Translation of the Bible. 156. Luther: To the Mayors and Magistrates of Germany. 157. Luther: Dignity and Importance of the Teacher's Work. 158. Luther: On the Duty of Compelling School Attendance. 159. Hamburg: An Example of a Lutheran _Kirchenordnung_. 160. Brieg: An Example of a Lutheran _Schuleordnung_. 161. Melanchthon: The Saxony School Plan. 162. Raumer: The School System Established in Würtemberg. 163. Duke Ernest: The _Schulemethodus_ for Gotha. 164. Strype: The Supervision of a Teacher's Acts and Religious Beliefs in England. (a) Letter of Queen's Council on. (b) Dismissal of a Teacher for non-conformity. 165. Elizabeth: Penalties on Non-conforming Schoolmasters. 166. Statutes: English Act of Uniformity of 1662. 167. Carlisle: Oath of a Grammar School Master. 168. Strype: An English Elementary-School Teacher's License. 169. Cowper: Grammar School Statutes regarding Prayers. 170. Green: Effect of the Translation of the Bible into English. 171. Old MS.: Ignorance of the Monks at Canterbury and Messenden. 172. Parker: Refounding of the Cathedral School at Canterbury. 173. Nicholls: Origin of the English Poor-Law of 1601. 174. Statutes: The English Poor Law of 1601. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. From the selection from Rashdall (154), what do you infer as to the effect of the Reformation on the schools? What kind of schools does Rashdall describe as existing? 2. Contrast the vernacular style of the Bible (155) with the Ciceronian. 3. Characterize the three extracts (156-58) from Luther. 4. How advanced was the ground taken by Luther (158)? Would we accept the logic of his argument to-day? 5. Just what do the Hamburg (159) and Brieg (160) _Ordnungen_ indicate? 6. Compare Melanchthon's Saxony Plan (161) with Sturm's (137) and the French Collège de Guyenne (136), and grade the three in order of importance. 7. Show the close similarity of the Würtemberg plan of 1559-65 (162) and a modern German state school system. 8. How advanced for the time was the work of Duke Ernest of Gotha (163)? 9. What kind of a school attitude is indicated by the close supervision of English teachers, as described in 164 and 165? 10. What would be the natural effect on the teaching occupation of such legislation as the Act of Uniformity (166)? 11. Compare the form of license of an elementary teacher (168) with a modern form. What have we added and omitted? 12. What do the statutes regarding prayers (169) indicate as to the nature of the grammar schools of the time? 13. Characterize the educational importance of the translations of the Bible into the native tongues (170). 14. What are the marked features of the refounding act (172) for Canterbury cathedral school? What improvements are indicated? 15. State the steps in the development (173) of the English Poor-Law of 1601, just what the law provided for (174), and just what elements necessary to the creation of a state school system were incorporated into it. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_ Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_. Francke, Kuno. _Social Forces in German Literature_. * Good, Harry E. "The Position of Luther upon Education," in _School and Society_, vol. 6, pp. 511-18 (Nov. 3, 1917). * Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English Education_. * Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _The Progress of Education in England_. Painter, F. V. N. _Luther on Education_. Paulsen, Fr. _German Education_. Richard, J. W. _Philipp Melanchthon, the Protestant Preceptor of Germany_. Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_. CHAPTER XIV EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS II. AMONG CALVINISTS AND CATHOLICS 3. _Educational work of the Calvinisms_ THE ORGANIZING WORK OF CALVIN. From the point of view of American educational history the most important developments in connection with the Reformation were those arising from Calvinism. While the Calvinistic faith was rather grim and forbidding, viewed from the modern standpoint, the Calvinists everywhere had a program for political, economic, and social progress which has left a deep impress on the history of mankind. This program demanded the education of all, and in the countries where Calvinism became dominant the leaders included general education in their scheme of religious, political, and social reform. [1] In the governmental program which Calvin drew up (1537) for the religious republic at Geneva (p. 298), he held that learning was "a public necessity to secure good political administration, sustain the Church unharmed, and maintain humanity among men." In his plan for the schools of Geneva, published in 1538, he outlined a system of elementary education in the vernacular for all, which involved instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, religion, careful grammatical drill, and training for civil as well as for ecclesiastical leadership. In his plan of 1541 he upholds the principle, as had Luther, that "the liberal arts and good training are aids to a full knowledge of the Word." This involved the organization of secondary schools, or _colleges_ as he called them, following the French nomenclature, to prepare leaders for the ministry and the civil government through "instruction in the languages and humane science." In the colleges (secondary schools) which he organized at Geneva and in neighboring places to give such training, and which became models of their kind which were widely copied, the usual humanistic curriculum was combined with intensive religious instruction. These colleges became famous as institutions from which learned men came forth. The course of study in the seven classes of one of the Geneva colleges, which has been preserved for us, reveals the nature of the instruction (R. 175). The lowest class began with the letters, reading was taught from a French-Latin Catechism, and the usual Latin authors were read. Greek was begun in the fourth class, and, in addition to the usual Greek authors, the New Testament was read in Greek. In the higher classes, as was common also in German _gymnasia_, logic and rhetoric were taught to prepare pupils to analyze, argue, and defend the faith. Elocution was also given much importance in the upper classes as preparation for the ministry, two original orations being required each month. Psalms were sung, prayers offered, sermons preached and questioned on, and the Bible carefully studied. The men who went forth from the colleges of Geneva to teach and to preach the Calvinistic gospel were numbered by the hundreds. [2] Calvin's great educational work at Geneva has been well summarized by a recent writer, [3] as follows: The strenuous moral training of the Genevese was an essential part of Calvin's work as an educator. All were trained to respect and obey laws, based upon Scripture, but enacted and enforced by representatives of the people, and without respect of persons. How fully the training of children, not merely in sound learning and doctrine, but also in manners, "good morals," and common sense was carried out is pictured in the delightful human _Colloquies_ of Calvin's old teacher, Corderius (once a teacher at the College of Guyenne, p. 269), whom he twice established at Geneva.... Calvin's memorials to the Genevan magistrates, his drafts for civil law and municipal administration, his correspondence with reformers and statesmen, his epoch-making defense of interest taking, his growing tendency toward civil, religious, and economic liberty, his development of primary and university education, his intimate knowledge of the dialect and ways of thought of the common people of Geneva, and his broad understanding of European princes, diplomats, and politics mark him out as a great political, economic, and educational as well as a religious reformer, a constructive social genius capable of reorganizing and moulding the whole life of a people. The world owes much to the constructive, statesman-like genius of Calvin and those who followed him, and we in America probably most of all. Geneva became a refuge for the persecuted Protestants from other lands, and through such influences the ideas of Calvin spread to the Huguenots in France, the Walloons of the Dutch and Belgian Netherlands, the Germans in the Palatinate, the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Puritans in England, and later to the American colonies. [Illustration: FIG. 98. A FRENCH SCHOOL OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY (From an old woodcut by Abraham Bosse, 1611-78)] CALVINISM IN THE OTHER LANDS. The great educational work done by the Calvinists in France, in the face of heavy persecution, deserves to be ranked with that of the Lutherans in Germany in its importance. Had the Calvinists had the same opportunity for free development the Lutherans had, and especially their state support, there can be little doubt that their work would have greatly exceeded the Lutherans in importance and influence on the future history of mankind. Beginning with one church in 1538, they had 2150 churches by 1561, when the severe persecutions and religious wars began. True to the Calvinistic teaching of putting principles into practice, they organized an extensive system of schools, extending from elementary education for all, through secondary schools or colleges, up to eight Huguenot universities. As a people they were thrifty and capable of making great sacrifices to carry out their educational ideals. The education they provided was not only religious but civil; not only intellectual but moral, social, and economic. Education was for all, rich and poor alike. Their synods made liberal appropriations for the universities, while municipalities provided for colleges and elementary education. They emphasized, in the lower schools, the study of the vernacular and arithmetic, and in the colleges Greek and the New Testament. The long list of famous teachers found in their universities reveals the character of their instruction. Foster has well summarized the distinguishing characteristics of Huguenot education in France, before they were driven from the land, as follows: [4] The significant characteristics of Huguenot education were: an emphasis on the education of the laity; training for "the republic" and "society" as well as for the Church; insistence upon virtue as well as knowledge; the wide-spread demand for education, and a view of it as essential to liberty of conscience; a comprehensive working system of elementary, collegiate, and university training for all, poor as well as rich; an astonishing familiarity with Scripture, even among the lowest classes; utilization of representative church organization for founding, supporting, and unifying education; readiness to sacrifice for education, a spirit of carrying a thing through at any cost; business-like supervision of money, and systematic supervision of both professors and students; a notable emphasis on vernacular, arithmetic, Greek, use of full texts, and libraries; and finally a progressive spirit of inquiry and investigation. In the Palatinate (see map, Figure 88) some progress in founding churches and schools was made, especially about Strassburg, and the universities of Heidelberg and Marburg became the centers of Huguenot teaching. In the Dutch Netherlands, and in that part of the Belgian Netherlands inhabited by the Walloons, Calvinist ideas as to education dominated. The universities of Leyden (f. 1575), Groningen (f. 1614), Amsterdam (f. 1630), and Utrecht (f. 1636) were Calvinistic, and closely in touch with the Calvinists and Huguenots of German lands and France. Popular education was looked after among these people as it was in Calvinistic France and Geneva. The Church Synod of The Hague (1586) ordered the establishment of schools in the cities, and in 1618 the Great Synod held at Dort (R. 176) ordered that: Schools in which the young shall be properly instructed in piety and fundamentals of Christian doctrine shall be instituted not only in cities, but also in towns and country places where heretofore none have existed. The Christian magistracy shall be requested that honorable stipends be provided for teachers, and that well-qualified persons may be employed and enabled to devote themselves to that function; and especially that the children of the poor may be gratuitously instructed by them and not be excluded from the benefits of schools. [Illustration: FIG. 99. A DUTCH VILLAGE SCHOOL (After a painting by Adrian Ostade, dated 1662, now in the Louvre, at Paris)] Further provisions were made as to the certificating of schoolmasters, and the pastors were made superintendents of the schools, to visit, examine, encourage, advise, and report (R. 176). Provision for the free education of the poor became common, and elementary education was made accessible to all. The careful provision for education made by the province of Utrecht (1590, 1612) (R. 178) was typical of Dutch activity. The province of Drenthe ordered (1630) a school tax paid for all children over seven, whether attending school or not. The province of Overyssel levied (1666) a school tax for all children from eight to twelve years of age. The province of Groningen constituted the pastors the attendance officers to see that the children got to school. Amsterdam and many other Dutch cities demanded an examination of all teachers before being licensed to teach. By the middle of the seventeenth century a good system of schools seems to have been provided generally [5] by the Dutch and the Belgian Walloons (R. 178). That the teaching of religion was the main function of the Dutch elementary schools, as of all other vernacular schools of the time, is seen from the official lists of the textbooks used (R. 178). John Knox, the leader of the Scottish Reformation (1560), who had spent some time at Geneva and who was deeply impressed by the Calvinistic religious-state found there, introduced the Calvinistic religious and educational ideas into Scotland. His _Book of Discipline for the Scottish Church_ (1560), framed closely on the Genevan model, contained a chapter devoted to education in which he proposed: That everie severall churche have a school-maister appointed, such a one as is able at least to teach Grammar and the Latin tung, yf the Town be of any reputation. Yf it be upaland ... then must either the Reider or the Minister take cayre over the children ... to instruct them in their first rudementie and especially in the catechisme. [Illustration: FIG. 100. JOHN KNOX (1505?-72)] The educational plan proposed by Knox would have called for a large expenditure of money, and this the thrifty Scotch were not ready for. Knox and his followers then proposed to endow the new schools from the old church and monastic foundations, but the Scottish nobles hoped to share in these, as had the English nobility under Henry VIII, and Knox's plan was not approved. This delayed the establishment of a real national system of education for Scotland until the nineteenth century. The new Church, however, took over the superintendence of education in Scotland, and when parish schools were finally established by decree of the Privy Council, in 1616, and by the legislation of 1633 and 1646 (R. 179), the Church was given an important share in their organization and management. These schools, while not always sufficient in number to meet the educational needs, were well taught, and have deeply influenced the national character. 4. _The Counter-Reformation of the Catholics_ THE JESUIT ORDER. The Protestant Revolt made but little headway in Italy, Spain, Portugal, much of France, or southern Belgium (see map, p. 296). Italy was scarcely disturbed at all, while in France, where of all these countries the reform ideas had made greatest progress, nine tenths of the people remained loyal to Rome. In a general way it may be stated that those parts of western Europe which had once formed an integral part of the old Roman Empire remained loyal to the Roman Church, while those which had been the homes of the Germanic tribes revolted. Now it naturally happened that the countries which remained loyal to the old Church experienced none of the feelings of the necessity for education as a means to personal salvation which the Lutherans and Calvinists felt. There, too, the church system of education which had developed during the long Middle Ages remained undisturbed and largely unchanged. The Church as an institution, though, learned from the Protestants the value of education as a means to larger ends, and soon set about using it. [6] After the Church Council of Trent (1545-63), where definite church reform measures were carried through (p. 303), the Catholics inaugurated what has since been called a counter-reformation, in an effort to hold lands which were still loyal and to win back lands which had been lost. Besides reforming the practices and outward lives of the churchmen, and reforming some church practices and methods, the Church inaugurated a campaign of educational propaganda. In this last the chief reliance was upon a new and a very useful organization officially known as the "Society of Jesus," but more commonly called the "Jesuit Order." This had been founded, in 1534, by a Spanish knight, pilgrim, man of large ideas, and scholar by the name of Ignatius Loyola, and had been sanctioned as an Order of the Church by Pope Paul III, in 1540. It was organized along strictly military lines, all members being responsible to its General, and he in turn alone to the Pope. The quiet life of the cloister was abandoned for a life of open warfare under a military discipline. The Jesuit was to live in the world, and all peculiarities of dress or rule which might prove an obstacle to worldly success were suppressed. The purposes of the Order were to combat heresy, to advance the interests of the Church, and to strengthen the authority of the Papacy. Its motto was _Omnia ad Majorem Dei Gloriam_ (that is, All for the greater glory of God), and the means to be employed by it to accomplish these ends were the pulpit, the confessional, the mission, and the school. Of these the school was given the place of first importance. Realizing clearly that the real cause of the Reformation had been the ignorance, neglect, and vicious lives of so many monks and priests and the extortion and neglect practiced by the Church, and that the chief difficulty was in the higher places of authority, it became the prime principle of the Order to live upright and industrious lives themselves, and to try to reach and train those likely to be the future leaders in Church and State. With the education of the masses of the people the Order was not concerned. [7] Our interest lies only with the educational work of this Order, a work in which it was remarkably successful and through which it exercised a very large influence. [Illustration: FIG. 101. IGNATIUS DE LOYOLA (1491-1556)] GREAT SUCCESS OF THE ORDER. The service of the Order to the Church in combating Protestant heresies was very marked. Beginning in a small way, the Order, by 1600, had established two hundred colleges (Latin secondary schools), universities, and training seminaries; by 1640, 372; by 1706 (150 years after the death of its founder), 769; and by 1756, 728. In 1773, when the Order was for a time abolished, [8] after it had been driven out of a number of European countries because of the unscrupulous methods it adopted and the continual application of its doctrine that the end justifies the means, the Order had 22,589 members, about half of whom were teachers. Its colleges (secondary schools) and universities were most numerous and its work most energetically carried on in northern France, Belgium, Holland, the German States, Austria, Poland, and Hungary. Here was the great battle line, and here the Jesuits deeply entrenched themselves. In these portions of Europe alone there were, in 1750, 217 colleges, 55 seminaries, 24 houses for novitiates, and 160 missions. In France alone there were 92 colleges. They did much, single-handed, to roll back the tide of Protestantism which had advanced over half of western Europe, and to hold other countries true to the ancient faith. The colleges were usually large and well-supported institutions, with dormitories, classrooms, dining-halls; and play-grounds. The usual number of scholars in each was about 300, though some had an attendance of 600 to 800, and a few as high as 2000. At their period of maximum influence the colleges and universities of the Order probably enrolled a total of 200,000 students. Their graduates were prominent in every scholarly and governmental activity of the time. As far as possible the pupils were a selected class to whom the Order offered free instruction. The children of the nobility and gentry, and the brightest and most promising youths of the different lands were drawn into their schools. The children of many Protestants, also, were attracted by the high quality of the instruction offered. There they were given the best secondary-school education of the time, and received, at an impressionable age, the peculiar Jesuit stamp. [9] Bacon gave his opinion as to the success of their instruction in the following sentence: "As for the pedagogical part, the shortest rule would be, Consult the schools of the Jesuits; for nothing better has been put in practice." (_De Augmentis_, VI, 4.) [10] SUCCESS OF THE JESUIT SCHOOLS. Displaying a genius for organization worthy of Rome, Loyola and his followers absorbed the best educational ideas of the time as to school organization and management and curriculum, and incorporated these into their educational plan. Too practical to make many changes, but with a keen eye for what was best, they accepted the best and used it much as others had worked it out. From the municipal college of Guyenne, the colleges of Calvin, and Sturm's organization at Strassburg, they adopted the plan of class organization, with a teacher for each class. From the Calvinists they obtained the idea of the careful supervision of instruction, which was worked out in the Prefect of Studies for their colleges. In their course of study they incorporated the Ciceronian ideal of the humanistic learning, and as careful religious instruction as was provided by any of the reformers. From the Italian court schools they took the idea of physical training. The method of instruction and classroom management which they worked out was detailed, practical, and for their purposes excellent. The reasons for their educational work gave them a clearly defined aim and purpose. The military brotherhood type of organization, the lifetime of celibate service, and the opportunity to sort the carefully selected members according to their ability for service in the different lines of the Order gave them the best-selected teaching force in Europe, and these men they trained for the teaching service with a thoroughness unknown before and seldom equaled since. Knowing why they were at work and what ends they should achieve, intolerant of opposition, intensely practical in all their work, and possessed of an indefatigable zeal in the accomplishment of their purpose, they gave Europe in general and northern continental Europe in particular a system of secondary schools and universities possessed of a high degree of effectiveness, which, combined with religious warfare and persecution, in time drove out or dwarfed all competing institutions in the countries they were able to control. That their educational system, viewed from a modern liberal-education standpoint, equaled in effectiveness for liberal-education ends such institutions as the court schools of Vittorino da Feltre, Battista da Guarino, or other Italian humanistic educators of the Renaissance (p. 267); the French and Swiss colleges of Calvin (p. 331); Colet's school at Saint Paul's (p. 275), and the better English grammar schools; or the schools of the Brethren of the Common Life in the Netherlands (p. 271); would hardly be contended for to-day. Such, though, was not their purpose. To proselyte for the Church rather than to liberalize--from their point of view there had been too much liberalizing already--was their ultimate aim, and their educational work was organized to suppress rather than to awaken more Protestant heresy. The work of this Order was so successful, and for two centuries so dominated secondary and higher education in Europe, that it will pay us to examine a little more closely their educational organization to see more fully the reasons for their large success. In so doing we will examine three points--their school organization, their methods of instruction, and the training of their teachers. JESUIT SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. Each college was presided over by a _Rector_, who was in effect the president of the institution, and a _Prefect of Studies_, who was the superintendent of instruction. Below these were the _Professors_ or teachers, the _House Prefect_, the official disciplinarian of the institution, known as the _Corrector_, the monitors, and the students. There were two classes of students, interns and externs. Their schools were divided into two courses. The _studia inferiora_, or lower school, which covered the six years from ten to twelve years of age up to sixteen to eighteen; and the _studia superiora_, which followed, and included the higher college and university courses, with philosophy and theology as the important subjects. For the whole, there was a very carefully worked-out manual of instruction (R. 180) known as the _Ratio Studiorum_. [11] The boy entering a Jesuit college was supposed to have previously learned how to read Latin. The first three years were given to learning Latin grammar and a little Greek. In the fourth year Latin and Greek authors were begun, and in the fifth and sixth years a rhetorical study of the Latin authors was made. Latin was the language of the classroom and the playground as well, the mother tongue being used only by permission. Greek was studied through the medium of the Latin. The retention of Latin as the language of all scholarly and political intercourse, and the cultivation of the style and speech of Cicero as the standard of purity and elegance, were the ends aimed at. Careful attention was given to the health and sports of the pupils, and special regard was paid to moral and religious training. Following this lower school of six years came the so-called philosophical course of three years (sometimes two). The study of the Latin classics and rhetoric was continued, and dialectics (logic) and some metaphysics were added. The nine years together covered about the same scope as Sturm's school (R. 137) at Strassburg (p. 273), but was more formal in character and partook more of the nature of the later formalized humanistic schools. Slight variations were allowed in places, to meet particular local needs, but this course of study remained practically unchanged until 1832, when some history, geography, and elementary mathematics and science were added to the lower schools, and advanced mathematics and science to the philosophical course. In 1906 each Province of the Order was permitted to change the _Ratio_ further, if necessary to adjust it better to local needs. Above the philosophical course a course of four or six years in philosophy and theology prepared for the higher work of the Order, the four-year course for preaching and the six-year course for teaching. JESUIT SCHOOL METHODS. The characteristic method of the schools was oral, with a consequent closeness of contact of teacher and pupils. This closeness of contact and sympathy was further retained by the system whereby all punishment was given by the official Corrector of the institution. Their method, like that of the modern German _Volkschule_, was distinctly a teaching and not a questioning method. The teacher planned and gave the instruction; the pupils received it. In the upper classes the teacher explained the general meaning of the entire passage; then the construction of each part; then gave the historical, geographical, and archaeological information needed further to explain the passage; then called attention to the rhetorical and poetical forms and rules; then compared the style with that of other writers; and finally drew the moral lesson. The memory was drilled; but little training of the judgment or understanding was given. Thoroughness, memory drills, and the disciplinary value of studies were foundation stones in the Jesuit's educational theory. Repetition, they said, was the mother of memory. Each day the work of the previous day was reviewed, and there were further reviews at the end of each week, month, and year. To retain the interest of the pupils amid such a load of memorizing various school devices were resorted to, chief among which were prizes, ranks, emulations, rivals, and public disputations. The system of rivals, whereby each boy had an opponent constantly after him, as shown in Figure 102, was one of the peculiar features of their schools. While the schools were said to have been made pleasant and attractive, the idea of the absolute authority of the Church which they represented pervaded them and repressed the development of that individuality which the court schools of the Italian Renaissance, the schools of the northern humanists, and the Calvinistic colleges had tried particularly to foster. This, however, is a criticism made from a modern point of view. That the school represented well the spirit of the times is indicated by their marked success as teaching institutions. [Illustration: FIG. 102. PLAN OF A JESUIT SCHOOLROOM The pupils were arranged in equal numbers in opposite rows, known as _decuriae_, and designated by the numbers. Each boy in each row had a "rival" in the similarly numbered opposite row (one pair is designated by dots), who rose whenever he was called on to recite, and who tried to correct him in some error. A monitor for each group sat at _C_, and the regular teacher at _B. A, D, E, i, o_, and _x_ represent various student officials.] TRAINING OF THE JESUIT TEACHER. The newest and the most distinguishing feature of the Jesuit educational scheme, as well as the most important, was the care with which they selected and the thoroughness with which they trained their teachers. To begin with, every Jesuit was a picked man, and of those who entered the Order only the best were selected for teaching. Each entered the Order for life, was vowed to celibacy, poverty, chastity, uprightness of life, and absolute obedience to the commands of the Order. The six-year inferior course had to be completed, which required that the boy be sixteen to eighteen years of age before he could take the preliminary steps toward joining the Order. Then a two-year novitiate, away from the world, followed. This was a trial of his real character, his weak points were noted, and his will and determination tested. Many were dismissed before the end of the novitiate. If retained and accepted, he took the preliminary vows and entered the philosophical course of study. On completing this he was from twenty-one to twenty-three years of age. He was now assigned to teach boys in the inferior classes of some college, and might remain there. If destined for higher work he taught in the inferior classes for two or three years, and then entered the theological course at some Jesuit university. This required four years for those headed for the ministry, and six for those who were being trained for professorships in the colleges. On completing this course the final vows were taken, at an age of from twenty-nine to thirty-two. The training to- day is still longer. To become a teacher in the inferior classes required training until twenty-one at least, and for college (secondary) classes training until at least twenty-nine. The training was in scholarship, religion, theology, and an apprenticeship in teaching, and was superior to that required for a teaching license in any Protestant country of Europe, or in the Catholic Church itself outside of the Jesuit Order. With such carefully selected and well-educated teachers, themselves models of upright life in an age when priests and monks had been careless, it is not surprising that they wielded an influence wholly out of proportion to their numbers, and supplied Europe with its best secondary schools during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In the loyal Catholic countries they were virtually the first secondary schools outside of the monasteries and churches, and the real introduction of humanism into Spain, Portugal, and parts of France came with the establishment of the Jesuit humanistic colleges. For their schools they wrote new school books --the Protestant books, the most celebrated of which were those of Erasmus, Melanchthon, Sturm, and Lily, were not possible of use--and for a time they put new life into the humanistic type of education. Before the eighteenth century, however, their secondary schools had become as formal as had those in Protestant lands (R. 146), and their universities far more narrow and intolerant. The elements of strength and weakness in the Jesuit system of education has been well summarized by Dabney, [12] in the following words: The order of the Jesuits was anti-democratic, and was founded to uphold authority, and to antagonize the right of private judgment. With masterly skill they ruled the Catholic world for about two centuries; and, in the beginning of their activity, performed services of great value to mankind. For, although they aimed, in their system of education, to fit pupils merely for so-called practical avocations, and to avoid all subjects likely to stimulate them to independent thought, it was nevertheless the best system which had then appeared. In dropping the old scholastic methods, and teaching new and fresher subjects, although with the intention of perverting them to their own ends, they sowed, in fact, the germs of their own decay. In spite of their wonderful organization, and their indefatigable industry as courtiers in royal palaces, as professors in the universities, as teachers in the schools, as preachers, as confessors, and as missionaries, they were utterly unable to crush the spirit of doubt and inquiry. During the first half century of their existence they were intellectually in advance of their age; but after that they gradually dropped behind it, and, instead of diffusing knowledge, saw that the only hope of retaining their dominion was to oppose it with all their might. THE CHURCH AND ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. As was stated on a preceding page, the countries which remained loyal to the Church experienced none of the Protestant feeling as to the necessity for universal education for individual salvation. In such lands the church system of education which had grown up during the Middle Ages remained undisturbed, and was expanded but slowly with the passage of time. The Church, never having made general provision for education, was not prepared for such work. Teachers were scarce, there was no theory of education except the religious theory, and few knew what to do or how to do it. Many churchmen, too, did not see the need for doing anything. Nevertheless the Church, spurred on by the new demands of a world fast becoming modern, and by the exhortations of the official representatives of the people, [13] now began to make extra efforts, in the large cathedral cities, to remedy the deficiency of more than a thousand years. In Paris, for example, which was typical of other French cities, the Church organized a regular system of elementary schools, with teachers licensed by the Precentor of the cathedral of Notre Dame and nominally under his supervision, in which instruction was offered to children of the artisan and laboring classes, of both sexes, "in reading, writing, reckoning, the rudiments of Latin Grammar, Catechism, and singing." By 1675 these "Little Schools" in Paris came to contain "upwards of 5000 pupils, taught by some 330 masters and mistresses." All such schools, of course, remained under the immediate control of the Church, and modern state systems of education in the Catholic States are late nineteenth-century productions. In Spain, Portugal, Poland, and the Balkan States, general state systems of education have not even as yet been evolved. The general effect of the Reformation, though, was to stimulate the Church to greater activity in elementary, as well as in secondary and higher education. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we find a large number of decrees by church councils and exhortations by bishops urging the extension of the existing church system of education, so as to supply at least religious training to all the children of the faithful. As a result a number of teaching orders were organized, the aim of which was to assist the Church in providing elementary and religious education for the children of the laboring and artisan classes in the cities. TEACHING ORDERS ESTABLISHED. The teaching orders for elementary education, founded before the eighteenth century, with the dates of their foundation, were: * 1535-The Order of Ursulines. (U.S., 1729.) 1592--The Congregation of Christian Doctrine. * 1598--The Sisters of Notre Dame. (U.S., 1847.) * 1610--The Visitation Nuns. (U.S., 1799.) 1621--Patres piarum scholarum (Piarists). First school opened in 1597; authorized by the Pope, 1662. 1627--The Daughters of the Presentation. * 1633--The Sisters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul. (U.S., 1809.) 1637--The Port Royalists (Jansenists). (Suppressed in 1661.) 1643--The Sisters of Providence. * 1650--The Sisters of Saint Joseph. Rule based on Jesuits. (U.S., 19th C.) 1652--The Sisters of Mary of Saint Charles Borromeo. 1684--The Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin. * 1684--The Brothers of the Christian Schools. (U.S., 1845.) * Have communities in the United States, the date being that of the first one established. See _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. v, p. 528. All of these, except the Ursulines and the Piarists, were founded in France, many of them originating in Paris. The first has long been prominent in Italy, and is now found in all lands. The second was founded by Father César de Bus, at Cavaillon, Avignon, in southern France, and its purpose was to teach the Catechism to the young. The catechetical schools of this Order were prominent in southern France up to the time of the French Revolution. The third was founded by the Blessed Peter Fourier (1565-1640), in 1598, and played an important part in the education of girls in France, particularly in Lorraine, where Calvinism had made much headway. This noted Order offered free instruction to tradesmen's daughters, not only in religion but in "that which concerns this present life and its maintenance" as well. The girls were taught "reading, writing, arithmetic, sewing, and divers manual arts, honorable and peculiarly suitable for girls" of their station of life. At a time when handwork had not been thought of for boys, the beginnings of such work were here introduced for girls. In 1640 Fourier gave the sisterhood a constitution and a rule, which were revised and perfected in 1694. In this he laid down rules for the organization and management of schools, methods of teaching the different branches, and provided for a rudimentary form of class organization. The following extract from the Rule illustrates the approach to class organization which he devised: [Illustration: FIG. 103. AN URSULINE Order founded, 1535] The inspectress, or mistress of the class, shall endeavor, as far as it possibly can be carried out, that all the pupils of the same mistress have each the same book, in order to learn and read therein the same lesson; so that, whilst one is reading hers in an audible and intelligible voice before the mistress, all the others, following her and following this lesson, in their books at the same time, may learn it sooner, more readily, and more perfectly. [14] The Piarists were established in Italy, the first school being opened in Rome, in 1597, by a Spanish priest who had studied at Lerida, Valencia, and Alcalá. Being struck by the lack of educational opportunities for the poor, he opened a free school for their instruction. By 1606 he had 900 pupils in his schools, and by 1613 he had 1200. In 1621 Pope Gregory XV gave his work definite recognition by establishing it a teaching Order for elementary (reading, writing, counting, religion) education, modeled on that of the Jesuits. The Order did some work in Italy and Spain, but its chief services were in border Catholic lands. In 1631 it began work in Moravia, in 1640 in Bohemia, in 1642 in Poland, and after 1648 in Austria and Hungary. The members wore a habit much like that of the Jesuits, had a scheme of studies similar to their _Ratio_, and were organized by provinces and were under discipline as were the members of the older Order. The Jansenists, founded by Saint Cyran, at Port Royal, conducted a very interesting and progressive educational experiment, and their schools have become known to history as the "Little Schools of Port Royal." The congregation was a reaction against the work and methods of the Jesuits. It included both elementary and secondary education, but never extended itself, and probably never had more than sixty pupils and teachers. After seventeen years of work it was suppressed through the opposition of the Jesuits, and its members fled to the Netherlands. There they wrote those books which have explained to succeeding generations what they attempted, [15] and which have revealed what a modern type of educational experiment they conducted. The progressive and modern nature of their teaching, in an age of suspicion and intolerance, condemned them to extinction. Yet despite the progressive nature of their instruction, the intense religious atmosphere which they threw about all their work (R. 181) reveals the dominant characteristic of most education for church ends at the time. THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. The largest and most influential of the teaching orders established for elementary education was the "Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools," founded by Father La Salle at Rouen, in 1684, and sanctioned by the King and Pope in 1724. As early as 1679 La Salle had begun a school at Rheims, and in 1684 he organized his disciples, prescribed a costume to be worn, and outlined the work of the brotherhood (_R. 182_). The object was to provide free elementary and religious instruction in the vernacular for the children of the working classes, and to do for elementary education what the Jesuits had done for secondary education La Salle's _Conduct of Schools_, first published in 1720, was the _ratio studiorum_ of his order. His work marks the real beginning of free primary instruction in the vernacular in France. In addition to elementary schools, a few of what we should call part-time continuation schools were organized for children engaged in commerce and industry. Realizing better than the Jesuits the need for well-trained rather than highly educated teachers for little children, and unable to supply members to meet the outside calls for schools, La Salle organized at Rheims, in 1685, what was probably the second normal school for training teachers in the world. [16] Another was organized later at Paris. In addition to a good education of the type of the time and thorough grounding in religion, the student teachers learned to teach in practice schools, under the direction of experienced teachers. The pupils in La Salle's schools were graded into classes, and the class method of instruction was introduced. [17] The curriculum was unusually rich for a time when teaching methods and textbooks were but poorly developed, the needs for literary education small, and when children could not as yet be spared from work longer than the age of nine or ten. Children learned first to read, write, and spell French, and to do simple composition work in the vernacular. Those who mastered this easily were taught the Latin Psalter in addition. Much prominence was given to writing, the instruction being applied to the writing of bills, notes, receipts, and the like. Much free questioning was allowed in arithmetic and the Catechism, to insure perfect understanding of what was taught. Religious training was made the most prominent feature of the school, as was natural. A half-hour daily was given to the Catechism, mass was said daily, the crucifix was always on the wall, and two or three pupils were always to be found kneeling, telling their beads. The discipline, in contradistinction to the customary practice of the time, was mild, though all punishments were carefully prescribed by rule. [18] The rule of silence in the school was rigidly enjoined, all speech was to be in a low tone of voice, and a code of signals replaced speech for many things. [Illustration: FIG. 104. A SCHOOL OF LA SALLE AT PARIS, 1688 A visit of James II and the Archbishop of Paris to the School (From a bas- relief on the statue of La Salle, at Rouen)] Though the Order met with much opposition from both church and civil authorities, it made slow but steady headway. At the time of the death of La Salle, in 1719, thirty-five years after its foundation, the Order had one general normal school, four normal schools for training teachers, three practice schools, thirty-three primary schools, and one continuation school. The Order remained largely French, and at the time of its suppression, in 1792, had schools in 121 communities in France and 6 elsewhere, about 1000 brothers, and approximately 30,000 children in its schools. This was approximately 1 child in every 175 of school age of the population of France at that time. While relatively small in numbers, their schools represented the best attempt to provide elementary education in any Catholic country before well into the nineteenth century. The distribution of their schools throughout France, by 1792, is shown on the map above. In 1803 the Order was reëstablished, by 1838 it had schools in 282 communities, and in 1887, when La Salle was declared a Saint of the Church, it had 1898 communities on four continents, 109 of which were in the United States, and was teaching a total of approximately 300,000 primary children. [Illustration: FIG. 105. THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS BY 1792 Map, showing the locations of their communities] 5. _General Results of the Reformation on Education_ DESTRUCTION AND CREATION OF SCHOOLS. Any such general overturning of the established institutions and traditions of a thousand years as occurred at the time of the Protestant Revolts, with the accompanying bitter hatreds and religious strife, could not help but result in extensive destruction of established institutions. Monasteries, churches, and schools alike suffered, and it required time to replace them. Even though they had been neglectful of their functions, inadequate in number, and unsuited to the needs of a world fast becoming modern, they had nevertheless answered partially the need of the times. In all the countries where revolts took place these institutions suffered more or less, but in England probably most of all. The old schools which were not destroyed were transformed into Protestant schools, the grammar schools to train scholars and leaders, and the parish schools into Protestant elementary schools to teach reading and the Catechism, but the number of the latter, in all Protestant lands, was very far short of the number needed to carry out the Protestant religious theory. This, as we have seen, proposed to extend the elements of an education to large and entirely new classes of people who never before in the history of the world had had such advantages. Out of the Protestant religious conception that all should be educated the popular elementary school of modern times has been evolved. The evolution, though, was slow, and long periods of time have been required for its accomplishment. In place of the schools destroyed, or the teachers driven out if no destruction took place, the reformers made an earnest effort to create new schools and supply teachers. This, though, required time, especially as there was as yet in the world no body of vernacular teachers, no institutions in which such could be trained, no theory as to education except the religious, no supply of educated men or women from which to draw, no theory of state support and control, and no source of taxation from which to derive a steady flow of funds. Throughout the long Middle Ages the Church had supplied gratuitous or nearly gratuitous instruction. This it could do, to the limited number whom it taught, from the proceeds of its age-old endowments and educational foundations. In the process of transformation from a Catholic to a Protestant State, and especially during the more than a century of turmoil and religious strife which followed the rupture of the old relations, many of the old endowments were lost or were diverted from their original purposes. As the Protestant reformers were supported generally by the ruling princes, many of these tried to remedy the deficiency by ordering schools established. The landed nobility though, unused to providing education for their villein tenants and serfs, were averse to supplying the deficiency by any form of general taxation. Nor were the rising merchant classes in the cities any more anxious to pay taxes to provide for artisans and servants what had for ages been a gratuity or not furnished at all. NO REAL DEMAND OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. The creation of a largely new type of schools, and in sufficient numbers to meet the needs of large classes of people who before had never shared in the advantages of education, in consequence proved to be a work of centuries. The century of warfare which followed the reformation movement more or less exhausted all Europe, while the Thirty Years' War which formed its culmination left the German States, where the largest early educational progress had been made, a ruin. In consequence there was for long little money for school support, and religious interest and church tithes had to be depended on almost entirely for the establishment and support of schools. Out of the parish sextons or clerks a supply of vernacular teachers had to be evolved, a system of school organization and supervision worked out and added to the duties of the minister, and the feeling of need for education awakened sufficiently to make people willing to support schools. In consequence what Luther and Calvin declared at the beginning of the sixteenth century to be a necessity for the State and the common right of all, it took until well into the nineteenth century actually to create and make a reality. The great demand of the time, too, was not so much for the education of the masses, however desirable or even necessary this might be from the standpoint of Protestant religious theory, but for the training of leaders for the new religious and social order which the Revival of Learning, the rise of modern nationalities, and the Reformation movements had brought into being. For this secondary schools for boys, largely Latin in type, were demanded rather than elementary vernacular schools for both sexes. We accordingly find the great creations of the period were secondary schools. [Illustration: FIG. 106. TENDENCIES IN EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EUROPE, 1500 to 1700] LINES OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT ESTABLISHED. Still more, certain lines of future development now became clearly established. The drawing given here will help to make this evident. It will be seen from this that not only was the secondary school still the dominant type, though elementary schools began for the first time to be considered as important also, but that the secondary schools were wholly independent of the elementary schools which now began to be created. The elementary schools were in the vernacular and for the masses; the secondary schools were in the Latin tongue and for the training of the scholarly leaders. Between these two schools, so different in type and in clientèle, there was little in common. This difference was further emphasized with time. The elementary schools later on added subjects of use to the common people, while the secondary schools added subjects of use for scholarly preparation or for university entrance. The secondary schools also frequently provided preparatory schools for their particular classes of children. As a result, all through Europe two school systems--an elementary-school system for the masses, and a secondary-school system for the classes--exist to-day side by side. We in America did not develop such a class school system, though we started that way. This was because the conception of education we finally developed was a product of a new democratic spirit, as will be explained later on. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Compare the attention to careful religious instruction in the secondary schools provided by the Lutherans, Calvinists, and English. What analogous instruction do we provide in the American high schools? Is it as thorough or as well done? 2. Compare the scope and ideals of the educational system provided by the Calvinists with the same for the Lutherans and Anglicans. 3. Compare the characteristics of Calvinistic (Huguenot) education, as summarized by Foster, with present-day state educational purposes. 4. Just what kind of a school system did Knox propose (1560) for Scotland? 5. Show how the educational program of the Jesuits reveals Ignatius Loyola as a man of vision. 6. Viewed from the purposes the Order had in mind, was it warranted in neglecting the education of the masses? 7. Does the success of the Order show the importance to society of finding and educating the future leader? Can all men be trained for leadership? 8. What does the statement that the Jesuits were "too practical to make many changes," but had "a keen eye for what was best" in the work of others, indicate as to the nature of school administration and educational progress? 9. Indicate the advantages which the Jesuits had in their teachers and teaching-aim over us of to-day. How could we develop an aim as clearly defined and potent as theirs? Could we select teachers with such care? How? 10. Compare the religious and educational propaganda of the Jesuits with the recent political propaganda of the Germans. 11. What is meant by the statement that the Jesuit teaching method, like that of the modern German _Volksschule_, was a teaching and not a questioning method? 12. Compare present American standards for teacher-training for elementary and secondary teaching with those required by the Jesuits:--(_a_) as to length of preparation; (_b_) as to nature and scope of preparation. 13. How do you explain the introduction of sewing into the elementary vernacular Catholic schools for girls, so long before handiwork for boys was thought of? 14. In schools so formally organized as those of La Salle, how do you explain the great freedom allowed in questioning on arithmetic and the Catechism? 15. Why should La Salle's work have been so opposed by both Church and civil authorities? Do you consider that his Order ever made what would be called rapid progress? 16. Why must the education of leaders always precede the education of the masses? 17. Explain how European countries came naturally to have two largely independent school systems--a secondary school for leaders and an elementary school for the masses--whereas we have only one continuous system. 18. Explain why modern state systems of education developed first in the German States, and why England and the Catholic nations of Europe were so long in developing state school systems. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 175. Woodward: Course of Study at the College of Geneva. 176. Synod of Dort: Scheme of Christian Education adopted. 177. Kilpatrick: Work of the Dutch in developing Schools. 178. Kilpatrick: Character of the Dutch Schools of 1650. 179. Statutes: The Scotch School Law of 1646. 180. Pachtler: The _Ratio Studiorum_ of the Jesuits. 181. Gérard: The Dominant Religious Purpose in the Education of French Girls. 182. La Salle: Rules for the "Brothers of the Christian Schools." QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Was the College at Geneva (175) a true humanistic-revival school? 2. Just what did the Synod of Dort provide for (176) in the matter of schools, school supervision, and ministerial duties? 3. Compare the work of the Dutch (177) and the Lutherans (159-163) in creating schools. 4. Just what type of school is indicated by selection 178? 5. Just what did the Scotch law of 1646 provide for (179)? 6. Characterize the schools provided for by La Salle (182). 7. Compare the religious care at Port Royal (181) with that suggested by Saint Jerome (R. 45). SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Baird, C. W. _History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France_. Baird, C. W. _Huguenot Emigration to America_. Grant, Jas. _History of the Burgh Schools of Scotland_. Hughes, Thos. _Loyola, and the Educational System of the Jesuits_. Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _The Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial New York_. Laurie, S. S. _History of Educational Opinion since the Renaissance_. Ravelet, A. _Blessed J. B. de la Salle_. Schwickerath, R. _Jesuit Education; its History and Principles in the Light of Modern Educational Problems_. Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_. CHAPTER XV EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS III. THE REFORMATION AND AMERICAN EDUCATION THE PROTESTANT SETTLEMENT OF AMERICA. Columbus had discovered the new world just twenty-five years before Luther nailed his theses to the church door at Wittenberg, and by the time the northern continent had been roughly explored and was ready for settlement, Europe was in the midst of a century of warfare in a vain attempt to extirpate the Protestant heresy. By the time that the futility of fire and sword as means for religious conversion had finally dawned upon Christian Europe and found expression in the Peace of Westphalia (1648), which closed the terrible Thirty Years' War (p. 301), the first permanent settlements in a number of the American colonies had been made. These settlements, and the beginnings of education in America, are so closely tied up with the Protestant Revolts in Europe that a chapter on the beginnings of American education belongs here as still another phase of the educational results of the Protestant Revolts. Practically all the early settlers in America came from among the peoples and from those lands which had embraced some form of the Protestant faith, and many of them came to America to found new homes and establish their churches in the wilderness, because here they could enjoy a religious freedom impossible in their old home-lands. This was especially true of the French Huguenots, many of whom, after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes [1] (1685), fled to America and settled along the coast of the Carolinas; the Calvinistic Dutch and Walloons, who settled in and about New Amsterdam; the Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, who settled in New Jersey, and later extended along the Allegheny Mountain ridges into all the southern colonies; the English Quakers about Philadelphia, who came under the leadership of William Penn, and a few English Baptists and Methodists in eastern Pennsylvania; the Swedish Lutherans, along the Delaware; the German Lutherans, Moravians, Mennonites, Dunkers, and Reformed-Church Germans, who settled in large numbers in the mountain valleys of Pennsylvania; and the Calvinistic dissenters from the English National Church, known as Puritans, who settled the New England colonies, and who, more than any others, gave direction to the future development of education in the American States. Very many of these early religious groups came to America in little congregations, bringing their ministers with them. Each set up, in the colony in which it settled, what were virtually little religious republics, that through them they might the better perpetuate the religious principles for which they had left the land of their birth. Education of the young for membership in the Church, and the perpetuation of a learned ministry for the congregations, from the first elicited the serious attention of these pioneer settlers. Englishmen who were adherents of the English national faith (Anglicans) also settled in Virginia and the other southern colonies, and later in New York and New Jersey, while Maryland was founded as the only Catholic colony, in what is now the United States, by a group of persecuted English Catholics who obtained a charter from Charles I, in 1632. These settlements are shown on the map on the following page. As a result of these settlements there was laid, during the early colonial period of American history, the foundation of those type attitudes toward education which subsequently so materially shaped the educational development of the different American States during the early part of our national history. THE PURITANS IN NEW ENGLAND. Of all those who came to America during this early period, the Calvinistic Puritans who settled the New England colonies contributed most that was valuable to the future educational development of America, and because of this will be considered first. [Illustration: FIG. 107. MAP SHOWING THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA] The original reformation in England, as was stated in chapters XII and XIII, had been much more nominal than real. The English Bible and the English Prayer-Book had been issued to the churches (R. 170), and the King instead of the Pope had been declared by the Act of Supremacy (R. 153) to be the head of the English National Church. The same priests, though, had continued in the churches under the new régime, and the church service had not greatly changed aside from its transformation from Latin into English. Neither the Church as an organization nor its members experienced any great religious reformation. Not all Englishmen, though, took the change in allegiance so lightly (R. 183), and in consequence there came to be a gradually increasing number who desired a more fundamental reform of the English Church. By 1600 the demand for Church reform had become very insistent, and the question of Church purification (whence the name "Puritans") had become a burning question in England. [Illustration: FIG. 108. HOMES OF THE PILGRIMS, AND THEIR ROUTE TO AMERICA] The English Puritans, moreover, were of two classes. One was a moderate but influential "low-church" group within the "high" State Church, possessed of no desire to separate Church and State, but earnestly insistent on a simplification of the Church ceremonial, the elimination of a number of the vestiges of the old Romish-Church ritual, and particularly the introduction of more preaching into the service. The other class constituted a much more radical group, and had become deeply imbued with Calvinistic thinking. This group gradually came into open opposition to any State Church, stood for the local independence of the different churches or congregations, and desired the complete elimination of all vestiges of the Romish faith from the church services. [2] They became known as Independents, or Separatists, and formed the germs of the later Congregational groups of early New England. Both Elizabeth (1558-1603) and James I (1603-25) savagely persecuted this more radical group, and many of their congregations were forced to flee from England to obtain personal safety and to enjoy religious liberty (R. 184). One of these fugitive congregations, from Scrooby, in north-central England, after living for several years at Leyden, in Holland, finally set sail for America, landed on Plymouth Rock, in 1620, and began the settlement of that "bleak and stormy coast." Other congregations soon followed, it having been estimated that twenty thousand English Puritans migrated [3] to the New England wilderness before 1640. These represented a fairly well-to-do type of middle-class Englishmen, practically all of whom had had good educational advantages at home. Settling along the coast in little groups or congregations, they at once set up a combined civil and religious form of government, modeled in a way after Calvin's City-State at Geneva, and which became known as a New England town. [4] In time the southern portion of the coast of New England was dotted with little self-governing settlements of those who had come to America to obtain for themselves that religious freedom which had been denied them at home. These settlements were loosely bound together in a colony federation, in which each town was represented in a General Court, or legislature. The extent of these settlements by 1660 is shown on the map on the opposite page. BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOLS IN NEW ENGLAND. Having come to America to secure religious freedom, it was but natural that the perpetuation of their particular faith by means of education should have been one of the first matters to engage their attention, after the building of their homes and the setting up of the civil government (R. 185). Being deeply imbued with Calvinistic ideas as to government and religion, they desired to found here a religious commonwealth, somewhat after the model of Geneva (p. 298), or Scotland (p. 335), or the Dutch provinces (p. 334), the corner- stones of which should be religion and education. [Illustration: FIG. 109. NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENTS, 1660] At first, English precedents were followed. Home instruction, which was quite common in England among the Puritans, was naturally much employed to teach the children to read the Bible and to train them to participate in both the family and the congregational worship. After 1647, town elementary schools under a master, and later the English "dame schools" (chapter XVIII), were established to provide this rudimentary instruction. The English apprentice system was also established (R. 201), and the masters of apprentices gave similar instruction to boys entrusted to their care. The town religious governments, under which all the little congregations organized themselves, much as the little religious parishes had been organized in old England, also began the voluntary establishment of town grammar schools, as a few towns in England had done (R. 143) before the Puritans migrated. The "Latin School" at Boston dates from 1635, and has had a continuous existence since that time. The grammar school at Charlestown dates from 1636, that at Ipswich from the same year, and the school at Salem from 1637. In 1639 Dorchester voted: that there shall be a rent of 20 lb a year for ever imposed upon Tomsons Island ... toward the mayntenance of a schoole in Dorchester. This rent of 20 lb yearly to bee payd to such a schoole-master as shall vndertake to teach english, latine, and other tongues, and also writing. The said schoole-master to bee chosen from tyme to tyme p'r the freemen. Newbury, in 1639, voted "foure akers of upland" and "sixe akers of salt marsh" to Anthony Somerby "for his encouragement to keepe schoole for one yeare," and later levied a town rate of £24 for a "schoole to be kepte at the meeting house." Cambridge also early established a Latin grammar school "for the training up of Young Schollars, and fitting them [5] for _Academicall Learning_" (R. 185). The support for the town schools thus founded was derived from various sources, such as the levying of tuition fees, the income from town lands or fisheries set aside for the purpose, [6] voluntary contributions from the people of the town, [7] a town tax, or a combination of two or more of these methods. The founding of the "free (grammar) school" at Roxburie, in 1645, is representative (R. 188) of the early methods. There was no uniform plan as yet, in either old or New England. FOUNDING OF HARVARD COLLEGE. In addition to establishing Latin grammar schools, a college was founded, in 1636, by the General Court (legislature) of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, to perpetuate learning and insure an educated ministry (R. 185) to the churches after "our present ministers shall lie in the dust." This new college, located at Newtowne, was modeled after Emmanuel College at Cambridge, an English Puritan college in which many of the early New England colonists had studied, [8] and in loving memory of which they rechristened Newtowne as Cambridge. In 1639 the college was christened Harvard College, after a graduate of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, by the name of John Harvard, who died in Charlestown, a year after his arrival in the colony, and who left the college his library of two hundred and sixty volumes and half his property, about £850. The instruction in the new college was a combination of the arts and theological instruction given in a mediaeval university, though at Harvard the President, Master Dunster (R. 185), did all the teaching. For the first fifty years at Harvard this continued to be true, the attendance during that time seldom exceeding twenty. The entrance requirements for the college (R. 186 a) call for the completion of a typical English Latin grammar-school education; the rules and precepts for the government of the college (R. 186 b) reveal the deep religious motive; and the schedule of studies (R. 186 c) and the requirements for degrees (R. 186 d) both show that the instruction was true to the European type. In the charter for the college, granted by the colonial legislature in 1650 (R. 187 a), we find exemptions and conditions which remind one strongly of the older European foundations. A century later Brown College, in Rhode Island, was granted even more extensive exemptions (R. 187 b). THE FIRST COLONIAL LEGISLATION: THE LAW OF 1642. We thus see manifested early in New England the deep Puritan-Calvinistic zeal for learning as a bulwark of Church and State. We also see the establishment in the wilderness of New England of a typical English educational system--that is, private instruction in reading and religion by the parents in the home and by the masters of apprentices, and later by a town schoolmaster; the Latin grammar school in the larger towns, to prepare boys for the college of the colony; and an English-type college to prepare them for the ministry. As in England, too, all was clearly subordinate to the Church. Still further, as in England also, the system was voluntary, the deep religious interest which had brought the congregations to America being depended upon to insure for all the necessary education and religious training. It early became evident, though, that these voluntary efforts on the part of the people and the towns would not be sufficient to insure that general education which was required by the Puritan religious theory. Under the hard pioneer conditions, and the suffering which ensued, many parents and masters of apprentices evidently proved neglectful of their educational duties. Accordingly the Church appealed to its servant, the State, as represented in the colonial legislature (General Court) to assist it in compelling parents and masters to observe their religious obligations. The result was the famous Massachusetts Law of 1642 (R. 190), which directed "the chosen men" (Selectmen; Councilmen) of each town to ascertain, from time to time, if the parents and masters were attending to their educational duties; if the children were being trained "in learning and labor and other employments ... profitable to the Commonwealth"; and if children were being taught "to read and understand the principles of religion and the capital laws of the country," and empowered them to impose fines on "those who refuse to render such accounts to them when required." In 1645 the General Court further ordered that all youth between ten and sixteen years of age should also receive instruction "in ye exercise of arms, as small guns, halfe pikes, bowes & arrows, &c." [Illustration: PLATE 9. Two TABLETS ON THE WEST GATEWAY AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY Reproducing colonial records relating to the founding of Harvard College.] The Law of 1642 is remarkable in that, for the first time in the English- speaking world, a legislative body representing the State ordered that all children should be taught to read. The law shows clearly not only the influence of the Reformation theory as to personal salvation and the Calvinistic conception of the connection between learning and religion, but also the influence of the English Poor-Law legislation which had developed rapidly during the half-century immediately preceding the coming of the Puritans to America (R. 173). On the foundations of the English Poor Law of 1601 (R. 174) our New England settlers moulded the first American law relating to education, adding to the principles there established (p. 326) a distinct Calvinistic contribution to our new-world life that, the authorities of the civil town should see that all children were taught "to read and understand the principles of religion and the capital laws of the country." This law the Selectmen, or the courts if they failed to do so, were ordered to enforce, and the courts usually looked after their duties in the matter (R. 192). _The Law of 1647._ The Law of 1642, while ordering "the chosen men" of each town to see that the education and training of children was not neglected, and providing for fines on parents and masters who failed to render accounts when required, did not, however, establish schools, or direct the employment of schoolmasters. The provision of education, after the English fashion, was still left with the homes. After a trial of five years, the results of which were not satisfactory, the General Court enacted another law by means of which it has been asserted that "the Puritan government of Massachusetts rendered probably its greatest service to the future." After recounting in a preamble (R. 191) that it had in the past been "one cheife proiect of y't ould deluder, Satan, to keepe men from the knowledge of y'e Scriptures, ... by keeping y'm in an unknowne tongue," so now "by pswading from y'e use of tongues," and "obscuring y'e true sence & meaning of y'e originall" by "false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers," learning was in danger of being "buried in y'e grave of o'r fath'rs in y'e church and comonwealth"; the Court ordered: 1. That every town having fifty householders should at once appoint a teacher of reading and writing, and provide for his wages in such manner as the town might determine; and 2. That every town having one hundred householders must provide a grammar school to fit youths for the university, under a penalty of £5 (afterwards increased to £20) for failure to do so. This law represents a distinct step in advance over the Law of 1642, and for this there are no English precedents. It was not until the latter part of the nineteenth century that England took such a step. The precedents for the compulsory establishment of schools lie rather in the practices of the different German States (p. 318), the actions of the Dutch synods (R. 176) and provinces (p. 335), the Acts of the Scottish parliament of 1633 and 1646 (p. 334; R. 179), and the general Calvinistic principle that education was an important function of a religious State. PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED. The State here, acting again as the servant of the Church, enacted a law and fixed a tradition which prevailed and grew in strength and effectiveness after State and Church had parted company. Not only was a school system ordered established--elementary for all towns and children, and secondary for youths in the larger towns--but, for the first time among English-speaking people, there was an assertion of the right of the State to require communities to establish and maintain schools, under penalty if they refused to do so. It can be safely asserted, in the light of later developments, that the two laws of 1642 and 1647 represent the foundations upon which our American state public-school systems have been built. Mr. Martin, the historian of the Massachusetts public-school system, states the fundamental principles which underlay this legislation, as follows: [9] 1. The universal education of youth is essential to the well-being of the State. 2. The obligation to furnish this education rests primarily upon the parent. 3. The State has a right to enforce this obligation. 4. The State may fix a standard which shall determine the kind of education, and the minimum amount. 5. Public money, raised by general tax, may be used to provide such education as the State requires. The tax may be general, though the school attendance is not. 6. Education higher than the rudiments may be supplied by the State. Opportunity must be provided, at public expense, for youths who wish to be fitted for the university. "It is important to note here," adds Mr. Martin, "that the idea underlying all this legislation is neither paternalistic nor socialistic. The child is to be educated, not to advance his personal interests, but because the State will suffer if he is not educated. The State does not provide schools to relieve the parent, nor because it can educate better than the parent can, but because it can thereby better enforce the obligation which it imposes." To prevent a return to the former state of religious ignorance it was important that education be provided. To assure this the colonial legislature enacted a law requiring the maintenance and support of schools by the towns. This law became the corner-stone of our American state school systems. Influence on other New England colonies. Connecticut Colony, in its Law of 1650 establishing a school system, combined the spirit of the Massachusetts Law of 1642, though stated in different words (R. 193), and the Law of 1647, stated word for word. New Haven Colony, in 1655, ordered that children and apprentices should be taught to read, as had been done in Massachusetts, in 1642, but on the union of New Haven and Connecticut Colonies, in 1665, the Connecticut Code became the law for the united colonies. In 1702 a college was founded (Yale) and finally located at New Haven, to offer preparation for the ministry in the Connecticut colony, as had been done earlier in Massachusetts, and Latin grammar schools were founded in the Connecticut towns to prepare for the new college, as also had been done earlier in Massachusetts. The rules and regulations for the grammar school at New Haven (R. 189) reveal the purpose and describe the instruction provided in one of the earliest and best of these. [Illustration: FIG. 111. WHERE YALE COLLEGE WAS FOUNDED] Plymouth Colony, in 1658 and again in 1663, proposed to the towns that they "sett vp" a schoolmaster "to traine vp children to reading and writing" (R. 194 a). In 1672 the towns were asked to aid Harvard College by gifts (R. 194 b). In 1673-74 the income from the Cape Cod fisheries was set aside for the support of a (grammar) school (R. 194 c). Finally, in 1677, all towns having over fifty families and maintaining a grammar school were ordered aided from the fishery proceeds (R. 194 d). The Massachusetts laws also applied to Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, as these were then a part of Massachusetts Colony. After New Hampshire separated, in 1680, the Massachusetts Law of 1647 was virtually readopted in 1719-21. In Maine and Vermont there were so few settlers, until near the beginning of our national life, that the influence of the Massachusetts legislation on these States was negligible until a later period. Only in Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, of all the New England colonies, did the Massachusetts legislation fail to exert a deep influence. Settled as these two had been by refugees from New England, and organized on a basis of hospitality to all who suffered from religious oppression elsewhere, the religious stimulus to the founding of schools naturally was lacking. As the religious basis for education was as yet the only basis, the first development of schools in Rhode Island awaited the humanitarian and economic influences which did not become operative until early in the nineteenth century. Outside of the New England colonies, the appeal to the State as the servant of the Church was seldom made during the early colonial period, the churches handling the educational problem in their own way. As a result the beginnings of State oversight and control were left to New England. In the central colonies a series of parochial-school systems came to prevail, while in Episcopalian Virginia and the other colonies to the south the no-business-of-the-State attitude assumed toward education by the mother country was copied. THE CHURCH SCHOOLS OF NEW YORK. New Netherland, as New York Colony was called before the English occupation, was settled by the Dutch West India Company, and some dozen villages about New York and up the Hudson had been founded by the time it passed to the control of the English, in 1664. In these the Dutch established typical home-land public parochial schools, under the control of the Reformed Dutch Church. The schoolmaster was usually the reader and precentor in the church as well (R. 195), and often acted, as in Holland, as sexton besides. Girls attended on equal terms with boys, but sat apart and recited in separate classes. The instruction consisted of reading and writing Dutch, sometimes a little arithmetic, the Dutch Catechism, the reading of a few religious books, and certain prayers. The rules (1661) for a schoolmaster in New Amsterdam (R. 196), and the contract with a Dutch schoolmaster in Flatbush (R. 195), dating from 1682, reveal the type of schools and school conditions provided. All except the children of the poor paid fees to the schoolmaster. [10] He was licensed by the Dutch church authorities. As the Dutch had not come to America because of persecution, and were in no way out of sympathy with religious conditions in the home-land, the schools they developed here were typical of the Dutch European parochial schools of the time (R. 178). A _trivial_ (Latin) school was also established in New York, in 1652. After the English occupation the English principle of private and church control of education, with schooling on a tuition or a charitable basis, came to prevail, and this continued up to the beginning of our national period. [11] Of the English colonial schools of New York Draper has written: [12] All the English schools in the province from 1700 down to the time of the Declaration of Independence were maintained by a great religious society organized under the auspices of the Church of England--and, of course, with the favor of the government--called "The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." The law governing this Society provided that no teacher should be employed until he had proved "his affection for the present government" and his "conformity to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England." Schools maintained under such auspices were in no sense free schools. Indeed, humiliating as it is, no student of history can fail to discern the fact that the government of Great Britain, during its supremacy in this territory, did nothing to facilitate the extension or promote the efficiency of free elementary schools among the people. THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS OF PENNSYLVANIA. Pennsylvania was settled by Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, German Lutherans, Moravians, Mennonites, and members of the German Reformed Church, all of whom came to America to secure greater religious liberty and had been attracted to this colony by the freedom of religious worship which Penn had provided for there. All these were Protestant sects, all believed in the necessity of learning to read the Bible as a means to personal salvation, and all made efforts looking toward the establishment of schools as a part of their church organization. Unlike New England, though, no sect was in a majority; church control for each denomination was considered as most satisfactory; and no appeal was made to the State to have it assist the churches in the enforcement of their religious purposes. The clergymen were usually the teachers in the parochial schools established, [13] while private pay schools were opened in the villages and towns. These were taught in English, German, or the Moravian tongue (Czech), according to the original language of the different immigrants. The Quakers seem to have taken particular interest in schools (R. 199), a Quaker school in Philadelphia (R. 198) having been established the year the city was founded. Girls were educated as well as boys, and the emphasis was placed on reading, writing, counting, and religion, rather than upon any higher form of training. [Illustration: FIG. 112. AN OLD QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE AND SCHOOL AT LAMPETER, PENNSYLVANIA (From an old drawing)] The result was the development in this colony of a policy of depending on church and private effort, and the provision of education, aside from certain rudimentary and religious instruction, was left largely for those who could afford to pay for the privilege. Charitable education was extended to but a few, for a short time, while, under the freedom allowed, many communities made but indifferent provisions or suffered their schools to lapse. Under the primitive conditions of the time the interest even in religious education often declined almost to the vanishing point. So lax in the matter of providing schooling had many communities become that the second Provincial Assembly, sitting in Philadelphia, in 1683, passed an ordinance requiring (R. 197) that all persons having children must cause them to be taught to read and write, so that they might be able to read the Scriptures by the time they were twelve years old, and also that all children be taught some useful trade. A fine of £5 was to be assessed for failure to comply with the law. So much in advance of English ideas as to what was fitting and proper was this compulsory law that it was vetoed by William and Mary, when submitted to their majesties for approval. Ten years later it was reënacted by the Governor and Assembly of the colony, but proved so difficult of enforcement that it was soon dropped, and the chance of starting education in Pennsylvania somewhat after the New England model was lost. The colony now settled down to a policy of non state action, and this in time became so firmly established that the do- as-you-please idea persisted in this State up to the establishment of the first free state school system, in 1834. MIXED CONDITIONS IN NEW JERSEY. In New Jersey, situated as it was near the center of the different colonies, the early development of education there was the product of a number of different influences. The Dutch crossed from New Amsterdam, the English came from Connecticut and later from New York, Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians came from the mother country, Swedish Lutherans settled along the Delaware, and Quakers and German Lutherans came over from Pennsylvania. The educational practice of the colony or land from which each group of settlers came was reproduced in the colony. After the English succeeded the Dutch in New Amsterdam (1664), English methods and practice in education gradually came into control throughout most of New Jersey, and as a result here, as in New York, but little was accomplished in providing schools for other than a select few until well after the beginning of the nineteenth century. Neither New Jersey, New York, nor Pennsylvania may be said to have developed any colonial educational policy aside from that of allowing private and parochial effort to provide such schools as seemed desirable. VIRGINIA AND THE SOUTHERN TYPE. Almost all the conditions attending the settlement of Virginia were in contrast to those of the New England colonies. The early settlers were from the same class of English yeomen and country squires, but with the important difference that whereas the New England settlers were Dissenters from the Church of England and had come to America to obtain freedom in religious worship, the settlers in Virginia were adherents of the National Church and had come to America for gain. The marked differences in climate and possible crops led to the large plantation type of settlement, instead of the compact little New England town; the introduction of large numbers of "indentured white servants," and later negro slaves, led to the development of classes in society instead of to the New England type of democracy; and the lack of a strong religious motive for education naturally led to the adoption of the customary English practices instead of to the development of colonial schools. The tutor in the home, education in small private pay schools, or education in the mother country were the prevailing methods adopted among the well-to-do planters, while the poorer classes were left with only such advantages as apprenticeship training or charity schools might provide. Throughout the entire colonial period Virginia remained most like the mother country in spirit and practice, and stands among the colonies as the clearest example of the English attitude toward school support and control. As in the mother country, education was considered to be no business of the State. Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and the Carolinas followed the English attitude, much after the fashion of Virginia. Practically all the Virginia colonial legislation relating to education refers either to William and Mary College (founded in 1693), or to the education of orphans and the children of the poor. Both these interests, as we have previously seen, were typically English. All the seventeenth- century legislation relating to education is based on the English Poor-Law legislation, [14] previously described (p. 325), and included the compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, training in a trade, the requirement that the public authorities must provide opportunities for this type of education, and the use of both local and colony funds for the purpose (R. 200 a), all, as the Statutes state, "according to the aforesaid laudable custom in the Kingdom of England." It was not until 1705 that Virginia reached the point, reached by Massachusetts in 1642, of requiring that "the master of the [apprenticed] orphan shall be obliged to teach him to read and write." In all the Anglican colonies the apprenticing of the children of the poor (see R. 200 b for some interesting North Carolina records) was a characteristic feature. During the entire colonial period the indifference of the mother country to general education was steadily reflected in Virginia and in the colonies which were essentially Anglican in religion, and followed the English example. TYPE PLANS REPRESENTED BY 1750. The seventeenth century thus witnessed the transplanting of European ideas as to government, religion, and education to the new American colonies, and by the eighteenth century we find three clearly marked types of educational practice or conception as to educational responsibility established on American soil. The first was the strong Calvinistic conception of a religious State, supporting a system of common vernacular schools, higher Latin schools, and a college, for both religious and civic ends. This type dominated New England, and is best represented by Massachusetts. From New England this attitude was carried westward by the migrations of New England people, and deeply influenced the educational development of all States to which the New Englander went in any large numbers. This was the educational contribution of Calvinism to America. [15] Out of it our state school systems of to-day, by the separation of Church and State, have been evolved. The second was the parochial-school conception of the Dutch, Moravians, Mennonites, German Lutherans, German Reformed Church, Quakers, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Catholics. This type is best represented by Protestant Pennsylvania and Catholic Maryland. It stood for church control of all educational efforts, resented state interference, was dominated only by church purposes, and in time came to be a serious obstacle in the way of rational state school organization and control. The third type, into which the second type tended to fuse, conceived of public education, aside from collegiate education, as intended chiefly for orphans and the children of the poor, and as a charity which the State was under little or no obligation to assist in supporting. All children of the upper and middle classes in society attended private or church schools, or were taught by tutors in their homes, and for such instruction paid a proper tuition fee. Paupers and orphans, in limited numbers and for a limited time, might be provided with some form of useful education at the expense of either Church or State. This type is best represented by Anglican Virginia, which typified well the _laissez-faire_ policy which dominated England from the time of the Protestant Reformation until the latter half of the nineteenth century. These three types of attitude toward the provision of education became fixed American types, and each deeply influenced subsequent American educational development, as we shall point out in a later chapter. DOMINANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS MOTIVE. The seventeenth century was essentially a period of the transplanting, almost unchanged in form, of the characteristic European institutions, manners, religious attitudes, and forms of government to American shores. Each sect or nationality on arriving set up in the new land the characteristic forms of church and school and social observances known in the old home-land. Dutch, Germans, English, Scotch, Calvinists, Lutherans, Anglicans, Presbyterians-- reproduced in the American colonies the main type of schools existing at the time of their migration in the mother land from which they came. They were also dominated by the same deep religious purpose. The dominance of this religious purpose in all instruction is well illustrated by the great beginning-school book of the time, _The New England Primer_. A digest of the contents of this, with a few pages reproduced, is given in R. 202. This book, from which all children learned to read, was used by Dissenters and Lutherans alike in the American colonies. This book Ford well characterizes in the following words: As one glances over what may truly be called "The Little Bible of New England," and reads its stern lessons, the Puritan mood is caught with absolute faithfulness. Here was no easy road to knowledge and salvation; but with prose as bare of beauty as the whitewash of their churches, with poetry as rough and stern as their storm-torn coast, with pictures as crude and unfinished as their own glacial-smoothed boulders, between stiff oak covers which symbolized the contents, the children were tutored, until, from being unregenerate, and as Jonathan Edwards said, "young vipers, and infinitely more hateful than vipers" to God, they attained that happy state when, as expressed by Judge Sewell's child, they were afraid that they "should goe to hell," and were "stirred up dreadfully to seek God." God was made sterner and more cruel than any living judge, that all might be brought to realize how slight a chance even the least erring had of escaping eternal damnation. One learned to read chiefly that one might be able to read the Catechism and the Bible, and to know the will of the Heavenly Father. There was scarcely any other purpose in the maintenance of elementary schools. In the grammar schools and the colleges students were "instructed to consider well the main end of life and studies." These institutions existed mainly to insure a supply of learned ministers for service in Church and State. Such studies as history, geography, science, music, drawing, secular literature, and organized play were unknown. Children were constantly surrounded, week days and Sundays, by the somber Calvinistic religious atmosphere in New England, [16] and by the careful religious oversight of the pastors and elders in the colonies where the parochial-school system was the ruling plan for education. Schoolmasters were required to "catechise their scholars in the principles of the Christian religion," and it was made "a chief part of the schoolmaster's religious care to commend his scholars and his labors amongst them unto God by prayer morning and evening, taking care that his scholars do reverently attend during the same." Religious matter constituted the only reading matter, outside the instruction in Latin in the grammar schools. The Catechism was taught, and the Bible was read and expounded. Church attendance was required, and grammar-school pupils were obliged to report each week on the Sunday sermon. This insistence on the religious element was more prominent in Calvinistic New England than in the colonies to the south, but everywhere the religious purpose was dominant. The church parochial and charity schools were essentially schools for instilling the church practices and beliefs of the church maintaining them. This state of affairs continued until well toward the beginning of the nineteenth century. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Compare the conservative and radical groups in the English purification movement with the conservative and radical groups, as typified by Erasmus and Luther, at the time of the Reformation. 2. Show how, for each group, the schools established were merely homeland foreign-type religious schools, with nothing distinctively American about them. 3. Show why such copying of home-land types, even to the Latin grammar school, was perfectly natural. 4. The provision of the Law of 1642 requiring instruction in "the capital laws of the country" was new. How do you explain this addition to mother- land practices? 5. Show why the Law of 1642 was Calvinistic rather than Anglican in its origin. 6. Explain the meaning of the preamble to the Law of 1647. 7. Show how the Law of 1647 must go back for precedents to German, Dutch, and Scotch sources. 8. Apply the six principles stated by Mr. Martin, as embodied in the legislation of 1647, to modern state school practice, and show how we have adopted each in our laws. 9. Show also that the Law of 1647, as well as modern state school laws, is neither paternalistic nor socialistic in essential purpose. 10. Show that, though the mixture of religious sects in Pennsylvania made colonial legislation difficult, still it would have been possible to have enforced the Massachusetts Law of 1642, or the Pennsylvania laws of 1683 or 1693, in the colony. How do you explain the opposition and failure to do so? 11. Show how the charity schools for the poor, and church missionary- society schools, were the natural outcome of the English attitude toward elementary education. 12. Which of the three type plans in the American colonies by 1750 most influenced educational development in your State? 13. State the important contribution of Calvinism to our new-world life. 14. Explain the indifference of the Anglican Church to general education during the whole of our colonial period. 15. Explain what is meant by "The Puritan Church applied to its servant, the State," etc. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 183. Nichols: The Puritan Attitude. 184. Gov. Bradford: The Puritans leave England. 185. First Fruits: The Founding of Harvard College. 186. First Fruits: The First Rules for Harvard College. (a) Entrance Requirements. (b) Rules and Precepts. (c) Time and Order of Studies. (d) Requirements for Degrees. 187. College Charters: Extracts from, showing Privileges. (a) Harvard College, 1650. (b) Brown College, 1764. 188. Dillaway: Founding of the Free School at Roxburie. 189. Baird: Rules and Regulations for Hopkins Grammar School. 190. Statutes: The Massachusetts Law of 1642. 191. Statutes: The Massachusetts Law of 1647. 192. Court Records: Presentment of Topsfield for Violating the Law of 1642. 193. Statutes: The Connecticut Law of 1650. 194. Statutes: Plymouth Colony Legislation. 195. Flatbush: Contract with a Dutch Schoolmaster. 196. New Amsterdam: Rules for a Schoolmaster in. 197. Statutes: The Pennsylvania. Law of 1683. 198. Minutes of Council: The First School in Philadelphia. 199. Murray: Early Quaker Injunctions regarding Schools. 200. Statutes: Apprenticeship Laws in the Southern Colonies. (a) Virginia Statutes. (b) North Carolina Court Records. 201. Stiles: A New England Indenture of Apprenticeship. 202. The New England Primer: Description and Digest. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. What does the selection on The Puritan Attitude (183) reveal as to the extent and depth of the Reformation in England? 2. Characterize the feelings and emotions and desires of the Puritans, as expressed in the extract (184) from Governor Bradford's narrative. 3. Characterize the spirit behind the founding of Harvard College, as expressed in the extract from New England's First Fruits (185). 4. What was the nature and purpose of the Harvard College instruction as shown by the selection 186 a-d? 5. Point out the similarity between the exemptions granted to Harvard College by the Legislature of the colony (187 a) and those granted to mediaeval universities (103-105). Compare the privileges granted Brown (187 b) and those contained in 104. 6. Compare the founding of the Free School at Roxbury (188) with the founding of an English Grammar School (141-43). 7. What does the distribution of scholars at Roxbury (188) show as to the character of the school? 8. State the essentials of the Massachusetts Law of 1642 (190). 9. Compare the Massachusetts Law of 1642 and the English Poor-Law of 1601 (190 with 174) as to fundamental principles involved in each. 10. What does the court citation of Topsfield (192) show? 11. What new principle is added (191) by the Law of 1647, and what does this new law indicate as to needs in the colony for classical learning? 12. Show how the Connecticut Law of 1650 (193) was based on the Massachusetts Law (190) of 1642. 13. What does the Plymouth Colony appeal for Harvard College (194 b) indicate as to community of ideas in early New England? 14. What type of school was it intended to endow from the Cape Cod fisheries (194 c)? 15. What is the difference between the Plymouth requirement as to grammar schools (194 d) and the Massachusetts requirement (191)? 16. Compare the rules for the New Haven Grammar School (189) with those for Colet's London School (138 a-c). 17. Characterize the early Dutch schools as shown by the rules for the schoolmaster (196) and the Flatbush contract (195). 18. Just what type of education did the Quakers mean to provide for, as shown in the extract from their Rules of Discipline (199)? 19. What kind of a school was the first one established in Philadelphia (198)? 20. Compare the proposed Pennsylvania Law of 1683 (197) and the Massachusetts Law of 1642 (190). 21. What conception of education is revealed by the Virginia apprenticeship laws (200 a, 1-3) and the North Carolina court records (200 b, 1-3)? 22. Characterize the New England Indenture of Apprenticeship given in 201. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Boone, R. G. _Education in the United States_. Brown, S. W. _The Secularization of American Education_. Cheyney, Edw. P. _European Background of American Education_. Dexter, E.G. _A History of Education in the United States_. * Eggleston, Edw. _The Transit of Civilization_. Fisk, C. R. "The English Parish and Education at the Beginning of American Civilization"; in _School Review_, vol. 23, pp. 433-49. (September, 1915.) * Ford, P. L. _The New England Primer_. * Heatwole, C. J. _A History of Education in Virginia_. Jackson, G. L. _The Development of School Support in Colonial Massachusetts_. * Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _The Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial New York_. * Knight, E. W. _Public School Education in North Carolina_. * Martin, Geo. H. _Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School System_. Seybolt, R. F. _Apprenticeship and Apprentice Education in Colonial New York and New England_. * Small, W. H. "The New England Grammar School"; in _School Review_, vol. 10, pp. 513-31. (September, 1902.) Small, W. H. _Early New England Schools_. CHAPTER XVI THE RISE OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY NEW ATTITUDES AFTER THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. From the beginning of the twelfth century onward, as we have already noted, there had been a slow but gradual change in the character of human thinking, and a slow but certain disintegration of the Mediaeval System, with its repressive attitude toward all independent thinking. Many different influences and movements had contributed to this change--the Moslem learning and civilization in Spain, the recovery of the old legal and medical knowledge, the revival of city life, the beginnings anew of commerce and industry, the evolution of the universities, the rise of a small scholarly class, the new consciousness of nationality, the evolution of the modern languages, the beginnings of a small but important vernacular literature, and the beginnings of travel and exploration following the Crusades--all of which had tended to transform the mediaeval man and change his ways of thinking. New objects of interest slowly came to the front, and new standards of judgment gradually were applied. In consequence the mediaeval man, with his feeling of personal insignificance and lack of self- confidence, came to be replaced by a small but increasing number of men who were conscious of their powers, possessed a new self-confidence, and realized new possibilities of intellectual accomplishment. The Revival of Learning, first in Italy and then elsewhere in western Europe, was the natural consequence of this awakening of the modern spirit, and in the careful work done by the humanistic scholars of the Italian Renaissance in collecting, comparing, questioning, inferring, criticizing, and editing the texts, and in reconstructing the ancient life and history, we see the beginnings of the modern scientific spirit. It was this same critical, questioning spirit which, when applied later to geographical knowledge, led to the discovery of America and the circumnavigation of the globe; which, when applied to matters of Christian faith, brought on the Protestant Revolts; which, when applied to the problems of the universe, revealed the many wonderful fields of modern science; and which, when applied to government, led to a questioning of the divine right of kings and the rise of constitutional government. The awakening of scientific inquiry and the scientific spirit, and the attempt of a few thinkers to apply the new method to education, to which we now turn, may be regarded as only another phase of the awakening of the modern inquisitive spirit which found expression earlier in the rise of the universities, the recovery and reconstruction of the ancient learning, the awakening of geographical discovery and exploration, and the questioning of the doctrines and practices of the Mediaeval Church. INSUFFICIENCY OF ANCIENT SCIENCE. From the point of view of scientific inquiry, all ancient learning possessed certain marked fundamental defects. The Greeks had--their time and age in world-civilization considered--made many notable scientific observations and speculations, and had prepared the way for future advances. Thales (636?-546? B.C.), Xenophanes (628?-520? B.C.), Anaximenes (557-504 B.C.), Pythagoras (570- 500 B.C.), Heraclitus (c. 500 B.C.), Empedocles (460?-361? B.C.), and Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) had all made interesting speculations as to the nature of matter, [1] Aristotle finally settling the question by naming the world-elements as earth, water, air, fire, and ether. Hippocrates (460-367? B.C.), as we have seen (p. 197), had observed the sick and had recorded and organized his observations in such a manner [2] as to form the foundations upon which the science of medicine could be established. The Greek physician, Galen (130-200 A.D.) added to these observations, and their combined work formed the basis upon which modern medical science has slowly been built up. On the other hand, some of what each wrote was mere speculation and error, [3] and modern physicians were compelled to begin all over and along new lines before any real progress in medicine could be made. Aristotle had done a notable work in organizing and codifying Greek scientific knowledge, as the list of his many scientific treatises in use in Europe by 1300 (R. 87) will show, but his writings were the result of a mixture of keen observation and brilliant speculation, contained many inaccuracies, and in time, due to the reverence accorded him as an authority by the mediaeval scholars and the church authorities, proved serious obstacles to real scientific progress. At Alexandria the most notable Greek scientific work had been done. Euclid (323-283 B.C.) in geometry; Aristarchus (third century B.C.), who explained the motion of the earth; Eratosthenes (270-196 B.C.), who measured the size of the earth; Archimedes (270?-212 B.C.), a pupil of Euclid's, who applied science in many ways and laid the foundations of dynamics; Hipparchus (160-125 B.C.), the father of astronomy, who studied the heavens and catalogued the stars, were among the more famous Greeks who studied and taught there in the days when Alexandria had succeeded Athens as the intellectual capital of the Greek world. Some remarkable advances also were made in the study of human anatomy and medicine by two Greeks, Herophilus (335-280 B.C.) and Erasistratus (d. 280 B.C.), who apparently did much dissecting. But even at Alexandria the promise of Greek science was unfulfilled. Despite many notable speculations and scientific advances, the hopeful beginnings did not come to any large fruitage, and the great contribution made by the Greeks to world civilization was less along scientific lines than along the lines of literature and philosophy. Their great strength lay in the direction of philosophic speculation, and this tendency to speculate, rather than to observe and test and measure and record, was the fundamental weakness of all Greek science. The Greeks never advanced in scientific work to the invention and perfection of instruments for the standardization of their observations. As a result they passed on to the mediaeval world an extensive "book science" and not a little keen observation, of which the works of Aristotle and the Alexandrian mathematicians and astronomers form the most conspicuous examples, but little scientific knowledge of which the modern world has been able to make much use. The "book science" of the Greeks, and especially that of Aristotle, was highly prized for centuries, but in time, due to the many inaccuracies, had to be discarded and done anew by modern scholars. The Romans, as we have seen (chapter III), were essentially a practical people, good at getting the work of the world done, but not much given to theoretical discussion or scientific speculation. They were organizers, governors, engineers, executives, and literary workers rather than scientists. They executed many important undertakings of a practical character, such as the building of roads, bridges, aqueducts, and public buildings; organized government and commerce on a large scale; and have left us a literature and a legal system of importance, but they contributed little to the realm of pure science. The three great names in science in all their history are Strabo the geographer (63 B.C.-24 A.D.); Pliny the Elder (23-79 A.D.), who did notable work as an observer in natural history; and Galen (a Roman-Greek), in medicine. They, like the Greeks, were pervaded by the same fear that their science might prove useful, whereas they cultivated it largely as a mental exercise (R. 203). THE CHRISTIAN REACTION AGAINST INQUIRY. The Christian attitude toward inquiry was from the first inhospitable, and in time became exceedingly intolerant. The tendency of the Western Church, it will be remembered (p. 94), was from the first to reject all Hellenic learning, and to depend upon emotional faith and the enforcement of a moral life. By the close of the third century the hostility to pagan schools and Hellenic learning had become so pronounced that the _Apostolic Constitutions_ (R. 41) ordered Christians to abstain from all heathen books, which could contain nothing of value and only served "to subvert the faith of the unstable." In 401 A.D. the Council of Carthage forbade the clergy to read any heathen author, and Greek learning now rapidly died out in the West. For a time it was almost entirely lost. In consequence Greek science, then best represented by Alexandrian learning, and which contained much that was of great importance, was rejected along with other pagan learning. The, very meager scientific knowledge that persisted into the Middle Ages in the great mediaeval textbooks (p. 162), as we have seen in the study of the Seven Liberal Arts (chapter VII), came to be regarded as useful only in explaining passages of Scripture or in illustrating the ways of God toward man. The one and only science worthy of study was Theology, to which all other learning tended (see Figure 44, p. 154). The history of Christianity throughout all the Dark Ages is a history of the distrust of inquiry and reason, and the emphasis of blind emotional faith. Mysticism, good and evil spirits, and the interpretation of natural phenomena as manifestations of the Divine will from the first received large emphasis. The worship of saints and relics, and the great development of the sensuous and symbolic, changed the earlier religion into a crude polytheism. During the long period of the Middle Ages the miraculous flourished. The most extreme superstition pervaded all ranks of society. Magic and prayers were employed to heal the sick, restore the crippled, foretell the future, and punish the wicked. Sacred pools, the royal touch, wonder-working images, and miracles through prayer stood in the way of the development of medicine (R. 204). Disease was attributed to satanic influence, and a regular schedule of prayers for cures was in use. Sanitation was unknown. Plagues and pestilences were manifestations of Divine wrath, and hysteria and insanity were possession by the devil to be cast out by whipping and torture. One's future was determined by the position of the heavenly bodies at the time of birth. Eclipses, meteors, and comets were fearful portents of Divine displeasure: Eight things there be a Comet brings, When it on high doth horrid rage; Wind, Famine, Plague, and Death to Kings, War, Earthquakes, Floods, and Direful Change. [4] The literature on magic was extensive. The most miraculous happenings were recorded and believed. Trial by ordeal, following careful religious formulae, was common before 1200, though prohibited shortly afterward by papal decrees (1215, 1222). The insistence of the Church on "the willful, devilish character of heresy," and the extension of heresy to cover almost any form of honest doubt or independent inquiry, caused an intellectual stagnation along lines of scientific investigation which was not relieved for more than a thousand years. The many notable advances in physics, chemistry, astronomy, and medicine made by Moslem scholars (chapter VIII) were lost on Christian Europe, and had to be worked out again centuries later by the scholars of the western world. Out of the astronomy of the Arabs the Christians got only astrology; out of their chemistry they got only alchemy. Both in time stood seriously in the way of real scientific thinking and discovery. GROWING TOLERANCE CHANGED BY THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS. After the rise of the universities, the expansion of the minds of men which followed the Crusades and the revival of trade and industry, the awakening which came with the revival of the old learning and the rise of geographical discovery, the church authorities assumed a broader and a more tolerant attitude toward inquiry and reason than had been the case for hundreds of years. It would have been surprising, with the large number of university- trained men entering the service of the Church, had this not been the case. By the middle of the fifteenth century it looked as though the Renaissance spirit might extend into many new directions, and by 1500 the world seemed on the eve of important progress in almost every line of endeavor. As was pointed out earlier (p. 259), the Church was more tolerant than it had been for centuries, and about the year 1500 was the most stimulating time in the history of our civilization since the days of Alexandria and ancient Rome. In 1517 Luther nailed his theses to the church door in Wittenberg. The Church took alarm and attempted to crush him, and soon the greatest contest since the conflict between paganism and Christianity was on. Within half a century all northern lands had been lost to the ancient Church (see map, p. 296); the first successful challenge of its authority during its long history. The effect of these religious revolts on the attitude of the Church toward intellectual liberty was natural and marked. The tolerance of inquiry recently extended was withdrawn, and an era of steadily increasing intolerance set in which was not broken for more than a century. In an effort to stop the further spread of the heresy, the Church Council of Trent (1545-63) adopted stringent regulations against heretical teachings (p. 303), while the sword and torch and imprisonment were resorted to to stamp out opposition and win back the revolting lands. A century of merciless warfare ensued, and the hatreds engendered by the long and bitter struggle over religious differences put both Catholic and Protestant Europe in no tolerant frame of mind toward inquiry or new ideas. The Inquisition, a sort of universal mediaeval grand jury for the detection and punishment of heretics, was revived, and the Jesuits, founded in 1534-40, were vigorous in defense of the Church and bitter in their opposition to all forms of independent inquiry and Protestant heresy. It was into this post-Reformation atmosphere of suspicion and distrust and hatred that the new critical, inquiring, questioning spirit of science, as applied to the forces of the universe, was born. A century earlier the first scientists might have obtained a respectful hearing, and might have been permitted to press their claims; after the Protestant Revolts had torn Christian Europe asunder this could hardly be. As a result the early scientists found themselves in no enviable position. Their theories were bitterly assailed as savoring of heresy; their methods and purposes were alike suspected; and any challenge of an old long-accepted idea was likely to bring a punishment that was swift and sure. From the middle of the sixteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century was not a time when new ideas were at a premium anywhere in western Europe. It was essentially a period of reaction, and periods of reaction are not favorable to intellectual progress. It was into this century of reaction that modern scientific inquiry and reasoning, itself another form of expression of the intellectual attitudes awakened by the work of the humanistic scholars of the Italian Renaissance, made its first claim for a hearing. THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN SCIENTIFIC METHOD. One of the great problems which has always deeply interested thinking men in all lands is the nature and constitution of the material universe, and to this problem people in all stages of civilization have worked out for themselves some kind of an answer. It was one of the great speculations of the Greeks, and it was at Alexandria, in the period of its decadence, that the Egyptian geographer Ptolemy (138 A.D.) had offered an explanation which was accepted by Christian Europe and which dominated all thinking on the subject during the Middle Ages. He had concluded that the earth was located at the center of the visible universe, immovable, and that the heavenly bodies moved around the earth, in circular motion, fixed in crystalline spheres. [5] This explanation accorded perfectly with Christian ideas as to creation, as well as with Christian conceptions as to the position and place of man and his relation to the heavens above and to a hell beneath. This theory was obviously simple and satisfactory, and became sanctified with time. As we see it now the wonder is that such an explanation could have been accepted for so long. Only among an uninquisitive people could so imperfect a theory have endured for over fourteen centuries. [Illustration: FIG. 113. NICHOLAS KOPERNIK (Copernicus), (1473-1543)] In 1543 a Bohemian church canon and physician by the name of Nicholas Copernicus published his _De Revolutionibus Orbium Celestium_, in which he set forth the explanation of the universe which we now know. He piously dedicated the work to Pope Paul III, and wisely refrained from publishing it until the year of his death. [6] Anything so completely upsetting the Christian conception as to the place and position of man in the universe could hardly be expected to be accepted, particularly at the time of its publication, without long and bitter opposition. In the dedicatory letter (R. 205), Copernicus explains how, after feeling that the Ptolemaic explanation was wrong, he came to arrive at the conclusions he did. The steps he set forth form an excellent example of a method of thinking now common, but then almost unknown. They were: 1. Dissatisfaction with the old Ptolemaic explanation. 2. A study of all known literature, to see if any better explanation had been offered. 3. Careful thought on the subject, until his thinking took form in a definite theory. 4. Long observation and testing out, to see if the observed facts would support his theory. 5. The theory held to be correct, because it reduced all known facts to a systematic order and harmony. This is as clear a case of inductive reasoning as was L. Valla's exposure of the forgery of the so-called "Donation of Constantine," an example of deductive reasoning. Both used a new method--the method of modern scholarship. In both cases the results were revolutionary. As Petrarch stands forth in history as the first modern classical scholar, so Copernicus stands forth as the first modern scientific thinker. The beginnings of all modern scientific investigation date from 1543. Of his work a recent writer (E. C. J. Morton) has said: Copernicus cannot be said to have flooded with light the dark places of nature--in the way that one stupendous mind subsequently did-- but still, as we look back through the long vista of the history of science, the dim Titanic figure of the old monk seems to rear itself out of the dull flats around it, pierces with its head the mists that overshadow them, and catches the first gleam of the rising sun,... Like some iron peak, by the Creator Fired with the red glow of the rushing morn. [Illustration: FIG. 114. TYCHO BRAHE (1546-1601)] THE NEW METHOD OF INQUIRY APPLIED BY OTHERS. At first Copernicus' work attracted but little attention. An Italian Dominican by the name of Giordano Bruno (1548-1600), deeply impressed by the new theory, set forth in Latin and Italian the far-reaching and majestic implications of such a theory of creation, and was burned at the stake at Rome for his pains. A Dane, Tycho Brahe, after twenty-one years of careful observation of the heavens, during which time he collected "a magnificent series of observations, far transcending in accuracy [7] and extent anything that had been accomplished by his predecessors," showed Aristotle to be wrong in many particulars. His observations of the comet of 1577 led him to conclude that the theory of crystalline spheres was impossible, and that the common view of the time as to their nature [8] was absurd. In 1609 a German by the name of Johann Kepler (1571-1630), using the records of observations which Tycho Brahe had accumulated and applying them to the planet Mars, proved the truth of the Copernican theory and framed his famous three laws for planetary motion. [Illustration: FIG. 115. GALILEO GALILEI (1564-1642)] Finally an Italian, Galileo Galilei, a professor at the University of Pisa, developing a telescope that would magnify to eight diameters, discovered Jupiter's satellites and Saturn's rings. The story of his discovery of the satellites of Jupiter is another interesting illustration of the careful scientific reasoning of these early workers (R. 206). Galileo also made a number of discoveries in physics, through the use of new scientific methods, which completely upset the teachings of the Aristotelians, and made the most notable advances in mechanics since the days of Archimedes. For his pronounced advocacy of the Copernican theory he was called to Rome (1615) by the Cardinals of the Inquisition, the Copernican theory was condemned as "absurd in philosophy" and as "expressly contrary to Holy Scripture," and Galileo was compelled to recant (1616) his error. [9] For daring later (1632) to assume that he might, under a new Pope, defend the Copernican theory, even in an indirect manner, he was again called before the inquisitorial body, compelled to recant and abjure his errors (R. 207) to escape the stake, and was then virtually made a prisoner of the Inquisition for the remainder of his life. So strongly had the forces of medievalism reasserted themselves after the Protestant Revolts! [Illustration: FIG. 116. SIR ISAAC NEWTON (1642-1727)] Finally the English scholar Newton (1642-1728), in his _Principia_ (1687), settled permanently all discussions as to the Copernican theory by his wonderful mathematical studies. He demonstrated mathematically the motions of the planets and comets, proved Kepler's laws to be true, explained gravitation and the tides, made clear the nature of light, and reduced dynamics to a science. Of his work a recent writer, Karl Pearson, has said: The Newtonian laws of motion form the starting point of most modern treatises on dynamics, and it seems to me that physical science, thus started, resembles the mighty genius of an Arabian tale emerging amid metaphysical exhalations from the bottle in which for long centuries it had been corked down. So far-reaching in its importance was the scientific work of Newton that Pope's couplet seems exceedingly applicable: Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night; God said, "Let Newton be," and all was light. THE NEW METHOD APPLIED IN OTHER FIELDS. The new method of study was soon applied to other fields by scholars of the new type, here and there, and always with fruitful results. The Englishman, William Gilbert (1540-1603) published, in 1600, his _De Arte Magnetica_, and laid the foundations of the modern study of electricity and magnetism. A German-Swiss by the name of Hohenheim, but who Latinized his name to Paracelsus (1493-1541), and who became a professor in the medical faculty at the University of Basle, in 1526 broke with mediaeval traditions by being one of the first university scholars to refuse to lecture in Latin. He ridiculed the medical theories of Hippocrates (p. 197) and Galen (p. 198), and, regarding the human body as a chemical compound, began to treat diseases by the administration of chemicals. A Saxon by the name of Landmann, who also Latinized his name to Agricola (1494-1555), applied chemistry to mining and metallurgy, and a French potter named Bernard Palissy (c. 1500- 88) applied chemistry to pottery and the arts. To Paracelsus, Agricola, and Palissy we are indebted for having laid, in the sixteenth century, the foundations of the study of modern chemistry. [Illustration: FIG. 117. WILLIAM HARVEY (1578-1657)] A Belgian by the name of Vesalius (1514-64) was the first modern to dissect the human body, and for so doing was sentenced by the Inquisition to perform a penitential journey to Jerusalem. One of his disciples discovered the valves in the veins and was the teacher of the Englishman, William Harvey, who discovered the circulation of the blood and later (1628) dared to publish the fact to the world. These men established the modern studies of anatomy and physiology. Another early worker was a Swiss by the name of Conrad Gessner (1516-65), who observed and wrote extensively on plants and animals, and who stands as the first naturalist of modern times. The sixteenth century thus marks the rise of modern scientific inquiry, and the beginnings of the study of modern science. The number of scholars engaged in the study was still painfully small, and the religious prejudice against which they worked was strong and powerful, but in the work of these few men we have not only the beginnings of the study of modern astronomy, physics, chemistry, metallurgy, medicine, anatomy, physiology, and natural history, but also the beginnings of a group of men, destined in time to increase greatly in number, who could see straight, and who sought facts regardless of where they might lead and what preconceived ideas they might upset. How deeply the future of civilization is indebted to such men, men who braved social ostracism and often the wrath of the Church as well, for the, to them, precious privilege of seeing things as they are, we are not likely to over- estimate. In time their work was destined to reach the schools, and to materially modify the character of all education. [Illustration: FIG. 118. FRANCIS BACON (1561-1626)] HUMAN REASON IN THE INVESTIGATION OF NATURE. To the English statesman and philosopher, Francis Bacon, more than to any one else, are we indebted for the proper formulation and statement of this new scientific method. Though not a scientist himself, he has often been termed "the father of modern science." Seeing clearly the importance of the new knowledge, he broke entirely with the old scholastic deductive logic as expressed in the _Organon_, of Aristotle, and formulated and expressed the methods of inductive reasoning in his _Novum Organum_, published in 1620. In this he showed the insufficiency of the method of argumentation; analyzed and formulated the inductive method of reasoning, of which his study as to the nature of heat [10] is a good example; and pointed out that knowledge is a process, and not an end in itself; and indicated the immense and fruitful field of science to which the method might be applied. By showing how to learn from nature herself he turned the Renaissance energy into a new direction, and made a revolutionary break with the disputations and deductive logic of the Aristotelian scholastics which had for so long dominated university instruction. In formulating the new method he first pointed out the defects of the learning of his time, which he classified under the head of "distempers," three in number, and as follows: 1. _Fantastic learning_: Alchemy, magic, miracles, old-wives, tales, credulities, superstitions, pseudo-science, and impostures of all sorts inherited from an ignorant past, and now conserved as treasures of knowledge. 2. _Contentious learning_: The endless disputations of the Scholastics about questions which had lost their significance, deductive in character, not based on any observation, not aimed primarily to arrive at truth, "fruitful of controversy, and barren of effect." 3. _Delicate learning_: The new learning of the humanistic Renaissance, verbal and not real, stylish and polished but not socially important, and leading to nothing except a mastery of itself. As an escape from these three types of distempers, which well characterized the three great stages in human progress from the sixth to the fifteenth centuries, Bacon offered the inductive method, by means of which men would be able to distinguish true from false, learn to see straight, create useful knowledge, and fill in the great gaps in the learning of the time by actually working out new knowledge from the unknown. The collecting, organizing, comparing, questioning, and inferring spirit of the humanistic revival he now turned in a new direction by organizing and formulating for the work a new _Organum_ to take the place of the old _Organon_ of Aristotle. In Book 1 he sets forth some of the difficulties (R. 208) with which those who try new experiments or work out new methods of study have to contend from partisans of old ideas. The _Novum Organum_ showed the means of escape from the errors of two thousand years by means of a new method of thinking and work. Bacon did not invent the new method--it had been used since man first began to reason about phenomena, and was the method by means of which Wycliffe, Luther, Magellan, Copernicus, Brahe, and Gilbert had worked--but he was the first to formulate it clearly and to point out the vast field of new and useful knowledge that might be opened up by applying human reason, along inductive lines, to the investigation of the phenomena of nature. His true service to science lay in the completeness of his analysis of the inductive process, and his declaration that those who wish to arrive at useful discoveries must travel by that road. As Macaulay well says, in his essay on Bacon: He was not the maker of that road; he was not the discoverer of that road; he was not the person who first surveyed and mapped that road. But he was the person who first called the public attention to an inexhaustible mine of wealth which had been utterly neglected, and which was accessible by that road alone. To stimulate men to the discovery of useful truth, to turn the energies of mankind--even slowly--from assumption and disputation to patient experimentation, [11.] and to give an impress to human thinking which it has retained for centuries, is, as Macaulay well says, "the rare prerogative of a few imperial spirits." Macaulay's excellent summary of the importance of Bacon's work (R. 209) is well worth reading at this point. THE NEW METHOD IN THE HANDS OF SUBSEQUENT WORKERS. By the middle of the seventeenth century many important advances had been made in many different lines of scientific work. In the two centuries between 1450 and 1650, the foundations of modern mathematics and mechanics had been laid. At the beginning of the period Arabic notation and the early books of Euclid were about all that were taught; at its end the western world had worked out decimals, symbolic algebra, much of plane and spherical trigonometry, mechanics, logarithms (1614) and conic sections (1637), and was soon to add the calculus (1667-87). Mercator had published the map of the world (1569) which has ever since born his name, and the Gregorian calendar had been introduced (1572). The barometer, thermometer, air-pump, pendulum clock, and the telescope had come into use in the period. Alchemy had passed over into modern chemistry; and the astrologer was finding less and less to do as the astronomer took his place. The English Hippocrates, Thomas Sydenham (1624-89), during this period laid the foundations of modern medical study, and the microscope was applied to the study of organic forms. Modern ideas as to light and optics and gases, and the theory of gravitation, were about to be set forth. All these advances had been made during the century following the epoch-making labors of Copernicus, the first modern scientific man to make an impression on the thinking of mankind. [Illustration: FIG. 119. THE LOSS AND RECOVERY OF THE SCIENCES Each short horizontal line indicates the life-span of a very distinguished scholar in the science. Mohammedan scientists have not been included. The relative neglect or ignorance of a science has been indicated by the depth of the shading. The great loss to civilization caused by the barbarian inroads and the hostile attitude of the early Church is evident.] Accompanying this new scientific work there arose, among a few men in each of the western European countries, an interest in scientific studies such as the world had not witnessed since the days of the Alexandrian Greek. This interest found expression in the organization of scientific societies, wholly outside the universities of the time, for the reporting of methods and results, and for the mingling together in sympathetic companionship of these seekers after new truth. The most important dates connected with the rise of these societies are: 1603. The Lyncean Society at Rome. 1619. Jungius founded the Natural Science Association at Rostock. 1645. The Royal Society of London began to meet; constituted in 1660; chartered in 1662. 1657. The Academia del Cimento at Florence. 1662. The Imperial Academy of Germany. 1666. The Academy of Sciences in France. 1675. The National Observatory at Greenwich established. After 1650 the advance of science was rapid. The spirit of modern inquiry, which in the sixteenth century had animated but a few minds, by the middle of the seventeenth had extended to all the principal countries of Europe. The striking results obtained during the seventeenth century revealed the vast field waiting to be explored, and filled many independent modern-type scholars with an enthusiasm for research in the new domain of science. By the close of the eighteenth century the main outlines of most of the modern sciences had been established. LEADING THINKERS OUTSIDE THE UNIVERSITIES. During the seventeenth century, and largely during the eighteenth as well, the extreme conservatism of the universities, their continued control by their theological faculties, and their continued devotion to theological controversy and the teachings of state orthodoxy rather than the advancement of knowledge, served to make of them such inhospitable places for the new scientific method that practically all the leading workers with it were found outside the universities. This was less true of England than other lands, but was in part true of English universities as well. As civil servants, court attachés, pensioners of royalty, or as private citizens of means they found, as independent scholars reporting to the recently formed scientific societies, a freedom for investigation and a tolerance of ideas then scarcely possible anywhere in the university world. [Illustration: FIG. 120. RENÉ DESCARTES (1596-1650)] Tycho Brahe and Kepler were pensioners of the Emperor at Prague. Lord Bacon was a lawyer and political leader, and became a peer of England. Descartes, the mathematician and founder of modern philosophy, to whom we are indebted for conic sections; Napier, inventor of logarithms; and Ray and Willoughby, who did the first important work in botany and zoology in England, were all independent scholars. The air-pump was invented by the Burgomaster of Madgeburg. Huygens, the astronomer and inventor of the clock was a pensioner of the King of France. Cassini, who explained the motion of Jupiter's satellites, was Astronomer Royal at Paris. Halley, who demonstrated the motions of the moon and who first predicted the return of a comet, held a similar position at Greenwich. Van Helmont and Boyle, who together laid the foundations of our chemical knowledge, were both men of noble lineage who preferred the study of the new sciences to a life of ease at court. Harvey was a physician and demonstrator of anatomy in London. Sydenham, the English Hippocrates, was a pensioner of Cromwell and a physician in Westminster. The German mathematical scholar, Leibnitz, who jointly with Newton discovered the calculus, scorned a university professorship and remained an attaché of a German court. Newton, though for a time a professor at Cambridge, during most of his mature life held the royal office of Warden of the Mint. These are a few notable illustrations of scientific scholars of the first rank who remained outside the universities to obtain advantages and freedom not then to be found within their walls. Much these same conditions continued throughout most of the eighteenth century, during which many remarkable advances in all lines of pure science were made. By the close of this century the universities had been sufficiently modernized that scientific workers began to find in them an atmosphere conducive to scientific teaching and research; during the nineteenth century they became the homes of scientific progress and instruction; to-day they are deeply interested in the promotion of scientific research. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Show that the rise of scientific inquiry was but another manifestation of the same inquiring spirit which had led to the recovery of the ancient literatures and history. 2. What do you understand to be meant by the failure of the Greeks to standardize their observations by instruments? 3. Show that it would be possible largely to determine the character of a civilization, if one knew only the prevailing ideas and conceptions as to scientific and religious matters. 4. Show the two different types of reasoning involved in the deduction of L. Valla (p. 246) and the induction of Copernicus. 5. Of which type was the reasoning of Galileo as to Jupiter's satellites? 6. Show that the three "distempers" described by Bacon characterize the three great stages in human progress from the sixth to the fifteenth centuries. 7. How do you explain the long rejection of the new sciences by the universities? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 203. Macaulay: Attitude of the Ancients toward Scientific Inquiry. 204. Franck: The Credulity of Mediaeval People. 205. Copernicus: How he arrived at the theory he set forth. 206. Brewster: Galileo's Discovery of the Satellites of Jupiter. 207. Inquisition: The Abjuration of Galileo. 208. Bacon: On Scientific Progress. 209. Macaulay: The Importance of Bacon's Work. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. How do you explain the attitude of the ancients toward scientific inquiry? 2. State the ancient purpose in pursuing scientific studies. 3. Contrast Bacon and Plato as to aims. 4. Show that the thinking of Copernicus as to the motions of the heavenly bodies was an excellent example of deductive thinking. 5. Show that the discovery and reasoning of Galileo was an example of the common method of reasoning of to-day. 6. Were the difficulties that surrounded scientific inquiry and progress, as described by Bacon, easily removed? 7. Explain the readiness with which the clergy have so commonly opposed scientific inquiry for fear that the results might upset preconceived theological ideas. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Ball, W. R. R. _History of Mathematics at Cambridge_. * Libby, Walter. _An Introduction to the History of Science_. Ornstein, Martha. _Role of the Scientific Societies in the Seventeenth Century_. * Routledge, Robert. _A Popular History of Science_. * Sedgwick, W. T. and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_. * White, A. D. _History of the Warfare of Science with Theology_, 2 vols. Wordsworth Christopher. _Scholae Academicae; Studies at the English Universities in the Eighteenth Century_. CHAPTER XVII THE NEW SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND THE SCHOOLS THE RISE OF REALISM IN EDUCATION. As will be remembered from our study of the educational results of the Revival of Learning (chapter XI), the new schools established in the reaction against medievalism, to teach pure Latin and Greek, in time became formal and lifeless (p. 283), and their aim came to be almost entirely that of imparting a mastery of the Ciceronian style, both in writing and in speech. This idea, first clearly inaugurated by Sturm at Strassburg (R. 137), had now become fixed, and in its extreme is illustrated by the teachings of the Jesuit Campion at Prague (R. 146). As a reaction against this extreme position of the humanistic scholars there arose, during the sixteenth century, and as a further expression of the new critical spirit awakened by the Revival of Learning, a demand for a type of education which would make truth rather than beauty, and the realities of the life of the time rather than the beauties of a life of Roman days, the aim and purpose of education. This new spirit became known as Realism, was contemporaneous with the rise of scientific inquiry, and was an expression of a similar dissatisfaction with the learning of the time. As applied to education this new spirit may be said to have manifested itself in three different stages, as follows: 1. Humanistic realism. 2. Social realism. 3. Sense realism. We will explain each of these, briefly, in order. 1. HUMANISTIC REALISM A NEW AIM IN INSTRUCTION. Humanistic realism represents the beginning of the reaction against form and style and in favor of ideas and content. The humanistic realists were in agreement with the classical humanists that the old classical literatures and the Bible contained all that was important in the education of youth. The ancient literatures, they held, presented "not only the widest product of human intelligence, but practically all that was worthy of man's attention." The two groups differed, however, in that the classical humanists conceived the aim of education to be the mastery of the vocabulary and style of Cicero, and the production of a new race of Roman youths for a revived Latin scholarly world, while the new humanistic realists wanted to use the old literatures as a means to a new end--that of teaching knowledge that would be useful in the world in which they lived. Monroe has so well expressed the humanistic-realist attitude that a passage from his History is worth quoting here. He says: Not only did ancient philosophy contain the true philosophy of this life, but languages were the key to the real understanding of the Christian religion. Not only did mastery of these languages give power of speech, and hence influence over one's fellows; but, if military science was to be studied, it could in no place be better searched for than in Caesar and in Xenophon; was agriculture to be practiced, no better guide was to be found than Virgil or Columella; was architecture to be mastered, no better way existed than through Vitruvius; was geography to be considered, it must be through Mela or Solinus; was medicine to be understood, no better means than Celsus existed; was natural history to be appreciated, there was no more adequate source of information than Pliny and Seneca. Aristotle furnished the basis of all the sciences, Plato of all philosophy, Cicero of all institutional life, and the Church Fathers and the Scriptures of all religion. EXPONENTS OF HUMANISTIC REALISM. The Dutch international scholar Erasmus (1467?-1536) (p. 274), the Frenchman Rabelais (1483-1553), and the English poet Milton (1608-74) stand as the clearest representatives of this new humanistic realism. Erasmus had clearly distinguished between the education of words and the education of things, had pointed out the ease with which real truth is learned and retained, and had urged the study of the content rather than the form of the ancient authors. In his _System of Studies_ he said: From these very authors (Latin and Greek), whom we read for the sake of improving our language, incidentally, in no small degree is a knowledge of things gathered. In his _Ciceronian_ he had ridiculed those who mistook the form for the spirit of the ancients. The French non-conforming monk, curé, physician, and university scholar, François Rabelais, in his satirical _Life of Gargantua_ (1535) and _The Heroic Deeds of Pantagruel_ (1533) had set forth, even more clearly, the idea of obtaining from a study of the ancient authors (R. 210) knowledge that would be useful. Writing largely in the character of a clown and a fool, because such was a safer method, he protested against the formal, shallow, and insincere life of his age. He made as vigorous a protest against medievalism and formalism as he dared, for he lived in a time when new ideas were dangerous commodities for one to carry about or to try to express. He ridiculed the old scholastic learning, set forth the idea of using the old classics for realistic as well as humanistic ends, and also advocated physical, moral, social, and religious education in the spirit of the best writers and teachers of the Italian Renaissance. His book was extensively read and had some influence in shaping thinking, though Rabelais's importance in the history of education lies rather in his influence on later educational thinkers than on the life of his time. [Illustration: FIG. 121. FRANÇOIS RABELAIS (1483-1553)] Perhaps the clearest example of humanistic realism is found in the writings of the English poet and humanitarian, John Milton. His _Tractate on Education_ (1644) was extensively read, and was influential in shaping educational practice in the non-conformist secondary academies which arose a little later in England. Still later his ideas indirectly somewhat influenced American development. Milton first gives us an excellent statement of the new religious-civic aim of post-Reformation education (R. 211), and then points out the defects of the existing education, whereby boys "spend seven or eight years merely in scraping together so much miserable Latine and Greek, as might be learnt otherwise easily and delightfully in one year." He then presents his plan for "a compleat and generous Education" for "noble and gentle youths," and tells "how all this may be done between twelve and one and twenty, less time than is now bestowed in pure trifling at Grammar and Sophistry." The course of study he outlines (R. 212) is enormous. The first year, that is beginning at twelve, the boy is to learn Latin grammar, arithmetic, and geometry, and to read simple Latin and Greek. During the next three or four years the pupil is to master Greek, and to study agriculture, geography, natural philosophy, physiology, mathematics, fortification, engineering, architecture, and natural history, all by reading the chief writings of the ancients, in prose and poetry, on these subjects. During the remaining years to twenty-one the pupil, similarly, is to obtain ethical instruction from the Greeks and the Bible; learn Hebrew, Greek, Roman, and Saxon law; learn Italian and Hebrew; and study economics, politics, history, logic, rhetoric, and poetry by reading selected ancient authors. What Rabelais suggested in jest for his giant, Milton adopted as a program for the school. In addition, in thoroughly characteristic modern English fashion, he makes careful provision for daily exercise and play. Aside, though, from its impossibility of accomplishment except by a superior few, Milton's plan is thoroughly representative of the new humanistic-realistic point of view-that is, that education should impart useful information, though the information as Milton conceived it was to be drawn almost entirely from the books of the ancients. [Illustration: FIG. 122. JOHN MILTON (1608-74)] EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF HUMANISTIC REALISM. The importance of humanistic realism in the history of education lies largely in that it was the first of a series of reactions that led later to sense-realism--that is, to the study of science and the application of scientific method in the schools. In England it possesses still larger importance. Milton had called his institution an "Academy." [1] After the restoration of the Stuarts (Charles II, 1660), some two thousand non-conforming clergymen were "dispossessed" by the Act of Conformity (1662; R. 166), and soon after this the children of Non-Conformists were excluded from the grammar schools and universities. Many of these clergymen now turned to teaching as a means of earning a livelihood and serving their people, and the ideas of the non-conformist Milton were influential in turning the schools thus established even further toward the study of useful subjects. Many of the new schools offered instruction in the modern languages, logic, rhetoric, ethics, geography, astronomy, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, surveying, navigation, history, oratory, economics, and natural and moral philosophy, as well as the old classical subjects. All teaching, too, was done in English, and the study of English language and literature was emphasized. This made these non-conformist academies in many respects superior to the older Latin grammar schools. After the enactment of the Toleration Act, in 1689, these schools were allowed to incorporate and were gradually absorbed into the existing Latin grammar-school system of England, but unfortunately without producing much change in the character of these older institutions. The idea of offering instruction in these new studies was in time carried to America, where better results were obtained. At first a few of the subjects, such as the mathematical studies, surveying, navigation, and English, were introduced into the existing Latin grammar or other schools of secondary grade. Especially was this true in the colonies south of New England. After 1751, and especially after about 1780, distinct Academies arose in the United States (chapter XVIII), whose purpose was to offer instruction in all these new subjects of study. From these our modern high schools have been derived. II. SOCIAL REALISM [Illustration: FIG. 123. MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE (1533-92)] MONTAIGNE AND LOCKE. Social realism represents a still further reaction away from the humanistic schools. It was the natural reaction of practical men of the new world against a type of education that tended to perpetuate the pedantry of an earlier age, by devoting its energies to the production of the scholar and professional man to the neglect of the man of affairs. The social realists were small in number, but powerful because of their important social connections and wealth, and they were very determined to have an education suited to their needs, even if they had to create it themselves (R. 213). The French nobleman, scholar, author, and civic officer, M. de Montaigne (1533-92), and the English philosopher, John Locke (1632-1704), were the clearest exponents of this new point of view, though it found expression in the writings of many others. Each declared for a practical, useful type of education for the young boy who was to live the life of a gentleman in the world of affairs. Neither had any sympathy with the colleges and grammar schools of the time (R. 214), and both rejected the school for the private tutor. This tutor must be selected with great care, and first of all must be a well-bred gentleman--a man, as Montaigne says, "who has rather a well-made than a well-filled head" (R. 215). Locke cautions that "one fit to educate and form the Mind of a young Gentleman is not every where to be found," and of the common type of teacher he asks, "When such an one has empty'd out into his Pupil all the Latin and Logick he has brought from the University, will that Furniture make him a fine Gentleman?" (R. 216). Both condemn the school training of their time, and both urge that the tutor train the judgment and the understanding rather than the memory. To impart good manners rather than mere information, and to train for life in the world rather than for the life of a scholar, seem to both of fundamental importance in the education of a boy. "The great world," says Montaigne, "is the mirror wherein we are to behold ourselves. In short, I would have this to be the book my young gentleman should study with the most attention." "Latin and Learning," says Locke, "make all the Noise; and the main Stress is laid upon Proficiency in Things a great Part whereof belong not to a Gentleman's Calling; which is to have the Knowledge of a Man of Business, a Carriage suitable to his Rank, and to be eminent and useful to his Country, according to his Station" (R. 216). Both emphasized the importance of travel abroad as an important factor in the education of a gentleman. THEIR PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION. Both Montaigne and Locke were concerned alone with the education of the sons of gentlemen, individuals now coming rapidly into prominence to dispute place in the world of affairs with the higher nobility on the one hand and the clergy on the other. With the education of any other class Montaigne never concerned himself. As for Locke, he was later appointed a King's Commissioner, with certain oversight of the poor, and for the education of the children of such he drew up a careful report which, in true English fashion, provided for their training in workhouses and their apprenticeship to a trade (R. 217). He wrote nothing with regard to the education of the children of middle-class workers and tradesmen. Both authors also deal entirely with the work of a tutor, and not with the work of a teacher in a school. Neither deals specifically with elementary education, but rather with what, in Europe, would be called the secondary-school period in the education of a boy. Locke was extensively read by the gentry of England, as expressive of the best current practice of their class, and his ideas as to education were also of some influence in shaping the instruction of the non-conformist teachers in the academies there. His place in the history of education is also of some importance, as we shall point out later, for the disciplinary theory of education which he set forth. Still more, Locke later exerted a deep influence on the writings of Rousseau (chapter XXI), and hence helped materially to shape modern educational theory. [Illustration: FIG. 124. JOHN LOCKE (1631-1704)] THE NEW SCHOOLS FOR THE SONS OF THE GENTRY. Both Montaigne and Locke, in their emphasis on the importance of a practical education for the social and political demands of a gentleman concerned with the affairs of the modern world, represent a still further reaction against the humanistic schools of the time than did the humanistic realists whom we have just considered. Still more, both are expressive of the attitude of the nobility and gentry of the time, who had almost deserted the schools as pedantic institutions of little value. France was then the great country of Europe, and French language, French political ideas, French manners, and French tutors found their way into all neighboring lands. A new social and political ideal was erected--that of the polished man of the world, who could speak French, had traveled, knew history and politics, law and geography, heraldry and genealogy, some mathematics and physics with their applications, could use the sword and ride, was adept in games and dancing, and was skilled in the practical affairs of life. [Illustration: FIG. 125. AN ACADEMIE DES ARMES From an early eighteenth-century Parisian poster, advertising an Academy.] To give such training the French created numerous Academies in their cities. A writer of 1649 states that there were twelve such institutions at that time in Paris alone. Not infrequently some nobleman was at the head. Boys were first educated at home by tutors, and then sent to the Academy to be trained in riding, the military arts, fortification, mathematics, the modern languages, and the many graces of a gentleman. The Englishman, John Evelyn, who was in France in 1644, thus describes the French Academies: At the Palais Cardinal in Paris I frequently went to see them ride and exercise the Greate Horse, especially at the Academy of Monsieur du Plessis, and de Veau, whose scholes of that art are frequented by the Nobility; and here also young gentlemen are taught to fence, daunce, play on musiq, and something in fortifications and mathematics. At Richelieu, near Tours, belongs an Academy where besides the exercise of the horse, armes, dauncing, etc., all the sciences are taught in the vulgar French by Professors stipendiated by the great Cardinal. The Academy of Juilly included some study of physical science, mathematics, geography, heraldry, French history, Italian, and Spanish, besides the riding and gentlemanly arts. In England the tutor in the home became the type form for the education of the sons of a gentleman, the boys frequently being sent abroad to complete their education. In German lands, which in the seventeenth century were in close sympathy with French life and thought, Heidelberg being a center for the dissemination of French ideas, the French academy idea was copied, and what were called _Ritterakademieen_ (knightly academies) were founded in the numerous court cities [2] for the education, along such lines, of the sons of the many grades of the German nobility. Between 1620 and 1780, before the rise of the German nationalistic movement which sought to replace French ideas by native German culture, was the great period of these German court schools, and during this period they bestowed on the sons of the German nobility the courtly and military education of the French academies. The education of the nobility was in consequence segregated from the intellectual life of other classes. "Gallants" and "pedants" were the respective outputs of the two types of schools. III. SENSE REALISM THE NEW EDUCATIONAL AIMS OF THIS GROUP. This represented a still further and more important step in advance than either of the preceding. In a very direct way sense realism in education was an outgrowth of the organizing work of Francis Bacon. Its aim was: (1) To apply the same inductive method formulated by Bacon for the sciences to the work of education, with a view to organizing a general method which would greatly simplify the instructional process, reduce educational work to an organized system, and in consequence effect a great saving of time; and (2) To replace the instruction in Latin by instruction in the vernacular, [3] and to substitute new scientific and social studies, deemed of greater value for a modern world, for the excessive devotion to linguistic studies. The sixteenth century had been essentially a period of criticism in education, and the leading thinkers on education, as in other lines of intellectual activity, were not in the schools. In the seventeenth century we come to a new group of men who attempted to think out and work out in practice the ideas advanced by the critics of the preceding period. In the seventeenth century we have, in consequence, the first serious attempt to formulate an educational method since the days of the Athenian Greeks and the treatise of Quintilian. The possibility of formulating an educational method that would simplify the educational process and save time in instruction, appealed to a number of thinkers, in different lands. This group of thinkers, due to their new methods of attack and thought, the German historian of education, Karl von Raumer, has called _Innovators_. The chief pedagogical ideas of the Innovators were: 1. That education should proceed from the simple to the complex, and the concrete to the abstract. 2. That things should come before rules. 3. That students should be taught to analyze, rather than to construct. 4. That each student should be taught to investigate for himself, rather than to accept or depend upon authority. 5. That only that should be memorized which is clearly understood and of real value. 6. That restraint and coercion should be replaced by interest in the studies taught. 7. That the vernacular should be used as the medium for all instruction. 8. That the study of real things should precede the study of words about things. 9. That the order and course of Nature be discovered, and that a method of teaching based on this then be worked out. 10. That physical education should be introduced for the sake of health, and not merely to teach gentlemanly sports. 11. That all should be provided with the opportunity for an education in the elements of knowledge. This to be in the vernacular. 12. That Latin and Greek be taught only to those likely to complete an education, and then through the medium of the mother tongue. 13. That a uniform and scientific method of instruction could be worked out, which would reduce education to a science and serve as a guide for teachers everywhere. The Englishman, Francis Bacon, whom we have previously considered; the German, Wolfgang Ratichius (or Ratke); and the Moravian bishop and teacher, Johann Amos Comenius, stand as perhaps the clearest examples of this organizing tendency in education. Ratke and Comenius will be considered here as types. WOLFGANG RATKE. Bacon had believed that the new scientific knowledge should be incorporated into the instruction of the schools, and had suggested, in his _Advancement of Learning_ (1603-05), a broader course of study for them, and better facilities for scientific investigation and teaching. While Bacon was not a teacher and did not write specifically on school instruction, his writings nevertheless deeply influenced many of those who followed his thinking. The first writer to apply Bacon's ideas to education and to attempt to evolve a new method and a new course of instruction was a German, by the name of Wolfgang Ratke (1571-1635). While studying in England he had read Bacon's _Advancement of Learning_, and from Bacon's suggestions Ratke tried to work out a new method of instruction. This he offered, and with much secrecy, unsuccessfully for sale at various German courts. Finally he issued an "Address" to the princes of Germany, assembled at an Electoral Diet at Frankfurt-am-Main, in 1612. In this he told them of his new method, which followed Nature, and declared that it was "fraught with momentous consequences" for mankind. He claimed that he could: 1. By using the German language in the earlier years: (a) Bring about the use of one common language among the German people, and thus lay the basis for unity in government and religion; (b) Impart to children a knowledge of the useful arts and sciences. 2. Teach Latin. Greek, and Hebrew better, and in far less time, than had previously been required for one language only. This method he offered to sell to the princes, and he would impart it only on the promise that it be not revealed to others. Two professors were appointed to examine Ratke, and they reported very favorably on his plan. In 1617 Ratke published, in Leipzig, his _Methodus Nova_, which was the pioneer work on school method, and is Ratke's chief claim to mention here. In this he laid down the fundamental rules for teaching, as he had thought them out. They were as follows: 1. The order of Nature was to be sought and followed. 2. One thing at a time, and that mastered thoroughly. 3. Much repetition to insure retention. 4. Use of the mother tongue for all instruction, and the languages to be taught through it. 5. Everything to be taught without constraint. The teacher to teach, and the scholars to keep order and discipline. 6. No learning by heart. Much questioning and understanding. 7. Uniformity in books and methods a necessity. 8. Knowledge of things to precede words about things. 9. Individual experience and contact and inquiry to replace authority. We see here the essentials of the Baconian ideas, as well as the foreshadowings of many other subsequent reforms in teaching method. During the next half-dozen years Ratke was a much-interviewed person, as the idea of a more general education of the people, advanced by the Protestant reformers, had appealed strongly to the imagination of many of the German princes. Finally the necessary money was raised to establish an experimental school, [4] printing-presses were set up to print the necessary books, the people of the village of Köthen, in Anhalt, were ordered to send their children for instruction, and the school opened with Ratke in charge and amid great expectations and enthusiasm. A year and a half later the school had failed, through the bad management of Ratke and his inability to realize the extravagant hopes he had aroused, and he himself had been thrown into prison as an impostor by the princes. This ended Ratke's work. He is important chiefly for his pioneer work as the forerunner of the greatest educator of the seventeenth century. JOHANN AMOS COMENIUS. We now reach not only the greatest representative of sense realism, both in theory and practice, before the latter part of the eighteenth century, but also one of the commanding figures in the history of education. Comenius was born at Nivnitz, in Moravia, in 1592. As a member, pastor, and later bishop of the Moravian church, and as a follower of John Huss, he suffered greatly in the Catholic-Protestant warfare which raged over his native land during the period of the Thirty Years' War. His home twice plundered, his books and manuscripts twice burned, his wife and children murdered, and himself at times a fugitive and later an exile, Comenius gave his long life to the advancement of the interests of mankind through religion and learning. Driven from his home and country, he became a scholar of the world. While a student at the University of Nassau, at the age of twenty, he read and was deeply impressed by the "Address" of Ratke. Bacon's _Novum Organum_, which appeared when he was twenty-eight, made a still deeper impression upon him. He seems to have been familiar also with the writings of the educational reformers of his time in all European lands. He traveled extensively, and maintained a large correspondence with the scholars of his time. He was master of a Latin school in Moravia from the age of twenty-two to twenty-four, when he was ordained as a pastor of the Moravian Church. Eight years later, in 1632, he was banished, with all Protestant ministers, from his native land, and while an exile for a time took charge of a school at Lissa, in Poland. Here he worked out, in practice, the great work on method which he later published. In 1638 he was invited to reform the schools of Sweden; in 1641 he visited England, in connection with a plan for the organization of all knowledge; he spent the next eight years working at school reform in Sweden; from 1650 to 1654 he was in charge of a school at Saros-Patak, in Hungary, where he worked out his famous textbooks for teaching language; he was consulted with reference to the presidency of Harvard College, in 1654; the same year he returned to Lissa, and once more lost his books and manuscripts and was made a homeless exile; and finally he found a patron and asylum in Amsterdam, where he died in 1671, at the age of seventy-nine. The verse beneath his portrait seems an especially appropriate commentary on his life. COMENIUS AND EDUCATIONAL METHOD. While teaching at Lissa, in Poland, Comenius had formulated for himself the principles underlying school instruction, as he saw it, in a lengthy book which he called _The Great Didactic_. [5] The title page (R. 218) and the table of contents (R. 219) will give an idea as to its scope. In this work Comenius formulated and explained his two fundamental ideas, namely, that all instruction must be carefully graded and arranged to follow the order of nature, and that, in imparting knowledge to children, the teacher must make constant appeal through sense-perception to the understanding of the child. We have here the fundamental ideas of Bacon applied to the school, and Comenius stands as the clearest exponent of sense realism in teaching up to his time, and for more than a century afterward. Deeply religious by nature and training, Comenius held the Holy Scriptures to contain the beginning and end of all learning; to know God aright he held to be the highest aim; and with true Protestant fervor he contended that the education of every human being was a necessity if mankind was to enter into its religious inheritance, and piety, virtue, and learning were to be brought to their fruition. Unlike those who were enthusiasts for religious education only, Comenius saw further, and held an ideal of service to the State and Church here below for which proper training was needed. Still more, he believed in the education of human beings simply because they were human beings, and not merely for salvation, as Luther had held. Comenius was the first to formulate a practicable school method, working along the new lines marked out by Bacon. He had no psychology to guide him, and worked largely by analogies from nature. A great idea with him was that we should study and follow nature, and this led him to the conclusions that education should proceed from the easy to the difficult, the near to the remote, the general to the special, and the known to the unknown, and that the great business of the teacher was imparting and guiding, and not storing the memory. These conclusions seem commonplaces to us of to-day, but what is commonplace today was genius three hundred years ago. To select the subject-matter of instruction carefully and on the basis of utility, to eliminate needless materials, not to attempt too much at a time, to use concrete examples, to have frequent repetitions to fix ideas, to advance by carefully graded steps, to tie new knowledge to old, to learn by observing and doing, and to learn by use rather than by precept--were still other of the present-day commonplaces which Comenius worked out and formulated in his _Didactica Magna_. [6] His plea for a mild and gentle discipline in place of the brutality of his time, his emphasis of the vernacular and the realities of life, his conception as to the importance of early education, his careful gradation of the school, and his ability to see the usefulness of Latin without over-emphasizing its importance--all stamp him as a capable and practical schoolmaster who saw deeply into the nature of the educational process. [Illustration: PLATE 10. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS (1592-1671) The Moravian Bishop at the age of fifty. (After an engraving by Glover, printed as a frontispiece to Hartlib's _A Reformation of Schooles_. London, 1642.) Loe, here an Exile, who to serve his God, Hath sharply tasted of proud Pashurs Rod Whose learning, Piety, & true worth, being knowne To all the world, makes all the world his owne. F.Q.] COMENIUS' IDEAS AS TO THE ORGANIZATION OF SCHOOLS. In his _Didactica Magna_ Comenius divided the school life of a child into four great divisions. The first concerned the period from infancy to the age of six, which he called The Mother School. For this period he wrote _The School of Infancy_ (1628), a book intended primarily for parents, and one of such deep insight and fundamental importance that parents and teachers may still read it with interest and profit. In it he anticipated many of the ideas of the kindergarten of to-day. The next division was The Vernacular School, which covered the period from the ages of six to twelve. For this period six classes were to be provided, and the emphasis was to be on the mother tongue. This school was to be for all, of both sexes, and in it the basis of an education for life was to be given. It was to teach its pupils to read and write the mother tongue; enough arithmetic for the ordinary business of life, and the commonly used measures; to sing, and to know certain songs by rote; to know about the real things of life; the Catechism and the Bible; a general knowledge of history, and especially the creation, fall, and redemption of man; the elements of geography and astronomy; and a knowledge of the trades and occupations of life; all of which, says Comenius, can be taught better through the mother tongue than through the medium of the Latin and Greek. In scope this school corresponds with the vernacular school of modern Europe. The next school was The Latin School, covering the years from twelve to eighteen, and in this German, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew were to be taught, by improved methods, and with physics and mathematics added. This school he divided into six classes, named from the principal study in each, as follows: (1) Grammar, (2) Physics, (3) Mathematics, (4) Ethics, (5) Dialectics, (6) Rhetoric. He also later outlined a plan for a six-class _Gymnasium_ for Saros-Patak (R. 220), culminating in a seventh year for preparation for the ministry, which was an improvement on the Latin School and very modern in character. Had such a school become common, secondary education in Europe might have been a century in advance of where the nineteenth century found it. The Latin school was to be attended only by those of ability who were likely to enter the service of Church or State, or who intended to pass on to the University. This last was to cover the period from eighteen to twenty-four. Unlike all educational practice of his time and later, Comenius here provides for an educational ladder of the present-day American type, wholly unlike the European two-class school system which (p. 353) later evolved. COMENIUS' WORK IN REFORMING LANGUAGE TEACHING. At the time Comenius lived and wrote, the languages constituted almost the only subject of study, and Latin grammar was the great introductory subject. The mediaeval grammars (Donatus; Alexander de Villa Dei; pp. 156, 155) had been so poor that the instruction was difficult and, in consequence, long drawn out. Lily's Latin Grammar (p. 276), published in 1513, and Melanchthon's Latin Grammar, published in 1525, had represented marked advances. Still the subject remained difficult, even when taught from these new types of grammars. Comenius early became convinced, as a result of his teaching and studies in educational method, that the ancient classical authors were not only too difficult for boys beginning the study of Latin, but that they also did not contain the type of real knowledge he felt should be taught in the schools. He accordingly set to work to construct a series of introductory Latin readers which would form a graded introduction to the study of Latin, and which would also introduce the pupil to the type of world knowledge and scientific information he felt should be taught. His plan eventually embraced a graded series of five books, as follows: 1. The _Orbis Sensualium Pictus_, or the World of Sense Objects Pictured. This was an illustrated primer and first reader, which appeared in 1658, and was the first illustrated book ever written for children (R. 221). 2. The _Vestibulum_ (Vestibule, or gate). An easy first reader, consisting of but a few hundred of the most commonly used Latin words and sentences, with a translation into the vernacular in parallel columns. This book required about a half-year for its completion. 3. The _Janua Linguarum Reserata_, or Gate of Languages Unlocked. This was the first of the series printed (1631), the _Vestibulum_ being an easy introduction to it, and the _Orbis Pictus_ being the _Janua_ simplified and illustrated. The _Janua_ contained some eight thousand Latin words, arranged in simple sentences, with the vernacular equivalent in parallel columns; included information on a variety of subjects; [7] and was a regular Noah's Ark for vocabulary purposes. It embraced sufficient reading material and grammar for a year. 4. The _Atrium_. This was an expansion of the _Janua_, and treated the same topics more in detail. It was intended to be an advanced reader, based, as was the _Janua_, on studies about the real things of life. The vocabulary now was Latin-Latin, instead of Latin-vernacular. 5. The _Thesaurus_, which was never completed, but was planned to be a collection of graded extracts from easy Latin authors--Cornelius Nepos, Caesar, Cicero, Sallust, Vergil, Horace, Pliny--to furnish the needed reading material for the three upper years of the Latin School. THE TEXTBOOKS ILLUSTRATED. Beginning in the _Janua_, and afterwards in the _Vestibulum_ and _Orbis Pictus_ as well, Comenius not only simplified the teaching of Latin by producing the best textbooks for instruction in the subject the world had ever known, but he also shifted the whole emphasis in instruction from words to things, and made the teaching of scientific knowledge and useful world information the keynote of his work. The hundred different chapters of the _Janua_, and the hundred and fifty-one chapters of the _Orbis Pictus_, were devoted to imparting information as to all kinds of useful subjects. The following selections from the chapter titles of the _Orbis Pictus_ illustrate how large a place the new scientific studies occupied in his conception of the school: The World Birds Weaving Philosophy The Heavens Cattle Tailor Prudence Fire Fish Barber Diligence Wind Parts of Man Schoolmaster Temperance Water Flesh and Bowels Shoemaker Fortitude Clouds Chanels and Bones Carpenter Humanity Earth Senses Potter Justice Fruits Deformities Printing Consanguinity Metals Husbandry Geometry A City Trees Bees and Honey The Planets Merchandizing Herbs Butchery Eclipses A Burial Flowers Cookery Europe Religious Forms The accompanying illustrations (Figs. 126, 127) reveal the nature of the text-books he prepared. (See also R. 221 for four additional pages of illustrations from the _Orbis Pictus_.) [Illustration: FIG. 126. A SAMPLE PAGE FROM THE "ORBIS PICTUS" The illustration and Latin text is from the first edition of 1658; the English translation from the English edition of 1727.] The success of these textbooks was immediate and very great. Within a short time after the publication of the _Janua_ it had been translated into Flemish, Bohemian, English, French, German, Greek, Hungarian, Italian, Latin, Polish, Spanish, and Swedish, as well as into Arabic, Mongolian, Russian, and Turkish. The _Orbis Pictus_ was an even greater success. [8] It went through many editions, in many languages; stood without a competitor in Europe for a hundred and fifteen years; and was used as an introductory textbook for nearly two hundred years. An American edition was brought out in New York City, as late as 1810. [Illustration: FIG. 127. PART OF A PAGE FROM A LATIN-ENGLISH EDITION OF THE "VESTIBULUM"] Thousands of parents, who knew nothing of Comenius and cared nothing for his educational ideas, bought the book for their children because they found that they liked the pictures and learned the language easily from it. [9] PLACE AND INFLUENCE OF COMENIUS. Comenius stands in the history of education in a position of commanding importance. He introduces the whole modern conception of the educational process, and outlines many of the modern movements for the improvement of educational procedure. What Petrarch was to the revival of learning, what Wycliffe was to religious thought, what Copernicus was to modern science, and what Bacon and Descartes were to modern philosophy, Comenius was to educational practice and thinking (R. 222). The germ of almost all eighteenth- and nineteenth- century educational theory is to be found in his work, and he, more than any one before him and for at least two centuries after him, made an earnest effort to introduce the new science studies into the school. Far more liberal than his Lutheran or Calvinistic or Anglican or Catholic contemporaries, he planned his school for the education of youth in religion and learning and to fit them for the needs of a modern world. Unlike the textbooks of his time, and for more than a century afterward, his were free from either sectarian bigotry or the intense and gloomy atmosphere of the age. Yet Comenius lived at an unfortunate period in the history of human progress. The early part of the seventeenth century was not a time when an enthusiastic and aggressive and liberal-minded reformer could expect much of a hearing anywhere in western Europe. The shock of the contest into which western Christendom had been plunged by the challenge of Luther had been felt in every corner of Europe, and the culmination of a century of warfare was then raging, with all the bitterness and brutality that a religious motive develops. Christian Europe was too filled with an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust and hatred to be in any mood to consider reforms for the improvement of the education of mankind. As a result the far-reaching changes in method formulated by Comenius made but slight impression on his contemporaries; his attempt to introduce scientific studies awakened suspicion, rather than interest; and the new method which he formulated in his _Great Didactic_ was ignored and the book itself was forgotten for centuries. His great influence on educational progress was through the reform his textbooks worked in the teaching of Latin, and the slow infiltration into the schools of the scientific ideas they contained. As a result, many of the fundamentally sound reforms for which he stood had to be worked out anew in the nineteenth century. It is sad to contemplate how far our western world might have been advanced in its educational organization and scientific progress, by the close of the eighteenth century, had it been in a mood to receive and utilize the reforms in aims and methods, and to accept the new scientific subject-matter, proposed and worked out by this far-sighted Moravian teacher. Religious bigotry has, in all lands and ages, proved itself one of the most serious of all obstacles in the path of human progress. IV. REALISM AND THE SCHOOLS THE VERNACULAR SCHOOLS. The ideas for which the realists just described had stood were adopted in the people's schools but slowly, and came only after long waiting. The final incorporation of science instruction into elementary education did not come until the nineteenth century, and then was an outgrowth of the reform work of Pestalozzi on the one hand, and the new social, political, economic, and industrial forces of a modern world on the other. The Peace of Westphalia (1648), which closed a century of bitter and vindictive religious warfare, was followed by another century of hatred, suspicion, and narrow religious intolerance and reaction. All parties now adopted an extremely conservative attitude in matters of religion and education, and the protection of orthodoxy became the chief purpose of the school. Reading, religion, a little counting and writing, and, in Teutonic lands, music, came to constitute the curriculum of such elementary vernacular schools as had come to exist, and the religious Primer and the Bible became the great school textbooks. The people were poor, much of Europe was impoverished and depopulated as a result of long-continued religious strife, the common people still occupied a very low social position, there were as yet no qualified teachers, and no need for general education aside from religion. Still more, during more than a thousand years the Church had established the tradition of providing free education, and when the governing authorities of the States which turned to Protestantism had taken from the Church both the opportunity to continue the schools and the wealth with which to maintain them, they were seldom willing to tax themselves to set up institutions to continue the work formerly done gratis by the Church. In consequence, regardless of Protestant educational theory as to the need for general education, but little progress in providing vernacular schools was made during the whole of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Here and there in Teutonic lands, however, the new studies found an occasional patron. In 1619 schools were organized for the little Duchy of Weimar (p. 317) by a pupil of Ratke, and sense realism was given a place in them. The schoolmaster, Andreas Reyher, who in 1642 drew up the _Schule Methodus_ "the actual title of that book was 'Schulmethodus" for Duke Ernest of Saxe-Gotha and Altenburg, was familiar with the work of both Ratke and Comenius, and made provision for instruction in "the natural and useful sciences" (R. 163) for Duke Ernest's children. Here and there a few other attempts to provide schools and add instruction in the new _Realien_ were made. The number of such attempts was not large, but their work was influential, and as a result vernacular schools and science instruction finally became established among German-speaking peoples before they did in any other land. THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. The influence of Milton's _Tractate_ on the non- conformist Academies of England has been traced, and the transfer of the idea of instruction in the new mathematical, scientific, literary, historical, and political subjects to the new American Academies has been mentioned. That these new studies also entered into the education of a gentleman in England and France, under the private-tutor and the courtly- academy system, and were copied from the French and constituted a large part of the instruction organized for the _Ritterakademieen_ of the numerous court cities in German lands, has also been mentioned. In both England and France such private instruction exerted but little influence on the existing Latin grammar schools, and in consequence the schools of both countries remained largely unchanged in direction and purpose until the second half of the nineteenth century. In German lands the _Ritterakademieen_ idea experienced a further development, which proved to be of large importance for the future of German education. FRANCKE'S "INSTITUTIONS." With the introduction of French ideas and training into the German courts, French skepticism in matters of religion developed in the court circles. Under the influence of a pious Lutheran clergyman, Philip Spener (1635-1705), who tried to emphasize religion as an affair of the heart rather than the head; and especially as a result of the work of his spiritual successor, Augustus Hermann Francke, a movement arose in German lands, during the closing years of the seventeenth century, which became known as _Pietism_. [10] Disgusted with the lifeless and insincere religion of the time, these two strove to substitute a religion of both head and heart. In 1695, moved by pity for the poor, Francke established at Halle the first of his famous "Institutions,"--a school for poor children. A pay school for the well-to-do was soon added, and soon another school for the children of nobility. An orphan school also was in time provided. The school for the poor developed into a vernacular or _Burgher_ (_volks_; peoples) school; the school for the pay pupils into a Latin School, or _Gymnasium_; and the school for nobles into a higher scientific school, or _Pädagogium_ as it was called. At first Francke encountered some theological opposition, but the "Institutions" prospered, and at the time of his death contained over 2200 pupils, and over 300 teachers, workers, and attendants. [Illustration: FIG. 128. AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANCKE (1663-1727)] The interesting thing about Francke's work was the courses of instruction he provided for his schools. [11] In the Burgher School he gave the children instruction in history, geography, and animal life, in addition to the reading, writing, counting, music, and religion of the usual German vernacular school. Into the _Gymnasium_ he introduced instruction in history, geography, music, science, and mathematics, in addition to the usual Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. He also changed the purpose of the language instruction. Greek was studied to be able to read the New Testament in the original, and Hebrew better to understand the Old. The _Pädagogium_ was provided with a botanical garden, a cabinet of natural history, physical apparatus, a laboratory for the study of chemistry and anatomy, and a workshop for turning and glass-cutting. Independent of the work of Comenius, but as an outgrowth of the new movement for the study of science now beginning to influence educational thought, we have here the most important attempt at the introduction into the school of sense realism, or _Realien_, as the Germans say, that the modern world had so far witnessed. In 1697 Francke added a _Seminarium Praeceptorium_, to train teachers in his new ideas. This was the first teachers' training- school in German lands, and the teachers he trained served to scatter his educational ideas over the German States. [12] THE FIRST REALSCHULE. Associated with Francke as a teacher was one Christopher Semler (1669-1740), who became deeply interested in the new studies of the secondary school. In 1706 Semler had submitted a plan to the government of Magdeburg for the teaching of the practical studies. This was referred to the Berlin Society of Sciences, which approved the plan, and later elected Semler to membership in the Society. For years Semler continued as a teacher at Halle, but without carrying the idea far enough to create a new type of school. In 1739 Semler published a paper "Upon the Mathematical, Mechanical, and Agricultural Real School in the City of Halle," in which he described the instruction given there. This was probably the first use of the term "real school" (Realschule). The important subjects described as taught, aside from religion, were "the useful and in daily life wholly indispensable sciences," such as mathematics, drawing, geography, history, natural history, agriculture, and economics, with much emphasis on observation by the pupils. The work at Halle soon stimulated complaints as to the existing Latin schools, where children, destined for business or the service of the State, were kept trying to learn Latin, "to the neglect of more practical and more useful studies." The usefulness of the new real studies now began to be more correctly estimated, and the conviction gradually grew that those boys who were destined for trade--now a rapidly increasing number-- should not be obliged to follow the same course as those destined to be scholars. In 1720 Rector Gesner, of the gymnasium at Rotenburg, wrote, rather sarcastically: The one class, who will not study, but will become tradesmen, merchants, or soldiers, must be instructed in writing, arithmetic, writing letters, geography, description of the world, and history. The other class may be trained for studying. In 1742 the Rector at Dresden, Schöttgen, issued a "Humble proposal for the special class in public city schools" to provide for those children "who are to remain without (that is, cannot learn) Latin." Instead of forcing them to attempt to learn Donatus, which he said was useless for them, he urged that a special class (school) be organized to train them to become useful merchants, artists, and mechanics. In 1751 Rector Henzky, of Prenzlau, issued a treatise to show "That Real schools can and must become common." In 1756 Gesner, professor at the new University of Göttingen, in a pamphlet "On the organization of a gymnasium" (R. 223), urged that there were three classes of youths for whom schools should be provided, one of which needed the _Realschule_. In 1747 a clergyman by the name of Julius Hecker (1707-1768), who had been a pupil in, and later had taught in Francke's "'Institutions," went to Berlin and opened there the first distinct German _Realschule_. In this school Hecker provided instruction in religion, ethics, German, French, Latin, mathematics, drawing, history, geography, mechanics, architecture, and a knowledge of nature and of the human body. Classes were organized in architecture, agriculture, bookkeeping, manufacturing, and mining. The school prospered from the first, and in time became the "Royal _Realschule_" of Berlin. In answer to a growing demand for advanced education for that constantly increasing number of youths destined for the trades or a mercantile career, the _realschule_ idea was copied in a number of the important cities of Germany. Thus early--a century in advance of other nations, and a century and a quarter ahead of the United States--did Prussia lay the foundations of that scientific and technical education which, later on, did so much toward creating modern industrial Germany. THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE NEW SCIENTIFIC LEARNING. Though the theological persecution of scientific workers largely died out after about the middle of the seventeenth century, and was never much of a factor in lands which had embraced some form of Protestantism, the new sciences nevertheless made but little headway in the universities until after the beginning of the eighteenth century. Up to the close of the seventeenth century the universities in all lands continued to be dominated by their theological faculties, and instruction still remained largely encompassed by mediaevalism. England represents perhaps the most notable exception to this statement, scientific studies having been received with greater tolerance by the universities there than in other lands. In both Catholic and Protestant lands the need was felt for orthodox training, through fear of further heresy, and many petty restrictions were thrown about study and teaching which were stifling to free thinking and investigation. Each little Kingdom or State now took over the supervision of some old university within its borders, or established a new one, that it might more completely control orthodoxy and prepare its own civil servants. Of the seventeenth century, Paulsen [13] well says: It was essentially the period of the territorial-confessional university, and is characterized by a preponderance of theological- confessional interest.... Many new foundations, both Catholic and Protestant, now appeared. The chief impetus leading to these numerous foundations was the accentuation of the principle of territorial sovereignty, from the ecclesiastical as well as the political point of view. The consequence was that the universities began to be _instrumentia denominationis_ of the government as professional schools for its ecclesiastical and secular officials. Each individual government endeavored to secure its own university in order--(1) to make sure of wholesome instruction, which meant, of course, instruction in harmony with the confessional standards of its established church; (2) to retain training of its secular officials in its own hands; and finally (3) render attendance at foreign universities unnecessary on the part of its subjects, and thus keep the money in the country. Large amounts of money were not needed to establish a new university. A few thousand guilders or thalers sufficed for the salaries of ten or fifteen professors, a couple of preachers and physicians would undertake the theological and medical lectures, and some old monastery would supply the needed buildings. After the Reformation the law faculty increased to the place of first importance in Protestant lands, because the Reformation had created a new demand for judges and higher court officials to replace the rule of the clergy. The medical faculty continued to be, as in the mediaeval universities, the smallest of all the faculties and amounted to little before the nineteenth century. [14] The arts faculty, or philosophical as it came to be termed in German lands, offered lectures in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and a general course in philosophy, but the Aristotelian texts and to some extent mediaeval methods in instruction continued to be used until the beginning of the eighteenth century. Here and there some professor "read" on mathematics, and in Protestant lands on the new astronomy, and the study of botany began as the study of herbs in the medical faculty, [15] but during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries few professors or students were interested in the scientific subjects. By 1675 Bacon's _Novum Organum_ had begun to be taught at both Oxford and Cambridge, and by 1700 the Newtonian physics had begun to displace Aristotle at Oxford. By 1740 it was well established there. At first instruction in the new subjects was offered as an extra and for a fee by men not having professional rank (R. 224), and later the instruction was given full recognition by the university. By 1700 Cambridge had become a center for mathematical study (R. 225), and with the growth in popularity of the Newtonian philosophy, mathematical studies there took the place held by logic in the mediaeval university. Cambridge has ever since remained a center for mathematical and, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, for scientific studies as well. Between 1680 and 1700 the University of Paris was reformed, and the mathematical and philosophical studies of Descartes (p. 394) began to be taught there. The universities of the Netherlands began to teach the new mathematical and scientific studies even earlier. Aside from the above described _Realschule_ development, the new scientific movement for a time largely passed over German lands, and in consequence the German universities remained unreformed until the eighteenth century. During the seventeenth century they sank to their lowest intellectual level. In 1694, largely in protest against the narrowness of the old universities, the new University of Halle was founded. It received into its faculty certain forward-looking men who had been driven from the old universities, [16] and is generally considered as the first modern university. The new scientific and mathematical subjects and a reformed philosophy were introduced; the instruction in Greek and Latin was reformed; German was made the medium of classroom instruction; and a scientific magazine in German was begun. In 1737 the University of Göttingen became a second center of modern influence, and from these two institutions the new scientific spirit gradually spread to all the Protestant universities of German lands. A century later they were the leading universities of the world. THE TRANSITION NOW PRACTICALLY COMPLETE. From the time Petrarch made his first "find" at Liège (1333), in the form of two previously unknown orations of Cicero (p. 244), to the publication of the _Principia_ (p. 388) of Newton (1687), is a period of approximately three and a half centuries. During these three and a half centuries a complete transformation of world-life had been effected, and the mediaeval man, with his eyes on the past, had given place to the modern man with his eyes on the future. During these three and a half centuries revolutionary forces had been at work in the world of ideas, and the transition from mediaeval to modern attitudes had been accomplished. From 1333 to 1433 was the century of "literary finds," and during this period the monastic treasures were brought to light and edited and the classical literature of Rome restored. Greek also was restored to the western world, and a reformed Latin, Greek, and Hebrew were given the place of first importance in the new humanistic school. The invention of printing took place in 1423; 1456 witnessed the appearance of the first printed book, and the perfection of the new means for the multiplication of books and the dissemination of ideas. Before 1500 the great era of geographical discovery had been inaugurated; a sea-route to India was found in 1487; and a new continent in 1492. In 1519-22 Magellan's ships rounded the world. In 1517 Luther issued the challenge, the shock of which was felt in every corner of Christian Europe, and within a half-century much of northern and western Europe had been lost to the original Roman Church. Soon independence in thinking had been extended to the problem of the organization of the universe, and in 1543 Copernicus issued the book that clearly marks the beginning of modern scientific thinking and inquiry. Bacon had done his organizing work by 1620, and Newton's _Principia_ (1687) finally established modern scientific thought and work. Comenius died in 1671, his great organizing work done, and his textbooks, with their many new educational ideas, in use all over Europe. The mediaeval attitude still continued in religion and government, but the world as a whole had left mediaeval attitudes behind it, and was facing the future of modern world organization and life. To the educational organization of this modern world we now turn, though before doing so we shall try to present a cross-section, as it were, of the development in educational theory and practice which had been attained by about the middle of the eighteenth century. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Explain why the scholars of the time were so intent on producing a new race of Roman youths for a revived Latin scholarly world. 2. Show that a reaction against humanism was certain to arise, and why. 3. How do you explain the very small influence exerted on the Latin grammar schools of England by the non-conformist Academies, after they had been absorbed into the existing English non-state system of higher schools? 4. Compare Milton and Montaigne. 5. What would be the most probable effect on education of the erection of the polished-man-of-the-world ideal? 6. Enumerate the forces favoring and opposing the change of the language of instruction from Latin to the vernacular. 7. How many of the thirteen principles of the Innovators do we still hold to be valid? 8. Just what was new in the nine fundamental rules laid down by Ratke, in his _Methodus Nova_? 9. What is your estimate of the vernacular schools as outlined by Comenius? Of the plans for a gymnasium at Saros-Patak? 10. Compare Comenius' Latin school with the College of Calvin. 11. State the new ideas in instruction embodied in the textbooks of Comenius. 12. Show that Comenius dominates modern educational ideas, even though his work was largely lost, in the same way that Petrarch or Wyclifle or Copernicus do modern work in their fields. 13. Explain the very slow development of vernacular schools after the Protestant Revolts. 14. Why would the introduction of real studies into them be especially slow? 15. What explanation can you offer for the much earlier beginnings in scientific instruction in German lands than in England or America, when much more of the important early scientific work was done by Englishmen than by Germans? and the failure of science for a time to find a home in the German universities? 16. Explain the continued dominance of the theological faculty in the universities of the seventeenth century. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 210. Rabelais: On the Nature of Education. 211. Milton: The Aim and Purpose of Education. 212. Milton: His Program for Study. 213. Adamson: Discontent of the Nobility with the Schools. 214. Montaigne: Ridicule of the Humanistic Pedants. 215. Montaigne: His Conception of Education. 216. Locke: Extracts from his Thoughts on Education. 217. Locke: Plan for Working Schools for Poor Children. 218. Comenius: Title-Page of the _Great Didactic_. 219. Comenius: Contents of the _Great Didactic_. 220. Comenius: Plan for the Gymnasium at Saros-Patak. 221. Comenius: Sample pages from the _Orbis Pictus_. (a) A page from a Latin-German edition of 1740. (b) Two pages from a Latin-English edition of 1727. (c) A page from the New York edition of 1810. 222. Butler: Place of Comenius in the History of Education. 223. Gesner: Need for _Realschulen_ for the New Classes to be Educated. 224. Handbill: How the Scientific Studies began at Cambridge. 225. Green: Cambridge Scheme of Study of 1707. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Show that Rabelais was in close sympathy with the best of the new humanists of his age. 2. Would Milton's definition of the purpose of education be true, still? 3. Show from Milton's program of studies that he represents a transition type, and also that his program contains the nucleus of the more modern studies of the secondary school. 4. Explain the discontent of the nobility with the existing Church schools. 5. Assuming Montaigne's description of the education of his time to be true, explain why this might naturally be the case. 6. Just what kind of an education does Montaigne outline, and how great a reaction was this from existing conditions? 7. In how far would Locke's ideas still apply to the education of a boy of the leisure class? 8. Show that Locke's plan for work-house schools was in thorough accord with English post-Reformation ideas as to the duty of the State in matters of education, and also that it contained the beginnings of the pauper- school idea of education which we later had to combat. 9. From the title-page and the table of contents (219) of Comenius' _Great Didactic_, point out the originality and novelty of his ideas. 10. Compare Comenius' plan for the Saros-Patak _Gymnasium_ with such schools as Sturm's, the college of Guyenne, the college of Calvin, and the Jesuits. 11. Compare Comenius' plan (220) with the instruction in an American high school of seventy-five years ago. 12. Compare the Alphabet page of Comenius' _Orbis Pictus_ with the same page in the New England Primer. 13. When so many educational reforms were inaugurated so early by Comenius, explain their neglect, and our having to work them out anew in the nineteenth century. 14. What does the need for _Realschulen_ indicate as to the evolution of German society and the recuperation from the ravages of war? 15. Compare the beginnings of scientific study at Cambridge with beginnings of new subjects to-day in our schools. 16. Just what does the Cambridge Scheme of Study indicate as being taught there? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Adamson, J. W. _Pioneers of Modern Education, 1600-1700_. Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_. * Butler, N. M. "The Place of Comenius in the History of Education": in _Proc. N. E. A._, 1892, pp. 723-28. Browning, Oscar, Editor. _Milton's Tractate on Education_. * Comenius, J. A. _Orbis Pictus_ (Bardeen; Syracuse). Hanus, Paul H. "The Permanent Influence of Comenius"; in _Educational Review_, vol. 3, pp. 226-36 (March, 1892). Laurie, S. S. _History of Educational Opinion since the Renaissance_. * Laurie, S. S. _John Amos Comenius_. Quick, R. H., Editor. _Locke's Thoughts on Education_. * Quick, R. H. _Essays on Educational Reformers_. * Vostrovsky, Clara. "A European School of the Time of Comenius (Prague, 1609)"; in _Education_, vol. 17, pp. 356-60 (February, 1897.) Wordsworth, Christopher. _Scholae Academicae; Studies at the English Universities in the Eighteenth Century_. CHAPTER XVIII THEORY AND PRACTICE BY THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY We have now reached, in our history of the transition age which began with the Revival of Learning--the great events of which were the recovery of the ancient learning, the rediscovery of the historic past, the reawakening of scholarship, and the rise of religious and scientific inquiry--the end of the transition period, and we are now ready to pass to a study of the development and progress of education in modern times. Before doing so, however, we desire to gather up and state the progress in both educational theory and practice which had been attained by the end of this transition period, and to present, as it were, a cross-section of education at about the middle of the eighteenth century. To do this, then, before passing to a consideration of educational development in modern times, will be the purpose of this chapter. We shall first review the progress made in evolving a theory as to the educational purpose, and then present a cross-section view of the schools of the time under consideration. I. PRE-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL THEORIES THE STATE PURPOSE OF THE GREEKS AND ROMANS. As we saw, early in our study of the rise and progress of the education of peoples, the City-States of Greece were the first consciously to evolve a systematic plan of schooling and a prolonged course of training for those who were to guide and direct the State. In Sparta the training was almost wholly for military efficiency and tribal safety, but in Athens we found a people using a well-worked-out system of training to develop individual initiative, advance civilization, and promote the welfare of the State. The education provided was for but a class, to be sure, and a small ruling class at that, but it was the first evidence of the new western, individualistic, and democratic spirit expressing itself in the education of the young. There also we found, for the first time, the thinkers of the State deeply concerned with the education of the youth of the State, and viewing education as a necessity to make life worth living and to secure the State from dangers, both without and within. The training there given produced wonderful results, and for two centuries the men educated by it ably guided the destinies of Athens. The essentials of this Greek training were later embodied in the private- adventure school system that arose in Rome, which was adapted to conditions and needs there, and which was used for the training of a few Roman youths of the wealthier families for a political career. Schooling at Rome, though, never attained the importance or rendered the service that characterized education at Athens, and never became an instrument of the State used consciously for State ends. One Roman writer, Quintilian, as we have seen (R. 25), worked out a careful statement of the whole process of educating a youth for a public career, and this, the first practical treatise on education, was for long highly prized as the best- written statement of the educational art. THE FUTURE-LIFE CONCEPTION OF THE CHRISTIANS. With the decline of Roman power and influence, and the victory of Christianity throughout the Roman world, the State conception of education was entirely lost to western Europe, and more than a thousand years elapsed before it again arose in the western world. The Church now became the State, and the need for any education for secular life almost entirely passed away. For centuries the aim was almost entirely a preparation for life in the world to come. Throughout all the early Middle Ages this attitude continued, supplemented only by the meager education of a few to carry on the work of the Church here below. After the tenth century we noted the rise of some more or less independent study in some of the monastery and cathedral schools, and after the twelfth century the rise of _studia generalia_ marked the congregation into groups of the few interested in a studious life. These in turn gave rise to the university foundations, and to the beginning of independent and secular study once more in the western world. The Revival of Learning, the recovery of the ancient manuscripts, the revival of the study of Greek in the West, the founding of libraries, the invention of paper and printing, and the revival of trade and commerce--all were new forces tending to give a new direction to scholarly study, and as a result a new race of scholars, more or less independent of the Church, now arose in western Europe. They were, however, a class, and a very small class at that, and though the result of their work was the creation of a new humanistic secondary school, this still ministered to the needs of but a few. This few was intended either for the service of the Church, for the governmental service of the towns which had by this time attained their independence, or for the governments of the rising principalities or states. For the great mass of the people, whose purpose in life was to work and believe and obey, agriculture, warfare, the rising trades with their guilds (p. 209), and the services of the Church constituted almost all in the way of education which they ever received. To be useful to his overlord and master here and to be saved hereafter were the chief life- purposes of the common man. The former he must himself undertake in order to be able to live at all; the latter the Church undertook to supply to those who followed her teachings. THE RISE OF THE VERNACULAR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL. For the first time in history, if we except the schools of the early Christian period, the Protestant Revolts created a demand for some form of an elementary religious school for all. The Protestant theory as to personal _versus_ collective salvation involved as a consequence the idea of the education of all in the essentials of the Christian faith and doctrine. The aim was the same as before--personal salvation--but the method was now changed from that of the Church as intermediary to personal knowledge and faith and effort. To be saved, one must know something of the Word of God, and this necessitated instruction. To this end, in theory at least, schools had to be established to educate the young for membership in the new type of Church relationship. Reading the vernacular, a little counting and writing, in Teutonic countries a little music, and careful instruction in a religious Primer (R. 202), the Catechism, and the Bible, now came to constitute the subject matter of a new vernacular school for the children of Protestants, and to a certain extent in time for the children of Catholics as well. As we pointed out earlier (p. 353), between this new type of school for religious ends and the older Latin grammar school for scholarly purposes there was almost no relationship, and the two developed wholly independently of one another. In the Latin grammar schools one studied to become a scholar and a leader in the political or ecclesiastical world; in the vernacular religious school one learned to read that he might be able to read the Catechism and the Bible, and to know the will of the Heavenly Father. There was scarcely any other purpose to the maintenance of the elementary vernacular schools. This condition continued until well into the eighteenth century. [Illustration: FIG. 129. A FRENCH SCHOOL BEFORE THE REVOLUTION (After an etching by Boisseau, 1730-1809)] EARLY UNSUCCESSFUL EDUCATIONAL REFORMERS. Back in the seventeenth century, as we have pointed out in the preceding chapter, a very earnest effort was made by Ratke and Comenius to introduce a larger conception of the educational process into the elementary vernacular school, to eliminate the gloomy religious material from the textbooks, to substitute a human- welfare purpose for the exclusively life-beyond view, and to transform the school into an institution for imparting both learning and religion. Comenius in particular hoped to make of the new elementary religious school a potent instrument for human progress by introducing new subject- matter, and by formulating laws and developing methods for its work which would be in harmony with the new scientific procedure so well stated by Francis Bacon. Comenius stands as the commanding figure in seventeenth- century pedagogical thought. He reasoned out and introduced us to the whole modern conception of the educational process and purpose, and gave to the school of the people a solid theoretical and practical basis. Living, though, at an unfortunate period in human history, he was able to awaken little interest either in rational teaching-method or in reforms looking to the advancement of the welfare of mankind. Instead he roused suspicion and distrust by the innovations and progressive reforms he proposed; his now-celebrated book on teaching method (Rs. 218, 219) was not at the time understood and was for long forgotten, while the fundamentally sound ideas and pedagogical reforms which he proposed and introduced were lost amid the hatreds of his time, and had to be worked out again and reëstablished in a later and a more tolerant age. Another unsuccessful reformer of some importance, and one whose work antedated that of both Ratke and Comenius, was the London schoolmaster, Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), for twenty-five years headmaster of the famous Merchant Taylors' School, and later Master of Saint Paul's School. In 1581 he issued his _Positions_, a pedagogical work so far in advance of his time, and written in such a heavy and affected style, that it passed almost unnoticed in England, and did not become known at all in other lands. Yet the things he stood for became the fundamental ideas of nineteenth-century educational thought. These were: 1. That the end and aim of education is to develop the body and the faculties of the mind, and to help nature to perfection. 2. That all teaching processes should be adapted to the pupil taught. 3. That the first stage in learning is of large importance, and requires high skill on the part of the teacher. 4. That the thing to be learned is of less importance than the pupil learning. 5. That proper brain development demands that pressure and one-sided education alike be avoided. 6. That the mother tongue should be taught first and well, and should be the language of the school from six to twelve. 7. That music and drawing should be taught. 8. That reading and writing at least should be the common right of all, and that girls should be given equal opportunity with boys. 9. That training colleges for teachers should be established and maintained. The modern nature of many of Mulcaster's proposals may be seen from the table of contents of his volume (R. 226). Mulcaster, like Comenius, thought far in advance of his age, and in consequence his book was soon and for long forgotten. Yet what Quick [1] says of him is very true: It would have been a vast gain to all Europe if Mulcaster had been followed instead of Sturm. He was one of the earliest advocates of the use of the vernacular instead of Latin, and good reading and writing in English were to be secured before Latin was begun. His elementary course included five things: English reading, English writing, drawing, singing, playing a musical instrument. If this were made to occupy the school time up to twelve, Mulcaster held that more would be done between twelve and sixteen than between seven and seventeen in the ordinary (Latin grammar school) way. There would be a further gain in that the children would not be set against learning. John Locke, and the disciplinary theory of education. Another commanding figure in seventeenth-century pedagogical thought was the English scholar, philosopher, teacher, physician, and political writer, John Locke (1632- 1704). In the preceding chapter we pointed out the place of Locke as a writer on the education of the sons of the English gentry, and illustrated by an extract from his _Thoughts_ (R. 216) the importance he placed on such a practical type of education as would prepare a gentleman's son for the social and political demands of a world fast becoming modern. Locke's place in the history of education, though, is of much more importance than was there (p. 402) indicated. Locke was essentially the founder of modern psychology, based on the application of the methods of modern scientific investigation to a study of the mind, [2] and he is also of importance in the history of educational thought as having set forth, at some length and with much detail, the disciplinary conception of the educational process. Locke had served as a tutor in an English nobleman's family, had worked out his educational theories in practice and thought them through as mind processes, and had become thoroughly convinced that it was the process of learning that was important, rather than the thing learned. Education to him was a process of disciplining the body, fixing good habits, training the youth in moral situations, and training the mind through work with studies selected because of their disciplinary value. This conception of education he sets forth well in the following paragraph, taken from his _Thoughts:_ The great Work of the Governor is to fashion the Carriage and form the Mind; to settle in his Pupils good Habits and the Principles of Virtue and Wisdom; to give him by little and little a View of Mankind, and work him into a Love and Imitation of what is excellent and praiseworthy; and in the Prosecution of it, to give him Vigor, Activity, and Industry. The Studies which he sets him upon, are but as it were the Exercise of his Faculties, and Employment of his Time, to keep him from Sauntering and Idleness, to teach him Application, and accustom him to take Pains, and to give him some little Taste of what his own Industry must perfect (§94). In his _Thoughts_ Locke first sets forth at length the necessity for disciplining the body by means of diet, exercise, and the hardening process. "A sound mind in a sound body" he conceives to be "a short but full description of a happy state in this world," and a fundamental basis for morality and learning. The formation of good habits and manners through proper training, and the proper adjustment of punishments and rewards next occupies his attention, and he then explains his theory as to making all punishments the natural consequences of acts. Similarly the mind, as the body, must be disciplined to virtue by training the child to deny, subordinate desires, and apply reason to acts. The formation of good habits and the disciplining of the desires Locke regards as the foundations of virtue. On this point he says: As the Strength of the Body lies chiefly in being able to endure Hardship, so also does that of the Mind. And the great Principle and Foundation of all Virtue and Worth is plac'd in this:--That a Man is able to _deny himself_ his own Desires, cross his own Inclinations, and purely follow what Reason directs as best, tho' the Appetite lean the other Way (§ 33). Similarly, in intellectual education, good thinking and the employment of reason is the aim, and these, too, must be attained through the proper discipline of the mind. Good intellectual education does not consist merely in studying and learning, he contends, as was the common practice in the grammar schools of his time, but must be achieved by a proper drilling of the powers of the mind through the use of selected studies. The purpose of education, he holds, is above all else to make man a reasoning creature. Nothing, in his judgment, trains to reason closely so well as the study of mathematics, though Locke would have his boy "look into all sorts of knowledge," and train his understanding with a wide variety of exercises. In the education given in the grammar schools of his time he found much that seemed to him wasteful of time and thoroughly bad in principle, and he used much space to point out defects and describe better methods of teaching and management, giving in some detail reasons therefor. His ideas as to needed reforms in the teaching of Latin (R. 227) are illustrative. LOCKE ON ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. For the beginnings of education, and for elementary education in general, Locke sticks close to the prevailing religious conception of his time. As for the education of the common people, he writes: The knowledge of the Bible and the business of his own calling is enough for the ordinary man; a Gentleman ought to go further. Continuing regarding the beginnings of education and the studies and textbooks of his day, he says: The Lord's Prayer, the Creeds, and the Ten Commandments, 't is necessary he should learn perfectly by heart.... What other Books there are in _English_ of the Kind of those above-mentioned (besides the Primer) fit to engage the Liking of Children, and tempt them to _read_, I do not know;... and nothing that I know has been considered of this Kind out of the ordinary Road of the Horn Book, Primer, Psalter, Testament, and Bible (§ 157). Locke does, however, give some very sensible suggestions as to the reading of the Bible (R. 228), the imparting of religious ideas to children, and the desirability of transforming instruction so as to make it pleasant and agreeable, with plenty of natural playful activity. [3] On this point he writes: He that has found a Way how to keep up a Child's Spirit easy, active, and free, and yet at the same time to restrain him from many Things he has a Mind to, and to draw him to Things that are uneasy to him; he, I say, that knows how to reconcile these seeming Contradictions, has, in my Opinion, got the true Secret of Education (§ 46). INFLUENCE OF LOCKE'S _THOUGHTS_. The volume by Locke contains much that is sensible in the matter of educating a boy. The emphasis on habit formation, reasoning, physical activities and play, the individuality of children, and a reformed method in teaching are its strong points. The thoroughly modern character of the book, in most respects, is one of its marked characteristics. The volume seems to have been much read by middle and upper-class Englishmen, and copies of it have been found in so many old colonial collections that it was probably well known among early eighteenth-century American colonists. That the book had an important influence on the attitude of the higher social classes of England toward the education of their sons and, consciously or unconsciously, in time helped to redirect the teaching in that most characteristic of English educational institutions, the English Public (Latin Grammar) School, seems to be fairly clear. On elementary religious and charity-school education it had practically no influence. Locke's great influence on educational thought did not come, though, for nearly three quarters of a century afterward, and it came then through the popularization of his best ideas by Rousseau. Karl Schmidt [4] well says of his work: Locke is a thorough Englishman, and the principle underlying his education is the principle according to which the English people have developed. Hence his theory of education has in the history of pedagogy the same value that the English nation has in the history of the world. He stood in strong opposition to the scholastic and formalized education current in his time, a living protest against the prevailing pedantry; in the universal development of pedagogy he gives impulse to the movement which grounds education upon sound psychological principles, and lays stress upon breeding and the formation of character. Restating and expanding the leading ideas of Locke in his _Emile_ (chapter XXI), and putting them into far more attractive literary form, Rousseau scattered Locke's ideas as to educational reform over Europe. In particular Rousseau popularized Locke's ideas as to the replacement of authority by reason and investigation, his emphasis on physical activity and health, his contention that the education of children should be along lines that were natural and normal for children, and above all Locke's plea for education through the senses rather than the memory. In so popularizing Locke's ideas, and at a time when all the political tendencies of the period were in the direction of the rejection of authority and the emphasis of the individual, those educational reformers who were inspired by the writings of Rousseau created and applied, largely on the foundations laid down by John Locke, a new theory as to educational aims and procedure which dominated all early nineteenth-century instruction. This we shall trace further in a subsequent chapter (chapter XXI). It was at this point that the educational problem stood, in so far as a theory as to educational aims and the educational process was concerned, when Rousseau took it up (1762). Before passing to a consideration of his work, though, and the work of those inspired by him and by the French revolutionary writers and statesmen, let us close this third part of our history by a brief survey of the development so far attained, the purpose, character, aims, and nature of instruction in the schools, and their means of support and control at about the middle of the century in which Rousseau wrote, and before the philosophical and political revolutions of the latter half of the eighteenth century had begun to influence educational aims and procedure and control. II. MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS THE PURPOSE. The purpose of maintaining the elementary vernacular school, in all European lands, remained at the middle of the eighteenth century much as it was a century before, though in the German States and in the American Colonies there was a noticeable shifting of emphasis from the older exclusively religious purpose toward a newer conception of education as preparation for life in the world here. Still, one learned to read chiefly "to learn some orthodox Catechism," "to read fluently in the New Testament," and to know the will of God, or, as stated in the law of the Connecticut Colony (R. 193), "in some competent measure to understand the main grounds and principles of Christian religion necessary to salvation." The teacher was still carefully looked after as to his "soundness in the faith" (R. 238 a); he was required "to catechise his scholars in the principles of the Christian religion," and "to commend his labors amongst them unto God by prayer morning and evening, [5] taking care that his scholars do reverently attend during the same." The minister in practically all lands examined the children as to their knowledge of the Catechism and the Bible, and on his visits quizzed them as to the Sunday sermon. In Boston (1710) the ministers were required, on their school visits, to pray with the pupils, and "to entertain them with some instructions of piety adapted to their age." In Church-of-England schools "the End and Chief Design" of the schools established continued to be instruction in "the Knowledge and Practice of the Christian Religion as Professed and Taught in the Church of England" (R. 238 b). In German lands the elementary vernacular school was still regarded as "the portico of the Temple," "Christianity its principal work," and not as "mere establishments preparatory to public life, but be pervaded by the religious spirit." [6] The uniform system of public schools ordered established for Prussia by Frederick the Great, in 1763, were after all little more than religious schools (R. 274), conducted for purposes of both Church and State. As Frederick expressed it, "we find it necessary and wholesome to have a good foundation laid in the schools by a rational and a Christian education of the young for the fear of God, and other useful ends." In the schools of La Salle's organization, which was most prominent in elementary vernacular education in Catholic France, the aim continued to be (R. 182) "to teach them to live honestly and uprightly, by instructing them in the principles of our holy religion and by teaching them Christian precepts." WEAKENING OF THE OLD RELIGIOUS THEORY. By the middle of the eighteenth century, however, there is a noticeable weakening of the hold of the old religious theory on the schools in most Protestant lands. In England there was a marked relaxation of the old religious intolerance in educational matters as the century proceeded, and new textbooks, embodying but little of the old gloomy religious material, appeared and began to be used. By a series of decisions, between 1670 and 1701 (chapter XXIV), the English courts broke the hold of the bishops in the matter of the licensing of elementary schoolmasters, and by the Acts of 1713 and 1714 the Dissenters were once more allowed to conduct schools of their own. Coincident with this growth of religious tolerance among the English we find the Church of England redoubling its efforts to hold the children of its adherents, by the organization of parish schools and the creation of a vast system of charitable religious schools. In German lands, too, a marked shifting of emphasis away from solely religious ends and toward the needs of the government began, toward the end of the eighteenth century, to be evident. In Würtemberg, which was somewhat typical of late eighteenth-century action by other German States, a Circular of the General Synod, of November 1787, declares the German schools to be "those nurseries in which should be taught the true and genuine idea of the duties of men--created with a reasoning soul toward God, government, their fellow-men, and themselves, and also at least the first rudiments of useful and indispensable knowledge." It was in the American Colonies, though, that the waning of the old religious interest was most notable. Due to rude frontier conditions, the decline in force of the old religious-town governments, the diversity of sects, the rise of new trade and civil interests, and the breakdown of old-home connections, the hold on the people of the old religious doctrines was weakened there earlier than in the old world. By 1750 the change in religious thinking in America had become quite marked. As a consequence many of the earlier parochial schools had died out, while in the New England Colonies the colonial governments had been forced to exercise an increasing state oversight of the elementary school to keep it from dying out there as well. STUDIES AND TEXTBOOKS. The studies of the elementary vernacular school remained, throughout the whole of the eighteenth century, much as before, namely, reading, a little writing and ciphering, some spelling, religion, and in Teutonic countries a little music. La Salle (R. 182) had prescribed, for the Catholic vernacular schools of France, instruction in French, some. Latin, "orthography, arithmetic, the matins and vespers, le Pater, l'Ave Maria, le Credo et le Confiteor, the Commandments, responses, Catechism, duties of a Christian, and maxims and precepts drawn from the Testament." The Catechism was to be taught one half-hour daily. The schoolbooks in England in Locke's day, as he tells us (p. 435), were "the Horn Book, Primer, Psalter, Testament, and Bible." These indicate merely a religious vernacular school. The purpose stated for the English Church charity-schools (R. 238 b), schools that attained to large importance in England and the American Colonies during the eighteenth century, shows them to have been, similarly, religious vernacular schools. The _School Regulations_ which Frederick the Great promulgated for Prussia (1763), fixed the textbooks to be used (R. 274, § 20), and indicate that the instruction in Prussia was still restricted to reading, writing, religion, singing, and a little arithmetic. In colonial America, Noah Webster's description (R. 230) of the schools he attended in Connecticut, about 1764-70, shows that the studies and textbooks were "chiefly or wholly Dilworth's Spelling Books, the Psalter, Testament, and Bible," with a little writing and ciphering. A few words of description of these older books may prove useful here. [Illustration: FIG. 130. A HORN BOOK] THE HORN BOOK. The Horn Book goes back to the close of the fifteenth century, [7] and by the end of the sixteenth century was in common use throughout England. Somewhat similar alphabet boards, lacking the handle, were also used in Holland, France, and in German lands. This, a thin oak board on which was pasted a printed slip, covered by translucent horn, was the book from which children learned their letters and began to read, the mastery of which usually required some time. Cowper thus describes this little book: Neatly secured from being soiled or torn Beneath a pane of thin translucent horn, A book (to please us at a tender age 'T is called a book, though but a single page) Presents the prayer the Savior designed to teach, Which children use, and parsons--when they preach. The Horn Book was much used well into the eighteenth century, but its reading matter was in time incorporated into the school Primer, now evolved out of an earlier elementary religious manual. THE PRIMER. Originally the child next passed to the Catechism and the Bible, but about the middle of the seventeenth century the Primer began to be used. The Primer in its original form was a simple manual of devotion for the laity, compiled without any thought of its use in the schools. It contained the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and a few of the more commonly used prayers and psalms. [8] The Catechism soon was added, and with the prefixing of the alphabet and a few syllables and words it was transformed, as schools arose, into the first reading book for children. There was at first no attempt at grading, illustration, or the introduction of easy reading material. About the close of the seventeenth century the illustrated Primer, with some attempt at grading and some additional subject-matter, made its appearance, both in England and America, and at once leaped into great popularity. The idea possibly goes back to the _Orbis Pictus_ (1654) of Comenius (p. 413: R. 221), the first illustrated schoolbook ever written. The first English Primer adapted to school use was _The Protestant Tutor_, a rather rabid anti-Catholic work which appeared in London, about 1685. A later edition of this contained the alphabet, some syllables and words, the figures and letters, the list of the books of the Bible, an alphabet of lessons, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and a poem, long famous, on the death of the martyr, John Rogers. [9] It was an abridgement of this book which the same publisher brought out in Boston, about 1690, under the name of _The New England Primer_ (R. 202). This at once leaped into great popularity, and became the accepted reading book in all the schools of the American Colonies except those under the Church of England. For the next century and a quarter it was the chief school and reading book in use among the Dissenters and Lutherans in America. Schoolmasters drilled the children on the reading matter and the Catechism it contained, and the people recited from it yearly in the churches. It was also used for such spelling as was given. It was the first great American textbook success, and was still in use in the Boston dame schools as late as 1806. It was reprinted in England, and enjoyed a great sale among Dissenters there. Its sales in America alone have been estimated at least three million copies. The sale in Europe was also large. It was followed in England by other Primers and other introductory reading books, of which _The History of Genesis_ (1708), a series of simple stories retold from the first book of the Bible, and _The Child's Weeks-Work_ (1712), containing proverbs, fables, conundrums, lessons on behavior, and a short catechism, are types. Frederick the Great, in his list of required textbooks for Prussian schools (R. 274, § 20), does not mention a Primer. [Illustration: THE WESTMINSTER CATECHISM. (A page from _The New England Primer_, natural size)] THE CATECHISM. In all Protestant German lands the Shorter Catechism prepared by Luther, or the later Heidelberg Catechism; in Calvinistic lands the Catechism of Calvin; and in England and the American Colonies the Westminster Catechism, [10] formed the backbone of the religious instruction. Teachers drilled their pupils in these as thoroughly as on any other subject, writing masters set as copies sentences from the book, children were required to memorize the answers, and the doctrines contained were emphasized by teacher and preacher so that the children were saturated with the religious ideas set forth. No book except the Bible did so much to form the character, and none so much to fix the religious bias of the children. Almost equal importance was given to the Catechism in Catholic lands (R. 182, §§ 21-22), though there supplemented by more religious influences derived from the ceremonial of the Church. [Illustration: FIG. 132. THOMAS DILWORTH (?-1780) The most celebrated English textbook writer of his day. (From the Frontispiece of his _Schoolmaster's Assistant_, 1740)] SPELLERS. The next step forward, in the transition from the religious Primer to secular reading matter for school children, came in the use of the so-called Spellers. Probably the first of these was _The English School-Master_ of Edmund Coote (R. 229), first issued in 1596. This gave thirty-two pages to the alphabet and spelling; eighteen to a shorter Catechism, prayers, and psalms; five to chronology; two to writing copies; two to arithmetic; and twenty to a list of hard words, alphabetically arranged and explained. As will be seen from this analysis of contents, this was a schoolmaster's general manual and guide. After about 1740 such books became very popular, due to the publication that year of Thomas Dilworth's _A New Guide to the English Tongue_. This book contained, as the title-page (R. 229) declared, selected lists of words with rules for their pronunciation, a short treatise on grammar, a collection of fables with illustrations for reading, some moral selections, and forms of prayer for children. It became very popular in New as well as in old England, and was followed by a long line of imitators, culminating in America in the publication of Noah Webster's famous blue-backed _American Spelling Book_, in 1783. This was after the plan of the English Dilworth, but was put in better teaching form. It contained numerous graded lists of words, some illustrations, a series of graded reading lessons, and was largely secular in character. It at once superseded the expiring _New England Primer_ in most of the American cities, and continued popular in the United States for more than a hundred years. [11] It was the second great American textbook success, and was followed by a long list of popular Spellers and Readers, leading up to the excellent secular Readers of the present day. [Illustration: FIG. 133. FRONTISPIECE TO NOAH WEBSTER'S "AMERICAN SPELLING BOOK" This is from the 1827 edition, reduced one third in size.] ARITHMETIC AND WRITING. The first English Arithmetic, published about 1540 to 1542, has been entirely lost, and was probably read by few. The first to attain any popularity was _Cocker's Arithmetic_ (1677), this "Being a Plain and Familiar Method suitable to the meanest Capacity, for the understanding of that incomparable. Art." A still more popular book was _Arithmetick: or that Necessary Art Made Most Easie_, by J. Hodder, Writing Master, a reprint of which appeared in Boston, in 1719. The first book written by an American author was Isaac Greenwood's _Arithmetick, Vulgar and Decimal_, which appeared in Boston, in 1729. In 1743 appeared Dilworth's _The Schoolmaster's Assistant_, a book which retained its popularity in both England and America until after the beginning of the nineteenth century. No text in Arithmetic is mentioned in the School Regulations of Frederick the Great (R. 274, §20), or in scarcely any of the descriptions left us of eighteenth-century schools. The study itself was common, but not universal, and was one that many teachers were not competent to teach. To possess a reputation as an "arithmeticker" was an important recommendation for a teacher, while for a pupil to be able to do sums in arithmetic was unusual, and a matter of much pride to parents. The subject was frequently taught by the writing master, in a separate school, [12] while the reading teacher confined himself to reading, spelling, and religion. Thus, for example, following earlier English practice, the Town Meeting of Boston, in 1789, ordered "three reading schools and three writing schools established in the town" for the instruction of children between the ages of seven and fourteen, the subjects to be taught in each being: The writing schools: Writing, Arithmetic The reading schools: Spelling, Accentuation, Reading of prose and verse, English grammar and composition The teacher might or might not possess an arithmetic of his own, but the instruction to the pupil was practically always dictated and copied instruction. Each pupil made up his own book of rules and solved problems, and few pupils ever saw a printed arithmetic. Many of the early arithmetics were prepared after the catechism plan. There was almost no attempt to use the subject for drill in reasoning or to give a concrete type of instruction, before about the middle of the eighteenth century, [13] and but little along such reform lines was accomplished until after the beginning of the nineteenth century. [Illustration: FIG. 134. TITLE-PAGE OF HODDER'S ARITHMETIC An early reprint of this famous book appeared in Boston in 1719.] Writing, similarly, was taught by dictation and practice, and the art of the "scrivener," as the writing master was called, was one thought to be difficult to learn. The lack of practical value of the art, the high cost of paper, and the necessity usually for special lessons, all alike tended to make writing a much less commonly known art than reading. Fees also were frequently charged for instruction in writing and arithmetic; reading, spelling, and religion being the only free subjects. The scrivener and the arithmetic teacher also frequently moved about, as business warranted, and was not fixed as was the teacher of the reading school. THE TEACHERS. The development of the vernacular school was retarded not only by the dominance of the religious purpose of the school, but by the poor quality of teachers found everywhere in the schools. The evolution of the elementary-school teacher of to-day out of the church sexton, bell- ringer, or grave-digger, [14] or out of the artisan, cripple, or old dame who added school teaching to other employment in order to live, forms one of the interesting as well as one of the yet-to-be-written chapters in the history of the evolution of the elementary school. Teachers in elementary schools everywhere in the eighteenth century were few in number, poor in quality, and occupied but a lowly position in the social scale. School dames in England (R. 235) and later in the American Colonies, and on the continent of Europe teachers who were more sextons, choristers, beadles, bell-ringers, grave-diggers, shoemakers, tailors, barbers, pensioners, and invalids than teachers, too often formed the teaching body for the elementary vernacular school (Rs. 231, 232, 233). In Switzerland, the Netherlands, and some of the American Colonies, where schools had become or were becoming local semi-civic affairs, the standards which might be imposed for teaching also were low. The grant of the tailoring monopoly to the elementary teachers of Prussia, [15] in 1738, and Krüsi's recollections of how he became a schoolmaster in Switzerland, in 1793 (R. 234), were quite typical of the time. In Catholic France, and in some German Catholic lands as well, teaching congregations (p. 345), some of whose members had some rudimentary training for their work, were in charge of the existing parish schools. These provided a somewhat better type of teaching body than that frequently found in Protestant lands, though by the latter part of the eighteenth century the beginnings of teacher-training are to be seen in some of the German States. The Church of England, too, had by this time organized strong Societies [16] for the preparation of teachers for Church-of-England schools, both at home and abroad. In Dutch, German, and Scandinavian lands, and in colonies founded by these people in America, the parish school, closely tied up with and dependent upon the parish church, was the prevailing type of vernacular school, and in this the teacher was regarded as essentially an assistant to the pastor (R. 236) and the school as a dependency of the Church. [FIG. 135. A "CHRISTIAN BROTHERS" SCHOOL La Salle teaching at Grenoble. Note the adult type of dress of the boys.] In England, in addition to regular parish schools and endowed elementary schools, three peculiar institutions, known as the Dame School, the religious charity-school, and the private-adventure or "hedge school" had grown up, and the first two of these had reached a marked development by the middle of the eighteenth century. Because these were so characteristic of early English educational effort, and also played such an important part in the American Colonies as well, they merit a few words of description at this point. THE DAME SCHOOL. The Dame School arose in England after the Reformation. By means of it the increasing desire for a rudimentary knowledge of the art of reading could be satisfied, and at the same time certain women could earn a pittance. This type of school was carried early to the American Colonies, and out of it was in time evolved, in New England, the American elementary school. The Dame School was a very elementary school, kept in a kitchen or living-room by some woman who, in her youth, had obtained the rudiments of an education, and who now desired to earn a small stipend for herself by imparting to the children of her neighborhood her small store of learning. For a few pennies a week the dame took the children into her home and explained to them the mysteries connected with learning the beginnings of reading and spelling. Occasionally a little writing and counting also were taught, though not often in England. In the American Colonies the practical situations of a new country forced the employment as teachers of women who could teach all three subjects, thus early creating the American school of the so-called "3 Rs"--"Reading, Riting, Rithmetic." The Dame School appears so frequently in English literature, both poetry and prose, that it must have played a very important part in the beginnings of elementary education in England. Of this school Shenstone (1714-63) writes (R. 235): In every village marked with little spire, Embowered in trees, and hardly known to fame, There dwells, in lowly shed and mean attire, A matron old, whom we schoolmistress name, Who boasts unruly brats with birch to tame. [Illustration: FIG. 136. AN ENGLISH DAME SCHOOL (From a drawing of a school in the heart of London, after Barclay)] The Reverend George Crabbe (1754-1832), another poet of homely life, writes (R. 235) of a deaf, poor, patient widow who sits And awes some thirty infants as she knits; Infants of humble, busy wives who pay, Some trifling price for freedom through the day. This school flourished greatly in America during the eighteenth century, but with the coming of Infant Schools, early in the nineteenth, was merged into these to form the American Primary School. [Illustration: FIG. 137. GRAVEL LANE CHARITY-SCHOOL, SOUTHWARK Founded in 1687, and one of the earliest of the Non-Conformist English charity-schools. Still carrying on its work in the original schoolroom at the time this picture appeared, in _Londina Illustrata_ in 1819.] THE RELIGIOUS CHARITY-SCHOOL. Another thoroughly characteristic English institution was the church charity-school. The first of these was founded in Whitechapel, London, in 1680. In 1699, when the School of Saint Anne, Soho (R. 237), was founded by "Five Earnest Laymen for the Poore Boys of the Parish," it was the sixth of its kind in England. In 1699 the "Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge" (S.P.C.K.) was founded for the purpose, among other things, of establishing catechetical schools for the education of the children of the poor in the principles of the Established Church (R. 238 b). In 1701 the "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" (S.P.G.) was also founded to extend the work of the Anglican Church abroad, supply schoolmasters and ministers, and establish schools, to train children to read, write, know and understand the Catechism, and fit into the teachings and worship of the Church. To develop piety and help the poor to lead industrious, upright, self- respecting lives, "to make them loyal Church members, and to fit them for work in that station of life in which it had pleased their Heavenly Father to place them," were the principal objects of the Society. All were taught reading, spelling, and the Catechism, and instruction in writing and arithmetic might be added. The training might also be coupled with that of the "schools of industry" (workhouse schools, as described by Locke [R. 217]) to augment the economic efficiency of the boy. Girls seem to have been provided for almost equally with boys, and, in addition to being taught to read and spell, were taught "to knit their Stockings and Gloves, to Mark, Sew, and make and mend their Cloathes." Both boys and girls were usually provided with books and clothing, [17] a regular uniform being worn by the boys and girls of each school. [Illustration: FIG. 138. A CHARITY-SCHOOL GIRL IN UNIFORM Saint Anne's, Soho, England] The chief motive in the establishment of these schools, though, was to decrease the "Prophaness and Debauchery ... owing to a gross Ignorance of the Christian Religion" (R. 237) and to educate "Poor Children in the Rules and Principles of the Christian Religion as professed and taught in the Church of England." Writing, in 1742, Reverend Griffith Jones, an organizer for the S.P.C.K. in Wales, said: It is but a cheap education that we would desire for them [the poor], only the moral and religious branches of it, which indeed is the most necessary and indispensable part. The sole design of this charity is to inculcate upon such ... as can be prevailed upon to learn, the knowledge and practice, the principles and duties of the Christian religion; and to make them good people, useful members of society, faithful servants of God, and men and heirs of eternal life. These schools multiplied rapidly and soon became regular institutions, as the following table, showing the growth of the S.P.C.K. schools in London alone, shows: Year Schools Boys Girls Total 1699 0 0 0 0 1704 54 1386 745 2131 1709 88 2181 1221 3402 1714 117 3077 1741 4818 In England and Ireland combined the Society had, by 1714, a total of 1073 schools, with 19,453 pupils enrolled, and by 1729 the number had increased to 1658, with approximately 34,000 pupils. From England the charity-school idea was early carried to the Anglican Colonies in America and became a fixed institution in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and somewhat in the Colonies farther south. In the Pennsylvania constitution of 1790 we find the following directions for the establishment of a state charity-school system to supplement the parish schools of the churches: Sec. I. The legislature shall, as soon as conveniently may be, provide, by law, for the establishment of schools throughout the State, in such manner that the poor may be taught _gratis_. [Illustration: FIG. 130. A CHARITY-SCHOOL BOY IN UNIFORM Saint Anne's, Soho, England] The first Pennsylvania school law of 1802 carried this direction into effect by providing for pauper schools in the counties, a condition that was not done away with until 1834. In New Jersey the system lasted until 1838. THE PRIVATE-ADVENTURE, OR "HEDGE," SCHOOL. This was a school analogous to the Dame School, but was kept by a man instead of a woman, and usually at his home or shop. Plate 15, showing a shoe cobbler teaching, represents one type of such schools. The term "hedge schools" arose in Ireland, where teaching was forbidden the Catholics, and secret schools arose in which priests and others taught what was possible. Of these McCarthy writes: [18] On the highways and on the hillsides, in ditches and behind hedges, in the precarious shelter of the ruined walls of some ancient abbey, or under the roof of a peasant's cabin, the priests set up schools and taught the children of their race. The term soon came to be applied to any kind of a poor school, taught in an irregular manner or place. Similar irregular schools, under equivalent names, also were found in German lands, [19] the Netherlands, and in France, while in the American Colonies "indentured white servants" were frequently let out as schoolmasters. The following advertisement of a teacher for sale is typical of private-adventure elementary school-keeping during the colonial period. [Illustration: FIG. 140. ADVERTISEMENT FOR A TEACHER TO LET (From the _American Weekly Mercury_ of Philadephia, 1735)] These schools were taught by itinerant school-keepers, artisans, and tutors of the poorer type, but offered the beginnings of elementary education to many a child who otherwise would never have been able to learn to read. In the early eighteenth century these schools attained a remarkable development in England. A new influence of tremendous future importance--general reading--was now coming in; the vernacular was fast supplanting Latin; newspapers were being started; little books or pamphlets (tracts) containing general information were being sold; books for children and beginners were being written; the popular novel and story had appeared; [20] and all these educative forces were creating a new and a somewhat general desire for a knowledge of the art of reading. This in turn caused a new demand for schools to teach the long-locked-up art, and this demand was capitalized to the profit of many types of people. THE APPRENTICING OF ORPHANS AND CHILDREN OF THE POOR. The compulsory apprenticing of the children of the poor, as we have seen (p. 326), was an old English institution, and workhouse training, or the so-called "schools of industry" became, by the eighteenth century, a prominent feature of the English care of the poor. These represented the only form of education supported by taxation, and the only form of education to which Parliament gave any attention during the whole of the eighteenth century. This type of institution also was carried to the Anglican Colonies in America, as we have seen in the documents for Virginia (R. 200 a), and became an established institution in America as well. The apprenticing of boys to a trade, a still older institution, was also much used as a means for training youths for a life in the trades, not only in England and the American Colonies, but throughout all European lands as well. The conditions surrounding the apprenticing of a boy had by the eighteenth century become quite fixed. The "Indenture of Apprenticeship" was drawn up by a lawyer, and by it the master was carefully bound to clothe and feed the boy, train him properly in his trade, look after his morals, and start him in life at the end of his apprenticeship. This is well shown in the many records which have been preserved, both in England (R. 242) and the American Colonies (R. 201). For many boys this type of education was the best possible at the time, and worthily started the possessor in the work of his trade. In the eighteenth century different English church parishes began to set up workhouse schools of various types, and to maintain these out of parish "rates." The one established in Bishopsgate Street, London, in 1701, is typical. This cared for about 375 children and in it, by 1720, there had been educated and placed forth 1420 children, and in addition 123 had died. Of this school it is recorded that poor children "being taken into the said Workhouse are there taught to Read and Write, and kept to Work until they are qualified to be put out to be Apprentices, and for the Sea Service, or otherwise disposed; ... The Habit of the Children is all the same, being made of Russit Cloth, and a round Badge worn upon their Breast, representing a poor Boy, and a Sheep; the Motto: '_God's Providence is our Inheritance_.'" ... In this workhouse children were "taught to spin Wool and Flax, to Sow and Knit, to make their own Cloaths, Shoes, and Stockings, and the like Employments; to inure them betimes to labour. They are also taught to read, and such as are capable, to write and cast Accounts; and also the Catechism, to ground them in Principles of Religion and Honesty." [21] The school established by Saint John's parish, Southwark, London, in 1735, and designed to train and "put out" girls for domestic service (R. 241), and which cared for, clothed, and trained forty girls, is also typical of these parish schools "for the children of the industrious poor." METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. Throughout the eighteenth century the method of instruction commonly employed in the vernacular schools was what was known as the individual method. This was wasteful of both time and effort, and unpedagogical to a high degree (R. 244). Everywhere the teacher was engaged chiefly in hearing recitations, testing memory, and keeping order. The pupils came to the master's desk, one by one (see Figures 98, 99), and recited what they had memorized. Aside from imposing discipline, teaching was an easy task. The pupils learned the assigned lessons and recited what they had learned. Such a thing as methodology--technique of instruction-- was unknown. The dominance of the religious motive, too, precluded any liberal attitude in school instruction, the individual method was time- consuming, school buildings often were lacking, and in general there was an almost complete lack of any teaching equipment, books, or supplies. Viewed from any modern standpoint the schools of the eighteenth century attained to but a low degree of efficiency (R. 244). The school hours were long, the schoolmaster's residence or place of work or business was commonly used as a schoolroom, and such regular schoolrooms as did exist were dirty and noisy and but poorly suited to school purposes. Schools everywhere, too, were ungraded, the school of one teacher being like that of any other teacher of that class. So wasteful of time and effort was the individual method of instruction that children might attend school for years and get only a mere start in reading and writing. Paulsen, [22] writing of schools in German lands at an even later date, says that even in the better type of vernacular schools many children never achieved anything beyond a little reading and knowing a few things by heart.... The instruction in reading was never anything else but a torture, protracted through years, from saying the alphabet and formation of syllables to the deciphering of complete words, without any real success in the end, while writing was nothing but a wearisome tracing of the letters, the net result of all the toil being the gabbling of the Catechism and a few Bible texts and hymns, learned over and over again. The imparting of information by the teacher to a class, or a class discussion of a topic, were almost unknown. Hearing lessons, assigning new tasks, setting copies, making quill pens, dictating sums, and imposing order completely absorbed the time and the attention of the teacher. SCHOOL DISCIPLINE. The discipline everywhere was severe. "A boy has a back; when you hit it he understands," was a favorite pedagogical maxim of the time. Whipping-posts were sometimes set up in the schoolroom, and practically all pictures of the schoolmasters of the time show a bundle of switches near at hand. Boys in the Latin grammar schools were flogged for petty offenses (R. 245). The ability to impose order on a poorly taught and, in consequence, an unruly school was always an important requisite of the schoolmaster. A Swabian schoolmaster, Häuberle by name, with characteristic Teutonic attention to details, has left on record [23] that, in the course of his fifty-one years and seven months as a teacher he had, by a moderate computation, given 911,527 blows with a cane, 124,010 blows with a rod, 20,989 blows and raps with a ruler, 136,715 blows with the hand, 10,235 blows over the mouth, 7,905 boxes on the ear, 1,115,800 raps on the head, and 22,763 _notabenes_ with the Bible, Catechism, singing book, and grammar. He had 777 times made boys kneel on peas, 613 times on a triangular piece of wood, had made 3001 wear the jackass, and 1707 hold the rod up, not to mention various more unusual punishments he had contrived on the spur of the occasion. Of the blows with the cane, 800,000 were for Latin words; of the rod 76,000 were for texts from the Bible or verses from the singing book. He also had about 3000 expressions to scold with, two thirds of which were native to the German tongue and the remainder his invention. [Illustration: FIG. 141. A SCHOOL WHIPPING-POST Drawn from a picture of a five-foot whipping-post which once stood in the floor of a school-house at Sunderland, Massachusetts. Now in the Deerfield Museum.] [Illustration: FIG. 142. AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GERMAN SCHOOL Reproduction of an engraving by J. Mettenleiter, now in the Kupferstichkabinet, Munich, and printed in Joh. Ferd. Schlez's. _Dorfschulen zu Langenhausen_. Nuremberg, 1795.] Another illustration of German school discipline, of many that might be cited, was the reform work of Johann Ernest Christian Haun, who was appointed, in 1783, as inspector of schools in the once famous Gotha (p. 317). Due to warfare and neglect the schools there had fallen into disrepute. Haun drove the incapable teachers from the work, and for a time restored the schools to something of their earlier importance. Among other reforms it is recorded that he forbade teachers to put irons around the boys' necks, to cover them with mud, to make them kneel on peas, or to brutally beat them. Diesterweg (R. 244) describes similar punishments as characteristic of eighteenth-century German schools. The eighteenth- century German schoolmaster shown in Fig. 142 was probably a good sample of his class. Pedagogical writers of the time uniformly complain of the severe discipline of the schools, and the literature of the period abounds in allusions to the prevailing harshness of the school discipline. A few writers condemn, but most approve heartily of the use of the rod. "Spare the rod and spoil the child" had for long been a well-grounded pedagogical doctrine. Among many literary extracts that might be cited illustrating this belief, the following poem by the English poet Crabbe (1754-1832) is interesting. He puts the following words into the mouth of his early schoolmaster: Students like horses on the road, Must be well lashed before they take the load; They may be willing for a time to run, But you must whip them ere the work be done; To tell a boy, that if he will improve, His friends will praise him, and his parents love, Is doing nothing--he has not a doubt But they will love him, nay, applaud without; Let no fond sire a boy's ambition trust, To make him study, let him learn he must. CONDITIONS SURROUNDING CHILDHOOD. It is difficult for us of today to re- create in imagination the pitiful life-conditions which surrounded children a century and a half ago. Often the lot of the children of the poor, who then constituted the great bulk of all children, was little less than slavery. Wretchedly poor, dirty, unkempt, hard-worked, beaten about, knowing strong drink early, illiterate, often vicious--their lot was a sad one. For the children of the poor there were few, if any, educational opportunities. Writing on the subject David Salmon says: [24] The imagination of the twentieth century cannot fathom the poverty of the eighteenth. The great development of mines and manufactures, which has brought ease and independence within the reach of industrious labour everywhere, had hardly begun; employment was so scarce and intermittent, and wages were so low, that the working classes lived in hovels, dressed in rags, and were familiar with the pangs of hunger; while those who were forced to look to the rates for hovels, rags, and food sufficient to maintain a miserable life numbered a sixth of the whole population. In the towns children were apprenticed out early in life, and for long hours of daily labor. Child welfare was almost entirely neglected, children were cuffed about and beaten at their work, juvenile delinquency was a common condition, child mortality was heavy, and ignorance was the rule. Schools generally were pay institutions or a charity, and not a birthright, and usually existed only for the middle and lower-middle classes in the population who were attendants at the churches and could afford to pay a little for the schooling given. Reading and religion were usually the only free subjects. Only in the New England Colonies, where the beginnings of town and colony school systems were evident, and in a few of the German States where state control was beginning to be exercised, was a better condition to be found. [Illustration: FIG. 143. CHILDREN AS MINIATURE ADULTS Children leaving school, from an eighteenth-century drawing by Saint Aubin.] Among the middle and upper social classes, particularly on the continent of Europe, a stiff artificiality everywhere prevailed. Children were dressed and treated as miniature adults, the normal activities of childhood were suppressed, and the natural interests and emotions of children found little opportunity for expression. Wearing powdered and braided hair, long gold-braided coats, embroidered waistcoats, cockaded hats, and swords, boys were treated more as adults than as children. Girls, too, with their long dresses, hoops, powdered hair, rouged faces, and demure manner, were trained in a, for children, most unnatural manner. [25] The dancing master for their manners and graces, and the religious instructor to develop in them the ability to read and to go through a largely meaningless ceremonial, were the chief guides for the period of their childhood. SCHOOL SUPPORT. No uniform plan, in any country, had as yet been evolved for even the meager support which the schools of the time received. The Latin grammar schools were in nearly all cases supported by the income from old "foundations" and from students' fees, with here and there some state aid. The new elementary vernacular schools, though, had had assigned to them few old foundations upon which to draw for maintenance, and in consequence support for elementary schools had to be built up from new sources, and this required time. In England the Act of Conformity of 1662 (R. 166), it will be remembered (p. 324), had laid a heavy hand on the schools by driving all Dissenters from positions in them, and the Five Mile Act of 1665 had borne even more severely on the teachers in the schools of the Dissenters. Fortunately for elementary education in England, however, the English courts, in 1670, had decided in a test case that the teacher in an elementary school could not be deprived of his position by failure of the bishop to license him, if he were a nominee of the founder or the lay patron of the school. The result of this decision was that, between 1660 and 1730, 905 endowed elementary schools were founded in England, and 72 others previously founded had their endowments increased. The number continued to increase throughout the eighteenth century, and by 1842 had reached a total of 2194. These new foundations probably gave the best schooling of the time, and tended to stir the Established Church to action. Accordingly we find that during the eighteenth century the vestries of the different church parishes began the creation of parish elementary schools for the children of the poor of the parish, supporting a teacher for them out of the parish rates, and without specific legal authorization to do so. These new parish schools also contributed somewhat to the provision of elementary education, and mark the beginning of the church "voluntary schools" which were such a characteristic feature of nineteenth-century English education. We thus have, in England, endowed elementary schools, parish schools, dame schools, private-adventure schools of many types, and charity-schools, all existing side by side, and drawing such support as they could from endowment funds, parish rates, church tithes, subscriptions, and tuition fees. The support of schools by subscription lists (R. 240) was a very common proceeding. Education in England, more than in any other Protestant land, early came to be regarded as a benevolence which the State was under no obligation to support. Only workhouse schools were provided for by the general taxation of all property. In the Netherlands and in German lands church funds, town funds, and tuition fees were the chief means of support, though here and there some prince had provided for something approaching state support for the schools of his little principality. Frederick the Great had ordered schools established generally (1763) and had decreed the compulsory attendance of children (R. 274), but he had depended largely on church funds and tuition fees (§7) for maintenance, with a proviso that the tuition of poor and orphaned children should be paid from "any funds of the church or town, that the schoolmaster may get his income" (§8). In Scotland the church parish school was the prevailing type. In France the religious societies (p. 345) provided nearly all the elementary vernacular religious education that was obtainable. In the Dutch Provinces, in the New England Colonies, and in some of the minor German States, we find the clearest examples of the beginnings of state control and maintenance of elementary schools--something destined to grow rapidly and in the nineteenth century take over the school from the Church and maintain it as a function of the State. The Prussian kings early made grants of land and money for endowment funds and support, and state aid was ordered granted by Maria Theresa for Austria (R. 274 a), in 1774. In the New England Colonies the separation of the school from the Church, and the beginnings of state support and control of education, found perhaps their earliest and clearest exemplification. In the other Colonies the lottery was much used (R. 246) to raise funds for schools, while church tithes, subscription lists, and school societies after the English pattern also helped in many places to start and support a school or schools. Only by some such means was it possible in the eighteenth century that the children of the poor could ever enjoy any opportunities for education. The parents of the poor children, themselves uneducated, could hardly be expected to provide what they had never come to appreciate themselves. On the other hand, few of the well-to-do classes felt under any obligation to provide education for children not their own. There was as yet no realization that the diffusion of education contributed to the welfare of the State, or that the ignorance of the masses might be in any way a public peril. This attitude is well shown for England by the fact that not a single law relating to the education of the people, aside from workhouse schools, was enacted by Parliament during the whole of the eighteenth century. The same was true of France until the coming of the Revolution. It is to a few of the German States and to the American Colonies that we must turn for the beginnings of legislation directing school support. This we shall describe more in detail in later chapters. THE LATIN SECONDARY SCHOOL. The great progress made in education during the eighteenth century, nevertheless, was in elementary education. Concerning the secondary schools and the universities there is little to add to what has previously been said. During this century the secondary school, outside of German lands, remained largely stationary. Having become formal and lifeless in its teaching (p. 283), and in England and France crushed by religious-uniformity legislation, the Latin grammar school of England and the surviving colleges in France practically ceased to exert any influence on the national life. The Jesuit schools, which once had afforded the best secondary education in Europe, had so declined in usefulness everywhere that they were about to be driven from all lands. The Act of Conformity of 1662 (R. 166) had dealt the grammar schools of England a heavy blow, and the eighteenth century found them in a most wretched condition, with few scholars, and their endowments shamefully abused. The Law of 1662, says Montmorency, "involved such a peering into the lives of schoolmasters, such a course of inquisitorial folly, that the position became intolerable. Men would not become schoolmasters.... Education had no meaning when none but political and religious hypocrites were allowed to teach.... National education was destroyed." and the grammar schools of England were "practically withdrawn during more than two centuries (1662-1870) from the national life." [26] In German lands the old Latin schools continued largely unchanged until near the middle of the eighteenth century, with Latin, taught as it had been for a century or more, as the chief subject of study. Shortly after the coming of Frederick the Great to the throne (1740) the Latin schools of Prussia, and after them the Latin schools in other German States, were reorganized and given a new life. The influence of Francke's school at Halle (p. 418), and the new types of teaching developed there and by his followers elsewhere, began to be felt. German, French, and mathematics were given recognition, and some science work was here and there introduced. Above all, though, Greek now attained to the place of first importance in the reorganized Latin schools. It was not until after 1740 that the German people awakened to the possibility of an independent national life. Then, under the new impulse toward nationality, French influence and manners were thrown off, German literature attained its Golden Age, the _Ritterakademieen_ (p. 405) were discarded, and a number of the German Principalities and States revised their school regulations and erected, out of the old Latin schools, a series of humanistic _gymnasia_ in which the study of Greek life and culture occupied the foremost place. New methods in classical study were thought out and applied, and a new pedagogical purpose--culture and discipline--was given to the regenerated Latin schools. A new Renaissance, in a way, took place in German lands, [27] and a knowledge of Greek was proclaimed by German university and gymnasial teachers as indispensable to a liberal education with an earnestness of conviction not exceeded by Battista Guarino (p. 268) four centuries before. To know Greek and to have some familiarity with Greek literature and history now came to be regarded as necessary to the highest culture, [28] and a pedagogical theory for such study was erected, based on the discipline of the mind, [29] which dominated the German classical school throughout the entire nineteenth century. It was in the eighteenth century also that the German States began the development of the scientific secondary school (_Realschule_), see p. 420, as described in a preceding chapter. [Illustration: FIG. 144. A PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY York Academy, York, Pennsylvania, founded by the Protestant Episcopal Church, in 1787.] RISE OF THE ACADEMY IN AMERICA. As we have seen (p. 361), the English Latin grammar school was early (1635) carried to New England, and set up there and elsewhere in the Colonies, but after the close of the seventeenth century its continued maintenance was something of a struggle. Particularly in the central and southern colonies, where commercial demands early made themselves felt, the tendency was to teach more practical subjects. This tendency led to the evolution, about the middle of the eighteenth century, of the distinctively American Academy, with a more practical curriculum, and by the close of the century it was rapidly superseding the older Latin grammar school. Franklin's Academy at Philadelphia, which began instruction in 1751, and which later evolved into the University of Pennsylvania, was probably the first American Academy. The first in Massachusetts was founded in 1761, and by 1800 there were seventeen in Massachusetts alone. The great period of academy development was the first half of the nineteenth century. The Phillips Academy, at Andover, Massachusetts, founded in 1788, reveals clearly the newer purpose of these American secondary schools. The foundation grant of this school gives the purpose to be: to lay the foundation of a public free school or ACADEMY for the purposes of instructing Youth, not only in English and Latin Grammar, Writing, Arithmetic, and those Sciences wherein they are commonly taught; but more especially to learn them the GREAT END AND REAL BUSINESS OF LIVING ... it is again declared that the _first_ and _principle_ object of this Institution is the promotion of TRUE PIETY and VIRTUE; the _second_, instruction in the English, Latin, and Greek Languages, together with Writing, Arithmetic, Music, and the Art of Speaking; the _third_, practical Geometry, Logic, and Geography; and the _fourth_, such other liberal Arts and Sciences or Languages, as opportunity and ability may hereafter admit, and as the TRUSTEES shall direct. Though still deeply religious, these new schools usually were free from denominationalism. Though retaining the study of Latin, they made most of new subjects of more practical value. A study of real things rather than words about things, and a new emphasis on native English and on science were prominent features of their work. They were also usually open to girls, as well as boys,--an innovation in secondary education before almost wholly unknown. Many were organized later for girls only. These institutions were the precursors of the American public high school, itself a type of the most democratic institution for secondary education the world has ever known. THE UNIVERSITIES. The condition of the universities by the middle of the eighteenth century we traced in the preceding chapter. They had lost their earlier importance as institutions of learning, but in a few places the sciences were slowly gaining a foothold, and in German lands we noted the appearance of the first two modern universities--institutions destined deeply to influence subsequent university development, as we shall point out in a later chapter. END OF THE TRANSITION PERIOD. We have now reached, in our study of the history of educational progress, the end of the transition period which marked the change in thinking from mediaeval to modern attitudes. The period was ushered in with the beginnings of the Revival of Learning in Italy in the fourteenth century, and it may fittingly close about the middle of the eighteenth. We now stand on the threshold of a new era in world history. The same questioning spirit that animated the scholars of the Revival of Learning, now full-grown and become bold and self-confident, is about to be applied to affairs of politics and government, and we are soon to see absolutism and mediaeval attitudes in both Church and State questioned and overthrown. New political theories are to be advanced, and the divine right of the people is to be asserted and established in England, the American Colonies, and in France, and ultimately, early in the twentieth century, we are to witness the final overthrow of the divine-right-of- kings idea and a world-wide sweep of the democratic spirit. A new human and political theory as to education is to be evolved; the school is to be taken over from the Church, vastly expanded in scope, and made a constructive instrument of the State; and the wonderful nineteenth century is to witness a degree of human, scientific, political, and educational progress not seen before in all the days from the time of the Crusades to the opening of the nineteenth century. It is to this wonderful new era in world history that we now turn. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Contrast a religious elementary school, with the Catechism as its chief textbook, with a modern public elementary school. 2. Contrast the elementary schools of Mulcaster and Comenius. 3. To what extent did the religious teachings of the time support Locke's ideas as to the disciplinary conception of education? 4. Do we to-day place as much emphasis on habit formation as did Locke? On character? On good breeding? 5. State some of the reasons for the noticeable weakening of the hold of the old religious theory as to education, in Protestant lands, by the middle of the eighteenth century. 6. How do you explain the slow evolution of the elementary teacher into a position of some importance? Is the evolution still in process? Illustrate. 7. What were the motives behind the organization of the religious charity- schools? 8. Show how tax-supported workhouse schools represented, for England, the first step in public-school maintenance. 9. Show that teaching under the individual method of instruction was school keeping, rather than school teaching. 10. How do you explain the general prevalence of harsh discipline well into the nineteenth century? 11. Did any other country have, in the eighteenth century, so mixed a type of elementary education as did England? Why was it so badly mixed there? 12. Show how the English Act of Conformity, of 1662, stifled the English Latin grammar schools. 13. What reasons were there for the development of the more practical Academy in America, rather than in England? 14. Compare the American Academy with the German _Realschule_. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections, illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced: 226. Mulcaster: Table of Contents of his _Positions_. 227. Locke: On the Teaching of Latin. 228. Locke: On the Bible as a Reading Book. 229. Coote-Dilworth: Two early "Spelling Books." 230. Webster: Description of Pre-Revolutionary Schools. 231. Raumer: Teachers in Gotha in 1741. 232. Raumer: An 18th Century Swedish People's School. 233. Raumer: Schools of Frankfurt-am-Main during the Eighteenth Century. 234. Krüsi: A Swiss Teacher's Examination in 1793. 235. Crabbe; White; Shenstone: The English Dame School described. 236. Newburgh: A Parochial-School Teacher's Agreement. 237. Saint Anne: Beginnings of an English Charity School. 238. Regulations: Charity-School Organization and Instruction. (a) Qualifications for the Master. (b) Purpose and Instruction. 239. Allen and McClure: Textbooks used in English Charity-Schools. 240. England: A Charity-School Subscription Form. 241. Southwark: The Charity-School of Saint John's Parish. 242. Gorsham: An Eighteenth-Century Indenture of Apprenticeship. 243. Indenture: Learning the Trade of a Schoolmaster. 244. Diesterweg: The Schools of Germany before Pestalozzi. 245. England: Free School Rules, 1734. 246. Murray: A New Jersey School Lottery. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. State the main points in Mulcaster's scheme (226) for education. 2. Characterize Locke's criticism (227) on the teaching of Latin. 3. State Locke's ideas as to the use of the Bible (228). 4. Characterize the nature and contents of the so-called "Spellers" by Coote and Dilworth (229). 5. Compare the Connecticut common school, as described by Webster (230), with an English charity-school (238 b), or a Swedish popular school (232) of the time. 6. Just what state of vernacular education in Teutonic lands is indicated by the three selections (231, 232, 233)? 7. Compare the proprietary right of the teachers at Frankfort (233) with the right of control claimed over song schools by the Precentor of a mediaeval cathedral (83). 8. Do such conditions as Krüsi describes (234) exist anywhere to day? 9. Characterize the Dame School of England, as to instruction and control, from the descriptions given in the selections (235) reproduced. 10. State the relationship of teacher and minister at Newburgh (236), and indicate the nature and probable extent of his income. 11. State the purpose of the founders of Saint Anne of Soho (237), and characterize the type of school they created. 12. What does the qualification for a charity-school teacher (238 a) indicate as to the nature of the teacher's calling in such schools? Outline the instruction (238 b) in such a school. 13. What instruction did the textbooks as printed (239) provide for? 14. Show the voluntary and benevolent character of the charity-school by comparing the subscription form (240) with some voluntary subscription form used to day. 15. How did the school in Saint John's parish (241) differ from apprenticeship training? 16. What changes do you note between the mediaeval Indenture of Apprenticeship (99) and the eighteenth-century English form (242)? 17. Compare Readings 201 and 242 on apprenticeship. 18. Compare conditions described in 244 with 231-233. 19. What do the Free School Rules of 1734 (245) indicate as to duties and discipline? 20. What does the use of the lottery for school support (246) indicate as to the conception and scope of education at the time? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Allen, W. O. B., and McClure, E. _Two Hundred Years; History of the S.P.C.K., 1698-1808_. Barnard, Henry. _English Pedagogy_, Part II, The Teacher in English Literature. * Birchenough, C. _History of Elementary Education in England and Wales_. Brown, E. E. _The Making of our Middle Schools_. Cardwell, J. F. _The Story of a Charity School_. Davidson, Thos. _Rousseau_. * Earle, Alice M. _Child Life in Colonial Days_. Field, Mrs. E. M. _The Child and his Book_. Ford, Paul L. _The New England Primer_. Godfrey, Elizabeth. _English Children in the Olden Time_. * Johnson, Clifton. _Old Time Schools and School Books_. * Kemp, W. W. _The Support of Schools in Colonial New York by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_. Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial New York_. Locke, John. _Some Thoughts Concerning Education_ (1693). * Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _Progress of Education in England_. Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English Education_. Mulcaster, Richard. _Positions_. (London, 1581.) * Paulsen, Friedrich. _German Education, Past and Present_. * Salmon, David. "The Education of the Poor in the Eighteenth Century"; reprinted from the _Educational Record_. (London, 1908.) * Scott, J. F. _Historic Essays on Apprenticeship and Vocational Education_. (Ann Arbor, 1914.) PART IV MODERN TIMES THE ABOLITION OF PRIVILEGE THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY A NEW THEORY FOR EDUCATION EVOLVED THE STATE TAKES OVER THE SCHOOL CHAPTER XIX THE EIGHTEENTH A TRANSITION CENTURY THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY A TURNING-POINT. The eighteenth century, in human thinking and progress, marks for most western nations the end of mediaevalism and the ushering-in of modern forms of intellectual liberty. The indifference to the old religious problems, which was clearly manifest in all countries at the beginning of the century, steadily grew and culminated in a revolt against ecclesiastical control over human affairs. This change in attitude toward the old problems permitted the rise of new types of intellectual inquiry, a rapid development of scientific thinking and discovery, the growth of a consciousness of national problems and national welfare, and the bringing to the front of secular interests to a degree practically unknown since the days of ancient Rome. In a sense the general rise of these new interests in the eighteenth century was but a culmination of a long series of movements looking toward greater intellectual freedom and needed human progress which had been under way since the days when _studia generalia_ and guilds first arose in western Europe. The rise of the universities in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Revival of Learning in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the Protestant Revolts in the sixteenth, the rise of modern scientific inquiry in the sixteenth and seventeenth, and Puritanism in England and Pietism in Germany in the seventeenth, had all been in the nature of protests against the mediaeval tendency to confine and limit and enslave the intellect. In the eighteenth century the culmination of this rising tide of protest came in a general and determined revolt against despotism in either Church or State, which, at the close of the century, swept away ancient privileges, abuses, and barriers, and prepared the way for the marked intellectual and human and political progress which characterized the nineteenth century. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHANGE IN ATTITUDE. The new spirit and interests and attitudes which came to characterize the eighteenth century in the more progressive western nations meant the ultimate overthrow of the tyranny of mediaeval supernatural theology, the evolution of a new theory as to moral action which should be independent of theology, the freeing of the new scientific spirit from the fetters of church control, the substituting of new philosophical and scientific and economic interests for the old theological problems which had for so long dominated human thinking, the substitution of natural political organization for the older ecclesiastical foundations of the State, the destruction of what remained of the old feudal political system, the freeing of the serf and the evolution of the citizen, and the rise of a modern society interested in problems of national welfare--government in the interest of the governed, commerce, industry, science, economics, education, and social welfare. The evolution of such modern-type governments inevitably meant the creation of entirely new demands for the education of the people and for far-reaching political and social reforms. This new eighteenth-century spirit, which so characterized the mid- eighteenth century that it is often spoken of as the "Period of the Enlightenment," [1] expressed itself in many new directions, a few of the more important of which will be considered here as of fundamental concern for the student of the history of educational progress. In a very real sense the development of state educational systems, in both European and American States, has been an outgrowth of the great liberalizing forces which first made themselves felt in a really determined way during this important transition century. In this chapter we shall consider briefly five important phases of this new eighteenth-century liberalism, as follows: 1. The work of the benevolent despots of continental Europe in trying to shape their governments to harmonize them with the new spirit of the century. 2. The unsatisfied demand for reform in France. 3. The rise of democratic government and liberalism in England. 4. The institution of constitutional government and religious freedom in America. 5. The sweeping away of mediaeval abuses in the great Revolution in France. I. WORK OF THE BENEVOLENT DESPOTS OF CONTINENTAL EUROPE THE NEW NATIONALISM LEADS TO INTERESTED GOVERNMENT. In England, as we shall trace a little further on, a democratic form of government had for long been developing, but this democratic life had made but little headway on the continent of Europe. There, instead, the democratic tendencies which showed some slight signs of development during the sixteenth century had been stamped out in the period of warfare and the ensuing hatreds of the seventeenth, and in the eighteenth century we find autocratic government at its height. National governments to succeed the earlier government of the Church had developed and grown strong, the kingly power had everywhere been consolidated, Church and State were in close working alliance, and the new spirit of nationality--in government, foreign policy, languages, literature, and culture--was being energetically developed by those responsible for the welfare of the States. Everywhere, almost, on the continent of Europe, the theory of the divine right of kings to rule and the divine duty of subjects to obey seemed to have become fixed, and this theory of government the Church now most assiduously supported. Unlike in England and the American Colonies, the people of the larger countries of continental Europe had not as yet advanced far enough in personal liberty or political thinking to make any demand of consequence for the right to govern themselves. The new spirit of nationality abroad in Europe, though, as well as the new humanitarian ideas beginning to stir thinking men, alike tended to awaken a new interest on the part of many rulers in the welfare of the people they governed. In consequence, during the eighteenth century, we find a number of nations in which the rulers, putting themselves in harmony with the new spirit of the time, made earnest attempts to improve the condition of their peoples as a means of advancing the national welfare. We shall here mention the four nations in which the most conspicuous reform work was attempted. THE RULERS OF PRUSSIA. Three kings, to whom the nineteenth-century greatness of Prussia was largely due, ruled the country during nearly the whole of the eighteenth century. They were fully as despotic as the kings of France, but, unlike the French kings, they were keenly alive to the needs of the people, anxious to advance the welfare of the State, tolerant in religion, and in sympathy with the new scientific studies. The first, Frederick William I (1713-40), labored earnestly to develop the resources of the country, trained a large army, ordered elementary education made compulsory, and made the beginnings in the royal provinces of the transformation of the schools from the control of the Church to the control of the State. His son, known to history as Frederick the Great, ruled from 1740 to 1786. During his long reign he labored continually to curtail ancient privileges, abolish old abuses, and improve the condition of his people. During the first week of his reign he abolished torture in trials, made the administration of law more equitable, instituted a limited freedom for the press, [2] and extended religious toleration. [3] He also partially abolished serfdom on the royal domains, and tried to uplift the peasantry and citizen classes, but in this he met with bitter opposition from the nobles of his realm. He built roads, canals, and bridges, encouraged skilled artisans to settle in his dominions, developed agriculture and industry, encouraged scientific workers, extended an asylum to thousands of Huguenots fleeing from religious persecution in France, [4] and did more than any previous ruler to provide common schools throughout his kingdom. By the general regulation of education in his kingdom (chapter xxii) he laid the foundations upon which the nineteenth- century Prussian school system was later built. [Illustration: Fig 145 FREDERICK THE GREAT] His rule, though, was thoroughly autocratic. "Every thing for the people, but nothing by the people", was the keynote of his policies. He had no confidence in the ability of the people to rule, and gave them no opportunity to learn the art. He employed the strong army his father built up to wage wars of conquest, seize territory that did not belong to him, and in consequence made himself a great German hero. [5] He may be said to have laid the foundations of modern militarized, socialized, obediently educated, and subject Germany, and also to have begun the "grand-larceny" and "scrap-of-paper" policy which has characterized Prussian international relationships ever since. Frederick William II, who reigned from 1786 to 1797, continued in large measure the enlightened policies of his uncle, reformed the tax system, lightened the burdens of his people, encouraged trade, emphasized the German tongue, quickened the national spirit, actively encouraged schools and universities, and began that centralization of authority over the developing educational system which resulted in the creation in Prussia of the first modern state school system in Europe. The educational work of these three Prussian kings was indeed important, and we shall study it more in detail in a later chapter (Chapter XXII). THE AUSTRIAN REFORMERS. Two notably benevolent rulers occupied the Austrian throne for half a century, and did much to improve the condition of the Austrian people. A very remarkable woman, Maria Theresa, came to the throne in 1740, and was followed by her son, Joseph II, in 1780. He ruled until 1790. To Maria Theresa the Austria of the nineteenth century owed most of its development and power. She worked with seemingly tireless energy for the advancement of the welfare of her subjects, and toward the close of her reign laid, as we shall see in a later chapter, the beginnings of Austrian school reform. Joseph II carried still further his mother's benevolent work, and strove to introduce "enlightenment and reason" into the administration of his realm. A student of the writings of the eighteenth-century reform philosophers, and deeply imbued with the reform spirit of his time, he attempted to abolish ancient privileges, establish a uniform code of justice, encourage education, free the serfs, abolish feudal tenure, grant religious toleration, curb the power of the Pope and the Church, break the power of the local Diets, centralize the State, and "introduce a uniform level of democratic simplicity under his own absolute sway." He attempted to alter the organization of the Church, abolished six hundred monasteries, [6] and reduced the number of monastic persons in his dominion from 63,000 to 27,000. Attempting too much, he brought down upon his head the wrath of both priest and noble and died a disappointed man. The abolition of feudal tenure and serfdom on the distinctively Austrian lands, of all his attempted reforms, alone was permanent. His work stands as an interesting commentary on the temporary character of the results which follow attempts rapidly to improve the conditions surrounding the lives of people, without at the same time educating the people to improve themselves. THE SPANISH REFORMERS. A very similar result attended the reform efforts of a succession of benevolent rulers thrust upon Spain, during the eighteenth century, by the complications of foreign politics. Over a period of nearly ninety years, extending from the accession of Philip V (1700) to the death of Charles III (1788), remarkable political progress was imposed by a succession of able ministers and with the consent of the kings. [7] The power of the Church, always the crying evil of Spain, was restricted in many ways; the Inquisition was curbed; the Jesuits were driven from the kingdom; the burning of heretics was stopped; prosecution for heresy was reduced and discouraged; the monastic orders were taught to fear the law and curb their passions; evils in public administration were removed; national grievances were redressed; the civil service was improved; science and literature were encouraged, in place of barren theological speculations; and an earnest effort was made to regenerate the national life and improve the lot of the common people. All these reforms, though, were imposed from above, and no attempt was made to introduce schools or to educate the people in the arts of self- government. The result was that the reforms never went beneath the surface, and the national life of the people remained largely untouched. Within five years of the death of Charles III all had been lost. Under a native Spanish king, thoroughly orthodox, devout, and lacking in any broad national outlook, the Church easily restored itself to power, the priests resumed their earlier importance, the nobles again began to exact their full toll, free discussion was forbidden, scientific studies were abandoned, the universities were ordered to discontinue the study of moral philosophy, and the political and social reforms which had required three generations to build up were lost in half a decade. Not meeting any well- expressed need of the people, and with no schools provided to show to the people the desirable nature of the reforms introduced, it was easy to sweep them aside. In this relapse to mediaevalism, the chance for Spain-- a country rich in possibilities and natural resources--to evolve early into a progressive modern nation was lost. So Spain has remained ever since, and only in the last quarter of a century has reform from within begun to be evident in this until recently priest-ridden and benighted land. THE INTELLIGENT DESPOTS OF RUSSIA. The greatest of these were Peter the Great, who ruled from 1689 to 1725, and Catherine II, who ruled from 1762 to 1796. Catching something of the new eighteenth-century western spirit, these rulers tried to introduce some western enlightenment into their as yet almost barbarous land. Each tried earnestly to lift their people to a higher level of living, and to start them on the road toward civilization and learning. By a series of edicts, despotically enforced, Peter tried to introduce the civilization of the western world into his country. He brought in numbers of skilled artisans, doctors, merchants, teachers, printers, and soldiers; introduced many western skills and trades; and made the beginnings of western secondary education for the governing classes by the establishment in the cities of a number of German-type _gymnasia_. [8] Later Catherine II had the French philosopher Diderot (p. 482) draw up a plan for her for the organization of a state system of higher schools, but the plan was never put into effect. The beginnings of Russian higher civilization really date from this eighteenth-century work. The power of the formidable Greek or Eastern Church remained, however, untouched, and this continued, until after the Russian revolution of 1917, as one of the most serious obstacles to Russian intellectual and educational progress. The serfs, too, remained serfs--tied to the land, ignorant, superstitious, and obedient. By the close of the eighteenth century Russia, largely under Prussian training, had become a very formidable military power, and by the close of the nineteenth century was beginning to make some progress of importance in the arts of peace. Just at present Russia is going through a stage of national evolution quite comparable to that which took place in France a century and a quarter ago, and the educational importance of this great people, as we shall point out further on, lies in their future evolution rather than in any contribution they have as yet made to western development. II. THE UNSATISFIED DEMAND FOR REFORM IN FRANCE THE SETTING OF EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE. Eighteenth-century France, on the contrary, developed no benevolent despot to mitigate abuses, reform the laws, abolish privileges, temper the rule of the Church, [9] (R. 247), curb the monastic orders, develop the natural resources, begin the establishment of schools, and alleviate the hard lot of the serf and the peasant. There, instead, absolute monarchy in Europe reached its most complete triumph during the long reigns of Louis XIV (1643-1715) and Louis XV (1715-74), and the splendor of the court life of France captivated all Europe and served to hide the misery which made the splendor possible. There the power of the nobles had been completely broken, and the power of the parliaments completely destroyed. "I am the State," exclaimed Louis XIV, and the almost unlimited despotism of the King and his ministers and favorites fully supported the statement. Local liberties had been suppressed, and the lot of the common people--ignorant, hard-working, downtrodden, but intensely patriotic--was wretched in the extreme. Approximately 140,000 nobles [10] and 130,000 monks, nuns, and clergy owned two fifths of the landed property of France, and controlled the destinies of a nation of approximately 25,000,000 people. Agriculture was the great industry of the time, but this was so taxed by the agents of King and Church that over one half of the net profits from farming were taken for taxation. CHURCH AND STATE WERE IN CLOSE WORKING ALLIANCE. The higher offices of the Church were commonly held by appointed noblemen, who drew large incomes [11] led worldly lives, and neglected their priestly functions much as the Italian appointees in German lands had done before the Reformation. Between the nobles and upper clergy on the one hand and the peasant-born lower clergy and the masses of the people on the other a great gulf existed. The real brains of France were to be found among a small bourgeois class of bankers, merchants, shopkeepers, minor officials, lawyers, and skilled artisans, who lived in the cities and who, ambitious and discontented, did much to stimulate the increasing unrest and demand for reform which in time pervaded the whole nation. A king, constantly in need of increasing sums of money; an idle, selfish, corrupt, and discredited nobility and upper clergy, incapable of aiding the king, many of whom, too, had been influenced by the new philosophic and scientific thinking and were willing to help destroy their own orders; an aggressive, discontented, and patriotic bourgeoisie, full of new political and social ideas, and patriotically anxious to reform France; and a vast unorganized peasantry and city rabble, suffering much and resisting little, but capable of a terrible fury and senseless destruction, once they were aroused and their suppressed rage let loose;--these were the main elements in the setting of eighteenth-century France. THE FRENCH REFORM PHILOSOPHERS. During the middle decades of the eighteenth century a small but very influential group of reform philosophers in France attacked with their pens the ancient abuses in Church and State, and did much to pave the way for genuine political and religious reform. In a series of widely read articles and books, characterized for the most part by clear reasoning and telling arguments, these political philosophers attacked the power of the absolute monarchy on the one hand, and the existing privileges of the nobles and clergy on the other, as both unjust and inimical to the welfare of society (R. 248). The leaders in the reform movement were Montesquieu (1689-1755), Turgot (1727-81), Voltaire (1694-1778), Diderot (1713-84), and Rousseau (1712- 78). [Illustration: FIG. 147. MONTESQUIEU(1689-1755)] _Montesquieu_. In 1748 appeared Montesquieu's famous book, the _Spirit of Laws_. In this he pointed out the many excellent features of the constitutional government which the English had developed, and compared English conditions with the many abuses to which the French people were subject. He argued that laws should be expressive of the wishes and needs of the people governed, and that the education of a people "ought to be relative to the principles of good government." Montesquieu also stands, with Turgot as the founder of the sciences of comparative politics [12] and the philosophy of history--new studies which helped to shape the political thinking of eighteenth-century France. _Turgot_. Two years after the publication of Montesquieu's book, Turgot delivered (1750) a series of lectures at the Sorbonne, in Paris, in which he virtually created the science of history. Looking at human history comprehensively, seeing clearly that there had been a hitherto unrecognized regularity of march amid the confusion of the past, and that it was possible to grasp the history of the progress of man as a whole, he saw and stated the possibility of society to improve itself through intelligent government, and the need for wise laws and general education to enable it to do so. [13] [Illustration: FIG. 148. TURGOT (1727-81)] [Illustration: FIG. 149. VOLTAIRE (1694-1778)] In 1774 Turgot was appointed Minister of Finance by the new King, Louis XVI, and during the two years before he was removed from office he attempted to carry out many needed political and social reforms. Duruy [14] has summarized his suggested reforms as follows: 1. Gradual introduction of a complete system of local self-government. 2. Imposition of a land tax on nobility and clergy. 3. Suppression of the greater part of the monasteries. 4. Amelioration of the condition of the minor clergy. 5. Equalization of the burdens of taxation. 6. Liberty of conscience, and the recall of the Protestants to France. 7. A uniform system of weights and measures. 8. Freedom for commerce and industry. 9. A single and uniform code of laws. 10. A vast plan for the organization of a system of public instruction throughout France. This list is indicative of the reform philosophy in the light of which he worked. Arousing the natural hostility of the nobility and higher clergy, he was soon dismissed, and the reforms he had proposed were abandoned by the King. _Voltaire._ The keenest and most unsparing critic of the old order was Voltaire. In clear and forceful French he exposed existing conditions in society and government, and particularly the control of affairs exercised by the most ancient and most powerful organization of his day--the Church. For this he was execrated and hated by the clergy, and in return he made it the chief task of his life to destroy the reign of the priest. Having lived for a time in England, he appreciated the vast difference between the English and French forms of government. With a keen and unsparing pen he exposed the scholasticism, despotism, dogmatism, superstition, hypocrisy, servility, and deep injustice of his age, and poured out the vials of his scorn upon the grubbing pedantry of the Academicians who doted upon the past because ignorant of the present. In particular he stood for the abolition of that relic of feudalism--serfdom--which still seriously oppressed the peasantry of France; for liberty in thought and action for the individual; for curbing the powers and privileges of both State and Church; for an equalization of the burdens of taxation between the different classes in French society; and for the organization of a system of public education throughout the nation. He died before the outbreak of the Revolution he had done so much to bring about, but by the time he died the "Ancient Régime" of privilege and corruption and oppression was already tottering to its fall. His conception of the relations that should exist between Church and State are well set forth in a short article from his pen on the subject (R. 248) reprinted from the _Encyclopaedia_ of Diderot. [Illustration: FIG. 150. DIDEROT (1713-84)] _Diderot._ Another able thinker and writer was Diderot. Besides other works of importance, he gave twenty years of his life (1751-72) to the editing (with D'Alembert) of an _Encyclopaedia_ of seventeen volumes of text and eleven of plates. Many of the articles were written by himself, and were expressive of his ideas as to reform. Many were frankly critical of existing privileges, abuses, and pretensions. Many interpreted to the French the science of Newton and the discoveries of the age, and awakened a new interest in scientific study. Because of its reform ideas the publication was suppressed, in 1759, after the publication of the seventh volume, and had to be carried on surreptitiously thereafter. Viscount Morley, writing recently on Diderot, summarizes the nature and influence of the _Encyclopaedia_ in the following words: The ecclesiastical party detested the _Encyclopaedia_, in which they saw a rising stronghold for their philosophical enemies. To any one who turns over the pages of these redoubtable volumes now, it seems surprising that their doctrine should have stirred such portentous alarm. There is no atheism, no overt attack on any of the cardinal mysteries of the faith, no direct denunciation even of the notorious abuses of the Church. Yet we feel that the atmosphere of the book may well have been displeasing to authorities who had not yet learnt to encounter the modern spirit on equal terms. The _Encyclopaedia_ takes for granted the justice of religious toleration and speculative freedom. It asserts in distinct tones the democratic doctrine that it is the common people in a nation whose lot ought to be the chief concern of the nation's government. From beginning to end it is one unbroken process of exaltation of scientific knowledge on the one hand, and pacific industry on the other. All these things were odious to the old governing classes of France. [15] _Rousseau._ The fifth reform writer mentioned as exercising a large influence was Rousseau. In 1749 the Academy at Dijon offered a prize for the best essay on the subject: _Has the progress of the sciences and arts contributed to corrupt or to purify morals?_ Rousseau took the negative side and won the prize. His essay attracted widespread attention. In 1753 he competed for a second prize on _The Origin of Inequality among Men_, in which he took the same negative attitude. In 1762 appeared both his _Social Contract_ and _Émile_. In the former he contended that early men had given to selected leaders the right to conduct their government for them, and that these had in time become autocratic and had virtually enslaved the people (R. 249 a). He held that men were not bound to submit to government against their wills, and to remedy existing abuses he advocated the overthrow of the usurping government and the establishment of a republic, with universal suffrage based on "liberty, fraternity, and equality." The ideal State lay in a society controlled by the people, where artificiality and aristocracy and the tyranny of society over man did not exist. Nor could Rousseau distinguish between political and ecclesiastical tyranny, holding that the former inevitably followed from the latter (R. 249 b). Crude as were his theories, and impractical as were many of his ideas, to an age tired of absurdities and pretensions and injustice, and suffering deeply from the abuses of both Church and State, his attractively written book seemed almost inspired. The _Social Contract_ virtually became the Bible of the French Revolutionists. In the _Émile_, a book which will be referred to more at length in chapter XXI, Rousseau held that we should revert, in education, to a state of nature to secure the needed educational reforms, and that education to prepare for life in the existing society was both wrong and useless. A REVOLUTION IN FRENCH THINKING. These five men--Montesquieu, Turgot, Voltaire, Diderot, and Rousseau--and many other less influential followers, portrayed the abuses of the time in Church and State and pointed out the lines of political and ecclesiastical reform. Those who read their writings understood better why the existing privileges of the nobility and clergy were no longer right, and the need for reform in matters of taxation and government. Their writings added to the spirit of unrest of the century, and were deeply influential, not only in France, but in the American Colonies as well. Though the attack was at first against the evils in Church and State, the new critical philosophy soon led to intellectual developments of importance in many other directions. At the death of Louis XIV (1715) France was intellectually prostrate. Great as was his long reign from the point of view of the splendor of his court, and large as was the quantity of literature produced, his age was nevertheless an age of misery, religious intolerance, political oppression, and intellectual decline. It was a reign of centralized and highly personal government. Men no longer dared to think for themselves, or to discuss with any freedom questions either of politics or religion. "There was no popular liberty; there were no great men; there was no science; there was no literature; there were no arts. The largest intellects lost their energy; the national spirit died away." Between the death of Louis XIV and the outbreak of the French Revolution (1789) an intellectual revolution took place in France, and for this revolution English political progress and political and scientific thinking were largely responsible. GREAT ENGLISH INFLUENCE ON FRANCE. In 1715 the English language was almost unspoken in France, English science and political progress were unknown there, and the English were looked down upon and hated. Half a century later English was spoken everywhere by the scholars of the time; the English were looked upon as the political and scientific leaders of Europe; and the scholars of France visited England to study English political, economic, and scientific progress. Locke, an uncompromising advocate of political and religious liberty; Hobbes, the speculative moral philosopher; and the great scientist Newton were the teachers of Voltaire. More than any other single man, Voltaire moulded and redirected eighteenth-century thought in France. [16] Numerous French writers of importance--Helvetius, Diderot, Morellet, Voltaire, Rousseau, to mention but a few--drew their inspiration from English writers. In the eighteenth century England became the school for political liberty for France. [17] The effect of the work of Isaac Newton (p. 388), as popularized by the writings of Voltaire, was revolutionary on a people who had been so tyrannized over by the clergy as had the French during the reign of Louis XIV. An interest in scientific studies before unknown in France now flamed up, and a new generation of French scientists arose. Physics, chemistry, zoölogy, and anatomy received a great new impetus, while botany, geology, and mineralogy were raised to the rank of sciences. Popular scientific lectures became very common. The classics were almost abandoned for the new studies. Economic questions now also began to be discussed, such as questions of money, food, finance, and government expenditure. In 1776 the Englishman, Adam Smith, laid the foundations of the new science of political economy by the publication of his _Wealth of Nations_, and this was at once translated into French and eagerly read. In 1781 a French banker by the name of Necker published his _Compte Rendu_, a statistical report on the finances of France. So feverishly eager were men to study problems of government that six thousand copies were sold the day it was published, and eighty thousand had to be printed before the demand for it was satisfied. A half-century earlier it would have been read scarcely at all. In the meantime taxes piled up, reforms were refused, the power and arrogance of the clergy and nobility showed no signs of diminution, the nation was burdened with debt, commerce and agriculture declined, the lot of the common people became ever more hard to bear, and the masses grew increasingly resentful and rebellious. As national affairs continued to drift from bad to worse in France, a series of important happenings on the American continent helped to bring matters more rapidly to a crisis. Before describing these events, however, we wish to sketch briefly the rise of government by the people and the extension of liberalism in England--the first great democratic nation of the western world. III. ENGLAND THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC NATION EARLY BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH LIBERTY. The first western nation created from the wreck of the Roman Empire to achieve a measurement of self-government was England. Better civilized than most of the other wandering tribes, at the time of their coming to English shores, the invading Angles, Saxons, and Jutes early accepted Christianity (p. 120) and settled down to an agricultural life. On English shores they soon built up a for-the-time substantial civilization. This was later largely destroyed by the pillaging Danes, but with characteristic energy the English set to work to assimilate the newcomers and build up civilization anew. The work of Alfred (p. 146) in reëstablishing law and order, at a time when law and order scarcely existed anywhere in western Europe, will long remain famous. Later on, and at a time when German and Hun and Slav had only recently accepted Christianity in name and had begun to settle down into rude tribal governments, and when the Prussians in their original home along the eastern Baltic were still offering human sacrifices to their heathen gods (p. 120), the English barons were extorting _Magna Charta_ from King John and laying the firm foundations of English constitutional liberty. In the meadow at Runnymede, on that justly celebrated June day, in 1215, government under law and based on the consent of the governed began to shape itself once more in the western world. Of the sixty-three articles of this Charter of Liberties, three possess imperishable value. These provided: 1. That no free man shall be imprisoned or proceeded against except by his peers, or the law of the land, which secured trial by jury. 2. That justice should neither be sold, denied, nor delayed. 3. That dues from the people to the king could be imposed only with the consent of the National Council (after 1246 known as Parliament). So important was this charter to such a liberty-loving people as the English have always been, and so bitterly did kings resent its hampering provisions, that within the next two centuries kings had been forced to confirm it no less than thirty-seven times. By 1295 the first complete Parliament, representative of the three orders of society--Lords, Clergy, and Commons--assembled, and in 1333 the Commons gained the right to sit by itself. From that time to the present the Commons, representing the people, has gradually broadened its powers, working, as Tennyson has said, [18] "from precedent to precedent," until to-day it rules the English nation. In 1376 the Commons gained the right to impeach the King's ministers, and in 1407 the exclusive right to make grants of money for any governmental purpose. Centuries ahead of other nations, this insured an almost continual meeting of the national assembly and a close scrutiny of the acts of both kings and ministers. In 1604 King James I, imitating continental European precedents, proclaimed his theory as to the "divine right of kings" to rule, [19] and a struggle at once set in which carried the English into Civil War (1642- 49); led to the beheading of Charles I (1649); the overthrow and banishment of James II (1688); and the ultimate firm establishment, instead, of the "divine right of the common people." [20] In an age when the autocratic power and the divine right of kings to rule was almost unquestioned elsewhere in Europe, the English people compelled their king to recognize that he could rule over them only when he ruled in their interests and as they wished him to do. Though there was a period of struggle later on with the German Georges (I, II, and III), and especially with the honest but stupid George III, England has, since 1688, been a government of and by the people. [21] France did not rid itself of the "divine-right" conception until the French Revolution (1789), and Germany, Austria, and Russia not until 1918. GROWTH OF TOLERANCE AMONG THE ENGLISH. The results of the long struggle of the English for liberty under law showed itself in many ways in the growth of tolerance among the people of the English nation. At a time when other nations were bound down in blind obedience to king and priest, and when dissenting minorities were driven from the land, the English people had become accustomed to the idea of individual liberty, regulated by law, and to the toleration of opinions with which they did not agree. These characteristically English conceptions of liberty under law and of the toleration of minorities have found expression in many important ways in the life and government of the people (R. 250), and have been elements of great strength in England's colonial policy. One of the important ways in which this growth of tolerance among the English showed itself was in the extension of a larger freedom to those unable to subscribe to the state religion. Though the Reformation movement had stirred up bitter hatreds in England, as on the Continent, the English were among the first of European peoples to show tolerance of opposition in religious matters. The high English State Church, which had succeeded the Roman, had made but small appeal to many Englishmen. The Puritans had early struggled to secure a simplification of the church service and the introduction of more preaching (p. 359), and in the seventeenth century the organization of three additional dissenting sects, which became known as Unitarians, Baptists, and Quakers, took place. These sects divided off rather quietly, and their separation resulted only in the enactment of new laws regarding conformity, prayers, and teaching. During the latter half of the seventeenth century, after the execution of Charles I (1649), the Puritans had temporarily risen to power, and during their control of affairs had imposed their strict Calvinistic standards as to Sabbath observance and piety on the nation. This was very distasteful to many, and from such strict observances the people in time rebelled. The standards of the English in personal morality, temperance, amusements, and manners at the beginning of the eighteenth century were not especially high, and in the reaction from Puritan control and strict religious observances the great mass of the people degenerated into positive irreligion and gross immorality. Drunkenness, rowdyism, robbery, blasphemy, brutality, lewdness, and prostitution became very common. This moral decline of the people the Church of England seemed powerless to arrest. [Illustration: FIG. 151. JOHN WESLEY (1707-82) Founder of Methodism.] About 1730 a reform movement was begun under the able leadership of a young Oxford student by the name of John Wesley, ably seconded by George Whitefield (1714-70), with a view to reaching the classes so completely untouched by the high State Church. By traveling over the country and preaching a gospel of repentance, personal faith, and better living, these two young men made a deep emotional appeal, and soon gained a strong hold on the poorer and more ignorant classes of the people. Forbidden to preach in Anglican churches, and at times threatened with personal violence, these two men were in time forced into open rebellion against the Established Church. Finally they founded a new Church, which became known as the Methodist. [22] This new organization bore the same relation to the Church of England that the Anglican Church two hundred years before had borne to the Church of Rome. Thus was accomplished a second spiritual reformation in England, and one destined in time to spread to the colonies and deeply affect the lives of a large portion of the English people. [23] That such a well-organized sect could arise, such a moral reformation be preached, and the power of the Established Church be challenged so openly and without serious persecution, speaks much for the growth of religious tolerance among the English people since the days of the great Elizabeth. In 1778 the Roman Catholic Relief Act was adopted, and in 1779 dissenting ministers and schoolmasters were relieved from the disabilities under which they had so long remained. These acts indicate a further marked growth in religious tolerance on the part of the English nation. [24] NEW EMANCIPATING AND EDUCATIVE INFLUENCES. In 1662 the first regular newspaper outside of Italy was established in England, and in 1702 the first daily paper. Small in size, printed on but one side of the sheet, and dealing wholly with local matters, these nevertheless marked the beginnings of that daily expression of popular opinion with which we are now so familiar. [25] After about 1705 the cheap political pamphlet made its appearance, and after 1710, instead of merely communicating news, the papers began the discussion of political questions. By 1735 a revolution had been effected in England, and papers and presses began to be established in the chief cities and towns outside of London; the freedom of the press was in a large way completed, and newspapers, for the first time in the history of the world, were made the exponents of public opinion. The press in England in consequence became an educative force of great intellectual and political importance, and did much to compensate for the lack of a general system of schools for the people. In 1772 the right to publish the debates in Parliament was finally won, over the strenuous objections [26] of George III. In 1780 the first Sunday newspaper appeared, "on the only day the lower orders had time to read a paper at all," and, despite the efforts of religious bodies to suppress it, the Sunday paper has continued to the present and has contributed its quota to the education and enlightenment of mankind. In 1785 the famous London _Times_ began to appear. In the middle of the eighteenth century debating societies for the consideration of public questions arose, and in 1769 "the first public meeting ever assembled in England, in which it was attempted to enlighten Englishmen respecting their political rights" was held, and such meetings soon became of almost daily occurrence. All these influences stimulated political thinking to a high degree, and contributed not only to a desire for still larger political freedom but for the more general diffusion of the ability to read as well (R. 250). Still other important new influences arose during the early part of the eighteenth century, each of which tended to awaken new desires for schools and learning. In 1678 the first modern printed story to appeal to the masses, Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, appeared from the press. Written, as it had been, by a man of the people, its simple narrative form, its passionate religious feeling, its picture of the journey of a pilgrim through a world of sin and temptation and trial, and its Biblical language with which the common people had now become familiar--all these elements combined to make it a book that appealed strongly to all who read or heard it read, and stimulated among the masses a desire to read comparable to that awakened by the chaining of the English Bible in the churches a century before (R. 170). In 1719 the first great English novel, Defoe's _Robinson Crusoe_, and in 1726 _Gulliver's Travels_, added new stimulus to the desires awakened by Bunyan's book. All three were books of the common people, whereas the dramas, plays, essays, and scholarly works previously produced had appealed only to a small educated class. In 1751 what was probably the first circulating library of modern times was opened at Birmingham, and soon thereafter similar institutions were established in other English cities. SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING; THE NEW ERA. England, too, from the first, showed an interest in and a tolerance toward the new scientific thinking scarcely found in any other land. This in itself is indicative of the great intellectual progress which the English people had by this time made. [27] At a time when Galileo, in Italy, was fighting, almost alone, for the right to think along the lines of the new scientific method and being imprisoned for his pains, Englishmen were reading with deep interest the epoch-making scientific writings of Lord Francis Bacon, Earlier than in other lands, too, the Newtonian philosophy found a place in the instruction of the national universities, and English scholars began to employ the new scientific method in their search for new truths. The British Royal (Scientific) Society [28] had begun to meet as early as 1645, and ever since has published in its proceedings the best of English scientific thinking. By the reign of George I (1714-27) scientific work began to be popularized, and the first little booklets on scientific subjects began to appear. These popular presentations of what had been worked out were sold at the book stalls and by peddlers and were eagerly read; by the beginning of the reign of George III (1760) they had become very common. In 1704-10 the first "Dictionary of Arts and Sciences" was printed, and in 1768-71 the first edition (three volumes) of the now famous _Encyclopedia Britannica_ appeared. In 1755 the famous British Museum was founded. As early as 1698 a rude form of steam engine had been patented in England, and by 1712 this had been perfected sufficiently to be used in pumping water from the coal mines. In 1765 James Watt made the real beginning of the application of steam to industry by patenting his steam engine; in 1760 Wedgwood established the pottery industry in England; in 1767 Hargreaves devised the spinning-jenny, which banished the spindle and distaff and the old spinning-wheel; in 1769 Arkwright evolved his spinning-frame; and in 1785 Cartwright completed the process by inventing the power loom for weaving. In 1784 a great improvement in the smelting of iron ores (puddling) was worked out. These inventions, all English, were revolutionary in their effect on manufacturing. They meant the displacement of hand power by machine labor, the breakdown of home industry through the concentration of labor in factories, the rise of great manufacturing cities, [29] and the ultimate collapse of the age-old apprenticeship system of training, where the master workman with a few apprentices in his shop prepared goods for sale. They also meant the ultimate transformation of England from an agricultural into a great manufacturing and exporting nation, whose manufactured products would be sold in every corner of the globe. By 1750 a change in attitude toward all the old intellectual problems had become marked in England, and by 1775 attention before unknown was being given there to social, political, economic, and educational questions. Religious intolerance was dying out, the harsh laws of earlier days had begun to be modified, new social and political interests [30] were everywhere attracting attention, and the great commercial expansion of England was rapidly taking shape. With England and France leading in the new scientific studies; England in the van in the development of manufacturing and the French to the fore in social influences and polite literature; England and the new American Colonies setting new standards in government by the people; the French theorists and economists giving the world new ideas as to the function of the State; enlightened despots on the thrones of Prussia, Austria, Spain, and Russia; and the hatreds of the hundred years of religious warfare dying out; the world seemed to many, about 1775, as on the verge of some great and far-reaching change in methods of living and in government, and about ready to enter a new era and make rapid advances in nearly all lines of human activity. The change came, but not in quite the manner expected. IV. INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN AMERICA [Illustration: FIG. 152. NATIONALITY OF THE WHITE POPULATION, AS SHOWN BY THE FAMILY NAMES IN THE CENSUS OF 1790.] ENGLISHMEN IN AMERICA ESTABLISH A REPUBLIC. Though the early settlement of America, as was pointed out in chapter xv, was made from among those people and from those lands which had embraced some form of the Protestant faith, and represented a number of nationalities and several religious sects, the thirteen colonies, nevertheless, were essentially English in origin, speech, habits, observances, and political and religious conceptions. This is well shown for the white population by the results of the first Federal census, taken in 1790, as given in the adjoining figure. This shows that of all the people in the thirteen original States, 83.5 per cent possessed names indicating pure English origin, and that 91.8 per cent had names which pointed to their having come from the British Isles. The largest non-British name nationality was the German, with 5.6 per cent of the whole, and these were found chiefly in Pennsylvania where they constituted 26.1 per cent of the State's population. Next were those having Dutch names, who constituted but 2 per cent of the total population, and but 16.1 per cent of the population of New York. No other name-nationality constituted over one half of one per cent of the total. The New England States were almost as English as England itself, 93 to 96 per cent of the names being pure English, and 98.5 to 99.8 per cent being from the British Isles. We thus see that it was from England, the nation which had done most in the development of individual and religious liberty, that the great bulk of the early settlers of America came, and in the New World the English traditions as to constitutional government and liberty under law were early and firmly established. The centuries of struggle for representative government in England at once bore fruit here. Colony charters, charters of rights and liberties, public discussion, legislative assemblies, and liberty under law were from the first made the foundation stones upon which self-government in America was built up. From an early date the American Colonies showed an independence to which even Englishmen were scarcely accustomed, and when the home government attempted to make the colonists pay some of the expenses of the Seven Years' War, and a larger share of the expenses of colonial administration, there was determined opposition. Having no representation in Parliament and no voice in levying the tax, the colonists declared that taxation without representation was tyranny, and refused to pay the taxes assessed. Standing squarely on their rights as Englishmen, the colonists were gradually forced into open rebellion. In 1765, and again in 1774, Declarations of Rights were drawn up and adopted by representatives from the Colonies, and were forwarded to the King. In 1774 the first Continental Congress met and formed a union of the Colonies; in 1776 the Colonies declared their independence. This was confirmed, in 1783, by the Treaty of Paris; in 1787, the Constitution of the United States was drafted; and in 1789, the American government began. In the preamble to the twenty-seven charges of tyranny and oppression made against the King in the Declaration of Independence, we find a statement of political philosophy [31] which is a combination of the results of the long English struggle for liberty and the French eighteenth-century reform philosophy and revolutionary demands. [32] This preamble declared: We hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO WORLD HISTORY. The American Revolution and its results were fraught with great importance for the future political and educational progress of mankind. Before the close of the eighteenth century the new American government had made at least four important contributions to world liberty and progress which were certain to be of large political and educational value for the future. In the first place, the people of the Colonies had erected independent governments and had shown the possibility of the self-government of peoples on a large scale, and not merely in little city-states or communities, as had previously been the case where self-government had been tried. Democratic government was here worked out and applied to large areas, and to peoples of diverse nationalities and embracing different religious faiths. The possibility of States selecting their rulers and successfully governing themselves was demonstrated. In the second place, the new American government which was formed did something new in world history when it united thirteen independent and autonomous States into a single federated Nation, and without destroying the independence of the States. What was formed was not a league, or confederacy, as had existed at different times among differing groups of the Greek City-States, and from time to time in the case of later Swiss and temporary European national groupings, but the union into a substantial and permanent Federal State of a number of separate States which still retained their independence, and with provision for the expansion of this national Union by the addition of new States. This federal principle in government is probably the greatest political contribution of the American Union to world development. In the twentieth- century conception of a League of Nations it has borne still further fruit. In the third place, the different American States changed their old Colonial Charters into definite written Constitutions, each of which contained a Preamble or Bill of Rights which affirmed the fundamental principles of democratic liberty (R. 251). These now became the fundamental law for each of the separate States, and the same idea was later worked out in the Constitution of the United States. These were the first written constitutions of history, and have since served as a type for the creation of constitutional government throughout the world. In such documents to-day free peoples everywhere define the rights and duties and obligations which they regard as necessary to their safety and happiness and welfare. Finally, the Federal Constitution provided for the inestimable boon of religious liberty, and in a way that was both revolutionary and wholesome. At the beginning of the War for Independence the Anglican (Episcopal) faith had been declared "the established religion" in seven of the Colonies, and the Congregational was the established religion in three of the New England Colonies, while but three Colonies had declared for religious freedom and refused to give a preference to any special creed. This religious problem had to be met by the Constitutional Convention, and this body handled it in the only way it could have been intelligently handled in a nation composed of so many different religious sects as was ours. It simply incorporated into the Federal Constitution provisions which guaranteed the free exercise of their religious faith to all, and forbade the establishment by Congress of any state religion, or the requirement of any religious test as a prerequisite to holding any office under the control of the Federal Government. The American people thus took a stand for religious liberty at a time when the hatreds of the Reformation still burned fiercely, and when tolerance in religious matters was as yet but little known. IMPORTANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS-LIBERTY CONTRIBUTION. The solution of the religious question arrived at was only second in importance for us to the establishment of the Federal Union, and the far-reaching significance to our future national life of the sane and for-the-time extraordinary provisions incorporated into our National Constitution can hardly be overestimated. This action led to the early abandonment of state religions, religious tests, and public taxation for religion in the old States, and to the prohibition of these in the new. The importance of this solution of the religious question for the future of popular education in the United States was great, for it laid the foundations upon which our systems of free, common, public, tax-supported, non-sectarian schools have since been built up. How we could have erected a common public-school system on a religious basis, with the many religious sects among us, it is impossible to conceive. Instead, we should have had a series of feeble, jealous, antagonistic, and utterly inefficient church-school systems, chiefly confined to elementary education, and each largely intent on teaching its peculiar church doctrines and struggling for an increasing share of public funds. How much the American people owe to the Fathers of the Republic for this most enlightened and intelligent provision, few who have not thought carefully on the matter can appreciate. To it we must trace not only the great blessing of religious liberty, which we have so long enjoyed, but also the final establishment of our common, free, public-school systems. The beginning of the new state motive for education, which was soon to supersede the religious motive, dates from the establishment with us of republican governments; and the beginning of the emancipation of education from church domination goes back to this wise provision inserted in our National Constitution. This national attitude was later copied in the state constitutions, and as a preamble to practically all we find a Bill of Rights, which in almost every case included a provision for freedom of religious worship (Rs. 251, 260). After the middle of the nineteenth century a further provision prohibiting sectarian teaching or state aid to sectarian schools was everywhere added. V. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION SWEEPS AWAY ANCIENT ABUSES NEW DEMANDS FOR REFORM THAT COULD NOT BE RESISTED. More than in any other continental European country France had, by 1783, become a united nation, conscious of a modern national feeling. Yet in France mediaeval abuses in both State and Church had survived, as we have seen, to as great an extent almost as in any European nation. So determined were the clergy and nobility to retain their old powers, not only in France but throughout the continent of Europe as well, that progressive reform seemed well-nigh impossible. The work of the benevolent despots had, after all, been superficial. By the last quarter of the eighteenth, though, a progressive change was under way which was certain to produce either evolution or revolution. The influence of the American experiment in nation-building now became pronounced. In 1779 Franklin took a copy of the new Pennsylvania Constitution with him to Paris, and in 1780 John Adams did the same with the Massachusetts Constitution. Frenchmen instantly recognized here, in concrete form, the ideas with which their own heads were filled. In 1783 Franklin published in France a French translation of all the American Constitutions, and the National Constitution of 1787 was as eagerly read and discussed in Paris as in New York or Philadelphia or Boston. America appeared to the French of that stormy period as an ideal land; where the dreams of Rousseau about the social contract had been transformed into realities. Two years later the _cahiers_ of the Third Estate demanded a written constitution for France. The French, too, had aided the American Colonies in their struggle for liberty, and French soldiers returning home carried back new political ideas drawn from the remarkable political progress of the new American Nation. By 1788 the demand for reform in France had become so insistent, and the condition of the treasury of the State was so bad, that it was finally felt necessary to summon a meeting of the States-General--a sort of national parliament consisting of representatives of the three great Estates: clergy, nobility, and commons--which had not met in France since 1614. [Illustration: FIG. 153. THE STATES-GENERAL IN SESSION AT VERSAILLES (After a contemporary drawing by Monnet)] Besides electing its representatives, each locality and order was allowed to draw up a series of instructions, or _cahiers_ (+R. 252+), for the guidance of its delegates. These _cahiers_ are a mine of information as to the demands and hopes and interests of the French people, [33] and it is interesting to know that the _cahiers_ of nobility, clergy, and commons alike included, among their demands, the organization of a comprehensive plan of education for France. [34] FRANCE ESTABLISHES CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. The States-General met May 5, 1789, and soon (June 20) resolved itself into the National or Constituent Assembly. Terrified by the uprisings and burnings of châteaux throughout France, on the night of August fourth, in a few hours, it adopted a series of decrees which virtually abolished the _Ancien Régime_ of privileges for France. The nobility gave up most of their old rights, the serfs [35] were freed, and the special privileges of towns were surrendered. Later the Assembly adopted a "Declaration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen" (R. 253), much like the American Declaration of Independence. This declared, among other things, that all men were born free and have equal rights, that taxes should be proportional to wealth, that all citizens were equal before the law and have a right to help make the laws, and that the people of the nation were sovereign. These principles struck at the very foundations of the old system. Soon a Constitution for France, the first ever promulgated in modern Europe, was prepared and adopted (1791). This abolished the ancient privileges and reorganized France as a self-governing nation, much after the American plan. Local government was created, and the absolute monarchy was changed to a limited constitutional one. Next the property of the Church was taken over by the State, the monasteries were suppressed, and the priests and bishops were made state officials and paid a fixed state salary. The Jesuits had been expelled from France in 1764; and in 1792 the Brothers of the Christian Schools were not allowed longer to teach. Among other important matters, the Constitution of 1791 declared that: There shall be created and organized a system of public instruction common to all citizens, and gratuitous, with respect to those branches of instruction which are indispensable for all men. Up to this point the Revolution in France had proceeded relatively peacefully, considering the nature of the long-standing abuses which were to be remedied. In August, 1792, the King was imprisoned, and in January, 1793, he was executed and a Republic proclaimed. [36] Then followed a reign of terror, which we do not need to follow, and which ended only when Napoleon became master of France. BENEFICENT RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION. The French Revolution was not an accident or a product of chance, but rather the inevitable result of an attempt to dam up the stream of human progress and prevent its orderly onward flow. The Protestant Revolts were the first great revolutionary wave, the Puritan revolution in England was another, the formation of the American Republic and the institution of constitutional government and religious freedom another, while the French Revolution brought the rising movement to a head and swept away, in a deluge of blood, the very foundations of the mediaeval system. Along with much that was disastrous, the French Revolution accomplished after all much that was of greatest importance for human progress. The world at times seems to be in need of such a great catharsis. Progress was made in a decade that could hardly have been made in a century by peaceful evolution. The old order of privilege came to an end, mediaevalism was swept away, and the serf was evolved into the free farmer and citizen. One fifth of the soil of France was restored to the use of the people from the monasteries, and an additional one third from the Church and nobility. The new principles of citizenship--Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity--were for France revolutionary in the extreme, while the assertion that the sovereignty of a nation rests with the people rather than with the king, here successfully promulgated, ended for all time the "divine-right-of-kings" idea for France. After political theory had for a time run mad, the organizing genius of Napoleon consolidated the gains, gave France a strong government, a uniform code of laws, [37] and began that organization of schools for the nation which ultimately meant the taking over of education from the Church and its provision at the expense of and in the interests of the nation. THE NATIONAL IDEA EXTENDS TO OTHER LANDS. The reform work in France, together with the examples of English and American liberty, soon began to have their influence in other lands as well. People everywhere began to see that the old régime of privilege and misgovernment ought to be replaced. Other countries abolished serfdom, introduced better laws, and made reforms in the abuses of both Church and State. French armies and rulers carried the best of French ideas to other lands, and, where the French rule continued long enough, these ideas became fixed. In particular was the _Code Napoléon_ copied in the Netherlands, the Italian States, and the States of southern and western Germany. The national spirit of Italy was awakened, and the Italian liberals began to look forward to the day when the small Italian States might be reunited into an Italian Nation, with Rome as its capital. This became the work of nineteenth-century Italian statesmen. For the first time in Spanish history, too, the people became conscious, under French occupation, of a feeling of national unity, and similarly the national spirit of German lands was stirred by the conquests of Napoleon. A constitution was obtained in Spain, in 1812, and between 1815 and 1821 all of Spain's South American colonies--Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Panama, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela--revolted, became independent, and set up republics with constitutional governments, some of the larger ones based on the federal principle, as in the United States. Brazil similarly freed itself from Portugal and set up a constitutional and federated monarchy, in 1822. The Kingdom of Naples obtained constitutional government in 1820, and Sardinia in 1821. In 1823, when Spain with Austria's aid prepared to reconquer the Spanish South American Republics, President Monroe transmitted to the American Congress his message in which he declared that any attempt on the part of European nations to suppress republicanism on the American continent would be considered by the United States as an unfriendly act. This has since been known as the _Monroe Doctrine_. In 1829 Greece obtained her independence from Turkey, and in 1843 a constitutional form of government was obtained. IMPORTANT CONSEQUENCES OF THE DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT. Since the closing decades of the eighteenth century, when democratic government and written constitutions began, the sweep of democratic government has become almost world wide. Nation after nation has changed to democratic and constitutional forms of government, the latest additions being Portugal (1911), China (1912), Russia (1917), and Germany (1918). New English colonies, too, have carried English self-government into almost every continent. The World War of 1914-18 gave a new emphasis to democracy, and there is good reason to believe that government of and by and for the people is ultimately destined to prevail among all the intelligent nations and races of the earth. With the development of democratic government there has everywhere been a softening of old laws, the growth of humanitarianism, the wider and wider extension of the suffrage, important legislation as to labor, a previously unknown attention to the poor and the dependents of society, a vast extension of educational advantages, and the taking over of education from the Church by the State and the erection of the school into an important institution for the preservation and advancement of the national welfare. These consequences of the onward sweep of new-world ideas we shall trace more in detail in the chapters which follow. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Show the importance, for human progress, of each of the meanings of the new eighteenth-century liberalism, as enumerated on pages 471-72. 2. How do you explain the lack of any permanent influence on Spanish life of the work of the benevolent despots in Spain? 3. Show the liberalizing influence of the rise of scientific investigation and economic studies, for a nation still oppressed by mediaevalism and bad government. 4. Enumerate the new sciences which arose in the eighteenth century. 5. Indicate the importance of the freedom of the press in the development of English political liberty. 6. Explain how the religious-freedom attitude of the American national constitution conferred an inestimable boon on the States in the matter of public education. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 247. Dabney: Ecclesiastical Tyranny in France. 248. Voltaire: On the Relation of Church and State. 249. Rousseau: Extract from the Social Contract. 250. Buckle: Changes in English Thinking in the Eighteenth Century, 251. Pennsylvania Constitution: Bill of Rights in. 252. Clergy of Blois: _Cahier_ of 1779. 253. France: Declaration of the Rights of Man. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Explain why ecclesiastical tyranny should have awakened such a spirit of rebellion in France (247), and not in Spain or in Italian lands. 2. Just what attitude toward religion is shown in the extract from Voltaire (248)? 3. Bolshevists in Russia and in America talk to-day as did Rousseau in the Social Contract (249). Compare the justification of each with the eighteenth-century France of Rousseau. 4. What do all the changes enumerated by Buckle (250) indicate as to the spread of general education, irrespective of schools, among the English people? 5. Compare the Pennsylvania Bill of Rights of 1776 (251) with that of your own present-day state constitution, 6. Just what type of educational provisions, and what administrative organization, did the recommendations of the Clergy of Blois (252) contemplate? Indicate its shortcomings for eighteenth-century France. 7. Compare the main ideas of 251 and 253. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Dabney, R. H. _The Causes of the French Revolution_. Taine, H. A. _The Ancient Regime_. CHAPTER XX THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION I. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE THE STATE AS SERVANT OF THE CHURCH. With the rise of the Protestant sects we noted, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and for the first time since Christianity became supreme in the western world, the beginnings of a state connection with the education of the young. The Protestant reformers, obtaining the support of the Protestant princes and kings, had successfully used this support to assist them in the organization of church schools as an aid to the reformed faith. Luther, it will be recalled (p. 312), had made a strong appeal to the mayors and magistrates of all German lands to establish schools as a part of their civic duties (R. 156), and had contended that a solemn obligation rested upon them to do so. The Dutch Provinces had worked closely with the Dutch Protestant synods (p. 334) in ordering schools established and in providing for their financing; Calvin had organized a religious City-State at Geneva (p. 330), of which religion and learning had been the corner-stones; the Scottish Parliament, by the laws of 1633 and 1646 (p. 335), had ordered schools for Scottish children in connection with the churches; and in the Scandinavian countries and in Finland the beginnings of a connection with the State had also been made (p. 315). Finally, in the new Massachusetts Colony the laws of 1642 and 1647 (p. 366) had, for the first time in the English-speaking world, ordered that children be taught "to read and understand the principles of religion and the capital laws of the country" (p. 364), and that schools be established by the towns, under penalty if they refused to do so. In all Protestant lands we saw that the reformers appealed, from time to time, to what were then the servants of the churches--the rising civil governments and principalities and States--to use their civil authority to force the people to meet their new religious obligations in the matter of schooling. The purpose of the schooling ordered established, however, was almost wholly religious. Massachusetts, in ordering instruction in the "capital laws of the country," as well as reading and religion, had formed a marked exception. In nearly all lands the rising state governments merely helped the Protestant churches to create the elementary vernacular religious school, and to make of it an auxiliary for the protection of orthodoxy and the advancement of the faith. Even in the new state school systems of the German States--Saxony, Würtemberg (p. 317), Brunswick, Weimar, Gotha--the elementary schools established were for religious rather than for state ends. This condition continued until well toward the middle of the eighteenth century. THE NEW STATE THEORY OF EDUCATION. After about the middle of the eighteenth century a new theory as to the purpose of education, and one destined to make rapid headway, began to be advanced. This theory had already made marked progress, as we shall see, in the New England Colonies, and had also found expression, as we shall also see in a later chapter, in the organizing work of Frederick the Great in Prussia. It was from the French political philosophers of the eighteenth century, though, that its clearest definition came. They now advanced the idea that schools were essentially civil affairs, the purpose of which should be to promote the everyday interests of society and the welfare of the State, rather than the welfare of the Church, and to prepare for a life here rather than a life hereafter. After about 1750 a critical and reformatory pedagogy rapidly began to take shape in France, and the second half of the eighteenth century became a period of criticism and discontent and reconstruction in education, as well as in politics and religion. This criticism and discontent in France was greatly stimulated by the decline in character and influence of the Jesuit schools. Unwilling to change their instruction to meet the needs of a changing society, their schools had become formal in character (R. 146), and were now engaged chiefly in stilling thinking rather than in promoting it. In consequence the schools had fallen into disrepute throughout all France. The Society, too, in the eighteenth century, came to be a powerful political organization which strove to dominate the State. So bad had the situation become by 1762, that the different parliaments in the provinces and in Paris had formulated complaints against the Jesuits and their schools, [1] and, in 1764, the king was induced to suppress the Order. [2] This decline in influence and final suppression of the Society gave rise to some rather remarkable pedagogical literature, which looked to the creation of a system of state secondary schools in France to replace those of the Jesuits. The outcome was the rise of a new national and individual conception of the educational purpose. This was destined in time to spread to other lands and to lead to the rise of complete state school systems, financed and managed by the State and conducted for state ends, and to the ultimate divorce of Church and State, in all progressive lands, in the matter of the education of the young. Teachers trained and certificated by the State were in time to supplant the nuns and brothers of the religious congregations in Catholic lands, as well as teachers who served as assistants to the pastors in Protestant lands and whose chief purpose was to uphold the teachings and advance the interests of the sect; citizens were to supplant the ecclesiastic in the supervision of instruction; and the courses of instruction were to be changed in direction and vastly broadened in scope to make them minister to the needs of the State rather than the Church, and to prepare pupils for useful life here rather than for life in another world. II. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN FRANCE [Illustration: FIG. 154. ROUSSEAU (1712-78)] THE FRENCH POLITICAL THEORISTS. The leading French political theorists of the two decades between 1760 and 1780 now began to discuss education as in theory a civil affair, intimately connected with the promotion of the welfare of the State. The more important of these, and their chief ideas were: 1. _Rousseau._ The first of the critical and reformatory pedagogical writers to awaken any large interest and obtain a general hearing was Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The same year (1762) that his _Social Contract_ appeared and attacked the foundations of the old political system (p. 483), his _Émile_ also appeared and attacked with equal vigor the religious and social theory as to education then prevailing throughout western Europe. For the stiff and unnatural methods in education, under which children were dressed and made to behave as adults, [3] the harsh discipline of the time, and the excessive emphasis on religious instruction and book education, he preached the substitution of life amid nature, childish ways and sports, parental love, and an education that considered the instincts and natural development of children. Gathering up the political and social ideas of his age as to ecclesiastical and political despotism; the nature of the social contract; that the "state of nature" was the ideal one, and the one in which men had been intended to live; that human duty called for a return to the "state of nature," whatever that might be; and that the artificiality and hypocrisy of his age in manners, dress, religion, and education were all wrong--Rousseau restated his political philosophy in terms of the education of the boy, Émile. Despite its many exaggerations, much faulty reasoning, and many imperfections, the book had a tremendous influence upon Europe in laying bare the limitations and defects and abuses of the formal and ecclesiastical education of the time. [4] He may be regarded as the first important writer to sap the foundations of the old system of religious education, and to lay a basis for a new type of child training (R. 254). Though Rousseau's enthusiasm took the form of theory run mad, and the educational plan he proposed was largely impossible, he nevertheless popularized education, not only in France, but among the reading public of the progressive European States as well. After he had written, the old limited and narrow religious education was on the defensive, and, though time was required, the transition to a more secular type of education was inevitable as fast as nations and peoples could shake off the dominance of the Church in state affairs. [Illustration: FIG. 155 LA CHALOTAIS (1701-83)] 2. _La Chalotais._ The year following the publication of Rousseau's _Émile_ appeared La Chalotais's _Essai d'éducation nationale_ (1763). René de la Chalotais, a Solicitor-General for the Parliament of Bretagne, was one of the notable French parliamentarians of the middle of the eighteenth century. Unlike Rousseau's highly imaginary, exaggerated, sentimental, and paradoxical volume, La Chalotais produced a practical and philosophical discussion of the problem of the education of a people. Declaring firmly that education was essentially a civil affair; that it was the function of government to make citizens contented by educating them for their sphere in society; that citizen and secular teachers should not be excluded for celibates; [5] that the real purpose of education should be to prepare citizens for France; that the poor were deserving of education; and that "the most enlightened people will always have the advantage" in the struggles of a modern world, La Chalotais produced a work which was warmly approved by such political philosophers as Voltaire, Diderot, and Turgot, and which was translated into several European languages (R. 255). Though far less widely read than Rousseau's _Émile_, it was far more influential in shaping subsequent political theory and action regarding the relations of education to the State. Nearly every proposal for educational legislation during the days of the Revolution went back in idea to this philosophic discussion of the question by La Chalotais and to the practical proposals of Rolland and Turgot. [Illustration: FIG. 156. ROLLAND (1734-93)] 3. _Rolland._ In 1768 Rolland, president of the Parliament of Paris, presented to his colleagues a report in which he outlined a national system of education to replace both the schools of the Jesuits and those of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. La Chalotais had proposed a more modern system of state schools chiefly to replace those of the Jesuits, but Rolland went further and proposed the extension of education to all, and the supervision of all schools by a central council of the Government. By means of a centralized control, a central university to which the other universities of France were to be subordinate, a higher normal school to train teachers for the colleges (secondary schools), and universal education, [6] Rolland hoped to develop for France a national spirit, a national character, and a national government and code of laws, and to bring the youth of the provinces into harmony with the best of all French ideas. 4. _Turgot._ In 1774 Turgot was appointed Minister of Finance (p. 481), and in 1775 he made a series of recommendations to the King in which he set forth ideas analogous to those of Rolland, and presented an eloquent plea for the formation of a national council of public instruction and the establishment of a system of civil and national education for the whole of France. In closing he wrote: Your kingdom, Sir, is of this world. Without opposing any obstacle to the instructions whose object is higher, and which already have their rules and their expounders, I think I can propose to you nothing of more advantage to your people than to cause to be given to all your subjects an instruction which shows them the obligations they owe to society and to your power to protect them, and the interest they have in fulfilling those duties for the public good and their own. This moral and social instruction requires books expressly prepared, by competition, and with great care, and a schoolmaster in each parish to teach them to children, along with the art of writing, reading, counting, measuring, and the principles of mechanics. The study of the duty of citizenship ought to be the foundation of all the other studies.... There are methods and establishments for training geometricians, physicists, and painters, but there are none for training citizens. 5. _Diderot._ In 1776 Diderot, editor with D'Alembert of the _Encyclopaedia_ (1751-72), prepared, at the request of Catherine II (p. 477), under the title of _Plan of a University_, a complete scheme for the organization of a state system of public instruction for Russia. Though the plan was never carried out, it was printed and much discussed in France, and is important as coming from one of the most influential Frenchmen of his time. He commends as an example to be followed the work of the German States in the organization of popular instruction. For Russia he outlines first a system of people's schools, which shall be free and obligatory for all, and in which instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, morals, civics, and religion shall be taught. "From the Prime Minister to the lowest peasant," he says, "it is good for every one to know how to read, write, and count." For the series of secondary schools to be established, he condemns the usual practice of devoting so much of the instruction to the humanities and a mediaeval type of logic and ethics, and urges instead the introduction of instruction in mathematics, in the modern sciences, literature, and the work of governments. Classical studies he would confine to the last years of the course. Science, history, drawing, and music find a place in his scheme. All this instruction Diderot would place under the supervisory control of an administrative bureau to be known as the _University of Russia_, at the head of which should be a statesman, who should exercise control of all the work of public instruction beneath. Though never carried out in Russia, the University of France of 1808 is largely an embodiment of the ideas he proposed in 1776. LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS TO EMBODY THESE IDEAS. During the quarter of a century between the publication of Rousseau's _Émile_ and the summoning of the States-General to reform France (1762-88), the educational as well as the political ideas of the French reformers had taken deep root with the thinking classes of the nation. The _cahiers_ of 1789, of all Orders (p. 500), gave evidence of this in their somewhat general demand for the creation of some form of an educational system for France (R. 252). From the first days of the Revolution pedagogical literature became plentiful, and the successive National Assemblies found time, amid the internal reorganization of France, constitution-making, the troubles with and trial of the King, and the darkening cloud of foreign intervention, to listen to reports and addresses on education and to enact a bill for the organization of a national school system. The more important of these educational efforts were: 1. _The Constituent Assembly_ (June 17, 1789, to September 30, 1791). In the Constituent Assembly, into which the States-General resolved itself, June 17, 1789, and which continued until after it had framed the constitution of 1791, two notable addresses and one notable report on the organization of education were made. The Count de Mirabeau, a nobleman turned against his class and elected to the States-General as a representative of the Third Estate, made addresses on the "Organization of a Teaching Body" and on the "Organization of a National _Lycée_." In the first he advocated the establishment of primary schools throughout France. In the second he proposed the establishment of colleges of literature in each department, with a National _Lycée_ at Paris for higher (university) education, and to contain the essentials of a national normal school or teachers' college as well. [Illustration: FIG. 157 COUNT DE MIRABEAU (1749-91)] [Illustration: FIG. 158. TALLEYRAND (1758-1838)] Mirabeau's proposals represent rather a transition in thinking from the old to the new, but the Report of Talleyrand (1791), former Bishop of Autun, now turned revolutionist, embodies the full culmination of revolutionary educational thought. Public instruction he termed "a power which embraces everything, from the games of infancy to the most imposing fêtes of the Nation." He definitely proposed the organization of a complete state system of public instruction for France, to consist of a primary school in every canton (community, district), open to the children of peasants and workmen--classes heretofore unprovided with education; a secondary school in every department (county); a series of special schools in the chief French cities, to prepare for the professions; and a National Institute, or University, to be located at Paris. Inspired by Montesquieu's principle that "the laws of education ought to be relative to the principles of government," Talleyrand proposed a bill designed to give effect to the provisions of the Constitution of 1791 relating to education (p. 501), and to provide an education for the people of France who were now to exercise, through elected representatives, the legislative power for France. Instruction he held to be the necessary counterpoise of liberty, and every citizen was to be taught to know, obey, love, and protect the new constitution. Political, social, and personal morality were to take the place of religion in the cantonal schools, which were to be free and equally open to all. As the Constituent Assembly was succeeded by the newly elected Legislative Assembly within three weeks after Talleyrand submitted his Report, no action was taken on his bill. [Illustration: FIG. 159. CONDORCET (1743-94)] 2. _The Legislative Assembly_ (October 1, 1791, to September 21, 1792). This new legislative body was far more radical in character than its predecessor, and far more radical than was the sentiment of France at the time. Among other acts it abolished (1792) the old universities and confiscated (1793) their property to the State. To it was submitted (April 20-21, 1792) by the mathematician, philosopher, and revolutionist, Marquis de Condorcet, [7] on behalf of the Committee on Public Instruction and as a measure of reconstruction, a Report and draft of a Law for the organization of a complete democratic system of public instruction for France (R. 256). It provided for the organizing of a primary school for every four hundred inhabitants, in which each individual was "to be taught to direct his own conduct and to enjoy the plenitude of his own rights," and where principles would be taught, calculated to "insure the perpetuation of liberty and equality." The bill also provided, for the first time, for the organization of higher primary schools in the principal towns; colleges (secondary schools) in the chief cities (one for every four thousand inhabitants); a higher school for each "department"; _Lycées_, or institutions of still higher learning, at nine places in France; and a National Society of Sciences and Arts to crown the educational system at Paris. The national system of education he proposed was to be equally open to women, as well as men, and to be gratuitous throughout. Teachers for each grade of school were to be prepared in the school next above. Sunday lectures for workingmen and peasants were to be given by teachers everywhere. Public morality, political intelligence, human progress, and the preservation of liberty and equality were the aims of the instruction. The necessity for education in a constitutional government he saw clearly. "A free constitution," he writes, "which should not be correspondent to the universal instruction of citizens, would come to destruction after a few conflicts, and would degenerate into one of those forms of government which cannot preserve the peace among an ignorant and corrupt people." Anarchy or despotism he held to be the future for peoples who become free without being enlightened. He held it to be a fundamental principle that: The order of nature includes no distinctions in society beyond those of education and wealth. To establish among citizens an equality in fact, and to realize the equality confirmed by law, ought to be the primary object of national instruction. The bill proposed by Condorcet, while too ambitious for the France of his day, was thoroughly sound as a democratic theory of education, and an accurate prediction of what the nineteenth century brought generally into existence. Condorcet's Report was discussed, but not acted upon. [Illustration: FIG. 160. THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE Founded by Article 298 of the Constitution of Year III (1793)] 3. _The National Convention_ (September 21, 1792, to October 26, 1795). The Convention was also a radical body, deeply interested in the creation of a system of state schools for the people of France. To higher education there was for a time marked opposition, though later in its history the Convention erected a number of important higher technical institutions and schools, among the most important of which was the Institute of France. There was also in the Convention marked opposition to all forms of clerical control of schools. The schools of the Brothers of the Christian Schools were suppressed by it, in 1792, and all secular and endowed schools and colleges were abolished and their property confiscated, in 1793. The complete supremacy of the State in all educational matters was now asserted. Great enthusiasm was manifested for the organization of state primary schools, which were ordered established in 1793 (R. 258 a), and in these: Children of all classes were to receive that first education, physical, moral, and intellectual, the best adapted to develop in them republican manners, patriotism, and the love of labor, and to render them worthy of liberty and equality. The course of instruction was to include: "to speak, read, and write correctly the French language; the geography of France; the rights and duties of men and citizens; [8] the first notions of natural and familiar objects; the use of numbers, the compass, the level, the system of weights and measures, the mechanical powers, and the measurement of time. They are to be taken into the fields and the workshops where they may see agricultural and mechanical operations going on, and take part in the same so far as their age will allow." What a change from the course of instruction in the religious schools just preceding this period! [Illustration: FIG. 161. LAKANAL (1762-1845)] A multiplicity of reports, bills, and decrees, often more or less contradictory but still embodying ideas advanced by Condorcet and Talleyrand, now appeared. Whereas the preceding legislative bodies had considered the subject carefully, but without taking action, the Convention now acted. The nation, though, was so engrossed by the internal chaos and foreign aggression that there was neither time nor funds to carry the decrees into effect. The most extreme proposal of the period was the bill of Lepelletier le Saint-Fargeau to create a national system of education modeled closely after that of ancient Sparta. The best of the proposals probably was the Lakanal Law, of November 17, 1794, which ordered a school for every one thousand inhabitants, with special divisions for boys and girls, and which provided for instruction in: 1. Reading and writing the French language. 2. The Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the Constitution. 3. Lessons on republican morals. 4. The rules of simple calculation and surveying. 5. Lessons in geography and the phenomena of nature. 6. Lessons on heroic actions, and songs of triumph. Lakanal also carefully prescribed the method of instruction, and advocated the founding of a national normal school (Latin _norma_; a rule), which idea the Convention adopted in 1794, the school opening [9] in January, 1795. Supplementing this was the law of February 25, 1795, ordering central or higher schools established to replace the former colleges, [10] one for every three hundred thousand of the population, which were to offer instruction from twelve to eighteen. The course was to include: 12 to 14--Drawing, natural history, ancient and living languages. 14 to 16--Mathematics, natural philosophy, experimental chemistry. 16 to 18--Grammar, literature, history, legislation. Organized on a soviet principle, each professor declared the equal of every other, and lacking any effective administration or discipline, these institutions soon fell into disrepute and were displaced when Napoleon reorganized secondary education in France. The law of October 25, 1795, closed the work of the Convention. This made less important provisions for primary education (R. 258 b) than had preceding bills, but was the only permanent contribution of this period to the organization of primary schools. It placed greater emphasis than had the legislative Assembly on the creation of secondary and higher institutions (R. 258 a), of more value to the bourgeois class. This bill of 1795 represents a reaction from the extreme republican ideas of a few years earlier, and the triumph of the conservative middle-class elements in the nation over the radical republican elements previously in control. The Convention also, in the latter part of its history, created a number of higher technical institutions of importance, which were expressive alike of the French interest in scientific subjects which arose during the latter part of the eighteenth century, and of the new French military needs. Many of these institutions have persisted to the present, so well have they answered the scientific interests and needs of the nation. A mere list of the institutions created is all that need be given. These were: Museum or Conservatory of Arts (Jan. 16, 1794). Conservatory of Arts and Trades (Oct. 10, 1794). New medical schools (_Schools of Health_) ordered (Dec. 4, 1794). Museum of Natural History (Dec. 11, 1794). Central Schools to succeed the former Colleges (secondary schools) (Feb. 25, 1795). School of Living Oriental Languages (March 30, 1795). Veterinary Schools (April 21, 1795). Course in Archaeology, National Library (June 8, 1795). Bureau of Longitude (June 29, 1795). Conservatory of Music (Aug. 3, 1795). The National Library (Oct. 17, 1795). Museum of Archaeological Monuments (Oct. 20, 1795). Polytechnic Schools (R. 257); School of Civil Engineering; School of Hydrographic Engineers; and School of Mining (Oct. 22, 1795). The Convention also adopted the metric system of weights and measures; enacted laws under which the peasants could acquire title to the lands they had tilled for so long; and began the unification of the laws of the different parts of the country into a single set, which later culminated in the _Code Napoléon_. 4. _The Directory_ (1795-99) _and the Consulate_ (1799-1804). The Revolution had by this time largely spent itself, the Directory followed, and in 1799 Napoleon became First Consul and for the next sixteen years was master of France. The Law of 1795 for primary schools (R. 258 b) was but feebly administered under the Directory, as foreign wars absorbed the energies and resources of the Government. Napoleon's chief educational interest, too, was in opening up opportunities for talent to rise, in encouraging scientific work and higher specialized institutions, and in developing schools of a type that would support the kind of government he had imposed upon France. The secondary and higher schools he established and promoted cost him money at a time when money was badly needed for national defense, and primary education was accordingly neglected during the time he directed the destinies of the nation. His educational organizations and work we shall refer to again in a later chapter. The Revolutionary enthusiasts had stated clearly their theory of republican education, but had failed to establish a permanent state school system according to their plans. This now became the work of the nineteenth century. In the meantime, in the new United States of America the same ideas were taking shape and finding expression, and to the developments there we next turn. III. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN AMERICA WANING OF THE OLD RELIGIOUS INTEREST. As early as 1647 Rhode Island Colony had enacted the first law providing for freedom of religious worship ever enacted by an English-speaking people, and two years later Maryland enacted a similar law. Though the Maryland law was later repealed, and a rigid Church-of-England rule established there, these laws were indicative of the new spirit arising in the New World. By the beginning of the eighteenth century a change in attitude toward the old problem of personal salvation had become evident. Frontier conditions; the gradual rise of a civil as opposed to a religious form of town government; the rising interests in trade and shipping; the beginnings of the breakdown of the old aristocratic traditions and customs transplanted from Europe; the rising individualism in both Europe and America--these all helped to weaken the hold on the people of the old religious doctrines. By 1750 the change in religious thinking in the American Colonies had become quite marked. [11] Especially was this change evidenced in the dying-out of the old religious fervor and intolerance, and the breaking-up of the old religious solidarity. While most of the Colonies continued to maintain an "established Church," other sects had to be admitted to the Colony and given freedom of worship. The Puritan monopoly in New England was broken, as was also that of the Anglican faith in the central Colonies. The day of the monopoly of any sect in a Colony was over. New secular interests began to take the place of religion as the chief topic of thought and conversation, and secular books began to dispute the earlier predominance of the Bible. A few colonial newspapers had begun (seven by 1750), and these became expressive of the new colony interests. CHANGING CHARACTER OF THE SCHOOLS. These changes in attitude toward the old religious problems materially affected both the support and the character of the education provided in the Colonies. The Law of 1647, requiring the maintenance of the Latin grammar schools, had been found to be increasingly difficult of enforcement, not only in Massachusetts, but in all the other New England Colonies which had followed the Massachusetts example. With the changing attitude of the people, which had become clearly manifest by 1750, the demand for relief from the maintenance of this school in favor of a more practical and less aristocratic type of higher school, if higher school were needed at all, became marked. By the close of the colonial period the new American Academy (p. 463), with its more practical studies, had begun to supersede the old Latin grammar school. The elementary school experienced something of the same difficulties. Many of the parochial schools died out, while others declined in character and importance. In Church-of-England Colonies all elementary education was left to private initiative and philanthropic and religious effort (p. 373). In the southern Colonies the classes in society and the character of the plantation life made common schools impossible, and the feeling of any need for elementary schools almost entirely died out. In New England the eighteenth century was a continual struggle on the one hand to prevent the original religious town school from disappearing, and on the other to establish in its place a series of scattered and inferior district schools, while either church or town support and tuition fees became ever harder to obtain. Among other changes of importance the reading school and the writing school now became definitely united, in all the smaller places and in the rural districts, as a measure of economy, to form the American school of the "3 Rs." New textbooks, too, containing less of the gloomily religious than the _New England Primer_, and secular rather than religious in character (p. 443), appeared after 1750 and began to be used in the schools. After 1750, too, it was increasingly evident that the old religious enthusiasm for schools had largely died out; that European traditions and ways and types of schools no longer completely satisfied; and that the period of the transplanting of European educational ideas and schools and types of instruction was coming to an end. Instead, the evolution of a public or state school out of the original religious school, and the beginnings of the evolution of distinctly American types of schools, better adapted to American needs, became increasingly evident in the Colonies as the eighteenth century progressed. RISE OF THE CIVIL OF STATE SCHOOL. As has been stated earlier, the school everywhere in America arose as a child of the Church. In the Middle Colonies, where the parochial-school conception of education was the prevailing type, the school remained under church control until after the foundation of our national government. In New England, though--and the New England evolution in time became the prevailing American practice--the school passed through a very interesting development during colonial times. As we have seen (p. 360), each little New England town was originally established as a little religious republic, with the Church in complete control. The governing authorities for church and civil affairs were much the same. When acting as church officers they were known as Elders and Deacons; when acting as civil or town officers they were known as Selectmen. The State, as represented in the colony legislature or the town meeting, was clearly the servant of the Church, and existed in large part for religious ends. It was the State acting as the servant of the Church which enacted the Massachusetts laws of 1642 and 1647 (Rs. 190, 19l), requiring the towns to maintain schools for religious ends. Now, so close was the connection between the religious town, which controlled church affairs, and the civil town, which looked after roads, fences, taxes, and defense--the constituency of both being one and the same, and the meetings of both being held at first in the meeting-house--that when the schools were established the colony legislature placed them under the civil--as involving taxes, and being a public service--rather than under the religious town. The interests of one were the interests of both, and, being the same in constituency and territorial boundaries, there seemed no occasion for friction or fear. From this religious beginning the civil school and the civil school-town and school-township, with all their elaborate school administrative machinery, were later evolved. The erection of a town hall, separate from the meeting-house, was a first step in the process. School affairs now were discussed at the town hall, instead of in the church. The town authorities now appointed committees to locate and build schoolhouses, select and certificate the teachers, and visit and examine the school. Next a regular town school committee was provided for. To this was given the management of the town school, and town taxes, instead of church taxes, were voted for buildings and maintenance. The minister continued to certificate the grammar-school master until the close of the colonial period, but the power to certificate the elementary-school teachers passed to the town authorities early in the eighteenth century. By the close of the century all that the minister--as the only surviving representative of church control--had left to him was the right to accompany the town authorities in the visitation of schools. Thus gradually but certainly did the earlier religious school in America pass out from under the control of the Church and come under the control of the State. When our national government and the different state governments were established, the States were ready to accept, in principle at least, the theory gradually worked out in New England that schools are state institutions, and should be under the control of the State. THE EARLY STATE CONSTITUTIONS AND LAWS. In framing the Federal Constitution, in 1787, education, then being regarded largely as a local matter, was left to the States to handle as they saw fit; so we turn to the early state constitutions and laws to see how far the new American States had, by the close of the eighteenth century, advanced toward the conception of education as an affair of the State. During the period from the Declaration of Independence to the close of the eighteenth century (1776-1800), all the States, except Rhode Island and Connecticut, which considered their colonial charters as satisfactory, formulated and adopted new state constitutions. Three new States--Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee--were admitted to the Union before 1800, and these framed constitutions also. Of the sixteen States forming the Union by 1800, seven had incorporated into their constitutions a clause setting forth the State's duty in the matter of education (R. 259). As in the earlier period of American education, it was Calvinistic New England which incorporated into the constitutions the best provisions regarding learning. In the parochial-school central Colonies the mention was much less emphatic, while the old Anglican-Church Colonies and the new States of Kentucky and Tennessee remained silent on the subject. Massachusetts, Vermont, and New Hampshire, in particular, incorporated strong sections directing the encouragement of learning and virtue, the protection and fostering of school societies, and the establishment of schools. The Massachusetts provision, afterwards copied by New Hampshire, is so explicit in the matter of state duty that it is worth quoting in full. Chap. V, Sec. 2. Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused generally among the body of the people, being necessary for the preservation of their rights and liberties; and as these depend on spreading the opportunities and advantages of education in the various parts of the country, and among the different orders of the people, it shall be the duty of the legislatures and magistrates, in all future periods of this Commonwealth, to cherish the interests of literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them; especially the university at Cambridge, public schools, and grammar schools in the towns; to encourage private societies and public institutions, by rewards and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture, arts, sciences, commerce, trades, manufactures, and a natural history of the country; to countenance and inculcate the principles of humanity and general benevolence, public and private charity, industry and frugality, honesty and punctuality in their dealings; sincerity, good humor, and all social affections and generous sentiments among the people. Though the Federal Constitution made no provision for education or aid to schools, when the Congress of the Confederation, in 1787, adopted the Ordinance for the organization and government of the Northwest Territory, out of which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin were later carved, it prefixed to this Ordinance the following significant provision: Art. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged [in the States to be formed from this Territory]. By the time the first State formed from this western territory was ready to be admitted to the Union (Ohio, 1802), the theory that education is a function of the State had come to be so thoroughly accepted, in principle at least, by the new American people that Congress now began a policy, ever since continued, of aiding each new State to establish and maintain a state system of schools. To this end Congress gave the new State for this purpose a generous endowment of national land, and in addition three townships of land to endow a state university. We also find that the constitutions of the first States created from this new Northwest Territory (Ohio, 1802; Indiana, 1816 [12]) contain for the time good provisions relating to public education. The Ohio provisions (R. 260) are noteworthy for the strong stand for religious freedom and against any discrimination in the schools between rich and poor, while the Indiana provisions (R. 261) are marked for their broad and generous conception of the scope and purpose of a state system of public instruction. Many of the older States enacted general state school laws early in their history (R. 262). Connecticut continued the general school laws of 1700, 1712, and 1714 unchanged, and in 1795 added $1,200,000, derived from land sales, to a permanent state school endowment fund, created as early as 1750. Vermont enacted a general school law in 1782. Massachusetts and New Hampshire enacted new general school laws, in 1789, which restated and legalized the school development of the preceding hundred and fifty years. All these required the maintenance of schools by the towns for a definite term each year, ordered taxation, and fixed the school studies required by the State. New York, in 1784, created an administrative organization, known as the University of the State of New York, to supervise secondary and higher education throughout the State--an institution clearly modeled after the centralizing ideas of Condorcet, Rolland, and Diderot (p. 477), and very similar to the ideas proposed by Talleyrand and Condorcet and later (1808) embodied in the University of France by Napoleon. In 1795 New York also provided for a state system of elementary education. Georgia created a state system of academies, as early as 1783. Delaware created a state school fund, in 1796, and Virginia enacted an optional school law the same year. North Carolina created a state university, as early as 1795. THE NEW POLITICAL MOTIVE FOR SCHOOLS. We thus see, in the new United States, the theories of the French revolutionary thinkers and statesmen actually being realized in practice. The constitutional provisions, and even the legislation, often were in advance of what the States, impoverished as they were by the War of Independence, could at once carry out, but they mark the evolution in America of a clearly defined state theory as to education, and the recognition of a need for general education in a government whose actions were so largely influenced by the force of public opinion. The Federal Constitution had extended the right to vote for national officers to all, and the older States soon began to remove their earlier property qualifications for voting and to extend general manhood suffrage to all citizens. This new development in government by the people, which meant the passing of the rule of a propertied and educated class and the establishment of a real democracy, caused the leading American statesmen to turn early to general education as a necessity for republican safety. In his Farewell Address to the American people, written in 1796, Washington said: Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. Jefferson spent the years 1784 to 1789 in Paris, and became a great propagandist in America for French political ideas. Writing to James Madison from France, as early as 1787, he said: Above all things, I hope the education of the common people will be attended to; convinced that on this good sense we may rely with the most security for the preservation of a due sense of liberty. [Illustration: FIG. 162. THOMAS JEFFERSON (1743-1826)] In 1779, then, as a member of the Virginia legislature, Jefferson tried unsuccessfully to secure the passage of a comprehensive bill, after the plan of the French Revolutionary proposals, for the organization of a complete system of public education for Virginia. The essential features of the proposed bill (R. 263) were that every county should be laid off into school districts, five to six miles square, to be known as "hundreds," and in each of these an elementary school was to be established to which any citizen could send his children free of charge for three years, and as much longer as he was willing to pay tuition; that the leading pupil in each school was to be selected annually and sent to one of twenty grammar (secondary) schools to be established and maintained at various points in the State; after two years the leaders in each of these schools were to be selected and further educated free for six years, the less promising being sent home; and at the completion of the grammar- school course, the upper half of the pupils were to be given three years more of free education at the State College of William and Mary, and the other half were to be employed as teachers for the schools of the State. [13] Though the scheme failed of approval, Jefferson never lost interest in the education of the people for intelligent participation in the functions of government. Writing from Monticello to Colonel Yancey, in 1816, after his retirement from the presidency, he wrote: If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization it expects what never was and never will be.... There is no safe deposit (for the functions of government) but with the people themselves; nor can they be safe with them without information. In 1819 the founding of the University of Virginia crowned Jefferson's efforts for education by the State. This institution, the Declaration of Independence, and the statute for religious freedom in Virginia stand to- day as the three enduring monuments to his memory. [14] Other of the early American statesmen expressed similar views as to the importance of general education by the State. John Jay, first Chief Justice of the United States, in a letter to his friend, Dr. Benjamin Rush, wrote: I consider knowledge to be the soul of a Republic, and as the weak and the wicked are generally in alliance, as much care should be taken to diminish the number of the former as of the latter. Education is the way to do this, and nothing should be left undone to afford all ranks of people the means of obtaining a proper degree of it at a cheap and easy rate. James Madison, fourth President of the United States, wrote: A satisfactory plan for primary education is certainly a vital desideratum in our republics. A popular government without popular information or the means of acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or, perhaps, both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives. John Adams, with true New England thoroughness, expressed the new motive for education still more forcibly when he wrote: The instruction of the people in every kind of knowledge that can be of use to them in the practice of their moral duties as men, citizens, and Christians, and of their political and civil duties as members of society and freemen, ought to be the care of the public, and of all who have any share in the conduct of its affairs, in a manner that never yet has been practiced in any age or nation. The education here intended is not merely that of the children of the rich and noble, but of every rank and class of people, down to the lowest and poorest. It is not too much to say that schools for the education of all should be placed at convenient distances and maintained at the public expense. The revenues of the State would be applied infinitely better, more charitably, wisely, usefully, and therefore politically in this way than even in maintaining the poor. This would be the best way of preventing the existence of the poor.... Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower classes of people, are so extremely wise and useful that, to a humane and generous mind, no expense for this purpose would be thought extravagant. Having founded, as Lincoln so well said later at Gettysburg, "on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal," and having built a constitutional form of government based on that equality, it in time became evident to those who thought at all on the question that that liberty and political equality could not be preserved without the general education of all. A new motive for education was thus created and gradually formulated in the United States, as well as in revolutionary France, and the nature of the school instruction of the youth of the State came in time to be colored through and through by this new political motive. The necessary schools, though, did not come at once. On the contrary, the struggle to establish these necessary schools it will be our purpose to trace in subsequent chapters, but before doing so we wish first to point out how the rise of a political theory for education led to the development of a theory as to the nature of the educational process which exercised a far-reaching influence on all subsequent evolution of schools and teaching. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. What do the proposals of La Chalotais, Rolland, and Turgot indicate as to the degree of unification of France attained by the time they wrote? 2. What new subjects did Diderot add to the religious elementary school of his time? 3. Show how the decline in efficiency of the Jesuits was a stimulating force for the evolution of a system of public instruction in France. 4. Show the statesman-like character of the proposals made in the legislative assemblies of France for the organization of national education. 5. Assuming that there had been enough funds to carry out the law (1793) of the Convention for primary instruction, what other difficulties would have been met that would have been hard to surmount? 6. Compare the Lakanal school with an American elementary school of a half-century ago. 7. Show that many of the important educational reforms of Napoleon were foreshadowed in the National Convention. 8. Was Napoleon right in his attitude toward education and schools? 9. Explain the lack of success of the revolutionary theorists in the establishment of a state system of education. 10. Explain why the breakdown of the old religious intolerance came earlier in the American Colonies than in the Old World. 11. Show the great value of the Laws of 1642 and 1647 in holding New England true to the maintenance of schools during the period of decline. 12. What might have been the result in America had the New England Colonies established the school as a parish institution, as did the central Colonies? 13. Analyze the Massachusetts constitutional provision for education, and show what it provided for. 14. Show the similarity of the University of the State of New York to the proposals for governmental control in France. 15. Explain why the French revolutionary ideas as to education were realized so easily in the new United States, whereas France did not realize them until well into the nineteenth century. 16. Compare Jefferson's proposed law with the proposals of Talleyrand for France. 17. Just what type of educational institutions did Washington have in mind in the quotation from his Farewell Address? John Jay? John Adams? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections are reproduced: 254. Dabney: The Far-Reaching Influence of Rousseau's Writings. 255. La Chalotais: Essay on National Education. 256. Condorcet: Outline of a Plan for Organizing Public Instruction in France. 257. Report: Founding of the Polytechnic School at Paris. 258. Barnard: Work of the National Convention in France. (a) Various legislative proposals. (b) The Law of 1795 organizing Primary Instruction. 259. American States: Early Constitutional Provisions relating to Education. 260. Ohio: Educational Provisions of First Constitution. 261. Indiana: Educational Provisions of First Constitution. 262. American States: Early School Legislation in. 263. Jefferson: Plan for Organizing Education in Virginia. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Explain the conditions of society under which the emotional writings of a man of the type of Rousseau could have made such a deep impression (254) on the nation. 2. In how far do nations to-day accept the theories of La Chalotais (255)? 3. What type of administrative organization was proposed by Condorcet (256)? 4. What does the founding of the Polytechnic School (257) indicate as to the French interest in science? 5. What real progress was made by the National Convention (258 a), and to what degree did it fail? 6. Explain the type of school system proposed and the conception of education lying behind the early constitutional provisions (259) for education in each of the American States. 7. In what respects were the educational provisions of the first Ohio constitution (260) remarkable? 8. In what respects were the educational provisions of the first Indiana constitution (261) remarkable? 9. Characterize the early school legislation reproduced (262). 10. Just what type of educational system did Jefferson propose to organize in Virginia (263)? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Barnard, Henry. _American Journal of Education_, vol. 22, pp. 651-64. Compayré, G. _History of Pedagogy_, chapters 15, 16, 17. Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_, chapter 3. CHAPTER XXI A NEW THEORY AND SUBJECT-MATTER FOR THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL In chapters XVII and XVIII we traced the development of educational theory up to the point where John Locke left it after outlining his social and disciplinary theory for the educational process, and in the chapter preceding this one we traced the evolution of a new state theory as to the purpose of education to replace the old religious theory. The new theory as to state control, and the erection of a citizenship purpose for education, made it both possible and desirable that the instruction in the school, and particularly in the vernacular school, should be recast, both in method and content, to bring the school into harmony with the new secular purpose. In consequence, an important reorganization of the vernacular school now took place, and to this transformation of the elementary school we next turn. I. THE NEW THEORY STATED ICONOCLASTIC NATURE OF THE WORK OF ROUSSEAU. The inspirer of the new theory as to the purpose of education was none other than the French-Swiss iconoclast and political writer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose work as a political theorist we have previously described. Happening to take up the educational problem as a phase of his activity against the political and social and ecclesiastical conditions of his age, drawing freely on Locke's _Thoughts_ for ideas, and inspired by a feeling that so corrupt and debased was his age that if he rejected everything accepted by it and adopted the opposite he would reach the truth, Rousseau restated his political theories as to the control of man by society and his ideas as to a life according to "nature" in a book in which he described the education, from birth to manhood, of an imaginary boy, Émile, and his future wife, Sophie. In the first sentence of the book Rousseau sets forth his fundamental thesis: All is good as it comes from the hand of the Creator; all degenerates under the hands of man. He forces one country to produce the fruits of another, one tree to bear that of another. He confounds climates, elements, and seasons; he mutilates his dog, his horse, his slave; turns everything topsy-turvy, disfigures everything. He will have nothing as nature made it, not even man himself; he must be trained like a managed horse, trimmed like a tree in a garden. His book, published in 1762, in no sense outlined a workable system of education. Instead, in charming literary style, with much sophistry, many paradoxes, numerous irrelevant digressions upon topics having no relation to education, and in no systematic order, Rousseau presented his ideas as to the nature and purpose of education. Emphasizing the importance of the natural development of the child (R. 264 a), he contended that the three great teachers of man were nature, man, and experience, and that the second and third tended to destroy the value of the first (R. 264 b); that the child should be handled in a new way, and that the most important item in his training up to twelve years of age was to do nothing (R. 264 c, d) so that nature might develop his character properly (R. 264 e); and that from twelve to fifteen his education should be largely from things and nature, and not from books (R. 264 f). As the outcome of such an education Rousseau produced a boy who, from his point of view, would at eighteen still be natural (R. 264 g) and unspoiled by the social life about him, which, after all, he felt was soon to pass away (R. 264 i). The old religious instruction he would completely supersede (R. 264 h). [Illustration: FIG. 163. THE ROUSSEAU MONUMENT AT GENEVA] So depraved was the age, and so wretched were the educational practices of his time, that, in spite of the malevolent impulse which was his driving force, what he wrote actually contained many excellent ideas, pointed the way to better practices, and became an inspiration for others who, unlike Rousseau, were deeply interested in problems of education and child welfare. One cannot study Rousseau's writings as a whole, see him in his eighteenth-century setting, know of his personal life, and not feel that the far-reaching reforms produced by his _Émile_ are among the strangest facts in history. THE VALUABLE ELEMENTS IN ROUSSEAU'S WORK. Amid his glittering generalities and striking paradoxes Rousseau did, however, set forth certain important ideas as to the proper education of children. Popularizing the best ideas of the Englishman, Locke (p. 433), Rousseau may be said to have given currency to certain conceptions as to the education of children which, in the hands of others, brought about great educational changes. Briefly stated, these were: 1. The replacement of authority by reason and investigation. 2. That education should be adapted to the gradually unfolding capacities of the child. 3. That each age in the life of a child has activities which are normal to that age, and that education should seek for and follow these. 4. That physical activity and health are of first importance. 5. That education, and especially elementary education, should take place through the senses, rather than through the memory. 6. That the emphasis placed on the memory in education is fundamentally wrong, dwarfing the judgment and reason of the child. 7. That catechetical and Jesuitical types of education should be abandoned. 8. That the study of theological subtleties is unsuited to child needs or child capacity. 9. That the natural interests, curiosity, and activities of children should be utilized in their education. 10. That the normal activities of children call for expression, and that the best means of utilizing these activities are conversation, writing, drawing, music, and play. 11. That education should no longer be exclusively literary and linguistic, but should be based on sense perception, expression, and reasoning. 12. That such education calls for instruction in the book of nature, with home geography and the investigation of elementary problems in science occupying a prominent place. 13. That the child be taught rather than the subject-matter; life here rather than hereafter; and the development of reason rather than the loading of the memory, were the proper objects of education. 14. That a many-sided education is necessary to reveal child possibilities; to correct the narrowing effect of specialized class education; and to prepare one for possible changes in fortune. A new educational ideal presented. Rousseau's _Émile_ presented a new ideal in education. According to his conception it was debasing that man should be educated to behave correctly in an artificial society, to follow blindly the doctrines of a faith, or to be an obedient subject of a king. Instead he conceived the function of education to be to evolve the natural powers, cultivate the human side, unfold the inborn capacities of every human being, and to develop a reasoning individual, capable of intelligently directing his life under diverse conditions and in any form of society. A book setting forth such ideas naturally was revolutionary [1] in matters of education. It deeply influenced thinkers along these lines during the remaining years of the eighteenth century, and became the inspiring source of nineteenth-century reforms. As Rousseau's _Social Contract_ became the political handbook of the French Revolutionists, so his _Émile_ became the inspiration of a new theory as to the education of children. Coming, as it did, at a time when political and ecclesiastical despotisms were fast breaking down in France, when new forces were striving for expression throughout Europe, and when new theories as to the functions of government were being set forth in the American Colonies and in France, it gave the needed inspiration for the evolution of a new theory of non- religious, universal, and democratic education which would prepare citizens for intelligent participation in the functions of a democratic State, and for a reorganization of the subject-matter of education itself. A new theory as to the educational purpose was soon to arise, and the whole nature of the educational process, in the hands of others, was soon to be transformed as a result of the fortunate conjunction of the iconoclastic and impractical discussion of education by Rousseau and the more practical work of English, French, and American political theorists and statesmen. Out of the fusing of these, modern educational theory arose. II. GERMAN ATTEMPTS TO WORK OUT A NEW THEORY INFLUENCE OF THE _ÉMILE_ IN GERMAN LANDS. The _Émile_ was widely read, not only in France, but throughout the continent of Europe as well. In German lands its publication coincided with the rising tide of nationalism--the "Period of Enlightenment"--and the book was warmly welcomed by such (then young) men as Goethe, Schiller, Herder, Richter, Fichte, and Kant. It presented a new ideal of education and a new ideal for humanity, and its ideas harmonized well with those of the newly created aristocracy of worth which the young German enthusiasts were busily engaged in proclaiming for their native land. The ideal of the perfected individual, strong in the consciousness of his powers, now found expression in the new "classics of individualism" which marked the outburst of the best that German literature has ever produced. As Paulsen [2] well says: Rousseau exercised an immense influence on his times, and Germany was stirred perhaps even more deeply than France. In France Voltaire continued to be regarded as the great man of his time, whereas, in Germany, his place in the esteem of the younger generation had been taken by the enthusiast of Geneva. Kant, Herder, Goethe, Schiller, Fichte, all of them were roused by Rousseau to the inmost depths of their natures. He gave utterance to the passionate longing of their souls: to do away with the imitation of French courtly culture, by which Nature was suppressed and perverted in every way, to do away with the established political and social order, based on court society and class distinctions, which was felt to be lowering to man in his quality as a reasonable being, and to return to Nature, to simple and unsophisticated habits of life, or rather to find a way through Nature to a better civilisation, which would restore the natural values of life to their rightful place and would be compatible with truth and virtue, sincerity and probity of character. The great German philosopher, Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), was so deeply stirred by the _Émile_ that the regularity of his daily walks and the clearness of his thinking were disturbed by it. Goethe called the book "the teacher's Gospel." Schiller praised Rousseau as "a new Socrates, who of Christians wished to make men." Herder acclaimed Rousseau as a German, and his "divine work" as his guide. Jean-Paul Richter confessed himself indebted to Rousseau for the best ideas in his _Levana_. Lavater declared himself ready for a Reformation in education along the lines laid down by Rousseau. [Illustration: FIG. 64. BASEDOW (1723-90)] BASEDOW AND HIS WORK. Perhaps the most important practical influence exerted by the _Émile_ in German lands came in the work of Johann Bernard Basedow and his followers. Basedow was a North German who had been educated in the _Gymnasium_ at Hamburg, had studied in the theological faculty at Leipzig, had been a tutor in a nobleman's family, and had been a teacher in a _Ritterakademie_ in Denmark and the _Gymnasium_ at Altona. Deeply imbued with the new scientific spirit, in thorough revolt against the dominance of the Church in human lives, and incited to new efforts by his reading of the _Émile_, Basedow thought out a plan for a reform school which should put many of Rousseau's ideas into practice. In 1768 he issued his _Address to Philanthropists and Men of Property on Schools and Studies and their Influence on the Public Weal_, in which he appealed for funds to enable him to open a school to try out his ideas, and to enable him to prepare a new type of textbooks for the use of schools. He proposed in this appeal to organize a school which should be non-sectarian, and also advocated the creation of a National Council of Education to have charge of all public instruction. These were essentially the ideas of the French political reformers of the time. The appeal was widely scattered, awakened much enthusiasm, and subscriptions to assist him poured in from many sources. [3] In 1774 Basedow published two works of more than ordinary importance. The first, a _Book of Method for Fathers and Mothers of Families and of Nations_, was a book for adults, and outlined a plan of education for both boys and girls. The keynotes were "following nature," "impartial religious instruction," children to be dealt with as children, learning through the senses, language instruction by a natural method, and much study of natural objects. The ideas were a combination of those of Bacon, Comenius, and Rousseau. The second book, in four volumes, and containing one hundred copper-plate illustrations, was the famous _Elementary Work_ (_Elementarwerk mit Kupfern_) (R. 266), the first illustrated school textbook since the _Orbis Pictus_ (1654) of Comenius. This work of Basedow's became, in German lands, the _Orbis Pictus_ of the eighteenth century. By means of its "natural methods" (R. 265) children were to be taught to read, both the vernacular and Latin, more easily and in less time than had been done before, and in addition were to be given a knowledge of morals, commerce, scientific subjects, and social usages by "an incomparable method," founded on experience in teaching children. The book enjoyed a wide circulation among the middle and upper classes in German lands. BASEDOW'S _PHILANTHROPINUM_. In 1774 Prince Leopold, of Dessau, a town in the duchy of Anhalt, in northern Germany, gave Basedow the use of two buildings and a garden, and twelve thousand thalers in money, with which to establish his long-heralded _Philanthropinum_, which was to be an educational institution of a new type. Great expectations were aroused, and a widespread interest in the new school awakened. Education according to nature, with a reformed, time-saving, natural method for the teaching of languages, were to be its central ideas. Children were to be treated as children, and not as adults. Powdered hair, gilded coats, swords, rouge, and hoops were to be discarded for short hair, clean faces, sailor jackets, and caps, while the natural plays of children and directed physical training were to be made a feature of the instruction. The languages were to be taught by conversational methods. Each child was to be taught a handicraft--turning, planing, and carpentering were provided-- for both social and educational reasons. Instruction in real things-- science, nature--was to take the place of instruction in words, and the vernacular was to be the language of instruction. The institution was to have the atmosphere of religion, but was not to be Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed, or Jewish, and was to be free from "theologizing distinctions." Latin, German, French, mathematics, a knowledge of nature (geography, physics, natural history), music, dancing, drawing, and physical training were the principal subjects of instruction. The children were divided into four classes, and the instruction for each, with the textbooks to be used, was outlined (R. 265). The school opened with Basedow and three assistants as teachers, and two of Basedow's children and twelve others as pupils. Later the school came to have many boarding pupils, drawn from as far-distant points as Riga and Spain. In 1776 a public examination was held, to which many distinguished men were invited, and the work which Basedow's methods could produce was exhibited. These methods seem to have been successful, judging from the rather full accounts which have been left us. [4] The school represented a new type of educational effort, and was frankly experimental in purpose. It was an attempt to apply, in practice, the main ideas of Rousseau's _Émile_. Basedow tried the plan of education outlined by Rousseau with his own daughter, whom he named Émilie. [ILLUSTRATION: FIG. 165 IMMANUEL KANT (1724-1804)] As a promising experiment the school awakened widespread interest, and Basedow was supported by such thinkers of the time as Goethe and Kant. The year following the "Examination" Kant, then professor of philosophy at the University of Königsberg, contributed an article to the _Königsberg Gazette_ explaining the importance of the experiment Basedow was making. Still later, in his university lectures _On Pedagogy_, he further stated the importance of such a new experiment, in the following words: It was imagined that experiments in education were not necessary; and that, whether any thing in it was good or bad, could be judged of by the reason. But this was a great mistake; experience shows very often that results are produced precisely the opposite to those which had been expected. We also see from experiment that one generation cannot work out a complete plan of education. The only experimental school which has made a beginning toward breaking the path was the Dessau institution. This praise must be given to it, in spite of the many faults which may be charged against it; faults which belong to all conclusions based upon such undertakings; and which make new experiments always necessary. It was the only school in which the teachers had the liberty to work after their own methods and plans, and where they stood in connection, not only with each other, but with men of learning throughout all Germany. BASEDOW'S INFLUENCE, AND FOLLOWERS. Basedow, though, was an impractical theorist, boastful and quarrelsome, vulgar and coarse, given to drunkenness and intemperate speech, and fond of making claims for his work which the results did not justify. In a few years he had been displaced as director, and in 1793 the _Philanthropinum_ closed its doors. The school, nevertheless, was a very important educational experiment, and Basedow's work for a time exerted a profound influence on German pedagogical thought. He may be said to have raised instruction in the _Realien_ in German lands to a place of distinct importance, and to have given a turn to such instruction which it has ever since retained. [5] The methods of instruction, too, worked out in arithmetic, geography, geometry, natural history, physics, and history were in many ways as revolutionary as those evolved by Pestalozzi later on in Switzerland. In his emphasis on scientific subject-matter Basedow surpassed Pestalozzi, but Pestalozzi possessed a clearer, intuitive insight into the nature and purpose of the educational process. The work of the two men furnishes an interesting basis for comparison (R. 271), and the work of each gave added importance to that of the other. From Dessau an interest in pedagogical ideas and experiments spread over Europe, and particularly over German lands. Other institutions, modeled after the _Philanthropinum_, were founded in many places, and some of Basedow's followers [6] did as important work along certain lines as did Basedow himself. His followers were numerous, and of all degrees of worth. They urged acceptance of the new ideas of Rousseau as worked out and promulgated by Basedow; vigorously attacked the old schools, making converts here and there; and in a way helped to prepare northern German lands for the incoming, later, of the better-organized ideas of the German-Swiss reformer Pestalozzi, to whose work we next turn. III. THE WORK AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI THE INSPIRATION OF PESTALOZZI. Among those most deeply influenced by Rousseau's _Émile_ was a young German-Swiss by the name of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, who was born (1746) and brought up in the ancient city of Zurich. Inspired by Rousseau's writings he spent the early part of his life in trying to render service to the poor, and the latter part in working out for himself a theory and a method of instruction based on the natural development of the child. To Pestalozzi, more than to any one else, we owe the foundations of the modern secular vernacular elementary school, and in consequence his work is of commanding importance in the history of the development of educational practice. Trying to educate his own child according to Rousseau's plan, he not only discovered its impracticability but also that the only way to improve on it was to study the children themselves. Accordingly he opened a school and home on his farm at Neuhof, in 1774. Here he took in fifty abandoned children, to whom he taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, gave them moral discourses, and trained them in gardening, farming, and cheese- making. It was an attempt to regenerate beggars by means of education, which Pestalozzi firmly believed could be done. At the end of two years he had spent all the money he and his wife possessed, and the school closed in failure--a blessing in disguise--though with Pestalozzi's faith in the power of education unshaken. Of this experiment he wrote: "For years I have lived in the midst of fifty little beggars, sharing in my poverty my bread with them, living like a beggar myself in order to teach beggars to live like men." Turning next to writing, while continuing to farm, Pestalozzi now tried to express his faith in education in printed form. His _Leonard and Gertrude_ (1781) was a wonderfully beautiful story of Swiss peasant life, and of the genius and sympathy and love of a woman amid degrading surroundings. From a wretched place the village of Bonnal, under Pestalozzi's pen, was transformed by the power of education. [7] The book was a great success from the first, and for it Pestalozzi was made a "citizen" of the French Republic, along with Washington, Madison, Kosciusko, Wilberforce, and Tom Paine. He continued to farm and to think, though nearly starving, until 1798, when the opportunity for which he was really fitted came. PESTALOZZI'S EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENTS. In 1798 "The Helvetic Republic" was proclaimed, an event which divided Pestalozzi's life into two parts. Up to this time he had been interested wholly in the philanthropic aspect of education, believing that the poor could be regenerated through education and labor. From this time on he interested himself in the teaching aspect of the problem, in the working-out and formulation of a teaching method based on the natural development of the child, and in training others to teach. Much to the disgust of the authorities of the new Swiss Government, citizen Pestalozzi applied for service as a schoolteacher. The opportunity to render such service soon came. That autumn the French troops invaded Switzerland, and, in putting down the stubborn resistance of the three German cantons, shot down a large number of the people. Orphans to the number of 169 were left in the little town of Stanz, and citizen Pestalozzi was given charge of them. For six months he was father, mother, teacher, and nurse. Then, worn out himself, the orphanage was changed into a hospital. A little later he became a schoolmaster in Burgdorf; was dismissed; became a teacher in another school; and finally, in 1800, opened a school himself in an old castle there. He now drew about him other teachers interested in improving instruction, and in consequence could specialize the work. He provided separate teachers for drawing and singing, geography and history, language and arithmetic, and gymnastics. The year following the school was enlarged into a teachers' training-school, the government extending him aid in return for giving Swiss teachers one month of training as teachers in his school. Here he wrote and published _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, which explained his methods and forms his most important pedagogical work (R. 267); a _Guide for teaching Spelling and Reading_; and a _Book for Mothers_, devoted to a description of "object teaching." In 1803, the castle being needed by the government, Pestalozzi moved first to Munchenbuchsee, near Hofwyl, opening his Institute temporarily in an old convent there. For a few months, in 1804, he was associated with Emanuel von Fellenberg, at Hofwyl (p. 546), but in October, 1804, he moved to Yverdon, where he reëstablished the Institute, and where the next twenty years of his life were spent and his greatest success achieved. [Illustration: FIG. 166. THE SCENE OF PESTALOZZI'S LABORS] THE CONTRIBUTION OF PESTALOZZI. The great contribution of Pestalozzi lay in that, following the lead of Rousseau, he rejected the religious aim and the teaching of mere words and facts, which had characterized all elementary education up to near the close of the eighteenth century, and tried instead to reduce the educational process to a well-organized routine, based on the natural and orderly development of the instincts, capacities, and powers of the growing child. Taking Rousseau's idea of a return to nature, he tried to apply it to the education of children. This led to his rejection of what he called the "empty chattering of mere words" and "outward show" in the instruction in reading and the catechism, and the introduction in their place of real studies, based on observation, experimentation, and reasoning. "Sense impression" became his watchword. [8] As he expressed it, he "tried to organize and psychologize the educational process" by harmonizing it with the natural development of the child (R. 267). To this end he carefully studied children, and developed his methods experimentally as a result of his observation. To this end, both at Burgdorf and Yverdon, all results of preceding teachers and writers on education were rejected, for fear that error might creep in. Read nothing, discover everything, and prove all things, came to be the working guides of himself and his teachers. The development of man he believed to be organic, and to proceed according to law. It was the work of the teacher to discover these laws of development and to assist nature in securing "a natural, symmetrical, and harmonious development" of all the "faculties" of the child. Real education must develop the child as a whole--mentally, physically, morally--and called for the training of the head and the hand and the heart. The only proper means for developing the powers of the child was use, and hence education must guide and stimulate self-activity, be based on intuition and exercise, and the sense impressions must be organized and directed. Education, too, if it is to follow the organic development of the child, must observe the proper progress of child development and be graded, so that each step of the process shall grow out of the preceding and grow into the following stage. To accomplish these ends the training must be all-round and harmonious; much liberty must be allowed the child in learning; education must proceed largely by doing instead of by words, the method of learning must be largely analytical; real objects and ideas must precede symbols and words; and, finally, the organization and correlation of what is learned must be looked after by the teacher. [Illustration: PLATE II. JOHANN HEINRICH PESTALOZZI.] Still more, Pestalozzi possessed a deep and abiding faith, new at the time, in the power of education as a means of regenerating society. He had begun his work by trying to "teach beggars to live like men," and his belief in the potency of education in working this transformation, so touchingly expressed in his _Leonard and Gertrude_, never left him. He believed that each human being could be raised through the influence of education to the level of an intellectually free and morally independent life, and that every human being was entitled to the right to attain such freedom and independence. The way to this lay through the full use of his developing powers, under the guidance of a teacher, and not through a process of repeating words and learning by heart. Not only the intellectual qualities of perception, judgment, and reasoning need exercise, but the moral powers as well. To provide such exercise and direction was the work of the school. Pestalozzi also resented the brutal discipline which for ages had characterized all school instruction, believed it by its very nature immoral, and tried to substitute for this a strict but loving discipline-- a "thinking love," he calls it--and to make the school as nearly as possible like a gentle and refined home. To a Swiss father, who on visiting his school exclaimed, "Why, this is not a school, but a family," Pestalozzi answered that such a statement was the greatest praise he could have given him. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THESE IDEAS. The educational consequences of these new ideas were very large. They in time gave aim and purpose to the elementary school of the nineteenth century, transforming it from an instrument of the Church for church ends, to an instrument of society to be used for its own regeneration and the advancement of the welfare of all. [9] The introduction of the study of natural objects in place of words, and much talking about what was seen and studied instead of parrot-like reproductions of the words of a book, revolutionized both the methods and the subject-matter of instruction in the developing elementary school. Observation and investigation tended to supersede mere memorizing; class discussion and thinking to supersede the reciting of the words of the book; thinking about what was being done to supersede routine learning; and class instruction to supersede the wasteful individual teaching which had for so long characterized all school work. It meant the reorganization of the work of the vernacular school on a modern basis, with class organization and group instruction, and a modern-world purpose (R. 269). The work of Pestalozzi also meant the introduction of new subject-matter for instruction, the organization of new teaching subjects for the elementary school, and the redirection of the elementary education of children. Observation led to the development of elementary-science study, and the study of home geography; talking about what was observed led to the study of language usage, as distinct from the older study of grammar; and counting and measuring led to the study of number, and hence to a new type of primary arithmetic. The reading of the school also changed both in character and purpose. In other words, in place of an elementary education based on reading, a little writing and spelling, and the catechism, all of a memoriter type and with religious ends in view, a new primary school, essentially secular in character, was created by the work of Pestalozzi. This new school was based on the study of real objects, learning through sense impressions, the individual expression of ideas, child activity, and the development of the child's powers in an orderly way. In fact, "the development of the faculties" of the child became a by-word with Pestalozzi and his followers. Pestalozzi's deep abiding faith in the power of education to regenerate society was highly influential in Switzerland, throughout western Europe, and later in America in showing how to deal with orphans, vagrants, and those suffering from physical defects or in need of reformation, by providing for such a combination of intellectual and industrial training. THE SPREAD AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI'S WORK. So famous did the work of Pestalozzi become that his schools at Burgdorf and Yverdon came to be "show places," even in a land filled with natural wonders. Observers and students came from America (R. 268) and from all over Europe to see and to teach in his school, and draw inspiration from seeing his work (R. 270) and talking with him. [10] In particular the educators of Prussia were attracted by his work, and, earlier than other nations, saw the far- reaching significance of his discoveries. Herbart visited his school as early as 1799, when but a young man of twenty-three, and wrote a very sympathetic description of his new methods. Froebel spent the years 1808 to 1810 as a teacher at Yverdon, when he was a young man of twenty-six to eight. "It soon became evident to me," wrote Froebel, "that 'Pestalozzi' was to be the watchword of my life." The philosopher Fichte, whose Addresses (1807-08) on the condition of the German people (page 568), after their humiliating defeat by Napoleon, did much to reveal to Prussia the possibilities of national regeneration by means of education, had taught in Zurich, knew Pestalozzi, and afterward exploited his work and his ideas in Berlin. [11] As early as 1803 an envoy, sent by the Prussian King, [12] reported favorably on Pestalozzi's work, and in 1804 Pestalozzian methods were authorized for the primary schools of Prussia. In 1808 seventeen teachers were sent to Switzerland, at the expense of the Prussian Government, to spend three years in studying Pestalozzi's ideas and methods. On their return, these and others spread Pestalozzian ideas throughout Prussia. A pastor and teacher from Würtemberg, Karl August Zeller (1774-1847), came to Burgdorf in 1803 to study. In 1806 he opened a training-school for teachers in Zurich, and there worked out a plan of studies based on the work of Pestalozzi. This was printed and attracted much attention. In 1808 the King of Würtemberg listened to five lectures on Pestalozzian methods by Zeller, and invited him to a position as school inspector in his State. Before he had done but a few months' work he was called to Prussia, to organize a normal school and begin the introduction of Pestalozzian ideas there. From Prussia the ideas and methods of Pestalozzi gradually spread to the other German States. Many Swiss teachers were trained by Pestalozzi, and these also helped to extend his work and ideas over Switzerland. Particularly in German Switzerland did his ideas take root and reorganize education. As a result modern systems of education made an early start in these cantons. One of Pestalozzi's earliest and most faithful teachers, Hermann Krüsi, became principal of the Swiss normal school at Gais, and trained teachers there in Pestalozzian methods. Zeller's pupils, too, did much to spread his influence among the Swiss. Pestalozzi's ideas were also carried to England, but in no such satisfactory manner as to the German States. Where German lands received both the method and the spirit, the English obtained largely the form. Later Pestalozzian ideas came to the United States, at first largely through English sources, and, after about 1860, resulted in a thoroughgoing reorganization of American elementary education. After Pestalozzi's institution had become celebrated, and visitors and commissions from many countries had visited him and it, and after governments had vied with one another in introducing Pestalozzian methods and reforms, the vogue of the Pestalozzian ideas became very extended. Many excellent private schools were founded on the Pestalozzian model, while on the other hand self-styled Pestalozzian reformers sprang up on all sides. All this imitation was both natural and helpful; the foolishness and charlatanism in time disappeared, leaving a real advance in the educational conception. THE MANUAL-LABOR SCHOOL OF FELLENBERG. Of the Swiss associates and followers of Pestalozzi one of the most influential was Phillip Emanuel von Fellenberg (1771-1844). The son of a Swiss official of high political and social position, possessed of wealth, having traveled extensively, Fellenberg, having become convinced that correct early education was the only means whereby the State might be elevated and the lot of man made better, resolved (1805) to devote his life and his fortune to the working- out of his ideas. For a short time associated with Pestalozzi, he soon withdrew and established, on his own estate, an Institution which later (1829) came to comprise the following: 1. A farm of about six hundred acres. 2. Workshops for manufacturing clothing and tools. 3. A printing and lithographing establishment. 4. A literary institution for the education of the well-to-do. 5. A lower or _real_ school, which trained for handicrafts and middle-class occupations. 6. An agricultural school for the education of the poor as farm laborers, and as teachers for the rural schools. [Illustration: PLATE 12: FELLENBERG'S INSTITUTE AT HOFWYL. The first Agricultural and Mechanical College. This school contained the germ-idea of all our agricultural education.] By 1810 the Institution had begun to attract attention, and soon pupils and visitors came from distant lands to study in and to examine the schools. The agricultural school in particular aroused interest. More than one hundred Reports (R. 272) were published, in Europe and America, on this very successful experiment in a combined intellectual and manual- labor type of education. Fellenberg died in 1844, and his family discontinued the school in 1848. Fellenberg's work was a continuation of the social-regeneration conception of education held by Pestalozzi, and contained the germ-idea of all our agricultural and industrial education. His plan was widely copied in Switzerland, Germany, England, and the United States. It was well suited to the United States because of the very democratic conditions then prevailing among an agricultural people possessed of but little wealth. The plan of combining farming and schooling made for a time a strong appeal to Americans, and such schools were founded in many parts of the country. The idea at first was to unite training in agriculture with schooling, but it was soon extended to the rapidly rising mechanical pursuits as well. The plan, however, was rather short-lived in the United States, due to the rise of manufacturing and the opening of rich and cheap farms to the westward, and lasted with us scarcely two decades. A generation later it reappeared in the Central West in the form of a new demand for colleges to teach agricultural and mechanical arts, but with the manual-labor idea omitted. This we shall refer to again, later on (chapter xxix). [Illustration: FIG. 167. FELLENBERG (1771-1844)] IV. REDIRECTION OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS WORK. Though some form of parish school for the elements of religious instruction had existed in many places during the later Middle Ages, and foundations providing for some type of elementary instruction had appeared here and there in almost all lands, the elementary vernacular school, as we have previously pointed out, was nevertheless clearly the outcome of the Protestant movement in the sixteenth century, and in its origin was essentially a child of the Church. A child of the Church, too, for more than two centuries the elementary vernacular school remained. During these two centuries the elementary school made slow but rather unsatisfactory progress, due largely to there being no other motive for its maintenance or expansion than the original religious purpose. Only in the New England Colonies in North America, in some of the provinces of the Netherlands, and in a few of the German States had any real progress been made in evolving any different type of school out of this early religious creation, and even in these places the change was in form of control rather than in subject- matter or purpose. The school remained religious in purpose, even though its control was beginning to pass from the Church to the State. Now, within half a century, beginning with the work of Rousseau (1762), and by means of the labors of the political philosophers of France, the Revolutionary leaders in the American Colonies, the legislative Assemblies and Conventions in France, and the experimental work of Basedow and his followers in German lands and of Pestalozzi and his disciples in Switzerland, the whole purpose and nature of the elementary vernacular school was changed. The American and French political revolutions and the more peaceful changes in England had ushered in new conceptions as to the nature and purpose and duties of government. As a consequence of these new ideas, education had come to be regarded in a new light, and to assume a new importance in the eyes of statesmen. In place of schools to serve religious and sectarian ends, and maintained as an adjunct of the parishes or of a State Church, the elementary vernacular school now came to be conceived of as an instrument of the State, the chief purpose of which was to serve state ends. Some time would, of course, be required to develop the state support necessary to effect the complete transformation in control, and the forces of reaction would naturally delay the process as much as possible, but the theory of state purpose had at last been so effectively proclaimed, and the forces of a modern world were pushing the idea so steadily forward, that it was only a question of time until the change would be effected. A NEW IMPETUS FOR CHANGE IN CONTROL. Basedow and Pestalozzi, too, had given the movement for a transfer of control a new impetus by working out new methods in instruction and in organizing new subject-matter for the school, and methods and subject-matter which harmonized with the spirit and principles of the new democracy that had been proclaimed. Pestalozzi in particular had sought, guided by a clearer insight into the educational problem than Basedow possessed (R. 271), to create a school in which children might, under the wise guidance of the teacher, develop and strengthen their own "faculties" and thus evolve into reasoning, self- directing human beings, fitted for usefulness and service in a modern world. To make intelligent and reasoning individuals of all citizens, to develop moral and civic character, to train for life in organized society, and to serve as an instrument by means of which an ignorant, drunken, immoral, and shiftless working-class and peasantry might be elevated into men and women of character, intelligence, and directive power, was in Pestalozzi's conception the underlying meaning of the school. After Pestalozzi, the earlier conception as to the religious purpose of the elementary vernacular schools, by means of which children were to be trained almost exclusively "in the principles of our holy religion" and to become "loyal church members," and to "fit them for that station in life in which it hath pleased their Heavenly Father to place them," was doomed. In its stead there was certain to arise a newer conception of the school as an instrument of that form of organized society known as the State, and maintained by the State to train its future citizens for intelligent participation in the duties and obligations of citizenship, and for social, moral, and economic efficiency. THE WAY NOW BECOMING CLEAR. After two hundred and fifty years of confusion and political failure, the way was now at last becoming clear for the creation of national instead of church systems of elementary education, and for the firm establishment of the elementary vernacular school as an important obligation to its future citizens of every progressive modern State and the common birthright of all. This became distinctively the work of the nineteenth century. It also became the work of the nineteenth century to gather up the old secondary-school and university foundations, accumulated through the ages, and remould them to meet modern needs, fuse them into the national school systems created, and connect them in some manner with the people's schools. To see how this was done we next turn to the beginnings of the organization of national school systems in the German States, France, Italy, England, and the United States. These may be taken as types. As Prussia was the first modern State to grasp the significance of national education, and to organize state schools, we shall begin our study by first tracing the steps by which this transformation was effected there. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Compare the statement of the valuable elements in the theories of Rousseau (p. 530) with the main ideas of Basedow (p. 535); Ratke (p. 607); Comenius (p. 409). 2. Do we accept all the fourteen points of Rousseau's theory to-day? 3. Might a Rousseau have done work of similar importance in Russia, early in the twentieth century? Why? 4. Explain the educational significance of "self-activity," "sense impressions," and "harmonious development." 5. What were the strong points in the experimental work of Basedow? 6. Explain the great enthusiasm which his rather visionary statements and plans awakened. 7. Show the importance of such work as that of Basedow in preparing the way for better-organized reform work. 8. How far was Pestalozzi right as to the power of education to give men intellectual and moral freedom? 9. What do you understand Pestalozzi to have meant by "the development of the faculties"? 10. State the importance of the work of Pestalozzi from the point of view of showing the world how to deal with orphans and defectives. 11. Show how the germs of agricultural and technical education lay in the work of Fellenberg. 12. Explain the greater popularity of the _Émile_ in German lands. 13. State the change in subject-matter and aims from the vernacular church school to the school as thought out by Pestalozzi. 14. Show that it was a fortunate conjunction that brought the work of Pestalozzi alongside of that of the political reformers of France. 15. What differences might there have been had Comenius lived and done his work in the time of Pestalozzi? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections, illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced: 264. Rousseau: Illustrative Selections from the _Émile_. 265. Basedow: Instruction in the _Philanthropinum_. 266. Basedow: A Page from the _Elementarwerk_. 267. Pestalozzi: Explanation of his Work. 268. Griscom: A Visit to Pestalozzi at Yverdon. 269. Woodbridge: An Estimate of Pestalozzi's Work. 270. Dr. Mayo: On Pestalozzi. 271. Woodbridge: Work of Pestalozzi and Basedow compared. 272. Griscom: Hofwyl as seen by an American. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Show the fallacy of Rousseau's reasoning (264 d) as to society being a denominator which prevents man from realizing himself. 2. What are the elements of truth and falsity in Rousseau's idling-to-the- twelfth-year (264 d) idea? 3. Would such a training up to twelve (264 e) be possible, or desirable? 4. What type of education is presupposed in 264 f? 5. Show the similarity in the conceptions of the _Orbis Pictus_ (221) and the _Elementarwerk_ (266). 6. What types of schools and conceptions of education were combined in the Philanthropinum (265)? 7. Just what did Pestalozzi attempt (267) to accomplish? 8. Compare the accounts as to purpose and instruction given by Pestalozzi (267) and Griscom (268). 9. What do the tributes of Woodbridge (269) and Mayo (270) reveal as to the character of Pestalozzi and his influence? 10. Analyze the courses of instruction (272) at Hofwyl. 11. State the points of similarity and difference between the work of Basedow and Pestalozzi (271), and the points of superiority in the work of Pestalozzi. SELECTED REFERENCES * Anderson, L. F. "The Manual-Labor-School Movement"; in _Educational Review_, vol. 46, pp. 369-88. (November, 1913.) Barnard, Henry. _Pestalozzi and his Educational System_. * Compayré, G. _Jean-Jacques Rousseau_. * Compayré, G. _Pestalozzi and Elementary Education_. * Guimps, Roger de. _Pestalozzi: his Aim and Work_. * Krüsi, Hermann, Jr. _Life and Work of Pestalozzi_. * Parker S. C. _History of Modern Education, chaps. 8, 9, 13-16_. * Pestalozzi, J. H. _Leonard and Gertrude_. Pestalozzi, J. H. _How Gertrude teaches her Children_. Pinloche, A. _Pestalozzi and the Foundations of the Modern Elementary School_. CHAPTER XXII NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN PRUSSIA I. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION EARLY GERMAN PROGRESS IN SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. The first modern nation to take over the school from the Church, and to make of it an instrument for promoting the interests of the State was Prussia, and the example of Prussia was soon followed by the other German States. The reasons for this early action by the German States will be clear if we remember the marked progress made in establishing state control of the churches (p. 318) which followed the Protestant Revolts in German lands. Figure 96, page 319, reëxamined now, will make the reason for the earlier evolution of state education in Germany plain. Würtemberg, as early as 1559, had organized the first German state-church school system, and had made attendance at the religious instruction, compulsory on the parents of all children. The example of Würtemberg was followed by Brunswick (1569), Saxony (1580), Weimar (1619), and Gotha (1642). In Weimar and Gotha the compulsory- attendance idea had even been adopted for elementary-school instruction to all children up to the age of twelve. By the middle of the seventeenth century most of the German States, even including Catholic Bavaria, had followed the example of Würtemberg, and had created a state-church school system which involved at least elementary and secondary schools and the beginnings of compulsory school attendance. Notwithstanding the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618- 48), the state-church schools of German lands contained, more definitely than had been worked out elsewhere, the germs of a separate state school organization. Only in the American Colonies (p. 364) had an equal development in state-church organization and control been made. As state- church schools, with the religious purpose dominant, the German schools remained until near the middle of the eighteenth century. Then a new movement for state control began, and within fifty years thereafter they had been transformed into institutions of the State, with the state purpose their most essential characteristic. How this transformation was effected in Prussia, the leader among the German States, and the forces which brought about the transformation, it will be the purpose of this chapter to relate. THE NEW UNIVERSITY OF HALLE. The turning-point in the history of German educational progress was the founding of the University of Halle, in 1694. This institution, due to its entirely new methods of work, has usually been designated as the first modern university. A few forward-looking men, men who had been expelled from Leipzig because of their critical attitude and modern ways of thinking, were made professors here. Its creation was due to the sympathy for these men felt by the Elector Friedrich III of Brandenburg, later the first King of Prussia. The King clearly intended that the new institution should be representative of modern tendencies in education. To this end he installed as professors men who could and would reform the instruction in theology, law, medicine, and philosophy. In consequence Aristotle was displaced for the new scientific philosophy of Descartes and Bacon, and Latin in the classrooms for the German speech. The sincere pietistic faith of Francke (p. 418) was substituted for the Lutheran dogmatism which had supplanted the earlier Catholic. The instruction in law was reformed to accord with the modern needs and theory of the State. Medical instruction, based on observation, experimentation, and deduction, superseded instruction based on the reading of Hippocrates and Galen. The new sciences, especially mathematics and physics, found a congenial home in the philosophical or arts faculty. Free scientific investigation and research, without interference from the theological faculty, were soon established as features of the institution, and in place of the fixed scientific knowledge taught for so long from the texts of Aristotle (Rs. 113-15) and other ancients, a new and changing science, that must prove its laws and axioms, and which might at any time be changed by the investigation of any teacher or student, here now found a home. Under the leadership of Christian Wolff, who was Professor of Philosophy from 1707 to 1723, when he was banished by a new King at the instigation of the Pietists for his too great liberalism in religion, and again from 1740 to 1754, after his recall by Frederick the Great, [1] philosophy was "made to speak German" and the Aristotelian philosophy was permanently displaced. "No thing without sufficient cause" was the ruling principle of Wolff's teaching. CHANGES WROUGHT IN OLD ESTABLISHED PROCEDURE. The introduction of the new scientific and mathematical and philosophical studies soon changed the arts or philosophy faculty from a preparatory faculty for the faculties of law, medicine, and theology, as it had been for centuries, to the equal of these three professional faculties in importance, while the elementary instruction in Latin and Greek was now relegated to the _Gymnasia_ below. These were now in turn changed into preparatory schools for all four faculties of the university. The university instruction in the ancient languages was now placed on a much higher plane, and a new humanistic renaissance took place (p. 462) which deeply influenced both university and gymnasial training. New standards of taste and judgment were drawn from the ancient literatures and applied to modern life, and students were trained to read and enjoy the ancient classics. This reawakening of the best spirit of the Italian Renaissance marked the first outburst of a national feeling of a people as yet possessed of no national literature of importance, but unwilling longer to depend on foreign (French) influences for the cultural elements in their intellectual life. It was at Halle, too, that Gundling, in 1711, discussed "the office of a university" and laid down the modern university theory of _Lehrfreiheit und Lernfreiheit_--that is, freedom from outside interference in teaching and studying, both teachers and students to be free to follow the truth wherever the truth might lead, and without reference to what preconceived theories might be upset thereby. This was a revolution in university procedure, [2] and the importance of the establishment of this new conception of university work can scarcely be overestimated. It was a contribution to intellectual progress of large future value. It meant the end of the old-type university, ruled by a narrow theological dogmatism and maintained to give support to a particular religious faith, and the ultimate transformation of the old university foundations into institutions actuated by the methods and purposes of a modern world. In 1734 another new university was founded at Göttingen, and in this Johann Matthias Gesner (1691-1761) raised the new humanistic learning to the place of first importance. This new university became a nursery for the new literary humanism, ably supplementing the work done at Halle. From these two universities teachers of a new type went out, filled with the spirit of "The Enlightenment," as this eighteenth-century German renaissance was called, and they in time regenerated all the German universities. Still more, they regenerated the secondary schools of German lands as well, and gave Greek literature and life that place of first importance in their instruction which was retained until the latter part of the nineteenth century. Gesner at Göttingen, and later Ernesti at Leipzig, did much to formulate the new pedagogical purpose [3] of instruction in the ancient languages and literatures for the higher schools of German lands. THE EARLIEST SCHOOL LAWS FOR PRUSSIA. In 1713 there came to the kingship of Prussia an organizing genius in the person of Frederic William I (1713- 40). Under his direction Prussia was given, for the first time, a centralized and uniform financial administration, and the beginnings of state school organization were made. He freed the State from debt, provided it with a good income, developed a strong army, and began a vigorous colonization and commercial policy. Though he cared nothing and did nothing for the universities, the religious reform movement of Francke, as well as his educational undertakings (p. 419), found in the new King a warm supporter. Largely in consequence of this the King became deeply interested in attempts to improve and advance the education of the masses of his people. The first year of his reign he issued a Regulatory Code for the Reformed Evangelical and Latin schools of Prussia, and in 1717 he issued the so- called "Advisory Order," relating to the people's schools. In this latter parents were urged, under penalty of "vigorous punishment," to send their children to school to learn religion, reading, writing, to calculate, and "all that could serve to promote their happiness and welfare." The tuition fees of poor children he ordered paid out of the community poor-box (R. 273). The following year he directed the authorities of Lithuania to relieve the existing ignorance there, and sent commissioners to provide the villages with schoolmasters. From time to time he renewed his directions. To insure a better class of teachers for the towns and rural schools, he, in 1722, directed that no one be admitted to the office of sacristan-schoolmaster [4] except tailors, weavers, smiths, wheelwrights, and carpenters, and in 1738 he further restricted the position of teacher in the town and rural schools to tailors. [Illustration: FIG. 168. THE SCHOOL OF A HANDWORKER Conducted in his home. A gentleman visiting the school. After a drawing in the German School Museum in Berlin.] Becoming especially interested in providing schools for the previously neglected province of East Prussia, he gave the sum of fifty thousand thalers as an endowment fund, the interest to be used in assisting communities to build schoolhouses and maintain schools, and he also set aside large tracts of land for school uses. Within a few years over a thousand elementary schools had been established, and some eighteen hundred new schools in Prussia owed their origin to the interest of this King. He also took a similar interest in the establishment of schools in Pomerania (R. 273), a part of which had but recently been wrested from Sweden. In 1737 the King issued his celebrated _Principia Regulative_, which henceforth became the fundamental School Law for the province of East Prussia. This prescribed conditions for the building of schoolhouses, the support of the schoolmaster, tuition fees, and government aid. The following digest of the section of the _Principia_ relating to these matters gives a good idea as to the nature of the school regulations the King sought to enforce: 1. The parishes forming school societies were obliged to build school- houses and to keep them in repair. 2. The State was to furnish the necessary timber and firewood. 3. The expenses for doors, windows, and stoves to be obtained from collections. 4. Every church to pay four thalers a year toward the support of the schoolmaster. 5. Tuition fees for each child, from four to twelve years of age, to be four groschen per year. 6. Government to pay the fee when a peasant sends more than one child to school. 7. The peasants to furnish the teacher with certain provisions. 8. The teacher to have the right of free pasture for his small stock and some fees from every child confirmed. 9. Government to give the teacher one acre of land, which villagers were to till for him. In 1738 the King further regulated the private schools and teachers in and about Berlin, in particular dealing with their qualifications and fees. The King showed, for the time, an interest in and solicitude for the education of his people heretofore almost unknown. That his decrees were in advance of the possibilities of the people in the matter of school support is not to be wondered at. Still, they rendered useful service in preparing the way for further organizing work by his successors, and in particular in accustoming the people to the ideas of state oversight and local school support. Under his successor and son, Frederick the Great, the preparatory work of the father bore important fruit. THE ORGANIZING WORK OF FREDERICK THE GREAT. In 1740 Frederick II, surnamed the Great, succeeded his father, and in turn guided the destinies of Prussia for forty-six years. His benevolently despotic rule has been described on a preceding page (p. 474). Here we will consider only his work for education. In 1740, 1741, and again in 1743 he issued "regulations concerning the support of schools in the villages of Prussia," in which he directed that new schools should be established, teachers provided for them, and that "the existing school regulations and the arrangements made in pursuance thereto should be permanent, and that no change should be made under any pretext whatever." In 1750 he effected a centralization of all the provincial church consistories, except that of Catholic Silesia, under the Berlin Consistory. This was a centralizing measure of large future importance, as it centralized the administration of the schools, as well as that of the churches, and transformed the Berlin Consistory into an important administrative agent of the central government. To this new centralized administrative organization the King issued instructions to pay special attention to schools, in order that they might be furnished with able schoolmasters and the young be well educated. One of the results of this centralization was the gradual evolution of the modern German _Gymnasien_, with uniform standards and improved instruction, out of the old and weakened Latin schools of various types within the kingdom. From 1756 to 1763 Frederick was engaged in a struggle for existence, known as the Seven Years' War, but as soon as peace was at hand the King issued new regulations "concerning the maintenance of schools," and began employing competent schoolmasters for his royal estates. In April, 1763, he issued instructions to have a series of general school regulations prepared for all Prussia. These were drawn up by Julius Hecker, a former pupil and teacher in Francke's Institution (p. 418) and now a pastor in Berlin and counselor for the Berlin Consistory. After approval by the King, these were issued, September 23, 1763, under the title of _General Land-Schule Reglement_ (general school regulations for the rural and village schools) of all Prussia (R. 274). These new regulations constituted the first general School Code for the whole kingdom, and mark the real foundation of the Prussian elementary-school system. Two years later (1765) a similar but stronger set of regulations or Code was drawn up and promulgated for the government of the Catholic elementary schools in the province of Silesia (R. 275). This was a new province which Frederick had wrested by force a few years previously (1748) from Maria Theresa of Austria, and the addition of a large number of Catholics to Prussia caused Frederick to issue specific regulations for schools among them. [Illustration: FIG. 169. THE KINGDOM OF PRUSSIA, 1740-86] These two School Codes did not so much bring already existing schools into a state system, but rather set up standards and obligations for an elementary-school system in part to be created in the future. The schools were still left under the supervision and direction of the Church, but the State now undertook to tell the Church what it must do. To enforce the obligation the State Inspectors of Prussia were directed to make an annual inspection (R. 274, § 26) of all schools, and to forward a report on their inspection to the Berlin Consistory, and for Catholic Silesia the following significant injunction was placed in the Code: § 51. In order to render as permanent as possible this reform of schools, which lies near our heart, we cannot be satisfied with committing the care of the schools to the clergy alone. We find it necessary that our bureau of War and Domain, the bureau of the Episcopal Vicariate, and the dioceses in our Silesian and Glatz districts, as well as our special school inspectors, give all due attention to this subject, so important to the State. THE PRUSSIAN SCHOOL CODES OF 1763 AND 1765. The regulations of 1763 were issued, so the introduction reads (R. 274), because "the instruction of youth" in the country had "come to be greatly neglected" and "the young people were growing up in stupidity and ignorance." The King, therefore, issued the new regulations "to the end that ignorance, so injurious and unbecoming to Christianity, may be prevented and lessened, and the coming time may train and educate in the schools more enlightened and virtuous subjects." To this end the King ordered compulsory education for the children of all subjects from the ages of five to thirteen or fourteen, all apprentices to be taught, and leaving certificates to be issued on completion of the course (R. 274, §§ 1-4). The school hours were fixed, Sunday and summer instruction regulated, tuition fees standardized, and the fees of the children of the poor were ordered paid (R. 274, §§ 5-8). A school census, and fines on parents not sending their children to school were provided for (R. 274, §§ 10-11). The requirements for a teacher, his habits, his qualifications and examination, the license to teach, and the extent to which he might ply his trade or business, were all laid down in some detail (R. 274 §§ 12-17). The organization, instruction, textbooks, order of exercises, and discipline for all schools were prescribed at some length (R. 274, §§ 19-21). The Code closed with a series of regulations covering the relations of the schoolmaster and clergyman, and the supervision of the instruction by the clergyman and clerical superintendents (R. 274, §§ 25-26). Incapable teachers were ordered suspended or deposed. A a final injunction relative to school attendance the Code closed with the following sentence: In general we here confirm and renew all wholesome laws, published in former times, especially, that no clergyman shall admit to confirmation and the sacrament, any children not of his parish, nor those unable to read, or who are ignorant of the fundamental principles of evangelical religion. The Code of 1765 for the Catholic schools of Silesia followed much the same line as the Code of 1763, though in it the King placed special emphasis on the training of schoolmasters, a subject in which he had become much interested (R. 275 a); the regulation of the conditions under which teachers lived and worked (R. 275 b); and the supervision of instruction by the clergyman of the parish (R. 275 e). These directions throw much light on the conditions surrounding teaching near the middle of the eighteenth century. The nature of instruction in the Catholic schools, and the compulsion to attend, were also definitely stated (R. 275 c-d). These new Codes met with resistance everywhere. The money for the execution of such a comprehensive project was not as yet generally available; parents and churches objected to taxation and to the loss of their children from work; the wealthy landlords objected to the financial burden; the standards for teachers later on (1779) had to be lowered, and veterans from Frederick's wars installed; and the examinations of teachers had to be made easy [5] to secure teachers at all for the schools. While there continued for some decades to be a vast difference between the actual conditions in the schools and the requirements of these Codes, and while the real establishment of a state school system awaited the first decade of the nineteenth century for its accomplishment, much valuable progress in organization nevertheless was made. In principle, at least, Frederick the Great, by the Codes of 1763 and 1765, effected for elementary education a transition from the church school of the Protestant Reformation, and for Catholic Silesia from the parish school of the Church, to the state school of the nineteenth century. It remained only for his successors to realize in practice what he had made substantial beginnings of in law. Nowhere else in Europe that early had such progress in educational organization been made. THE PRUSSIAN EXAMPLE FOLLOWED IN OTHER GERMAN STATES. The example of Prussia was in time followed by the other larger German States. Würtemberg issued a new School Code in 1792, which remained the ruling law for the church schools throughout the eighteenth century. The Saxon King, Augustus the Just, inspired by the example of Frederick, issued a mandate, in 1766, reminding parents as to their duty to send children to school, and in 1773 issued a new Regulation, filled with "generous enthusiasm for the cause." A teachers' training-school was founded at Dresden, in 1788, and four others before the close of the century. In 1805 a comprehensive Code was issued. This required that every child must be able to read, write, count, and know the truths of religion to receive the sacrament; clergymen were ordered to supervise the schools; school attendance was required from six to fourteen; the pay of teachers and the government appropriations for schools were increased; and a series of fines were imposed for violations of the Code. Bavaria issued new school Codes in 1770 and 1778, and additional schoolhouses were built and new textbooks written. After the suppression of the Jesuits (1773) a new progressive spirit animated the Catholic States, and Austria in particular, under the leadership of Maria Theresa and Joseph II (p. 475), made marked progress in school organization and educational reform. In 1770 Maria Theresa appointed a School Commission to have charge of education in Lower Austria; in 1771 established the first Austrian normal school in Vienna; and in 1774 promulgated a General School Code (R. 276), drawn up by the Abbot Felbiger, who had been most prominent in school organization in Silesia. This Code provided for School Commissions in all provinces [6] ordered the establishment of an elementary school in all villages and parishes, a "principal" or higher elementary school in the principal city of every canton, and a normal school in every province; laid down the course of study for each; and gave details as to teachers, instruction, compulsory attendance, support, and inspection similar to Frederick's Silesian Code (R. 275). Continuation instruction up to twenty years of age also was ordered. That such demands were much in advance of what was possible is evident, and it is not surprising that, in the reaction under Francis I, following the outburst of the French Revolution, we find a decree (1805) that the elementary school shall be curtailed to "absolutely necessary limits," and that the common people shall get in elementary school only such ideas as will not trouble them in their work, and which will not make them "discontented with their condition; their intelligence shall be directed toward the fulfillment of their moral duties, and prudent and diligent fulfillment of their domestic and communal obligations." THE BEGINNINGS OF TEACHER-TRAINING. The beginning of teacher-training in German lands was the _Seminarium Praceptorum_ of Francke, established at Halle (p. 419), in 1697. In 1738 Johann Julius Hecker (1707-68), one of Francke's former students and teachers, and the author of the Prussian Code of 1763, established the first regular seminary for teachers in Prussia, to train intending theological students for the temporary or parallel occupation of teaching in the Latin schools. In 1747 he established a private _Lehrerseminar_ in Berlin, in connection with his celebrated Realschule (p. 420), and there demonstrated the possibilities of teacher-training. Frederick the Great was so pleased with the result that, in 1753, he gave the school a subsidy and changed it into a royal institution, and on every fitting occasion recommended school authorities to it for teachers. Similar institutions were opened in Hanover, in 1751; Wolfenbüttel, in 1753; in the county of Glatz in Silesia, in 1764 (R. 275); in Breslau, in 1765 and 1767; and in Carlsruhe, in 1768. In the Silesian Code of 1765 Frederick specified (R. 275 a, § 2) six institutions which he had designated as teacher-training schools. These early Prussian institutions laid the foundations upon which the normal-school system of the nineteenth century has been built. In Prussia first, but soon thereafter in other German States (Austria, at Vienna, 1771; Saxe-Weimar, at Eisenach, in 1783; and Saxony, at Dresden, 1788) the Teachers' Seminary was erected into an important institution of the State, and the idea has since been copied by almost all modern nations. This early development in Prussia was influential in both France and the United States, as we shall point out further on. Despite these many important educational efforts, though, the type and the work of teachers remained low throughout the whole of the eighteenth century. In the rural and village schools the teachers continued to be deficient in number and lacking in preparation. Often the pastors had first to give to invalids, cripples, shoemakers, tailors, watchmen, and herdsmen the rudimentary knowledge they in turn imparted to the children. In the towns of fair size the conditions were not much better than in the villages. The elementary school of the middle-sized towns generally had but one class, common for boys and girls, and the magistrates did little to improve the condition of the schools or the teachers. In the larger cities, and even in Berlin, the number of elementary schools was insufficient, the schools were crowded, and many children had no opportunity to attend schools. [7] In Leipzig there was no public school until 1792, in which year the city free school was established. Even Sunday schools, supported by subscription, had been resorted to by Berlin, after 1798, to provide journeymen and apprentices with some of the rudiments of an education. The creation of a state school system out of the insufficient and inefficient religious schools proved a task of large dimensions, in Prussia as in other lands. Even as late as 1819 Dinter found discouraging conditions (R. 279) among the teachers of East Prussia. [Illustration: FIG. 170. A GERMAN LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SCHOOL (After a picture in the German School Museum in Berlin)] FURTHER LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PROGRESS. Frederick the Great died in 1786. In the reign of his successors his work bore fruit in a complete transfer of all schools from church to state control, and in the organization of the strongest system of state schools the world had ever known. The year following the death of Frederick the Great (1787), and largely as an outgrowth of the preceding centralizing work with reference to elementary education, the Superior School (_Oberschulcollegium_) Board was established to exercise a similar centralized control over the older secondary and higher schools of Prussia. Secondary and higher education were now severed from church control, in principle at least, as elementary education had been by the "Regulations" of 1763 and 1765. The year following (1788) "Leaving Examinations" (_Maturitätsprüfung_) were instituted to determine the completion of the gymnasial course. These, for a time, were largely ineffective, due to clerical opposition, but the centralizing work of this Superior School Board for the supervision of higher education, and the state examinations for testing the instruction of the secondary schools, were from the first important contributing influences. In 1794 came the culmination of all the preceding work in the publication of the General Civil Code (_Allgemeine Landrecht_) for the State, in which, in the section relating to schools, the following important declaration was made: Schools and universities are state institutions, charged with the instruction of youth in useful information and scientific knowledge. Such institutions may be founded only with the knowledge and consent of the State. All public schools and educational institutions are under the supervision of the State, and are at all times subject to its examination and inspection. The secular authority and the clergy were still to share jointly in the control of the schools, but both according to rules laid down by the State. In all cases of conflict or dispute, the secular authority was to decide. This important document forms the _Magna Charta_ for secular education in Prussia. During the decade which followed the promulgation of this declaration of state control but little additional progress of importance was accomplished, though the Minister of Justice, to whom (1798) the administration of Lutheran church and school affairs had been given, maintained a correspondence for some years with the King regarding "provisions for a better education and instruction of the children of citizens and peasants," and stated to the King that "the object of reform is national education, and its field of operation, therefore, all provinces of the monarchy." The King, though, a weak, deeply religious, and unimaginative man (Frederick William III, 1797-1840), who lacked the energy and foresight of his predecessors, did little or nothing. Under Frederick William III the State lacked vigor and drifted; the Church regained something of its former power; and the army and the civil service became corrupt. In 1806 a blow fell which brought matters to an immediate crisis and forced important action. II. A STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM AT LAST CREATED THE HUMILIATION OF PRUSSIA. At the close of 1804 France, by vote, changed from the Republic to an Empire, with Napoleon Bonaparte as first Emperor of the French, and for some years he took pains that Frenchmen should forget "Liberty and Equality" amid the surfeit of "Glory" he heaped upon France. The great nations outside France, fearful of Napoleon's ambition and power, did not take his accession to the throne of France so complacently, and, in 1805, England, Sweden, Austria, and Russia formed the "Third Coalition" against Napoleon in an effort to restore the balance of power in Europe. Of the great powers of Europe only Prussia held aloof, refused to take sides, and in consequence enjoyed a temporary prosperity and freedom from invasion. For this, though, she was soon to pay a terrible price. Having humiliated the Austrians and vanquished the Russians, Napoleon now goaded the Prussians into attacking him, and then utterly humiliated them in turn. At the battle of Jena (October 14, 1806) the Prussian army was utterly routed, and forced back almost to the Russian frontier. Officered by old generals and political favorites who were no longer efficient, and backed by a state service honeycombed with inefficiency and corruption, the Prussian army that had won such victories under Frederick the Great was all but annihilated by the new and efficient fighting machine created by the Corsican who now controlled the destinies of France. By the Treaty of Tilsit (July 7, 1807) Prussia lost all her lands west of the Elbe and nearly all her stealings from Poland--in all about one half her territory and population--and was almost stricken from the list of important powers in Europe. In all its history Prussia had experienced no such humiliation as this. In a few months the constructive work of a century had been undone. THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA. The new national German feeling, which had been slowly rising for half a century, now burst forth and soon worked a regeneration of the State. In the school of adversity the King and the people learned much, and the task of national reorganization was entrusted to a series of able ministers whom the King and his capable Queen, Louise, now called into service. His chief minister, Stein, created a free people by abolishing serfdom and feudal land tenure (1807); eliminated feudal distinctions in business; granted local government to the cities; and broke the hold of the clergy on the educational system. His successor, Hardenburg, extended the rights of citizenship, and laid the foundations of government by legislative assemblies. Another minister, Scharnhorst, reorganized the Prussian army (1807-13) by dismissing nearly all the old generals, and introducing the principle of compulsory military service. In all branches of the government service there were reorganizations, the one thought of the leaders being to so reorganize and revitalize the State as to enable it in time to overthrow the rule of Napoleon and regain its national independence. Though the abolition of serfdom, the reform of the civil service, and the beginnings of local and representative government were important gains, nothing was of secondary importance to the complete reorganization of education which now took place. The education of the people was turned to in earnest for the regeneration of the national spirit, and education was, in a decade, made the great constructive agent of the State. Said the King: Though we have lost many square miles of land, though the country has been robbed of its external power and splendor, yet we shall and will gain in intrinsic power and splendor, and therefore it is my earnest wish that the greatest attention be paid to public instruction.... The State must regain in mental force what it has lost in physical force. His minister Stein said: We proceed from the fundamental principle, to elevate the moral, religious, and patriotic spirit in the nation, to instil into it again courage, self-reliance, and readiness to sacrifice everything for national honor and for independence from the foreigner.... To attain this end, we must mainly rely on the education and instruction of the young. If by a method founded on the true nature of man, every faculty of the mind can be developed, every noble principle of life be animated and nourished, all one-sided education avoided, and those tendencies on which the power and dignity of men rest, hitherto neglected with the greatest indifference, carefully fostered--then we may hope to see grow up a generation, physically and morally vigorous, and the beginnings of a better time. FICHTE APPEALS TO THE LEADERS. Still more did the philosopher Fichte (1762-1814), in a series of "Addresses to the German Nation," delivered in Berlin during the winter [8] of 1807-08, appeal to the leaders to turn to education to rescue the State from the miseries which had overwhelmed it. Unable forcibly to resist, and with every phase of the government determined by a foreign conqueror, only education had been overlooked, he said, and to this the leaders should turn for national redemption (R. 277). He held that it rested with them to determine whether you will be the end and last of a race ... or the beginnings and germ of a new time, glorious beyond all your imaginings, and those from whom posterity will reckon the years of their welfare.... A nation that is capable, if it were only in its highest representation and leaders, of fixing its eyes firmly on the vision from the spiritual world, Independence, and being possessed with a love of it, will surely prevail over a nation that is only used as a tool of foreign aggressiveness and for the subjugation of independent nations. With a fervor of emotion that was characteristic of a romantic age, impelled by a conviction that the distinctive character of the German people was indispensable to the world, and holding that what was necessary also was possible, Fichte made the German leaders feel, with him, that to reshape reality by means of ideas is the business of man, his proper earthly task; and nothing can be impossible to a will confident of itself and of its aim. [9] [Illustration: PLATE 13. TWO LEADERS IN THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA JOHANN GOTTLEIB FICHTE (1762-1814) Philosopher, university teacher WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT (1767-1835) Philosopher, scholar, statesman] Fichte's Addresses stirred the thinkers among the German people as they had not been stirred since the days of the Reformation, [10] and a national reorganization of education, with national ends in view, now took place. As Duke Ernest remade Gotha, after the ravages of the Thirty Years' War, by means of education (p. 317), so the leaders of Prussia now created a new national spirit by taking over the school from the Church and forging it into one of the greatest constructive instruments of the State. The result showed itself in the "Uprising of Prussia," in the winter of 1812-13; the "War of Liberation," of 1813-15; the utter defeat of Napoleon at the battle of Leipzig by Russia, Prussia, and Austria, in 1813; and again at the battle of Waterloo by England and Prussia, [11] in 1815. Still more clearly was the result shown in the humiliating defeat of France, in 1870, when it was commonly remarked that the schoolmaster of Prussia had at last triumphed. The regeneration of Prussia in the early part of the nineteenth century, as well as its more recent humiliation, stand as eloquent testimonials to the tremendous influence of education on national destiny, when rightly and when wrongly directed. THE REORGINATION OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. The first step in the process of educational reorganization was the abolition (1807) of the _Oberschulcollegium_ Board, established (p. 564) in 1787 to supervise secondary and higher education, in order to get rid of clerical influence and control. The next step was the creation instead (1808) of a Department of Public Instruction, organized as a branch of the Interior Department of the State. One of the first steps of the acting head of the new department was to send seventeen Prussian teachers (1808) to Switzerland to spend three years, at the expense of the Government, in studying Pestalozzi's ideas and methods, and they were particularly enjoined that they were not sent primarily to get the mechanical side of the method, but to "warm yourselves at the sacred fire which burns in the heart of this man, so full of strength and love, whose work has remained so far below what he originally desired, below the essential ideas of his life, of which the method is only a feeble product. "You will have reached perfection when you have clearly seen that education is an art, and the most sublime and holy of all, and in what connection it is with the great art of the education of nations." In 1809 Carl August Zeller (1774-1847), a pupil of Pestalozzi, who had established two Pestalozzian training-colleges in Switzerland and had just begun to hold Pestalozzian institutes in Würtemberg (p. 545), was called to Prussia to organize a Teachers' Seminary (normal school) to train teachers in the Pestalozzian methods. The seventeen Prussian teachers, on their return from study with Pestalozzi, were also made directors of training institutions, or provincial superintendents of instruction. In this way Pestalozzian ideas were soon in use in the elementary school rooms of Prussia, and so effective was this work, and so readily did the Prussian teachers catch the spirit of Pestalozzi's endeavors, that at the Berlin celebration of the centennial of his birth, in 1846, the German educator Diesterweg [12] said: By these men and these means, men trained in the Institution at Yverdon under Pestalozzi, the study of his publications, and the applications of his methods in the model and normal schools of Prussia, after 1808, was the present Prussian, or rather Prussian- Pestalozzian school system established, for he is entitled to at least one half the fame of the German popular schools. [Illustration: FIG. 171. DINTER (1760-1831) Director of Teachers' Seminaries in Saxony; Superintendent of Education in East Prussia.] Similarly Gustavus Friedrich Dinter, who early distinguished himself as principal of a Teachers' Seminary in Saxony, was called to Prussia and made School Counselor (Superintendent) for the province of East Prussia. Wherever Prussia could find men, in other States, who knew Pestalozzian methods and possessed the new conception of education, they were called to Prussia and put to work, and the statement of Dinter was characteristic of the spirit which animated their work. He said: [13] I promised God, that I would look upon every Prussian peasant child as a being who could complain of me before God, if I did not provide him with the best education, as a man and a Christian, which it was possible for me to provide. WORK OF THE TEACHERS SEMINARIES. Napoleon had imposed heavy financial indemnities on Prussia, as well as loss of territory, and the material means with which to establish schools were scanty indeed. With a keen conception of the practical difficulties, the leaders saw that the key to the problem lay in the creation of a new type of teaching force, and to this end they began from the first to establish Teachers' Seminaries. Those who desired to enter these institutions were carefully selected, and out of them a steady stream of what Horace Mann described (R. 278) as a "beneficent order of men" were sent to the schools, "moulding the character of the people, and carrying them forward in a career of civilization more rapidly than any other people in the world are now advancing." Mann described, with marked approval, both the teacher and the training he received. So successful were these institutions that within a decade, under the glow of the new national spirit animating the people, the elementary schools were largely transformed in spirit and purpose, and the position of the elementary-school teacher was elevated from the rank of a trade (R. 279) to that of a profession (R. 278). By 1840, when the earlier fervor had died out and a reaction had clearly set in, there were in Prussia alone thirty-eight Teachers' Seminaries for elementary teachers, approximately thirty thousand elementary schools, and every sixth person in Prussia was in school. In the other German States, and in Holland, Sweden, and France, analogous but less extensive progress in providing normal schools and elementary schools had been made; but in Austria, which did not for long follow the Prussian example, the schools remained largely stationary for more than half a century to come. [Illustration: FIG. 172. DIESTERWEG (1790-1866) Director of Teachers' Seminaries at Maurs (1820-33) and Berlin (1833-49). "Der deutsche Pestalozzi".] NATIONALIZING THE ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION. That the system of elementary vernacular or people's schools (the term _Volksschule_ now began to be applied) now created should be permeated by a strong nationalistic tone was, the times and circumstances considered, only natural. Though the Pestalozzian theories as to the development of the mental faculties, training through the senses, and the power of education to regenerate society were accepted, along with the new Pestalozzian subject-matter and methods in instruction (p. 543,) all that could be rendered useful to the Prussian State in its extremity naturally was given special emphasis. Thus all that related to the home country--geography, history, and the German speech--was taught as much from the patriotic as from the pedagogical point of view. Music was given special emphasis as preparatory for participation in the patriotic singing-societies and festivals, which were organized at the time of the "Uprising of Prussia" (1813). Drawing and arithmetic were emphasized for their practical values. Physical exercises were given an emphasis before unknown, because of their hygienic and military values. Finally religion was given an importance beyond that of Pestalozzi's school, but with the emphasis now placed on moral earnestness, humility, self-sacrifice, and obedience to authority, rather than the earlier stress on the Catechism and church doctrine. Clearly perceiving, decades ahead of other nations, the power of such training to nationalize a people and thus strengthen the State, the Prussian leaders, in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, laid the foundations of that training of the masses, and of teachers for the masses (R. 280), which, more than any other single item, paved the way for the development of a national German spirit, the unification of German lands into an Imperial German Empire, and that blind trust in and obedience to authority which has recently led to a second national humiliation. THE REORGANIZATION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. Alongside this elementary- school system for the masses of the people, the older secondary and higher school system for a directing class (p. 553) also was largely reorganized and redirected. The first step in this direction was the appointment, in 1809, of Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), "a philosopher, scholar, philologist, and statesman" of the first rank, to the headship of the new Prussian Department of Public Instruction. During the two and a half years he remained in charge important work in the reorganization of secondary and higher education was accomplished. In 1817 the Department of Public Instruction was changed from a bureau to an independent Ministry for Spiritual and Instructional Affairs. By 1825, when governing school boards were ordered established in each province, and made responsible to the Ministry for Education at Berlin, the organization of the state school system was virtually complete. For the next half-century the changes made were in the nature of the perfection of bureaucratic organization, rather than any fundamental organizing change. During the early years improvements of great future importance for secondary education were effected in the creation of a well-educated, professional teaching body, and in the standardization of courses and of work. In 1810 the examination of all secondary-school teachers, according to a uniform state plan, was ordered. The examinations were to be conducted for the State by the university authorities; to be based on university training in the gymnasial subjects, with an opportunity to reveal special preparation in any subject or subjects; and no one in the future could even be nominated for a position as a gymnasial teacher who had not passed this examination. This meant the erection of the work of teaching in the secondary schools into a distinct profession; the elimination from the schools of the theological student who taught for a time as a stepping- stone to a church living; and the end of easy local examination and approval by town authorities or the patrons of a school. To insure still better preparation of candidates, Pedagogical Seminars were begun in the universities [14] for imparting to future gymnasial teachers some pedagogical knowledge and insight, while Philological Seminars also appeared, about the same time, [15] to give additional training in understanding the spirit of instruction in the chief subjects of the gymnasial course--the classics. In 1826 a year of trial teaching before appointment (_Probejahr_) was added for all candidates, and in 1831 new and more stringent regulations for the examination of teachers were ordered. [16] At least two generations ahead of other nations, Prussia thus developed a body of professional teachers for its secondary schools. UNIFICATION OF THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. In 1812 the Leaving Examinations (_Maturitätsprüfung_), instituted in 1788, but ineffective through clerical opposition, were revived and strictly enforced. In 1834 the passing of such an examination was made necessary to entering nearly all branches of the state civil service, thus securing an educated body of minor public officials. This same year the universities gave up their entrance examinations, and have since depended entirely on the Leaving Examinations of the State. The immediate effect of the reinstitution of the Leaving Examinations was to unify the work of all the different surviving types of classical secondary schools--_Gymnasium, Lyceum, Pädagogium, Collegium, Lateinische Schule, Akademie_--all standard nine-year schools henceforth taking the name of _Gymnasien_. Those institutions which could not meet the standards of a nine-year classical school were either permitted to do the first six years of the work, being known as _Pro-Gymnasien_, or the modern languages were substituted for the ancient, and they became middle-class institutions under the name of _Bürgerschulen_. A few _Realschulen_ also were in existence, and these were permitted to continue, as middle-class institutions, but without any state recognition. Thus, without the destruction of institutions, the accumulated foundations of the centuries were transformed into a series of organized state schools to serve the needs of the State. The next step was the promulgation of a uniform course of instruction for all _Gymnasien_ and _Pro-Gymnasien_. This was done in 1816. The studies were Latin, Greek, German, mathematics, history, geography, religion, and science, the amount of time to be devoted to each ranging, in the order listed, from a maximum for Latin to a minimum for science. Up to 1824 Greek was not absolutely required; from 1824 to 1837 it was required, unless the substitution of a modern language was permitted; but after 1837, when the type of German secondary school had become fairly well fixed, and the devotion to humanistic studies had reached a climax, Greek became a fixed and unvarying requirement. [17] FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. One result of the Treaty of Tilsit (p. 566) was that Prussia had lost all her universities, except three along the Baltic coast. Both Halle and Göttingen were lost, and the loss of Halle was a severe blow. In 1807 Fichte, who had been a professor at Jena, drew up a plan and submitted it to the King for the organization of a new university at Berlin. When Humboldt came to the head of the Department of Public Instruction the idea at once won his enthusiastic approval. In May, 1809, he reported favorably on the project to the King, and three months later a Cabinet Order was issued creating the new university, giving it an annual money grant, and assigning a royal palace to it for a home. The spirit with which the new institution was founded may be inferred from the following extract from a memorial, published by Humboldt, in 1810. In this he said: The State should not treat the universities as if they were higher classical schools or schools of special sciences. On the whole the State should not look to them at all for anything that directly concerns its own interests, but should rather cherish a conviction that, in fulfilling their real destination, they will not only serve its own purposes, but serve them on an infinitely higher plane, commanding a much wider field of operation, and affording room to set in motion much more efficient springs and forces than are at the disposal of the State itself. This university was indeed a new creation, and of far more significance for the future of university work than even the founding of Halle had been. To the selection of its first faculty Humboldt devoted almost all his energies during the period he remained in office. From the first, high attainment in some branch of knowledge, and the ability to advance that knowledge, was placed ahead of mere teaching skill. The most eminent scholars in all lines were invited to the new "chairs," and when it opened (1810) its first faculty represented the highest attainment of scholarship in German lands. From the first the instruction divested itself of almost all that characterized the school. The lecture replaced the classroom recitation, and the seminar, in which small groups of advanced students investigate a problem under the direction of a professor, was given a place of large importance in the institution. Original research and contributions to knowledge marked the work of both students and professors, the object being, not to train teachers for the schools, but to produce scholars capable of advancing knowledge by personal research. Even more than at Halle, the institution was a place where professors and students worked to discover truth, uninfluenced by any preconceived notions and unmindful of what older ideas might be upset in the process. The value of such pioneer work for university scholars everywhere is not likely to be overestimated. SPECIALIZATION IN UNIVERSITY INSTRUCTION EMPHASIZED. Specialization in some field of knowledge soon came to be the ruling idea, and this proved exceedingly fruitful in the years which followed. There Bopp developed the study of comparative grammar on the basis of the Sanskrit. There Dietz founded Romance philology. Ritschl turned his students to the study of Latin inscriptions to reconstruct the past. Lepsius began the study of Egyptology with a spade. Niebuhr's _Roman History_ (1811) was the institution's first fruit, and his successor, Ranke, showed his students how to study history from the sources. Hegel, Schopenhauer, and Lotze made over philosophy. Fechner and Wundt began there the study of experimental psychology. Stahl and von Savigny created new standards in the study of law. Müller introduced the microscope into the study of pathological anatomy. Schultze systematized zoölogy. Liebig, who had opened at Giessen (1824) what was probably the first chemical laboratory in the world open to students, was drawn to Berlin and created there a new chemistry. Still later, Helmholtz created there a new physics. The effect of all this on the expansion of the work of the philosophical faculty was marked. The new philological and historical sciences, the biological sciences, and the mathematical sciences, were all greatly expanded in scope, and the new philosophical faculty, evolved out of the old arts faculty (p. 554), now attained to the place of first importance in the university--a position it has ever since retained. Law and medicine were also given a new direction and emphasis, and even the teaching of theology was greatly improved under the specialization in instruction and the freedom in teaching which now became the rule. The effect on the other German universities was marked. Some of the older institutions (Erfurt, Wittenberg, Cologne, Mainz) died out, while new foundations (Breslau, 1811; Bonn, 1818; Munich, 1826) after the new model, took their place. Those that continued were changed in character, [18] and a new unity was established throughout the German university world. By 1850 exact scientific research, in both libraries and laboratories, and a sober search for truth, had become the watchword of all the German universities. In consequence they naturally assumed a world leadership, and were frequented by students from many lands. Especially has the United States been influenced in its university development by the large number of university teachers who received their specialized training in the German universities [19] during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The lecture, the seminar, laboratory investigation, research, the doctorate, and academic freedom in study and teaching are distinctive contributions to our university development drawn from German lands, and superimposed on our earlier English-type college. The founding of Johns Hopkins University, at Baltimore, in 1876, on the German model, marked the erection of the first distinctively research university in America. A TWO-CLASS STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED. We thus see that Prussia by 1815, clearly by 1825, had taken over education from the Church and made of it an instrument of the State to serve State ends. For the masses there was the _Volksschule_, superseding the old religious vernacular school and clearly designed to create an intelligent but obedient and patriotic citizenship for the Fatherland, and in this school the great majority of the children of the State received their education for citizenship and for life. This was for both sexes, and was entirely a German school. Attendance upon this school was made compulsory, and beyond this some continuation education early began to be provided (Rs. 274, Section 6; 275 d; 276, Section 15). Within the past half-century continuation education, especially along vocational lines, as we shall point out in a subsequent chapter, has received in German lands a very remarkable development. To insure that this school should serve the State in the way desired, Teachers' Seminaries, for the training of _Volksschule_, teachers, were from the first made a feature of the new state system. [Illustration: FIG. 173. THE PRUSSIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED Compare with Fig. 269 and note the difference between a European two-class system and the American democratic educational ladder.] For those who were to form the official and directing class of Society--a closely limited, almost entirely male, intellectual aristocracy--education in separate classical schools, with university or professional training superimposed, was provided, and this type of training offered a very thorough preparation for a small and a carefully selected class. Out of this class the leaders of Germany for a century have been drawn. [20] For this classical school also the universities were early directed to prepare a well-educated body of teachers. The Prussian plan was followed in all its essentials in the other German States, so that the drawing given (Fig. 173) was true for Germany as a whole, as well as for Prussia, up at least to 1914. NEW NINETEENTH-CENTURY TENDENCIES MANIFESTED. In this early evolution of the Prussian state school systems we find two prominent nineteenth-century ideas expressing themselves. The first is the new conception of the State as not merely a government organized to secure national safety and protection from invasion, but rather an organization of the people to promote public welfare and realize a moral and political ideal. To this end state control of the whole range of education, to enable the State to promote intellectual and moral and social progress along lines useful to the State, became a necessity, and some form of this education, in the interests of the public welfare, must now be extended to all. Though France and the new American nation gave earlier political expression to this new conception of the State, it was in Prussia that the idea attained its earliest concrete and for long its most complete realization. Seeing further and more clearly than other nations the possibilities of education, the practical workers of Prussia, and after them the other German States, took over education as a function of the State for the propagation of the national ideas and the promotion of the national culture. Of this development Paulsen says: In the nineteenth century Germany took the lead in the educational movement among the nations of Europe. The German universities have become acknowledged centers of scientific research for the whole world.... In the domain of primary and technical education Germany has also become the universal teacher of Europe. But it must not be forgotten, in this connection, that the German people had been the pupils of their neighbors during a greater length of time and with greater assiduity than any other European nation. Thus, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Germany imported the culture of Humanism from Italy. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries she introduced the modern courtly culture and language of the French people, besides giving admission, since the middle of the eighteenth century, to the philosophy, science, and literature of English middle-class society. Lastly, since the end of the eighteenth century, the Germans have yielded themselves to the influence of the Hellenic spirit with greater fervor than any other nation. The second nineteenth-century idea which early found expression in the Prussian State, and one which became a dominant factor during the latter half of the century, was the idea of utilizing the schools, as state institutions, to promote national ends--to unify and nationalize peoples. National self-consciousness here first found concrete expression, and with wonderful practical results. From a geographical expression, consisting of nearly four hundred petty self-governing cities, principalities, and states, and some fourteen hundred independent noblemen and prelates, before the Napoleonic wars, their close found the German people free from serfdom, united in spirit, and organized politically into thirty-eight modern-type States. In 1870, largely as a result of the nationalizing efforts of government and education, working hand in hand, an Imperial Empire of twenty-two States and three Free Cities was formed. The struggle for national realization, begun by Prussia after 1807, and with education as the important constructive tool of the State, has since been copied by nation after nation and has become the dominant force of modern history. To awaken a national self-consciousness, to acquire national unity, and to infuse into all a common culture has supplanted the humanistic cosmopolitanism of the eighteenth century and become the dominant characteristic of nineteenth-century political history. In this Prussia led the way. THE PERIOD OF REACTION. Through the period preceding the Wars of Liberation (1813-15), and afterward for a few years, an educational zeal animated the Government. The schools during this period were free on the one hand from politics and on the other from minute official regulation. As one writer well stated: [21] It was difficult to decide whether the schools derived their importance from the life which surged around them, or whether their importance was due to their intrinsic power, very carefully fostered by the state authorities.... There was spirit and life in Prussia; there was much activity and liberty in contriving, with little outward parade. Any foreigner, visiting Prussia, might observe that the vitalizing breath of government, like the spirit of God, was acting upon the whole people. Napoleon was finally vanquished at Waterloo (1815) and sent to Saint Helena, and the Congress of Vienna (1815) remade the map of Europe. In doing so it forgot that the people wanted constitutional government, instead of a return to absolute rulers. It restored old thrones, rights, and territories, and inaugurated a policy of political reaction which increased in intensity with time and dominated the governments of continental Europe until after the middle of the century. Under the lead of the Austrian minister, Metternich, and by "third-degree" methods, the so-called Holy Alliance [22] of continental Europe suppressed free speech, democratic movements, political liberties, university freedom, and liberalism in government and religion. The governments in this Alliance redirected and restricted the people's schools, as much as could be done, to make them conform in purpose to their reactionary ideas. In consequence, the development of popular education in Germany, as well as in France and other continental lands, was for a time checked. The great start obtained by Prussia and the German States before 1820, though, was such that what had been done there could not be wholly undone. In France, Spain, the Italian Kingdoms, the Austrian States, and Russia, on the other hand, what had not been developed to any extent could be prevented from developing, and in these lands popular education was given back to the Church to control and direct. In England, also, though for other reasons there, the Church retained its control over elementary education for half a century longer. CHANGE IN THE SPIRIT OF THE SCHOOLS. The King of Prussia, Frederick William III (1797-1840), though he had given full adherence to the movement for general education during the dark period of Prussian history, was after all never fully in sympathy with the liberal aspect of the movement. After Austria, by the settlement at Vienna, became the leader of the German States, and Metternich the dominating political personality of Europe, the King came more and more to favor a restriction of liberties and the holding of education to certain rather limited lines, fearful that too much education of the people might prove harmful to the Government. Accordingly, under the influence of the King and against the desires of the liberal leaders, Prussia now changed direction and embarked on a policy of reaction which checked normal educational progress; led to the unsuccessful revolution of 1848 and the subsequent almost fanatical governmental opposition to reforms; and was in large part responsible for the disaster of 1918. It is an interesting speculation as to how different the future German and world history might have been had Prussia and the German States held to the liberal ideas of the earlier period, and drawn their political conceptions from England and the new American nation, rather than from Austria and Russia. Accordingly, in November, 1817, the Department of Public Instruction was replaced by a Ministry for Spiritual, Educational, and Medical Affairs, and Karl, Baron von Altenstein, was made Minister. He continued in office until his death, [23] in 1840, and his administration was marked by an increasing state centralization and limitation of the earlier plans. In 1819 he codified all previous practices into a general school law for the kingdom. While the King never really approved and issued it, it nevertheless became a basis for future work and is the law so enthusiastically described by Cousin, in 1830 (R. 280). Under his administration the earlier creative enthusiasm and the energy for the execution of great ideas disappeared, and the earlier "stimulating and encouraging attitude on the part of the authorities was now replaced by the timid policy of the drag and the brake." The earlier preparatory work in the development of Teachers' Seminaries and the establishment of elementary schools was allowed to continue; Pestalozzian ideas were for a time not seriously restricted; compulsory attendance was more definitely ordered enforced, in 1825; the abolition of tuition fees for _Volksschule_ education was begun in 1833, but not completed until 1888; and a more careful supervision of schools was instituted, in 1834. The great change was rather in the spirit and direction of the instruction. The early tendency to emphasize nationalism and religious instruction (p. 571) was now stressed, and the liberal aspects of Pestalozzianism were increasingly subordinated to the more formal instruction and to nationalistic ends. The soldier and the priest joined hands in diverting the schools to the creation of intelligent, devout, patriotic, and, above all else, obedient Germans, while the universal military idea, brought in by the successful work of Scharnhorst (p. 567), and retained after the War of Liberation as a survival of the old dynastic and predatory conception of the State, was more and more emphasized in the work of the schools and the life of the citizen. When Horace Mann reported on his visit to the schools of the German States, in 1843, he called attention to this element of weakness (R. 281), as well as to their many elements of strength. FURTHER INTOLERANCE AND REACTION. The reactionary tendencies which set in after the settlement of Vienna had, by 1840, produced stagnation in the life of the Governments of Europe, and the revolutions of 1848, which broke out in France, Italy, Switzerland, and the different German and Austrian States, were revolts against the reactionary governmental rule and an expression of disappointment at the failure to secure constitutional government. The revolutions were both successful and unsuccessful--successful in that the greater liberty they sought came later on, but unsuccessful at the time. In consequence, immediately following 1848, an even more reactionary educational policy was instituted. University freedom was markedly restricted; the institutions lost their earlier vigor; and the number of students suffered a marked decline in consequence. The secondary schools also felt the new influences. Latin and Greek were made compulsory; uniform programs for work were insisted upon; and Latin in particular was reduced to a grammatical drill that destroyed the spirit of the earlier instruction and put gymnasial teaching back almost to the type made so popular by Sturm. The few _Realschulen_, which had continued to exist and were tolerated before, were now treated with positive dislike. In 1859 they were able to force their first official recognition, but only when changed from practical schools for the middle classes to secondary schools, on the same basis as the _Gymnasien_, and for parallel ends. It was upon the elementary schools (_Volksschulen_) and the Teachers' Seminaries that the most severe official displeasure now fell. A number of _Volksschule_ teachers had been connected with the revolutions of 1848, and "over-education" was regarded as responsible. The Teachers' Seminary at Preslau, which had for long given a high grade of training, was closed, and the head of the Seminary at Berlin, Diesterweg, was dismissed because of his strong advocacy of Pestalozzian ideas. Anything savoring of individualism was especially under the ban. Bitter reproaches were heaped upon the elementary-school teachers, and the new King, Frederick William IV (1840-61) considered their work as the very root of the political evils of the State. To a conference of Seminary teachers, held in 1849 in Berlin, he said: [24] You and you alone are to blame for all the misery which the last year has brought upon Prussia! The irreligious pseudo-education of the masses is to be blamed for it, which you have been spreading under the name of true wisdom, and by which you have eradicated religious belief and loyalty from the hearts of my subjects and alienated their affections from my person. This sham education, strutting about like a peacock, has always been odious to me. I hated it already from the bottom of my soul before I came to the throne, and, since my accession, I have done everything I could to suppress it. I mean to proceed on this path, without taking heed of any one, and, indeed, no power on earth shall divert me from it. Thus easily did an autocratic Hohenzollern cast upon the shoulders of others the burden of his own failure to grasp the evolution in political thinking [25] which had taken place in Europe, since 1789. Unfortunately for the future of the German people he was able to force his will upon them. PROGRESS OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION AS SHOWN BY THE DECREASE IN ILLITERACY IN PRUSSIA, BY PROVINCES (From _Rep. U.S. Com. Educ._, 1890-1900, I, p. 781) _Provinces_ 1841 1864-65 1881 1894-95 _Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent._ East Prussia \ / 7.05 .99 15.33 16.54 West Prussia / \ 8.79 1.23 Brandenburg 2.47 .96 .32 .06 Pomerania 1.23 1.47 .43 .12 Posen 41.00 16.90 9.97 .98 Silesia 9.22 3.78 2.33 .43 Saxony 1.19 .49 .28 .09 Westphalia 2.14 1.03 .60 .02 Rhenish Prussia 7.06 1.13 .23 .05 Hohenzollern .00 .00 .00 .00 ===== ===== ===== ===== The State 9.30 5.52 2.38 .33 In 1854 new "Regulations" were issued which put the course of instruction for elementary schools back to the days of Frederick the Great. The one- class rural elementary school was made the standard. Everything beyond reading, writing, a little arithmetic, and religious instruction in strict accordance with the creeds of the Church, was considered as superfluous, and was to be allowed only by special permit. The elimination of illiteracy, the creation of obedient citizens, and the nationalizing of new elements became the aim of the schools. The instruction in the Teachers' Seminaries was reduced to the merest necessities, and they were given clearly to understand that they were to train teachers, and not to prepare educated men. All theory of education, all didactics, all psychology were eliminated. A return was made to the subject-matter theory of education, and a limited subject-matter at that, and it once more became the business of the teacher to see that this was carefully learned. Religious instruction naturally once more came to hold a place of first importance. Similar reactionary movements took place in other German States, all being sensitive to the reactionary spirit of the time and the leadership of Austria and Prussia. THE MODERN GERMAN EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE. After about 1860, largely in response to modern scientific and industrial forces among a people turning from agriculture toward industrialism, a slight relaxation of the reactionary legislation began to be evident. This expressed itself chiefly in a diminution of the time given to memoriter work in religion, and the introduction in its place of work in German history and geography, with some work in natural science. In the Teachers' Seminaries instruction in German literature, formerly rigidly excluded, was now added. It was not, however, until after the unification of Germany, following the Franco- Prussian War, and the creation of Imperial Germany under the directive guidance of Bismarck, that any real change took place. Then the changes were due to new political, religious, social, industrial, and economic forces which belong to the later period of German history. In 1872 a new law gave to the Prussian elementary schools a new course of study; reasserted the authority of the State in education; extended the control of the public authorities; and made the State instead of the Church the authority even for their religious instruction. [26] The schools were now to be used as of old to build up and strengthen the nation, but particularly to support the new Prussian idea as to the work and function of the State. _Realien_ were given a new prominence, because of new industrial needs, and the instruction in religion was revamped. The old memoriter work was greatly reduced, and in its place an emotional and political emphasis was given to the religious instruction. To make the school of the people an instrument for fighting the growth of social democracy, and a support for the throne and government, instruction in religion was "placed in the center of the teacher's work," and teachers were given to understand that they were "members of an educational army and expected loyally to follow the flag." The secondary schools also were redirected. A new emphasis on scientific subjects and modern languages replaced the earlier emphasis on Greek. The Emperor interfered (R. 368) to force a revision of the gymnasial programs better to adapt them to modern needs. In particular were the universities of all the States unified and nationalized, and great technical universities created. Science, commerce, technical work, modern languages, and government were stressed in the instruction of the leaders. Deciding clearly where the nation was to go and the route it was to follow, and that education for national ends was one of the important means to be employed, the different parts of the educational systems in the States--elementary schools, secondary schools, universities, normal schools, professional schools, technical schools, continuation schools-- were carefully integrated into a unified state system, thoroughly national in spirit, and given a definite function to perform in the work which the Nation set itself to carry through. Nowhere have teachers been so well trained to play their part in a national plan, and nowhere have teachers acquitted themselves more worthily, from the point of view of the Government. As Alexander [27] has well said: During the nineteenth century the leaders of Germany decided that Germany should assume leadership in the world in every line of endeavor, particularly in commerce and world power. They set this as the very definite goal of their national ambition. The next question was how that aim could be accomplished. It was to be done through education. Accordingly school systems were organized with this aim in view. In a State such as the Germans proposed building there were be leaders and followers. The followers were to be trained for a docile, efficient German citizenship; that is, the lower classes were to be made into God-fearing, patriotic, economically-independent Germans. This was the task of the _Volksschule_, and it has been wonderfully well accomplished. This type of German is created to do the manual labor of the State. The leaders were to be trained in middle and higher schools and in the universities. There were to be different grades of leaders; leaders in the lower walks of life, leaders in the middle walks of life, and leaders of the nation. The higher schools and the universities were employed to produce these types of leaders.... The leaders think and do; the followers merely do. The schools were organized for the express purpose of producing just these types. So well was this system and plan working that, had the Imperial Government not been so impatient of that slower but surer progress by peaceful means, and staked all on a gambler's throw, in another half-century the German nation might have held the world largely in fee. As it is, the results which the Germans attained by reason of definite aims and definite methods are both an encouragement and a warning to other nations. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Point out the extent of the educational reorganization which resulted from the reform work begun at Halle. 2. How do you explain the very early German interest in compulsory school attendance, when such was unknown elsewhere in Europe? 3. Compare the Prussian Regulations of 1737 with what was common at that time in practice in the parishes of the American Colonies. 4. Show the wisdom of the early Prussian kings in working at school reform through the Church. Could they well have worked otherwise? Why? 5. How do you explain such a slow development of a professional teaching body in Prussia, when all the state influences had for so long been favorable to educational development? 6. Show that the Oberschulcollegium Board marked the beginnings of a State Ministry for Education for Prussia. 7. Show that the spirit of the Prussian leaders, after 1806, was a further expansion of the German national feeling which arose in the Period of Enlightenment. 8. Show that the reorganization of elementary education, and the creation of the University of Berlin, were almost equally important events for the future of German lands. 9. Show that the work of Prussia, in using the schools for national ends, was: (a) in keeping with the work of the French Revolutionary leaders, and (b) only a further extension of the organizing work done by Frederick the Great. 10. Show how the universities of Germany early took the lead of the universities of the world, and the influence of this fact on national progress. 11. Enumerate the new nineteenth-century tendencies observable in the early educational organization in Prussia. 12. Explain the marked mid-nineteenth-century reaction to educational development which set in. 13. Explain the early and marked welcome accorded science-study in German lands. 14. Explain in what ways Prussia attained an educational leadership, ahead of other nations. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections, illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced: 273. Barnard: The Organizing Work of Frederick William I. 274. Prussia: The School Code of 1763. 275. Prussia: The Silesian School Code of 1765. 276. Austria: The School Code of 1774. 277. Fichte: Addresses to the German Nation. 278. Mann: The Prussian Elementary Teacher and his Training. 279. Dinter: Prussian Schools and Teachers as he found them. 280. Cousin: Report on Education in Prussia. 281. Mann: The Military Aspect of Prussian Education., QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Explain the interest of Frederick William I (273) in elementary education. 2. Characterize, from the Codes of 1763 (274) and 1765 (275), and cite paragraph to show: (a) The type of instruction ordered provided; (b) the type of teacher expected; (c) the character of the attendance required; and (d) the character of the continuation training ordered. 3. Show the similarity in their main lines of the Prussian (274) and Austrian (276) Codes. 4. Would the reasoning of Fichte (277) apply to any crushed nation? Illustrate. 5. Do we select teachers for training as carefully in the United States today as they did in Prussia eighty years ago (278)? Could we? 6. Did such conditions as Dinter describes (279) exist, even later, with us? 7. Was the Prussian school system, as described by Cousin (280), a centralized or a decentralized system? 8. Show that Mann's reasoning as to the strength of the Prussian school system (281) was thoroughly sound. SELECTED REFERENCES * Alexander, Thomas. _The Prussian Elementary Schools_. * Barnard, Henry. "Public Instruction in Prussia"; in _American Journal of Education_, vol. XX, pp. 333-434. Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_. * Cassell, Henry. "Adolph Diesterweg"; in _Educational Review_, vol. I, pp. 345-56. (April, 1891.) Friedel, V. H. _The German School as a War Nursery_. Lexis, W. _A General View of the History and Organization of Public Education in the German Empire_. * Nohle, E. "History of the German School System"; in _Report U.S. Commissioner of Education_, 1897-98, vol. I, pp. 3-82. Translated from Rein's _Encyclopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik_. * Paulsen, Fr. _German Education, Past and Present_. * Paulsen, Fr. _The German Universities_. * Russell, James. _German Higher Schools_. Seeley, J. R. _Life and Times of Stein_, vol. I. CHAPTER XXIII NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE AND ITALY I. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE LINES OF DEVELOPMENT MARKED OUT BY THE REVOLUTION. The Revolution proved very disastrous to the old forms of education in France. The old educational foundations, accumulated through the ages, were swept away, and the teaching congregations, which had provided the people with whatever education they had enjoyed, were driven from the soil. The ruin of educational and religious institutions in Russia under the recent rule of the Bolshevists is perhaps comparable to what happened in France. Many plans were proposed by the Revolutionary philosophers and enthusiasts, as we have seen (chapter xx), to replace what had once been and to provide better than had once been done for the educational needs of the masses of the people, but with results that were small in comparison with the expectations of the legislative assemblies which considered or approved them. Nevertheless, the directions of future progress in educational organization were clearly marked out before Napoleon came to power, and the work which he did was largely an extension, and a reduction to working order, of what had been proposed or established by the enthusiasts of the pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods. At the time of the Revolution the State definitely took over the control of education from the Church, and the work of Napoleon and those who came after him was to organize public instruction into a practical state-controlled system. In effecting this organization, the preceding discussions of education as a function of the State and the desirable forms of organization to follow all bore important fruit, and the forms finally adopted embodied not only the ideas contained in the legislation of the revolutionary assemblies, but the earlier theoretical discussion of the subject by Rolland (p. 510), Diderot (p. 511), and Talleyrand (p. 513) as well. They embodied also the peculiar administrative genius of France--that desire for uniformity in organization and administration--and hence stand in contrast to the state educational organizations worked out about the same time in German lands. The German States, as we have seen, had for long been working toward state control of education, but when this was finally attained they still permitted a large degree of local initiative and control. The French, on the contrary, made the transition in a few years, and the system of state control which they established provided for uniformity, and for centralized supervision and inspection in the hands of the State. The forms for state control and education adopted in the two countries were also expressive of age-long tendencies in each. For three centuries German political organization, as we have seen, had been extremely decentralized on the one hand, and had been slowly evolving a system of education under the joint control of the small States and the Church on the other. In France, on the contrary, centralization of authority and subordination to a central government had been the tendency for an even longer period. When the time arrived for the State to take over education from the Church, it was but natural that France should tend toward a much more highly centralized control than did the German States, and the differing political situations of the two countries, at the opening of the nineteenth century, gave added emphasis to these differing tendencies. [Illustration: FIG. 174. AN OLD FOUNDATION TRANSFORMED This was an ancient château in France. In 1604 Henry IV gave it to the Jesuits for a school. In 1791 it became national property, and was transformed into a Military College.] In consequence, Prussia and the other German States early achieved a form of state educational organization which emphasized local interest and the spirit of the instruction, whereas France created an administrative organization which emphasized central control and, for the time, the form rather than the spirit of instruction. This was well pointed out by Victor Cousin (R. 280), in contrasting conditions in Prussia with those existing in France. NAPOLEON BEGINS THE ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION. In 1799 Napoleon became First Consul and master of France, and in 1804 France, by vote, changed from a Republic to an Empire, with Napoleon as first Emperor. Until his banishment to Saint Helena (1815) he was master of France. A man of large executive capacity and an organizing genius of great ability, whether he turned to army organization, governmental organization, the codification of the laws, or the organization of education, Napoleon's practical and constructive mind quickly reduced parts to their proper places in a well- regulated scheme. Shortly after he became Consul he took up, among other things, the matter of educational organization. His first effort was in 1800, when he transformed the old humanistic College Louis le Grand (founded 1567) and created four military colleges from its endowment. One of these colleges he later, in characteristic fashion, transformed into a School of Arts and Trades (R. 282). In 1802 he signed the famous Concordat with the Pope. This restored the priests to the churches, with state aid for their stipends, and virtually turned over primary education again to the Church for care and control. The "Brothers of the Christian Schools" (p. 515) were recalled the next year and especially favored, and soon established themselves more firmly than before the Revolution. [Illustration: FIG. 175. COUNT DE FOURCROY (1755-1809)] In 1802 Napoleon first turned his attention to a general organization of public instruction by directing Count de Fourcroy, a distinguished chemist who had been a teacher in the Polytechnic School, and whom he appointed Director of Public Instruction, to draw up, according to his ideas, an organizing law on the subject. This became the Law of 1802. It was divided into nine chapters, as follows: I. Degrees of Instruction. II. Primary Schools. III. Secondary Schools. IV. Lycées. V. Special Schools. VI. The Military School. VII. The National Pupils. VIII. The _nationales pensions_ IX. General regulations. 1. PRIMARY SCHOOLS. The chapter on primary schools virtually reënacted the Law of 1795 (R. 258 b). Each commune [1] was required to furnish a schoolhouse and a home for the teacher. The teacher was to be responsible to local authorities, while the supervision of the school was placed under the prefect of the Department. The instruction was to be limited to reading, writing, and arithmetic, and the legal authorities were enjoined "to watch that the teachers did not carry their instructions beyond these limits." The teacher was to be paid entirely from tuition fees, though one fifth of the pupils were to be provided with free schooling. The State gave nothing toward the support of the primary schools. The interest of Napoleon was not in primary or general education, but rather in training pupils for scientific and technical efficiency, and youths of superior ability for the professions and for executive work in the kind of government he had imposed upon France. To this end secondary and special education were made particular functions of the State, while primary education was left to the communes to provide as they saw fit. They could provide schools and the parents could pay for the teacher, or not, as they might decide. There was no compulsion to enforce the requirement of a primary school, and no state aid to stimulate local effort to create one. In consequence not many state primary schools were established, and primary education remained, for another generation, in the hands of private teachers and the Church. 2. SECONDARY SCHOOLS. Chapters III and IV of the Law of 1802 made full provision for two types of secondary schools--the Communal Colleges and the Lycées [2]--to replace the Central Higher Schools established in 1795 (p. 518). These latter had lacked sadly in internal organization. They were merely day schools, lacking the dormitory and boarding arrangements which for over three centuries had characterized the French _collèges_. As a result they had not prospered. The Law of 1802 now replaced them with two types of residential secondary schools, in which the youth of the country, under careful supervision and discipline, might prepare for entrance to the higher special schools. These fixed the lines of future French development in secondary schools. The standard secondary school now became known as the _Lycée_. These institutions corresponded to the Colleges under the old régime, of which the College of Guyenne (R. 136) was a type. The instruction was to include the ancient languages, rhetoric, logic, ethics, belles-lettres, mathematics, and physical science, with some provision for additional instruction in modern languages and drawing. Each was to have at least eight "professors," an administrative head, a supervisor of studies, and a steward to manage the business affairs of the institution. The State usually provided the building, often using some former church school which had been suppressed, and the cities in which the Lycées were located were required to provide them with furniture and teaching equipment. The funds for maintenance came from tuition fees, boarding and rooming income, and state scholarships, of which six thousand four hundred were provided. Besides the Lycées, every school established by a municipality, or kept by an individual, which gave instruction in Latin, French, geography, history, and mathematics was designated as a secondary school, or Communal College. These institutions usually offered but a partial Lycée course, and were tuition schools, being patronized by many parents whose tastes forbade the sending of their children to the lower-class primary schools. A license from the Government to operate was necessary before masters could be employed. They were to be maintained by the municipality, without any state encouragement beyond some grants for capable teachers and scholarships in the Lycées for meritorious pupils. Within two years after the enactment of the Law of 1802 there had been created in France 46 Lycées, 378 secondary schools of various degrees of completeness, and 361 private schools of secondary grade had been opened. A number of these disappeared later, in the reorganization of 1808. For the supervision of all these institutions the Director General of Public Instruction appointed three Superintendents of Secondary Studies; and for the work of the schools he outlined the courses of instruction in detail, laid down the rules of administration, prepared and selected the textbooks, and appointed the "professors." SPECIAL OR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The chapter of the Law of 1802 on Special Schools made provision for the creation of the following special "faculties" or schools for higher education for France: 3 medical schools, to replace the _Schools of Health_ of 1794 (p. 518). 10 law schools; increased to 12 in 1804 (Date of _Code Napoléon_, p. 518). 4 schools of natural history, natural philosophy, and chemistry. 2 schools of mechanical and chemical arts, 1 mathematical school, 1 school of geography, history, and political economy. A fourth school of art and design. Professors of astronomy for the observatories. In 1803 the School of Arts and Trades was added (R. 282), and in 1804, after Napoleon had signed the Concordat with the Pope, thus restoring the Catholic religion (abolished 1791), schools of theology were added to the above list. We have here, clearly outlined, the main paths along which French state educational organization had been tending and was in future to follow. The State had definitely dispossessed the Church as the controlling agency in education, and had definitely taken over the school as an instrument for its own ends. Though primary education had been temporarily left to the communes, and was soon to be turned over in large part to be handled by the Church for a generation longer, the supervision was to remain with the State. The middle-class elements were well provided for in the new secondary schools, and these were now subject to complete supervision by the State. For higher education groups of Special Schools, or Teaching Faculties, replaced the older universities, which were not re-created until after the coming of the Third Republic (1871). The dominant characteristics of the state educational system thus created, aside from its emphasis on secondary and higher education, were its uniformity and centralized control. These characteristics were further stressed in the reorganization of 1808, and have remained prominent in French educational organization ever since. CREATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FRANCE. By 1806 Napoleon was ready for a further and more complete organization of the public instruction of the State, and to this end the following law was now enacted (May 10, 1806): Sec. 1. There will be formed, under the name of Imperial University, a body exclusively commissioned with teaching and public education throughout the Empire. Sec. 2. The members of this corporation can contract civil, special, and temporary obligations. Sec. 3. The organization of this corps will be given in the form of a law to the legislative body in the session of 1810. In 1808, without the formality of further legislation, Napoleon issued an Imperial Decree creating the University of France. This was not only Napoleon's most remarkable educational creation, but it was an administrative and governing organization for education so in harmony with French spirit and French governmental ideas that it has persisted ever since, though changed somewhat in form with time. The Decree began by declaring that "public instruction, in the whole Empire, is confined exclusively to the University," and that "no school, nor establishment for instruction, can be formed independent of the Imperial University, and without the authority of its chief." Unlike the University of Berlin (p. 574), created a year later, this was not a teaching university at all, but instead a governing, examining, and disbursing corporation, [3] presided over by a Grand Master and a Council of twenty-six members, all appointed by the Emperor. This Council decided all matters of importance, and exercised supervision and control over education of all kinds, from the lowest to the highest, throughout France. [4] To assist the Council, general inspectors for medicine, law, theology, letters, and science were provided for, to visit and "examine the condition of instruction and discipline in the faculties, _lycées_, and colleges; to inform themselves in regard to the fidelity and ability of professors, regents, and ushers; to examine the students; and to make a complete survey of those institutions, in their whole administration." Beneath the Grand Master and Council the State was divided into twenty- seven "Academies" (administrative districts), each of which had a Rector, a Council of ten, and Inspectors, all appointed by the Grand Master. These exercised jurisdiction over teachers and pupils in all schools, and decided all local matters, subject to appeal to the Grand Master and Council. Under this new administrative organization but little change was made in the schools from that provided for in the law of 1802. Primary education remained as before, private schools and Church schools supplying most of the need. All were under the supervision of the University, and all were instructed to make as a basis of their instruction: (1) the precepts of the Catholic religion; (2) fidelity to the Emperor, to the imperial monarchy, the depository of the happiness of the people, and to the Napoleonic dynasty, the conservator of the unity of France, and of all the ideas proclaimed by the Constitution. The _Lycées_ and Communal Colleges continued, much as before, [5] and during the half-century which followed, experienced a steady and substantial growth. DEVELOPMENT OF THE LYCÉES Year 1809 1811 1813 1829 1847 1866 Lycées 35 36 36 36 54 74 Pupils 9,068 10,926 14,492 15,087 23,207 34,442 Free pupils 4,199 4,008 3,500 1,600 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNAL COLLEGES Year 1809 1815 1830 1849 1855 1866 Colleges 273 323 332 306 244 251 Pupils 18,507 19,320 27,308 31,706 32,500 33,038 The Special Higher Schools were also continued, and to the list given (p. 593) Napoleon added (1808) a Superior Normal School (R. 283) to train graduates of the _Lycées_ for teaching. This opened in 1810, with thirty- seven students and a two-year course of instruction, and in 1815 a third year of method and practice work was added. With some varying fortunes, this institution has continued to the present. THE NEW INTEREST IN PRIMARY EDUCATION. The period from 1815 to 1830 in France is known as the Restoration. Louis XVIII was made King and ruled until his death in 1824, and his brother Charles X who followed until deposed by the Revolution of 1830. Though a representative of the old régime was recalled on the abdication of Napoleon, the great social gains of the Revolution were retained. There was no odious restoration of privilege and absolute monarchy. Frenchmen continued to be equal before the law; a form of constitutional government was provided; the right of petition was recognized; and the system of public instruction as Napoleon had organized it continued almost unchanged. For a decade at least there was less political reaction in France than in other continental States. In matters of education, what had been provided was retained, and there seems (R. 285) to have been an increasing demand for additions and improvements, particularly in the matter of primary and middle-class schools, and a willingness on the part of the communes to provide such advantages. Some small progress had been made in meeting these demands, before 1830. In 1816 a small treasury grant (50,000 francs) was made for school books, model schools, and deserving teachers in the primary schools, and in 1829 this sum was increased to 300,000 francs. In 1818 the "Brothers of the Christian Schools" were permitted to be certificated for teaching on merely presenting their Letter of Obedience from the head of their Order, and in 1824 the cantonal school committees were remodeled so as to give the bishops and clergy entire control of all Catholic primary schools. Monitorial instruction was introduced from England by private teachers, in an effort to supply the beginnings of education at small expense, and for a time this had some vogue, but never proved very successful. In 1815 the _Lycées_ were renamed Royal Colleges, but in 1848 the old name was restored, and has since been retained. In 1817 there were thirty-six _Lycées_, receiving an annual state subsidy of 812,000 francs; thirty years later the fifty-four in existence were receiving 1,500,000 francs. From 1822 to 1829 the Higher Normal School was suppressed, and twelve elementary normal schools were created in its stead. EARLY WORK UNDER THE MONARCHY OF 1830. In July, 1830, Charles X attempted to suppress constitutional liberty, and the people rose in revolt and deposed him, and gave the crown to a new King, Louis-Philippe. He ruled until deposed by the creation of the Second Republic, in 1848. The "Monarchy of 1830" was supported by the leading thinkers of the time, prominent among whom were Thiers and Guizot, and one of the first affairs of State to which they turned their attention was the extension downward of the system of public instruction. The first steps were an increase of the state grant for primary schools (1830) to a million francs a year; the overthrow of the control by the priests of the cantonal school committees (1830): the abolition (1831) of the exemption of the religious orders from the examinations for teaching certificates; and the creation (1830-31) of thirty new normal schools. [Illustration: FIG. 176 VICTOR COUSIN (1792-1867)] The next step was to send (1831) M. Victor Cousin--Director of the restored Higher Normal School of France--on a mission to the German States, and in particular to Prussia, to study and report on the system of elementary education, teacher training, and educational organization and administration which had done so much for its regeneration. So convincing was Cousin's _Report_ [6] that, despite bitter national antipathies, it carried conviction throughout France. "It demonstrated to the government and the people the immense superiority of all the German States, even the most insignificant duchy, over any and every Department of France, in all that concerned institutions of primary and secondary education." Cousin pronounced the school law of Prussia (R. 280) "the most comprehensive and perfect legislative measure regarding primary education" with which he was acquainted, and declared his conviction that "in the present state of things, a law concerning primary education is indispensable in France." The chief question, he continued, was "how to procure a good one in a country where there is a total absence of all precedents and experience in so grave a matter." Cousin then pointed out the bases, derived from Prussian experience and French historical development, on which a satisfactory law could be framed (R. 284 a-c); the desirability of local control and liberty in instruction (R. 284 f-g); and strongly recommended the organization of higher primary schools (a new creation; first recommended (1792) by Condorcet, p. 514) as well as primary schools (R. 284 e) to meet the educational needs of the middle classes of the population of France. THE LAW OF 1833. On the basis of Cousin's _Report_ a bill, making the maintenance of primary schools obligatory on every commune; providing for higher primary schools in the towns and cities; additional normal schools to train teachers for these schools; a corps of primary-school inspectors, to represent the State; and normal training and state certification required to teach in any primary school, was prepared. In an address to the Chamber of Deputies, in introducing the bill (1832), M. Guizot [7], the newly appointed Minister for Public Instruction, set forth the history of primary instruction in France up to 1832 (R. 285 a); described the two grades of primary instruction to be created (R. 285 b); and, emphasizing Cousin's maxim that "the schoolmaster makes the school," dwelt on the necessity for normal training and state certification for all primary teachers (R. 285 c). In preparing the bill it was decided not to follow the revolutionary ideas of free instruction, by lay and state teachers, or to enforce compulsion to attend, and for these omissions M. Guizot, in his _Mémoires_ (R. 286), gives some very interesting reasons. [Illustration: FIG. 177. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE FRENCH STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM] The bill became a law the following year, and is known officially as the Law of 1833. This Law forms the foundations upon which the French system of national elementary education has been developed, as the Napoleonic Law of 1802 and the Decree of 1808 have formed the basis for secondary education and French state administrative organization. A primary school was to be established in every commune, which was to provide the building, pay a fixed minimum salary to the teacher, and where able maintain the school. The state reserved the right to fix the pay of the teacher, and even to approve his appointment. A tuition fee was to be paid for attendance, but those who could not pay were to be provided with free places. The primary schools were to give instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, the weights and measures, the French language, and morals and religion. The higher primary schools were to build on these subjects, and to offer instruction in geometry and its applications, linear drawing, surveying, physical science, natural history, history, geography, and music, and were to emphasize instruction in "the history and geography of France, and in the elements of science, as they apply it every day in the office, the workshop, and the field." [8] These latter were the _Bürgerschulen_, recommended by Cousin (R. 284 e) on the basis of his study of Prussian education. [9] [Illustration: PLATE 14. FRANÇOIS PIERRE GUILLAUME GUIZOT (1787-1874) Creator of the French primary school system] The primary schools were to follow a uniform plan, and as a guide a _Manual of Primary Instruction_ was issued, giving detailed directions as to what was to be done. In sending out a copy of the Law to the primary teachers of France, M. Guizot enclosed a personal letter to each, informing him as to what the government expected of him in the new work (R. 287). During the four years that M. Guizot remained Minister of Public Instruction he rendered a remarkable service, well described by Matthew Arnold (R. 288), in awakening his countrymen to the new problem of popular education then before them. The results under the Law of 1833 were large [10] and the subsequent legislation under the monarchy of 1830 was important. For the first time in French history an earnest effort was made to provide education suited to the needs of the great mass of the people, and the marked development of schools which ensued showed how eagerly they embraced the opportunities offered their children, though the schooling was neither compulsory nor gratuitous. In 1837 Infant Schools, for still younger children, were authorized, and in 1840 state aid for these was begun. In 1836 classes for adults, first begun in Paris in 1820, were authorized generally, but it was not until 1867 that these were formally incorporated into the state school system. In 1845 state aid for the Communal Colleges, as well as for the _Lycées_, was begun. DEVELOPMENT OF INFANT SCHOOLS Year...... 1827 1837 1840 1843 1846 1850 1863 1886 1897 Schools... 1 251 555 1489 1861 1735 3308 6696 5683 REACTION AFTER 1848. In France, as in Europe generally, the people were steadily becoming more liberal, as they became better educated, while the rulers were becoming more autocratic. The result was the series of revolutions of 1848, which broke out first in France, and finally extended to most of the countries of continental Europe. In France the King, Louis- Philippe, was forced to abdicate; a Republic, based on universal manhood suffrage, was proclaimed; and Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Napoleon I, was elected President. In 1851 Napoleon established himself as Dictator; prepared a new constitution providing for an Empire; and, in 1852, dissolved the Second Republic and assumed the title of Emperor Napoleon III. This Second Empire lasted until 1870, when France was humiliated by the Prussians as the latter had been by Napoleon I in 1806. The Emperor and his armies were taken prisoners (1870) and, in 1871, the Prussians occupied Paris and crowned the new Emperor of united and Imperial Germany in the palace of the French Kings at Versailles. A Third Republic now succeeded, and this has lasted to the present time. The period from 1848 to 1870 in France was a period of middle-class rule, and reaction in education as in government. In 1848 a Sub-Commission on Primary Education reported in opposition to the state primary schools. The troubles of 1848 had brought to view the political restlessness which had taken possession of the teachers, as well as other classes in society. The new schools were naturally suspected of being the source of the popular discontent. Many teachers had sympathized with, and some had taken part in the disturbances, and teachers generally were now placed under close surveillance. Some of the leaders were forced into exile until after 1870. Religious schools, regarded as more favorable to monarchical needs and purposes, were now encouraged, and the number of religious schools increased from 6464 in 1850, to 11,391 by 1864. Private schools, too, were given full freedom to compete with the state schools, and the pay of the primary teachers was reduced. The course in the normal schools was condemned as too ambitious, and, in 1851, was cut down. The course of instruction in the primary schools, on the other hand, was, unlike in Prussia, broadened instead of restricted, and in particular emphasis was placed, in keeping with nearly a century of French tradition, on scientific and practical subjects. [11] The law of 1850 stated the requirements for primary schools as follows: Art. 23. Primary instruction comprises moral and religious instruction, reading, writing, the elements of the French language, computation, and the legal system of weights and measures. It may comprise, in addition, arithmetic applied to practical operations, the elements of history (a required subject after 1867) and geography, notions of the physical sciences and of natural history applicable to the ordinary purposes of life, elementary instruction in agriculture, trade, and hygiene; and surveying, leveling, linear drawing, singing, and gymnastics. Religious instruction prospered under the Second Empire, and the state primary schools lost in importance. The _Lycées_ continued largely as classical institutions, though after 1865 the crowding of the rising sciences began to dispute the supremacy of classical studies. There were, however, many voices of discontent, particularly from exiled teachers (R. 289), and the way was rapidly being prepared for the creation of a stronger and better state school system as soon as political conditions were propitious. REVOLUTIONARY IDEALS AT LAST REALIZED. With the creation of the Third Republic, in 1870, a change from the old conditions and old attitudes took place. Up to about 1879 the new government was in control of those who were at heart sympathetic with the old conditions, but were forced to accept the new; from 1879 to 1890 was a transition period; and since 1890 the Republic has grown steadily in strength and regained its position among the great powers of the world. The first few years of the new Republic were devoted to paying the Prussian indemnity and clearing the soil of France of German armies, but, after about 1875, education became a great national interest among leaders of France. [12] France saw, somewhat as did Prussia after 1806, the necessity for creating a strong state system of primary, secondary, and higher schools to train the youth of the land in the principles of the Republic, strengthen the national spirit, advance the welfare of the State, and protect it from dangers both within and without. PROGRESS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN FRANCE, DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, AS SHOWN BY THE REDUCTION IN THE PERCENTAGE OF ILLITERACY AMONG ARMY CONSCRIPTS, AND AMONG PERSONS SIGNING THE MARRIAGE RECORDS Years Army Marriage records conscripts Men Women 1790 53.0% 73.0% 1827 58.0% 1833 47.8 1840 42.8 1845 37.8 1850 35.7 1855 33.7 32.0 47.0 1860 30.0 30.4 44.8 1865 24.4 27.5 41.0 1870 19.7 26.8 39.4 1875 16.0 20.0 31.0 1880 14.7 16.1 24.5 1885 11.5 13.0 20.2 1890 7.8 8.7 12.8 1896 5.1 5.8 7.8 1901 4.4 4.4 6.3 Millions were put into the building of schoolhouses (1878-88); new normal schools were established; a normal school for women was created in each of the eighty-seven departments of France; the academic and superior councils of public instruction were reorganized to eliminate clerical influences (1881); religious instruction was replaced by moral and civic instruction (R. 290); and clerical "Letters of Obedience" were no longer accepted, and all teachers were required to be certificated by the State. The Law of 1881, eliminating instruction in religion from the elementary schools, was followed, in 1886, by a law providing for the gradual replacement of clerical by lay teachers. In 1904, the teaching congregations of France were suppressed. All elementary education now became public, free, compulsory, and secular, [13] and teachers were required to be neutral in religious matters. [14] Since 1871, also, technical and scientific education has been emphasized; the primary and superior-primary schools have been made free (1881) and compulsory (1882); classes for adults have been begun generally; the state aid for schools has been very greatly increased; _lycées_ and colleges for women have been created (1880); the _lycées_ modernized in their instruction [15] and the reorganization and reëstablishment of a series of fifteen state universities of a modern type, begun in 1885, was completed in 1896. The reorganization and expansion of education in France since 1875 is a wonderful example of republican interest and energy, and is along entirely different lines from those followed, since the same date, in German lands. After the lapse of nearly a century we now see the French Revolutionary ideas of gratuity, obligation, and secularization finally put into effect, and the state system of public instruction outlined by Condorcet (p. 514), in 1792, at last an accomplished fact. II. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ITALY IMPORTANCE OF THE WORK OF NAPOLEON. So much has been written about the deluge of blood that took place in Paris in the days of the Commune and the time of the National Conventions, and of the military victories and autocratic rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, that it is difficult to appraise the importance of either, from the point of view of the progress of civilization and of the organization of modern political institutions, at its true worth. The faults of both are prominent and outstanding, but it nevertheless was the merit of the Revolution that it enabled France, and along with France a good portion of western Europe, to rid itself of the worst survivals of the Middle Ages, while to Napoleon much of western Europe is indebted for the foundation of its civil institutions, unified legal procedure, beginnings of state educational organization, and modern governmental forms. Writing on this subject, Matthew Arnold [16] well said: With all his faults, his [Napoleon's] reason was so clear and strong that he saw, in its general outlines at least, the just and rational type of civil organization which modern society needs, and wherever his armies went he instituted it. [Illustration: FIG. 178. EUROPE IN 1810 Showing the control of France when Napoleon was at the height of his power.] That the French Revolution's merit and service was a real one is shown by all the world, as it improves, getting rid more and more of the Middle Ages. That Napoleon's merit and service was a real one is shown by the bad governments which succeeded him having always got rid, when they could, of his work, and by the progress of improvement, when these governments became intolerable, and are themselves got rid of, always bringing it back. Where governments were not wholly bad, and did not get rid of Napoleon's good work, this work turns out to have the future on its side, and to be more likely to assimilate the institutions round it to its pattern than to be itself assimilated by them. In the Italian States, the Netherlands, some of the French cantons of Switzerland, the Rhine countries, and the Danish peninsula, in particular, the rule of Napoleon, imposed by his armies, carried out by rulers of his selection, and maintained for a long enough period that the legal organization, civil order, unified government, and taste of educational opportunities of a new type which his rule brought became attractive to the people, in time proved deeply influential in their political development. [17] All these nations still show traces of the French influence in their state educational organization. We shall take the Italian States as a type, and examine briefly the influence on the development of state educational organization there which resulted from contact with the forward-looking rule of "The Great Emperor." DECLINE IN IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION IN ITALY. In a preceding chapter (p. 503), we mentioned that the rule of Napoleon in northern Italy awakened the national spirit from its long lethargy, and caused Italian liberals to look forward, for the first time since the days of the Revival of Learning, to the time when the Italian States might be united into one Italian nation, with Rome as its capital. This became the work of the mid- nineteenth century (see dates, Fig. 179), though not fully completed until the World War of 1914-18. Italy stands to-day a great united nation, with a large future ahead of it, but as such it is entirely a nineteenth- century creation. From the time of its intellectual decline following the Renaissance, to the middle of the nineteenth century, Italy remained "a geographical expression" and split up into a number of little independent States; up to the time of Napoleon it was a part of the German-ruled "Holy Roman Empire." After the great patriotic effort of the period of the Revival of Learning (p. 264) in Italy, and the rather feeble and unsuccessful attempts at a reform of religion which followed, the intellectual development of Italy was checked and turned aside for centuries by the triumph of an unprogressive and anti-intellectual attitude on the part of the dominant Church. The persecution of Galileo (p. 388) was but a phase of the reaction in religion which had by that time set in. Education was turned over to the religious orders, such as the Jesuits and the Barnabites, and instruction was turned aside from liberal culture and the promotion of learning to the support of a religion and the stamping out of heresy. Though a number of educational foundations were made, and some important undertakings begun after the days when her universities were crowded and Florence and Venice vied with one another for the intellectual supremacy of the western world, the spirit nevertheless was gone, and both education and government settled down to a tenacious preservation of the existing order. Scholars ceased to frequent the schools of Italy; the universities changed from seats of learning to degree-conferring institutions; [18] the intellectual capitals came to be found north of the Alps; and the history of educational progress ceased to be traced in this ancient land. In the early part of the eighteenth century the schools there reached perhaps their lowest intellectual level. THE BEGINNINGS OF REFORM IN SAVOY. The first and almost the only attempt to change this condition, before Napoleon's armies went crashing through the valley of the Po, was made in the seventeenth century by two Dukes of Savoy. By decrees of 1729 and 1772 they took the control of the secondary (Latin) schools in their little duchy from the religious orders, and established a Council of Public Instruction to reform the university examinations, see that teachers were prepared for the Latin schools, and take over in the name of the authorities of the duchy the control of education. Though inspired by a political interest, the two dukes brought into their little kingdom the much-needed ideas of honest work, effective administration, and public spirit, and laid the foundations for the control of education by the public authorities later on. The only other attempt to improve conditions came in Lombardy, in 1774, which then was a part of the Austrian dominions and felt the short-lived reforms of Maria Theresa (p. 562; R. 276). Elsewhere in Italy conditions remained unchanged until the time of Napoleon. NAPOLEON REVIVES THE NATIONAL SPIRIT. In 1796 Napoleon's armies invaded Sardinia, Lombardy, and the valley of the Po, and he soon extended his control to almost all the Italian peninsula. For nearly two decades thereafter this collection of little States felt the unifying, regenerating influence of the organizing French. Monasteries and convents and religious schools were transformed into modern teaching institutions, brigandage was put down, and efficient and honest government was established. The ideas of the French Law of 1802 as to education were applied. Every town was ordered to establish a school for boys, to teach the reading and writing of Italian and the elements of French and Latin; the secondary schools were modernized; and the universities were completely reorganized. Some of the universities were reduced to _licei_ (_lycées_; secondary schools), while others were strengthened and their revenues turned to better purposes. The universities at Naples and Turin in particular were transformed into strong institutions, with a decided emphasis on scientific studies. A normal school was founded at Pisa, on the model of the one at Paris. New standards in education were set up, the study of the sciences was introduced into the secondary schools, and the study of medicine and law was regenerated. With the fall of Napoleon his work was largely undone. The firm, just, and intelligent government which he had given Italy--something the land had not known for ages--came to an end. The little States were "handed back to the reactionary dynasts whose rule was neither benevolent nor intelligent, while the ever-ready Austrian army crushed out any local movement for liberal institutions." The laws regarding education were repealed, and the schools the French had established were closed as revolutionary and dangerous. The normal school at Pisa ceased to exist; the university at Naples was dismantled; the one at Turin was closed; and the Jesuits were allowed to return and reorganize instruction. The result was that a common discontent with ensuing conditions made Italians conscious of their racial and historical unity, and this finally expressed itself in the revolutions of 1848. These failed at the time, and the heel of the Austrian oppressor came down harder than before. Liberty of the press practically ceased. The national leaders went into exile for safety. The prisons were filled with political offenders. The schools were closed or ceased to influence. The Pope, fearing the end of his earthly kingship approaching, united firmly with the Austrians to resist liberal movements. Finally, under the leadership of the enlightened King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel (1849-78) and his Prime Minister, Count of Cavour, the Austrians were driven out (1859-66) and all Italy was united (1870) under the rule of one king interested in promoting the welfare of his people. [Illustration: FIG. 179. THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY, SINCE 1848] SARDINIA LEADS TO NATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL. The movement to free Italy was essentially a liberal movement. Many hoped to create a republic, but chose a liberal constitutional monarchy under Victor Emmanuel as the most feasible plan. Cavour understood the importance of public instruction, and from the first began to build up schools [19] and put them under state control. In 1844, a normal school was opened in Turin. In 1847, a Minister of Public Instruction was appointed and a Council of Public Instruction created, after the plan of France, In 1848, a General School Law was enacted, and the organization and improvement of schools was begun with a will. In 1850, a commission was sent to study the school systems of Europe, and in particular those of France and of the German States. A Supreme Council of Public Instruction was now formed for Sardinia, and the process of creating primary schools, higher-primary schools, classical and technical secondary schools, colleges, and the reorganization of the universities was begun. In 1859, when the growth of Italian unity was rapidly extending the rule of Victor Emmanuel, [20] a new law, providing a still better state organization of public instruction, was enacted. A Minister of Public Instruction appointed by the King, a Supreme Council of Public Instruction, and a Department of Public Instruction as a branch of the government, were all provided for, after the French plan. [Illustration: FIG. 180 COUNT OF CAVOUR (1810-61)] This Law of 1859 was later extended to cover all Italy, and has formed the basis for all subsequent legislation. It clearly established a state system of education, though the religious schools were allowed to remain. It also established control after the French plan, with a high degree of centralization and uniformity. The schools established, too, were much after the French type, though much less extensive in scope. The primary and superior primary at first were but two years each, though since extended in all the larger communities to a six-year combined course. The two-class school system was established, as in France and German lands. The secondary-school system consisted of a five-year _ginnasio_, established in many places (218 in Italy by 1865; 458 by 1916) with a three-year _liceo_ following, but found in a smaller number of places. Parallel with this a seven-year non-classical scientific and technical secondary school was also created, and these institutions have made marked headway (461 by 1916) in central and northern Italy. Pupils may pass to either of these on the completion of the ordinary four-year primary course, at the age of ten. Above the secondary schools are numerous universities. The normal-school system created prepared for teaching in the primary schools, while the university system followed the completion of the _liceo_ course. [Illustration: FIG. 181. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE ITALIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM] The influence of French ideas in Italian educational organization is clearly evident. Before the French armies brought French governmental ideas and organization to Italy almost nothing had been done. Then, during the first six decades of the nineteenth century, the transition from the church-school idea to the conception of education as an important function of the State was made, and the resulting system is largely French in organization and form. SUBSEQUENT PROGRESS. From this point on educational progress has been chiefly a problem of increased finances and the slow but gradual extension of educational opportunities to more and more of the children of the people. The church schools have been allowed to continue side by side with the state schools, and the problem of securing satisfactory working relations has not always been easy of solution. In 1877 primary education was ordered made compulsory, [21] and religious instruction was dropped from the state schools, but the slow progress of the nation in extending literacy indicates that but little had been accomplished in enforcing the compulsion previous to the new compulsory law of 1904. This made more stringent provisions regarding schooling, and provided for three thousand evening and Sunday schools for illiterate adults. In 1906, an earnest effort was begun to extend educational advantages in the southern provinces, where illiteracy has always been highest. In 1911, the state aid for elementary education was materially increased. In 1912, a new and more modern plan of studies for the secondary schools was promulgated. Since 1912 many important advances have been inaugurated, such as elementary schools of agriculture, vocational schools, continuation schools, the middle-class industrial and commercial schools. The World War directed new attention to the educational needs of the nation. Italy, at last thoroughly awakened, seems destined to be a great world power politically and commercially, and we may look forward to seeing education used by the Italian State as a great constructive force for the advancement of its national interests. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Show how the Revolution marked out the lines of future educational evolution for France. 2. Explain why France and Italy evolved a school system so much more centralized than did other European nations. 3. Explain Napoleon's lack of interest in primary education, in view of the needs of France in his day. 4. Show that Napoleon was right, time and circumstances considered, in placing the state emphasis on the types of education he favored. 5. Explain why middle-class education should have received such special attention in Cousin's Report, and in the Law of 1833. 6. Was the course of instruction provided for the primary schools in 1833, times and needs considered, a liberal one, or otherwise? Why? 7. Compare the 1833 and the 1850 courses. 8. Explain why all forms of education in France should have experienced such a marked expansion and development after 1875. 9. Explain why great military disasters, for the past 150 years, have nearly always resulted in national educational reorganization. 10. Appraise the work and the permanent influence of Napoleon. 11. Explain Napoleon's interest in establishing schools and universities, when the Austrian and Church authorities were so interested in abolishing what he had created. 12. What did the dropping of religious instruction from the primary schools of both France and Italy, both strong Catholic countries, indicate as to national development? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are reproduced: 282. Le Brun: Founding of the School of Arts and Trades. 283. Jourdain: Refounding of the Superior Normal School. 284. Cousin: Recommendations for Education in France. 285. Guizot: Address on the Law of 1833. 286. Guizot: Principles underlying the Law of 1833. 287. Guizot: Letter to the Primary Teachers of France. 288. Arnold: Guizot's Work as Minister of Public Instruction. 289. Quinet: A Lay School for a Lay Society. 290. Ferry: Moral and Civic Instruction replaces the Religious. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Just what attitude toward education did the action of Napoleon in changing the character of the school at Compiègne (282) express? 2. What type of school (283) was the re-created Superior Normal? 3. Just what did Victor Cousin recommend (284) as to (_a_) schools to be created; (_b_) control and administration; (_c_) compulsory attendance; (_d_) schools for the middle classes; and (_e_) education and control of teachers? 4. Was Guizot's Law of 1833 (285) in harmony with the recommendations of Cousin (284)? 5. Why have public opinion and legislative action, in France and elsewhere, so completely reversed the positions taken by Guizot and his advisers (286) in framing the Law of 1833? 6. From Guizot's letter to the teachers of France (287), and Arnold's description of his work (288), just what do you infer to have been the nature of his interest in advancing primary education in France? 7. Contrast the reasoning of Guizot (286) and Quinet (289) on lay instruction. Of the reasoning of the two men, which is now accepted in France and the United States? 8. Contrast the letters of Guizot (287) and Ferry (290) to the primary teachers of France. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Arnold, Matthew. _Popular Education in France_. * Arnold, Matthew. _Schools and Universities on the Continent_. * Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_. Barnard, Henry. _American Journal of Education_, vol. XX. Compayré, G. _History of Pedagogy_, chapter XXI. * Farrington, Fr. E. _The Public Primary School System of France_. * Farrington, Fr. E. _French Secondary Schools_. Guizot, F. P. G. _Mémoires_, Extracts from, covering work as Minister of Public Instruction, 1832-37, in Barnard's _American Journal of Education_, vol. XI, pp. 254-81, 357-99. CHAPTER XXIV THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND I. THE CHARITABLE VOLUNTARY BEGINNINGS ENGLISH PROGRESS A SLOW BUT PEACEFUL EVOLUTION. The beginnings of national educational organization in England were neither so simple nor so easy as in the other lands we have described. So far this was in part due to the long-established idea, on the part of the small ruling class, that education was no business of the State; in part to the deeply ingrained conception as to the religious purpose of all instruction; in part to the fact that the controlling upper classes had for long been in possession of an educational system which rendered satisfactory service in preparing leaders for both Church and State; and in part--probably in large part--to the fact that national evolution in England, since the time of the Civil War (1642-49) has been a slow and peaceful growth, though accompanied by much hard thinking and vigorous parliamentary fighting. Since the Reformation (1534-39) and the Puritan uprising led by Cromwell (1642-49), no civil strife has convulsed the land, destroyed old institutions, and forced rapid changes in old established practices. Neither has the country been in danger from foreign invasion since that memorable week in July, 1588, when Drake destroyed the Spanish Armada and made the future of England as a world power secure. English educational evolution has in consequence been slow, and changes and progress have come only in response to much pressure, and usually as a reluctant concession to avoid more serious trouble. A strong English characteristic has been the ability to argue rather than fight out questions of national policy; to exhibit marked tolerance of the opinions of others during the discussion; and finally to recognize enough of the proponents' point of view to be willing to make concessions sufficient to arrive at an agreement. This has resulted in a slow but a peaceful evolution, and this slow and peaceful evolution has for long been the dominant characteristic of the political, social, and educational progress of the English people. The whole history of the two centuries of evolution toward a national system of education is a splendid illustration of this essentially English characteristic. EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS. England, it will be remembered (chapter XIX, Section III), had early made marked progress in both political and religious liberty. Ahead of any other people we find there the beginnings of democratic liberty, popular enlightenment, freedom of the press, religious toleration, [1] social reform, and scientific and industrial progress. All these influences awakened in England, earlier than in any other European nation, a rather general desire to be able to read (R. 170), and by the opening of the eighteenth century we find the beginnings of a charitable and philanthropic movement on the part of the churches and the upper classes to extend a knowledge of the elements of learning to the poorer classes of the population. As a result, as we have seen (chapter XVIII), the eighteenth century in England, educationally, was characterized by a new attitude toward the educational problem and a marked extension of educational opportunity. Even before the beginning of the century the courts had taken a new attitude toward church control of teaching, [2] and in 1700 had freed the teacher of the elementary school from control by the bishops through license. [3] In 1714 an Act of Parliament (13 Anne, c. 7) exempted elementary schools from the penalties of conformity legislation, and they were thereafter free to multiply and their teachers to teach. [4] The dame school (R. 235) now became an established English institution (p. 447). Private-adventure schools of a number of types arose (p. 451). The churches here and there began to provide elementary parish-schools for the children of their poorer members (p. 449), or training-schools for other children who were to go out to service (R. 241). Workhouse schools and "schools of industry" also were used to provide for orphans and the children of paupers (p. 453). THE CHARITY-SCHOOL SYSTEM. Most important of all was the organization, by groups of individuals (R. 237) and by Societies (S.P.C.K.; p. 449) formed for the purpose, and maintained by subscription (R. 240), collections (R. 291), and foundation incomes, of an extensive and well-organized system of Charity-Schools (p. 449). The "Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge" dates from the year 1699, and the "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" from 1701. The first worked at home, and the second in the overseas colonies. [5] Both did much to provide schools for poor boys and girls, furnishing them with clothing and instruction (R. 292), and training them in reading, writing, spelling, counting, cleanliness, proper behavior, sewing and knitting (girls), and in "the Rules and Principles of the Christian Religion as professed and taught in the Church of England" (R. 238 b). The Charity-School idea was in a sense an application of the joint-stock-company principle to the organization and maintenance of an extensive system of schools for the education of the children of the poor, the stock being subscribed for by humanitarian- minded people. The upper classes had for long been well provided, through tutors in the home and grammar schools and colleges, with those means for education which have for centuries produced an able succession of gentlemen, statesmen, governors, and scholars for England, and many of the commercial middle-class had, by the eighteenth century, become able to purchase similar advantages for their sons. These now united to provide, as part of a great organized charity and under carefully selected teachers (R. 238 a), for the more promising children of their poorer neighbors, the elements of that education which they themselves had enjoyed. The movement spread rapidly over England (p. 451), and soon developed into a great national effort to raise the level of intelligence of the masses of the English people. Thousands of persons gave their services as directors, organizers, and teachers. Traveling superintendents were employed. A rudimentary form of teacher-training was begun. The preaching of a Charity Sermon each year [6] with a special collection, became a general English practice. THE VOLUNTARY SYSTEM. The rise of the Methodist movement, [7] after 1730 (p. 489); the earthquake shocks of 1750; the rise of the popular novel and newspaper; the printing of political news, and cheap scientific pamphlets (p. 492); and the growing tendency to debate questions and to apply reason to their solution--all tended to give emphasis in England to these eighteenth-century charitable means for extending education to the children of those who could not afford to pay for it. Unlike the German States, where the State and the Church and the school had all worked together from the days of the Reformation on, the English had never known such a conception. The efforts, though, of the educated few, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, to extend the elements of learning, order, piety, cleanliness, and proper behavior to the children of the masses, formed an important substitute for the action by the Church-State which was so characteristic a feature of Teutonic lands. We see in these eighteenth-century efforts the origin of what became known in England as "the voluntary system" and upon this voluntary support of education--private, parochial, charitable--the English people for long relied. Of action by the State there was none during the eighteenth century, aside from an Act of 1767 (7 Geo. III, c. 39) relating to the education of pauper children. This established the important principle-- unfortunately not followed up--of providing that poor parish children of London might be maintained and educated "at the cost of the rates." THE SUNDAY-SCHOOL MOVEMENT. One other voluntary eighteenth-century movement of importance in the history of English educational development should be mentioned here, as it formed the connecting link between the parochial-charity-school movement of the eighteenth century and the philanthropic period of the educational reformers of the early nineteenth. This was the Sunday-School movement, first tried by John Wesley in Savannah, in 1737, but not introduced into England until 1763. The idea amounted to little, though, until practically worked out anew (1780) by Robert Raikes, a printer of Gloucester, and described by him (1783) in his _Gloucester Journal_ (R. 293), after he had experimented with it for three years. [8] His printed description of the Sunday-School idea gave a national impulse to the movement, and Sunday Schools were soon established all over England to take children off the streets on Sunday and provide them with some form of secular and religious instruction. [9] The movement coincided with new religious, social, and economic forces which were at work, and which awakened an interest not only in the education of the children of the poorer working-classes, but caused the upper and middle classes in society to feel a new sense of responsibility for social and educational reform. The cold and unemotional religion of the English Church in the early eighteenth century had created an indifference to the simple truths and duties of the Gospels. The great religious revival under Wesley and Whitefield had challenged such an attitude, and had done much to infuse a new spirit into religion and awaken a new sense of responsibility for social welfare. The rapid growth of population in the towns, following the beginnings of factory life (p. 493), had created new social and economic problems, and the neglect of children in the manufacturing towns had shocked many thinking persons. The way in which parents and children, freed from hard labor in the factories on Sundays, abandoned themselves to vice, drunkenness, and profanity caused many, among them Raikes himself (R. 293), to inquire if "something could not be done" to turn into respectable men and women "the little heathen of the neighborhood." The Sunday School was his answer, and the answer of many all over England. [10] In 1785 "The Society for the Support and Encouragement of Sunday Schools in the different Counties of England" was formed with a view to establishing a Sunday School in every parish in the kingdom, and the Queen headed a subscription list, following a general appeal for funds. By 1787 it was estimated that 234,000 children in England and Wales were attending a Sunday School, and by 1792 the number had increased to half a million. The Parliamentary return for 1818 showed 5463 Sunday Schools in existence, and 477,225 scholars; in 1835 the returns showed 1,548,890 scholars, half of whom attended no other school, and approximately 160,000 voluntary teachers. [11] In Manchester, then a city scourged with almost universal child-labor, the schools (1834) were in session five and a half hours on Sunday and two evenings a week. The moral and religious influence of these schools was important, and the instruction in reading and writing, meager as it was, filled a real need of the time. OTHER VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS; "RAGGED SCHOOLS." The Charity Schools and the Sunday Schools were the two most conspicuous of the voluntary-organization type of undertakings for providing the poor children of England with the elements of secular and religious education. Many other organizations of an educational and charitable nature, aided also by many individual efforts, too numerous to mention, were formed with the same charitable and humanitarian end in view. Others, similar in type, charged a small fee, and hence were of the private-adventure type. Sunday Schools, day schools, evening schools, children's churches, bands of hope, clothing clubs, messenger brigades, shoeblack brigades, orphans' schools, reformatory schools, industrial schools, ragged schools--these were some of the types that arose. Only one of these--"Ragged Schools"--will be described. [Illustration: FIG. 182. A RAGGED SCHOOL PUPIL (From a photograph of a boy on entering the school; later changed into a respectable tradesman. From Guthrie)] [Illustration: PLATE 15. JOHN POUNDS'S RAGGED SCHOOL AT PORTSMOUTH] [Illustration: PLATE 16. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE VOLUNTARY SCHOOL (Reproduced from an early nineteenth-century engraving, through the courtesy of William G. Bruce)] The originator of the "Ragged Schools"--schools for the education of destitute children, waifs and strays not reached by other agencies--was a large-hearted cobbler of Portsmouth, by the name of John Pounds (1766- 1839), who divided his time between cobbling and rescue work among the poorest and most degraded children of his neighborhood. His school is shown in the picture facing this page. (Plate 15.) In his shoeshop he taught such children, free of charge, to read, write, count, cook their food, and mend their shoes. He was a schoolmaster, doctor, nurse, and playfellow to them all in one. His workshop was a room of only six by eighteen feet, yet in it he often had forty children under his instruction. His work set an example, and "Ragged Schools," or "Schools for the Destitute," began to be formed in many places by humanitarians. These took the form of day schools, night schools, Sunday Schools, and the so-called industrial schools (R. 294). The instruction in most of them was entirely free, [12] but some charged a small fee, in a few cases as high as a shilling a month. It was one of these schools that Crabbe described when he wrote: [13] Poor Reuben Dixon has the noisiest school Of ragged lads, who ever bowed to rule; Low in his price--the men who heave our coals, And clean our causeways, send him boys in shoals. To see poor Reuben, with his fry beside- Their half-check'd rudeness and his half-scorned pride- Their room, the sty in which th' assembly meet, In the close lane behind the Northgate street; T' observe his vain attempts to keep the peace, Till tolls the bell, and strife and trouble cease, Calls for our praise; his labours praise deserves, But not our pity; Reuben has no nerves. 'Mid noise and dirt, and stench, and play, and prate, He calmly cuts the pen or views the slate. In 1844 "The Ragged School Union" was formed in London, and maintained there many of the types of schools mentioned above. The "Constitution and Rules of the Association for the Establishment of Ragged Industrial Schools for Destitute Children in Edinburgh" (R. 294) gives a good idea as to the nature, support, and instruction in such schools. As late as 1870, when national education was first begun in England, there were about two hundred of these Ragged Schools in London alone, with about 23,000 children in them. Upon many such forms of irregular schools England depended before the days of national organization. OTHER EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY INFLUENCES. During the latter half of the eighteenth century French Revolutionary thought [14] and American political action began to exert some influence on public opinion in England. The small upper ruling class, alarmed at the developments in France, became confirmed in its opposition to any general popular education aside from a little reading, writing, counting, and careful religious training, while on the other hand men of more liberal outlook felt that popular enlightenment was a necessity to prevent the masses from becoming stirred by inflammatory writings and speeches. The increasing distress in the agricultural regions, due to the rapid change of England from an agricultural to a manufacturing nation; the crowding of great numbers of working people into the manufacturing towns; and the social misery and political unrest following the Napoleonic wars all alike contributed to a feeling of need for any form of philanthropic effort that gave promise of alleviating the ills of society. There now grew up a small but influential body of thinkers who favored the maintenance of a system of general and compulsory education by the State, and the separation of the school from the Church. The most notable proponents of this new theory were Adam Smith, the Reverend T. R. Malthus, and the Anglo-American Thomas Paine. The first approached the question from an economic point of view, the second from an economic and biologic, and the third from the political. In 1776 Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ appeared. This was one of the great books of all time. Among other matters he dealt with the question of education. He pointed out that English society was now becoming highly organized; that the new manufacturing life had completely changed the simple conditions of an earlier agricultural society; that in the narrow round of manufacturing duties and town life people tended to lose their inventiveness and to stagnate; and that the individual degeneracy which set in in a more highly organized type of society became a social danger of large magnitude. Hence, he argued (R. 295), it was a matter of state interest that "the inferior ranks of the people" be instructed to make them socially useful and to render them "less apt to be misled into any wanton or unnecessary opposition to measures of government." Accordingly, he held, the State had every right, not only to take over elementary education as a state function and a public charge, but also to make it free and compulsory. [Illustration: FIG. 183. ADAM SMITH (1723-90)] In 1798 the Reverend T. R. Malthus's _Essay on Population_ appeared. This was a precursor of the work of Darwin, and another of the great books of all time. He pointed out that population everywhere tended to outrun the means of subsistence, and that it was only prevented from doing so by preventive checks which involved much misery and vice and pauperism. To prevent pauperism each individual must exercise moral restraint and foresight, and to enable all to do this a widespread system of public instruction was a necessity (R. 296). The money England had spent in poor- relief he regarded as largely wasted, because it afforded no cure. In the general education of a people the real solution lay. He said: We have lavished immense sums on the poor, which we have every reason to think have constantly tended to aggravate their misery,... It is surely a great national disgrace that the education of the lowest classes in England should be left to a few Sunday Schools, supported by a subscription from individuals, who can give to the course of instruction in them any kind of bias which they may please. (R 296.) [Illustration: FIG. 184 REV. T. R. MALTHUS (1766-1834)] Agreeing thoroughly with Adam Smith that a general diffusion of knowledge was a safeguard to society, he urged the teaching of the elements of political economy in the common schools to enable people to live better in the new type of competitive society. [15] In 1791-92 Thomas Paine published his widely read _Rights of Man_. He expressed the French Revolutionary political theory, holding that government, while capable of great good were its powers only properly exercised, was, as organized, an evil. In a well-governed nation none would be permitted to go uninstructed, he held, and he would cut off poor- relief and make a state grant of £4 a year for every child under fourteen for its education, and would compel parents to send all children to school to learn reading, writing, and arithmetic. Each of these three books had a long and a slowly cumulative influence, and a small number of young and powerful champions of the idea of popular education as a public charge began, early in the nineteenth century, to urge action and to influence public opinion. II. THE PERIOD OF PHILANTHROPIC EFFORT (1800-33) CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. This second period in the history of the organization of English education begins with the publication, in 1797, of Dr. Andrew Bell's _An Experiment in Education_, describing his work in educating large numbers of children by means of the so-called mutual system, at the Male Asylum at Madras, India. The period properly ends with the first Parliamentary grant for education, in 1833. In its main characteristics it belongs to the eighteenth rather than to the nineteenth century, as the prominent educational movements of the eighteenth (charity-schools, Sunday Schools, schools of industry) continue strong throughout the period, and many new undertakings of a similar charitable nature ("Ragged Schools"; associations for the improvement of the condition of the poor, etc.) were begun. The period--during and after the Napoleonic wars--was one of marked social and political unrest, and of corresponding emphasis on social and philanthropic service. The masses were discontented with their lot, and were beginning to be with their lack of political privileges. Numerous plans to quiet the unrest and improve conditions were proposed, of which schemes to increase employment (industrial schools; evening schools), to encourage thrift (savings banks; children's brigades), and to spread an elementary and religious education (mutual schools; infant schools) that would train the poor in self-help were the most prominent. "The Society for Bettering the Condition and Increasing the Comforts of the Poor." founded in 1796, became a very important early-nineteenth-century institution. Branches were established all over England. Soup-kitchens, clothing-stations, savings banks, and schools were among the chief lines of activity. In particular it extended and improved Sunday Schools, encouraged the formation of charity-schools and schools of industry, and later gave much aid in establishing the new monitorial schools. Educational interest steadily strengthened during the period, though as yet along lines that were deemed relatively harmless, were inexpensive, and were largely religious in character. The eighteenth-century conception of education as a charity, designed where given to train the poor to "an honest, upright, grateful, and industrious poverty," still prevailed; there was as yet little thought of education as designed to train the poor to think for and help themselves. The eighteenth-century conception of the educational process, too, which regarded education as something external and determined by adult standards and needs, and to be imposed on the child from without, also continued. The purpose of the school was to manufacture the standard man, and the business of the teacher was to so organize and methodize instruction that the necessary knowledge could be acquired as economically, from a financial point of view, as possible. The Pestalozzian conception of education as a development of the individual, according to the law of his own nature, found but slow acceptance in England. Mental development, scientific instruction, the habit of thinking, the exercise of judgment, and free and enlightened opinion were ideas that found little favor there, and hence had to be handled carefully by those who had caught the new conception of the educational process. In the political reaction following the end of Napoleon's rule the upper and ruling classes of England, in common with those of continental lands, became exceedingly suspicious of much education for the masses. To secure contributions for schools it became necessary "to avow and plead how little it was that the schools pretended or presumed to teach." [16] England now experienced a great development of manufacturing and commerce, a great material prosperity ensued, and the growing demand for education was met by a counter-demand that the education provided should be systematized, economical, and should not teach too much. Such a system of training was now discovered and applied, in the form of mutual or monitorial instruction, and was hailed as "a new expedient, parallel and rival to the modern inventions in the mechanical departments." [Illustration: FIG. 185. THE CREATORS OF THE MONITORIAL SYSTEM REV. ANDREW BELL (1753-1832) JOSEPH LANCASTER (1778-1838)] ORIGIN OF MUTUAL OR MONITORIAL INSTRUCTION. In 1797 Dr. Andrew Bell, a clergyman in the Established Church, published the results of his experiment in the use of monitors in India. [17] The idea attracted attention, and the plan was successfully introduced into a number of charity-schools. About the same time (1798) a young Quaker schoolmaster, Joseph Lancaster by name, was led independently to a similar discovery of the advantages of using monitors, by reason of his needing assistance in his school and being too poor to pay for additional teachers. In 1803 he published an account of his plan. [18] The two plans were quite similar, attracted attention from the first, and schools formed after one or the other of the plans were soon organized all over England. Increased attention was attracted to the new plans by a bitter church quarrel which broke out as to who was the real originator of the idea, [19] Bell being upheld by Church-of-England supporters, and Lancaster by the Dissenters. In 1808 "The Royal Lancastrian Institution" was formed, which in 1814 became "The British and Foreign School Society," to promote Lancastrian schools. This society had the close support of King George III, the Whigs, and the _Edinburgh Review_, while such liberals as Brougham, Whitbread, and James Mill were on its board of directors. This Society sent out Lancaster to expound his "truly British" system, and by 1810 as many as ninety-five Lancastrian schools had been established in England. His model school in Borough Road, Southwark, which became a training-school for teachers, is shown on the following page. Lancaster was a poor manager; became involved in financial difficulties; and in 1818 left for the United States, where he spent the remainder of his life in organizing such schools and expounding his system. For a time this attracted wide attention, as we shall point out in the following chapter. Lancaster's work stimulated the Church of England into activity, and in 1811 "The National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church throughout England and Wales" was formed by prominent S.P.C.K. (p. 449) members and Churchmen, with the Archbishop of Canterbury as president. This Society was supported by the Tories, the Established Church, and the _Quarterly Review_, and was formed to promote the Bell system, [20] "which made religious instruction an essential and necessary part of the plan." Within a month £15,000 had been subscribed to establish schools. Among many other contributions were £500 each from the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. A training-school for teachers was organized; district societies were formed over England to establish schools; and a system of organized aid was extended for both buildings and maintenance. By 1831 there were 900,412 children receiving instruction in the monitorial schools of the National Society alone. [Illustration: Fig. 186. THE LANCASTRIAN MODEL SCHOOL IN BOROUGH ROAD, SOUTHWARK, LONDON This shows 365 pupils, seated for writing. The room was 40 x 90 feet in size and contained 20 desks, each 25 feet long. The boys of each row were divided into two "drafts" of from eight to ten, each in charge of a monitor. Around the wall were 31 "stations," indicated by the semicircles on the floor.] The mutual-instruction idea spread to other lands--France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark--and seems to have been tried even in German lands. In France and Belgium it was experimented with for a time because of its cheapness, but was soon discarded because of its defects. In Teutonic lands, where the much better Pestalozzian ideas had become established, the monitorial system made practically no headway. It was in the United States, of all countries outside of England, that the idea met with most ready acceptance. [Illustration: FIG. 187. MONITORS TEACHING READING AT "STATIONS" Three "drafts" of ten each, with their toes to the semicircles painted on the floor, are being taught by monitors from lessons suspended on the wall.] THE SYSTEM OF MUTUAL OR MONITORIAL INSTRUCTION. The great merit, aside from being cheap, of the mutual or monitorial system of instruction lay in that it represented a marked advance in school organization over the older individual method of instruction, with its accompanying waste of time and schoolroom disorder. Under the individual method only a small number of pupils could be placed under the control of one teacher, and the expense for such instruction made general education almost prohibitive. Pestalozzi, to be sure, had worked out in Switzerland the modern class- system of instruction, and following developmental lines in teaching, but of this the English were not only ignorant, but it called for a degree of pedagogical skill which their teachers did not then possess. Bell and Lancaster now evolved a plan whereby one teacher, assisted by a number of the brighter pupils whom they designated as monitors, could teach from two hundred to a thousand pupils in one school (R. 297). The picture of Lancaster's London school (Figure 186) shows 365 pupils seated. [21] The pupils were sorted into rows, and to each row was assigned a clever boy (monitor) to act as an assistant teacher. A common number for each monitor to look after was ten. The teacher first taught these monitors a lesson from a printed card, and then each monitor took his row to a "station" about the wall and proceeded to teach the other boys what he had just learned. At first used only for teaching reading and the Catechism, the plan was soon extended to the teaching of writing, arithmetic, and spelling, and later on to instruction in higher branches. The system was very popular from about 1810 to 1830, but by 1840 its popularity had waned. [Illustration: FIG. 188. PROPER MONITORIAL-SCHOOL POSITIONS (From an engraved plate of 30 positions, in a Manual of the British and Foreign School Society, London, 1831)] Such schools were naturally highly organized, the organization being largely mechanical (R. 298). Lancaster, in particular, was an organizing genius. The _Manuals of Instruction_ gave complete directions for the organization and management of monitorial schools, the details of recitation work, use of apparatus, order, position of pupils at their work, and classification being minutely laid down. By carefully studying and following these directions any reasonably intelligent person could soon learn to become a successful teacher in a monitorial school. The schools, mechanical as they now seem, marked a great improvement over the individual method upon which schoolmasters for centuries had wasted so much of their own and their pupils' time. In place of earlier idleness, inattention, and disorder, Bell and Lancaster introduced activity, emulation, order, and a kind of military discipline which was of much value to the type of children attending these schools. Lancaster's biographer, Salmon, has written of the system that so thoroughly was the instruction worked out that the teacher had only to organize, oversee, reward, punish, and inspire: When a child was admitted a monitor assigned him his class; while he remained, a monitor taught him (with nine other pupils); when he was absent, one monitor ascertained the fact, and another found out the reason; a monitor examined him periodically, and, when he made progress, a monitor promoted him; a monitor ruled the writing paper; a monitor had charge of slates and books; and a monitor-general looked after all the other monitors. Every monitor wore a leather ticket, gilded and lettered, "Monitor of the First Class," "Reading Monitor of the Second Class," etc. VALUE OF THE SYSTEM IN AWAKENING INTEREST. The monitorial system of instruction, coming at the time it did, exerted a very important influence in awakening interest in and a sentiment for schools. It increased the number of people who possessed the elements of an education; made schools much more talked about; and aroused thought and provoked discussion on the question of education. It did much toward making people see the advantages of a certain amount of schooling, and be willing to contribute to its support. Under the plans previously in use education had been a slow and an expensive process, because it had to be carried on by the individual method of instruction, and in quite small groups. Under this new plan it was now possible for one teacher to instruct 300, 400, 500, or more pupils in a single room, and to do it with much better results in both learning and discipline than the old type of schoolmaster had achieved. All at once, comparatively, a new system had been introduced which not only improved and popularized, but tremendously cheapened education. [22] Lancaster, in his _Improvements in Education_, gave the annual cost of schooling under his system as only seven shillings sixpence ($1.80) per pupil, and this was later decreased to four shillings fivepence ($1.06) as the school was increased to accommodate a thousand pupils. Under the Bell system the yearly cost per pupil, in a school of five hundred, was only four shillings twopence ($1.00), in 1814. In the United States, Lancastrian schools cost from $1.22 per pupil in New York, in 1822, up to $3.00 and $4.00 later on. At first begun as free schools, [23] the expansion of effort was more rapid than the income from contributions, and a small tuition fee was in time charged. Pupils were admitted at about the age of seven, and might remain until thirteen or fourteen, though an attendance of two years was considered "abundantly sufficient for any boy." To prepare skilled masters and mistresses for the schools, girls were provided for in many places--training or model schools were organized by both the national societies, and these represent the beginnings of normal-school training in England. INFANT SCHOOLS. Another type of school which became of much importance in England, and spread to other lands, was the Infant School. This owed its origin to Robert Owen, proprietor of the cotton mills at New Lanark, Scotland. Being of a philanthropic turn of mind, and believing that man was entirely the product of circumstance and environment, he held that it was not possible to begin too early in implanting right habits and forming character. Poverty and crime, he believed, were results of errors in the various systems of education and government. So plastic was child nature, that society would be able to mould itself "into the very image of rational wishes and desires." That "the infants of any one class in the world may be readily formed into men of any other class," was a fundamental belief of his. [Illustration: FIG. 189 ROBERT OWEN (1771-1858)] When he took charge of the mills at New Lanark (1799) he found the usual wretched social conditions of the time. Children of five, six, and seven years were bound out to the factory as apprentices (R. 242) for a period of nine years. They worked as apprentices and helpers in the factories twelve to thirteen hours a day, and at early manhood were turned free to join the ignorant mass of the population. Owen sought to remedy this condition. He accordingly opened schools which children might enter at three years of age, receiving them into the schools almost as soon as they were able to walk, and caring for them while their parents were at work. Children under ten he forbade to work in the mills, and for these he provided schools. The instruction for the children younger than six was to be "whatever might be supposed useful that they could understand," and much was made of singing, dancing, and play. Moral instruction was made a prominent feature. By 1814 his work and his schools had become famous. In 1817 he published a plan for the organization of such industrial communities as he conducted. In 1818 he visited Switzerland, and saw Pestalozzi and Fellenberg. In 1818 a number of Liberals--Brougham, James Mill, and others--combined to establish an Infant School in London, importing a teacher from New Lanark. The idea took root, was popularized, and the Infant School was soon adopted as an integral part of their schools by both the British and Foreign School Society (Lancastrians) and the National Society (Bell). In 1836 the "Home and Colonial Infant School Society" was formed to train teachers for and to establish Infant Schools. One of the organizers of this society was Charles Mayo who had worked with Pestalozzi at Yverdon (R. 270), and through his influence much of the bookishness which had crept in was removed and the better Pestalozzian procedure put in its place. Unlike the monitorial schools, the Infant Schools were based on the idea of small-group work, and were usually conducted in harmony with the new psychological conceptions of instruction which had been worked out by Pestalozzi, and had by that time begun to be introduced into England. The Infant-School idea came at an opportune time, as the defects of the mechanical Lancastrian instruction were becoming evident and its popularity was waning. It gave a new and a somewhat deeper philosophical interpretation of the educational process, created a stronger demand than had before been known for trained teachers, established a preference for women teachers for primary work, and tended to give a new dignity to teaching and school work by revealing something of a psychological basis for the instruction of little children. It also contributed its share toward awakening a sentiment for national action. WORK OF THE EDUCATIONAL SOCIETIES. The work of the voluntary and philanthropic educational societies in establishing schools and providing teachers and instruction before the days of national schools was enormous. [24] Though the State did nothing before 1833, and little before 1870, the work of the educational societies was large and important. What was done by the church societies alone may be seen from the following table: STATISTICS AS TO 10,595 ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS FOUNDED BY THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES (BRITISH CENSUS RETURNS, 1851) The National Society, or British Church and For- Indepen- Other Total num- of eign dents, or Wesleyan Roman rel- ber of England Schools Congrega- Method-Cathol- Bapt- gious Date schools schools Society tionalists ists ics ists bodies Before 1801 766 709 16 8 7 10 1801-1811 410 350 28 9 4 10 1811-1821 879 756 77 12 17 14 1821-1831 1,021 897 45 21 17 28 1831-1841 2,417 2,002 191 95 62 69 1841-1851 4,604 3,448 449 269 239 166 Not stated 498 409 46 17 17 14 131 331 Totals 10,595 8,571 852 431 363 311 131 331 After about 1820-25 the rising interest in elementary education expressed itself in the formation of a number of additional societies, the more important of which were: 1824. "London Infant School Society" founded by Brougham. 1826. "Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge" founded by Brougham. The _Journal of Education_ begun. 1836. "Central Society of Education" founded. 1836. "Home and Colonial Infant Society" founded. Beginning of a Pestalozzian Training College. 1837. "Educational Committee of the Wesleyan Conference" established. 1843. "Congregational Board of Education" formed. 1844. "Ragged School Union" founded. 1845. "Catholic Institute." 1847. The "Catholic Poor-School Committee." 1847. "Lancashire Public School Association" formed. 1850. The "National Public School Association." 1867. "Birmingham Education Aid Society." 1868. The Manchester Conference. 1869. Formation of "The League." Some of these were formed to found and support schools, and some engaged primarily in the work of propaganda in an effort to secure some national action. III. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION THE PARLIAMENTARY STRUGGLE. During the whole of the eighteenth century Parliament had enacted no legislation relating to elementary education, aside from the one Act of 1767 for the education of pauper children in London, and the freeing of elementary schools, Dissenters, and Catholics, from inhibitions as to teaching. In the nineteenth century this attitude was to be changed, though slowly, and after three quarters of a century of struggle the beginnings of national education were finally to be made for England, as they had by then for every other great nation. In 1870 the "no-business-of-the-State" attitude toward the education of the people, which had persisted from the days of the great Elizabeth, was finally and permanently changed. The legislative battle began with the first Factory Act [25] of 1802, Whitbread's Parochial Schools Bill [26] of 1807, and Brougham's first Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry of 1816 (R. 291); it finally culminated with the reform of the old endowed Grammar Schools by the Act of 1869, the enactment of the Elementary Education Act of 1870 (R. 304), and the Act of 1871 freeing instruction in the universities from religious restrictions (R. 305). The first of these enactments declared clearly the right of the State to inquire into, reorganize, and redirect the age-old educational foundations for secondary education; the second made the definite though tardy beginnings of a national system of elementary education for England; and the third opened up a university career to the whole nation. The agitation and conflict of ideas was long drawn out, and need not be traced in detail. The following tabulated summary will give the main outlines of the struggle, and the selection on "The Educational Traditions of England" (R. 306) gives a good brief history of the long conflict. THE PARLIAMENTARY STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION IN ENGLAND Dates Proposals, Reports, etc., and Results 1802 First Factory Act for regulating employment of children. Adopted. 1807 Whitbread's Parochial Schools' Bill introduced. Rejected by the House of Lords 1816 Brougham secured a Parliamentary Committee to enquire into the state of education of the lower classes in London, Westminster, and Southwark. Report--130,000 children without school accommodations [1818]. (R. 291.) 1818 Brougham secured a Committee of Inquiry on Educational Charities. No report until 1837. 1820 Bill introduced proposing a tax for schools and the granting of Government aid in building schoolhouses. Opposed by Dissenters and Catholics. Withdrawn. Brougham's first Educational Bill. 1833 Government aid for building schoolhouses re-proposed. £20,000 a year granted. (R. 299.) Distributed through the two great Educational Societies 1834 Committee of Inquiry appointed. No result beyond statistics. 1835 | Brougham introduced bills to organize a system of elementary 1837 | education. Bills failed of passage. Educational Inquiry Committee appointed [1837]. 1838 Committee report: the deplorable conditions existing Bill of 1839. Education Department created. 1839 Bill to increase the government grant to £30,000 and to allow all Societies to share. Inspectors to be appointed. Committee of Privy Council on Education established. Bitter opposition. Carried. Much discussion as to "undenominational education." 1841 Annual grant to establish schools of design in manufacturing districts. Voted. 1843 Sir Jas. Graham's Factory Bill. Opposed by the Dissenters and defeated. 1843 Address to the Crown on condition of the working classes. No parliamentary action. 1846 Yearly grant extended to the maintenance of schools. Gradual increase in the yearly grants. 1846 Minute and Regulations on annual grants and pupil teachers. Foundations of a system laid. Pupil-teacher system definitely established. Certificates to teach. Annual grant extended to maintenance. 1847 Government proposals for nationalizing education. Carried despite violent religious opposition. 1850 Fox's Bill to make education free and compulsory. Defeated. 1853 The Government proposed a small local rate in aid of schools. Bill dropped after the first reading. 1853 Department of Science and Art created, and National Art Training Schools established. Promotion of elementary education in art and science, particularly after 1859. 1855 Three educational Bills introduced. Local rate proposed. Failure to agree. All withdrawn. 1856 Commons asked to declare in favor of rate aid and local Boards. Two Educational Bills introduced. First bill tabled. Second bill withdrawn. Education Department formed. 1858 A Royal Commission to inquire into the state of popular education in England asked for. The Duke of Newcastle's Commission created. Its Report published in 1861. (R. 303.) 1861 No acceptable scheme reported. Code of 1861 proposed. No advance. "Payment by results" began [1862]. Code adopted. 1864 Schools Inquiry Commission appointed on endowed schools. Report of the Schools Inquiry Commission in 1867. 1866 Report of a Select Committee of the House of Commons on Education. 1867 The Government introduced proposals as to education. Voted down. 1868 Government Bill proposing changes in distribution and larger grants. Parliament adjourned without action. 1869 Endowed Schools' Act passed. 1869 Two Educational Bills introduced. Withdrawn at the request of the Government. 1870 The Elementary Education Act of 1870 introduced. Much amended and passed. (R. 304.) Beginning of a National system of education. 1871 Religious Tests at universities withdrawn (R. 305). THE LEADERS IN THE CONFLICT. The main leader in the parliamentary struggle to establish national education, from the death of Whitbread, in 1815, to about 1835, was Henry, afterwards Lord Brougham. He was aided by such men as Blackstone, and Bentham and his followers, and, after about 1837, by such men as Dickens, Carlyle, Macaulay, and John Stuart Mill. Dickens, by his descriptions, helped materially to create a sentiment favorable to education, as a right of the people rather than a charity. He stood strongly for a compulsory and non-sectarian state system of education that would transform the children of his day into generous, self-respecting, and intelligent men and women. Carlyle saw in education a cure for social evils, and held that one of the first functions of government was to impart the gift of thinking to its future citizens. Writing, in 1840, he said: Who would suppose that education were a thing which had to be advocated on the ground of local expediency, or any ground? As if it stood not on the basis of everlasting duty as a prime necessity of man. Brougham was untiring in his efforts for popular education, and some idea as to the interest he awakened may be inferred from the fact that his _Observations on the Education of the People_, published in 1825, went through twenty editions the first year. He introduced bills, secured committees of inquiry, made addresses, [27] and used his pen in behalf of the education of the people. His belief in the power of education to improve a people was very large. Warning the "Lawgivers of England" to take heed, he once said: Let the soldier be abroad, if he will; he can do nothing in this age. There is another personage abroad, a person less imposing--in the eye of some insignificant. The Schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust him, armed with his primer, against the soldier in full uniform array. The conqueror stalks onward with the "pride, pomp, and circumstance of war," banners flying, shouts rending the air, guns thundering, and martial music pealing, to drown the shrieks of the wounded and the lamentations for the slain. Not thus the schoolmaster in his peaceful vocation. He meditates and prepares in secret the plans which are to bless mankind; he slowly gathers around him those who are to further their execution; he quietly, though firmly, advances in his humble path laboring steadily, but calmly, till he has opened to the light all the recesses of ignorance, and torn up by the roots the weeds of vice. His is a progress not to be compared with anything like a march; but it leads to a far more brilliant triumph, and to laurels more imperishable than the destroyer of his species, the scourge of the world, ever won. [Illustration: FIG. 190 LORD BROUGHAM (1778-1868)] [Illustration: FIG. 191. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE SCHOOL IN 1840 (After a drawing by Hablôt K. Browne, and printed in Charles Dickens's "Master Humphrey's Clock")] Parallel with the agitation for some state action for education was an agitation for social and political reform. The basis for the election of members to the House of Commons was still mediaeval. Boroughs no longer inhabited still returned members, and sparsely settled regions returned members out of all proportion to the newly created city populations. Few, too, could vote. Only about 160,000 persons in a population of 10,000,000 had, early in the century, the right of the franchise. The city populations were practically disfranchised in favor of rural landlords, the nobility, and the clergy. In 1828 Protestant Non-Conformists were relieved of their political disability, and in 1829 a similar enfranchisement was extended to Catholics. In 1832 came the first real voting reform in the passage of the so-called _Third Reform Bill_ [28] after a most bitter parliamentary struggle. This reapportioned the membership of the House on a more equitable basis, and enfranchised those who owned or leased lands or buildings of a value of £10 a year. The result of this was to enfranchise the middle class of the population; increase the number of voters (1836) from about 175,000 to about 839,500 out of 6,023,000 adult males; and effectively break the power of the House of Lords to elect the House of Commons. Progressive legislation now became much easier to secure, and in 1833 a Bill making a grant of £20,000 a year to aid in building schoolhouses for elementary schools--the first government aid for elementary education ever voted in England--became a law (R. 299). During the few years following the passage of the Reform Bill many progressive measures were enacted, among which should be mentioned the abolition of slavery in the colonies; the beginnings of legislation looking to a scientific treatment of poverty and non- employment; the Municipal Reform Act (1835); the institution of the penny post (1839); and the abolition of the Corn Laws (1846); while after 1837 education began to take a prominent place in the programs of the new working-class movement. PROGRESS AFTER 1833. The Law of 1833, though, made but the merest beginnings, and up to 1840 the money granted was given to the two great national school societies, and without regulation. Beginning in 1840, and continuing up to the beginnings of national education, in 1870, the grants were state-controlled and distributed through the different educational societies. The total of these grants, by years, and the proportional share of the different educational societies are well shown in the chart (Fig. 192.) In 1846 the grants were extended to maintenance as well, and in 1847 Catholic and Wesleyan societies were admitted to share in the grants. Soon thereafter we note a sharp upward turn of the curve, though the Church-of- England schools obtained the greater proportion of the increased funds. Proposals to add local taxation, in 1853 and 1856, were dropped almost as soon as made. The commercial and manufacturing interests, though, secured separate aid for art and science instruction (1841, 1853), and the creation of national art training-schools (1853). Training-schools for teachers also were begun, and aided by grants. In 1845 the English "pupil- teacher" system [29] also was begun in an effort to supply teachers of some little training. A State Department of Education was created, in 1856, though without much power, and the various "Minutes" which were now adopted were organized into a system and presented to Parliament as a _School Code_, in 1861, and finally approved. New Educational Commissions were created to inquire into educational conditions and needs in 1858 and 1864, and these reported in 1861 and 1867, but without important results. The most notable of these was the Duke of Newcastle's Commission, appointed in 1858 to review conditions, progress, and needs, and to make recommendations for the future. This Commission reported in 1861. It stated that one in every eight of the population was then in some kind of school; gave statistics as to conditions (R. 303 a); and held that the plan of leaving popular education to the voluntary initiative of communities had been justified by the results. The report presented no plan for national organization, but recommended a number of minor changes in conditions. In particular it recommended the introduction of the system of "payment by results"--that is, of making money grants to schools on the basis of the number of pupils passing set examinations in reading, writing, and arithmetic (R. 303 b). This plan was begun in 1862, and the consequent drop in money grants for a few years thereafter is shown in the curves of the chart. The other Commission, appointed, known as the Taunton Schools Inquiry Commission (1864-67), dealt with the old endowed schools, and in particular called attention to the lack of secondary-school facilities, especially in the cities, and recommended an extension of secondary-school facilities and a democratization of the whole system of secondary education. The important legislation of this period was the freeing of the old universities from Church-of-England control (R. 305) and making them national in spirit. [Illustration: FIG. 192. EXPENDITURE FROM THE EDUCATION GRANTS, 1839-70 Between 1833 and 1839 no Government regulation of grants. The above figures do not include administration expenses, or grants made to Scotland (about the same in amount as the Br. & F. S. Soc.) or to the Parochial Schools Union (very small). The drop in the curve between 1862 and 1867 was due to the introduction of the "payment by results" plan.] [Illustration: FIG. 193 LORD MACAULAY (1800-59)] DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED. In the meantime liberal leaders, Schools Inquiry Commissions, official reports, and educational propagandists continued to pile up evidence as to the inadequacy of the old voluntary system. A few examples, out of hundreds that might be cited, will be mentioned here. Lord Macaulay, in an address made in Parliament, in 1847 (R. 300), defending a "Minute" of the "Committee of Privy Council on Education" (created in 1839) proposing the nationalization of education, held it to be "the right and duty of the State to provide for the education of the common people," as an exercise of self-protection, and warned the Commons of dangers to come if the progressive tendencies of the time were not listened to. The Census Returns of 1851, as well as the abundance of data published by the Schools Inquiry Commissions, were effectively used to reveal the inadequate provisions for the education of the masses. The Reports of the school inspectors, too, revealed conditions in need of being remedied in all phases of educational effort. The Report on the Apprenticing of Pauper Children (R. 301) is selected as typical of many similar reports. FACTS REVEALED BY THE CENSUS OF 1851 Items 1833 1851 (1) Population of England and Wales 14,400,000 17,927,609 (2) Middle and upper classes population 2,000,000 2,489,945 (3) Laboring class populations 12,400,000 15,437,664 (4) Population 3-12 years of age of (2) 420,000 522,888 (5) Population 3-12 years of age of (3) 2,604,000 3,241,919 (6) Number of schools for children of (2) 14,807 16,324 (7) Number of schools for children of (3) 24,074 29,718 (8) Pupils of class (2) in schools 481,728 546,396 (9) Pupils of class (3) in schools 705,219 1,597,982 (10) Percentage of children of class (2) at school 114.6 104.4 (11) Percentage of children of class (3) at school 30.5 49.2 So deeply ingrained, though, was the English conception of education as a private and voluntary and religious affair and no business of the State; so self-contained were the English as a people; and so little did they know or heed the progress made in other lands, that the arguments for national action encountered tremendous opposition from the Conservative elements, and often were opposed even by Liberals. The reasoning of Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth (R. 302), Secretary of the Committee of Council on Education and one of the clearest heads in England in his day, who held that a fee for instruction had a moral value and vindicated personal freedom, and who resented the interference of the State in the matter of a parent's relation to his child, was typical of thousands of others. Edward Baines (1774-1848), proprietor of the _Leeds Mercury_, the chief Liberal organ in northern England, bitterly opposed any action looking toward nationalizing education. He expressed the feeling of many when he wrote: Civil government is no fit agency for the training of families or of souls.... Throw the people on their own resources in education, as you did in industry; and be assured, that, in a nation so full of intelligence and spirit, Freedom and Competition will give the same stimulus to improvement in our schools, as they have done in our manufactures, our husbandry, our shipping, and our commerce. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION. By 1865 it had become evident to a majority that the voluntary system, whatever its merits, would never succeed in educating the nation, and from this time forth the demand for some acceptable scheme for the organization of national education became a part of a still more general movement for political and social reform. Once more, as in 1832-33, an education law was enacted following the passage of a bill for electoral reform and the extension of the suffrage. Though the Liberal Party was in power, it was well satisfied with the Reform Act of 1832 because through it the middle classes of the population, which the Liberal Party represented, had gained control of the government. The country, though, was not--the working-classes in particular demanding a share in the government. Finally the demand became too strong to be resisted, and the Second Reform Act, of 1867, became a law. This abolished a number of the remaining smaller boroughs, and greatly extended the right to vote. In the country the amount of property to be owned to vote was reduced from £10 to £5, and the leasehold value from £50 to £12. In the cities and towns the vote was now given to all householders, and to all lodgers who paid a yearly rental of £10. This legislation gave the vote to a vastly increased number of people, particularly city workers, [30] and was a political revolution for England of great magnitude. From the passage of this new Reform Act to 1870, the organization of national education only awaited the formulation of some acceptable scheme. "We must educate our new masters," now became a common expression. The main question was how to create schools to do what the voluntary schools had shown themselves able to do for a part, but were unable to do for all, without at the same time destroying the vast denominational system [31] that, in spite of its defects, had "done the great service of rearing a race of teachers, spreading schools, setting up a standard of education, and generally making the introduction of a national system possible." The way in which these "vested interests" were cared for was typically English, and characteristic of the strong sense of obligation of the English people. In 1870 a compromise law was proposed and carried. Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, stated the attitude of the Government in framing the new law, when he said: [32] It was with us an absolute necessity--a necessity of honour and a necessity of policy--to respect and to favour the educational establishments and machinery we found existing in the country. It was impossible for us to join in the language or to adopt the tone which was conscientiously and consistently taken up by some members of the House, who look upon these voluntary schools, having generally a denominational character, as admirable passing expedients, fit, indeed, to be tolerated for a time, deserving all credit on account of the motives which led to their foundation, but wholly unsatisfactory as to their main purpose, and therefore to be supplanted by something they think better.... That has never been the theory of the Government.... When we are approaching this great work, which we desire to make complete, we ought to have a sentiment of thankfulness that so much has been done for us. [Illustration: FIG. 194. WORK OF THE SCHOOL BOARDS IN PROVIDING SCHOOL ACCOMMODATIONS London taken as a type. Note the deficiency in school accommodation in 1838, that the voluntary schools made no appreciable gain on this deficiency up to 1870, the attempt to cope with the situation between 1871 and 1874, and the long pull of the new Board schools necessary to provide sufficient schools and seats.] Accordingly the Elementary Education Bill of 1870 (R. 304) preserved the existing Voluntary Schools; divided the country up into school districts; gave the denominations a short period in which to provide schools, with aid for buildings; [33] and thereafter, in any place where a deficiency in school accommodations could be shown to exist; School Boards were to be elected, and they should have power to levy taxes and maintain elementary schools. Existing Voluntary Schools might be transferred to the School Boards, whose schools were to be known as Board Schools. The schools were not ordered made free, but the fees of necessitous children were to be provided for by the School Boards, and they might compel the attendance of all children between the ages of five and twelve. Inspection and grants were limited to secular subjects, though religious teaching was not forbidden. The central government was to be secular and neutral; the local boards might decide as they saw fit. Such were the beginnings of national education in England. That the new Board Schools met a real need, especially in the cities, is shown by the chart on the preceding page, giving the results in London. IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONAL SYSTEM PROGRESS UNDER THE LAW OF 1870. Beginning in 1871 the Board Schools had, by 1893, come to enroll 41 per cent of the pupils in elementary schools in England, as against 44 per cent in Voluntary Schools, and by 1903 the proportions were 49 per cent to 39 per cent. By 1902 the government grants for maintenance had reached, for all schools, £8,000,000 a year, and the Board Schools were rapidly outrunning the Voluntary Schools both in numbers and in per-capita expenditures. The Board Schools had made their greatest headway in the cities. In 1895 there were still some 11,000 small parishes which had no Board Schools, and in consequence paid no direct taxes for schools. Of these, 8000 had only Church-of-England Voluntary Schools. In 1880 elementary education had been made fully compulsory, and in 1891 largely free. In 1893 the age for exemption from attendance was fixed at eleven, and in 1899 this was raised to twelve. In 1888 county and borough councils had been created, better to enforce the Act and to extend supervision. The _Annual Codes_, from 1870 to 1902, gradually extended governmental control through more and more detailed instructions as to inspection, the addition of new subjects, and better compulsion to attend. In 1899 a Central Board of Education, under a President and a Parliamentary Secretary, was created, to consolidate in one body the work formerly done by: a. The Committee of Council on Education (established 1839), which administered the grants for elementary education. b. The Department of Science and Art (established 1853), which administered the grants for special and evening instruction in science and art. c. The Charity Commissioners, to which had been given (1874) supervision of the old educational trusts and endowments for education. d. The educational functions of the Board of Agriculture. This new Board unified the administration of elementary and secondary education for the first time in English history. By about 1895 the strain on the Voluntary Schools had become hard to bear. The Church resented the encroachments of the State on its ancient privilege of training the young, and the larger resources which the Board Schools could command. In 1895 the Conservative party won the parliamentary elections, and remained in power for some years. This was the opportunity of the Voluntary Schools, and in 1897 a special national- aid grant of five shillings per pupil in average daily attendance was made to the Voluntary Schools. This simply increased the general dissatisfaction, and there was soon a general demand for new legislation that would reconcile the whole question of national education. The Law of 1902 was the ultimate result. THE ANNEXATION LAW OF 1902. The Balfour Education Act of 1902 marks the beginning of a new period in English education. For the first time in English history education of all grades--elementary, secondary, and higher; voluntary and state--was brought under the control of one single local authority, and Voluntary Schools were taken over and made a charge on the "rates" equally with the Board Schools. New local Educational Committees and Councils replaced the old School Boards, and all secular instruction in state-aided schools of all types was now placed under their control. Religious instruction could continue where desired. In addition, one third of the property of England, which had heretofore escaped all direct taxation for education, was now compelled to pay its proper share. The foundation principle that "the wealth of the. State must educate the children of the State" was now applied, for the first time. The State now abandoned the old policy of merely supervising and assisting voluntary associations to maintain schools, in competition with state- provided schools, and assumed the whole responsibility for the secular instruction of the people. Though the law awakened intense opposition from those who felt that it "riveted the hand of the cleric on the schools of the land," it nevertheless equalized and unified educational provisions; paved the way for much future progress; made the general provision of secondary education possible; and represented an important new step in the process of creating a national system of education for the people. Under this Law much has been done by the new Central Board of Education, and subsequent supplementary legislation, to increase materially the efficiency of the education provided. Since 1902 the cost for education per pupil has been increased more than one half. The local authorities, to whom were given large powers of control, have levied taxes liberally, and the State has also increased its grants. Since 1902 also there has been a continual agitation for a resettlement of the educational question along broad national lines. Bills have been introduced, and important committees have considered the matter, but no affirmative action was taken. By the time of the opening of the World War it may be said that English opinion had about agreed upon the principle of public control of all schools, absolute religious freedom for teachers, local option as to religious instruction, large local liberty in management and control, well-trained and well-paid teachers, and the fusing of all types of schools into a democratic and truly national school system, strong in its unity and national elements, but free from centralized bureaucratic control. It was left for the World War to give emphasis to this national need and to permit the final creation of such an educational organization. THE INCORPORATION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION INTO THE NATIONAL SYSTEM. For centuries the education of the small ruling class has been conducted by the private tutor and the endowed secondary school, and had been completed by a few years at Oxford or Cambridge. The Reform Bill of 1832 had raised the middle commercial and industrial classes to power, and had created new demands for secondary and higher education for the sons of this class. The old endowed schools were now no longer sufficient in numbers, and the result was the founding of many private and joint-stock-company secondary schools to minister to the new educational needs. The Second Reform Bill of 1867 enfranchised a very much greater number of citizens, and the increasing wealth and the increasing demands for educational advantages led to an insistence for a further extension along secondary and higher lines. The result was seen in the investigation of the nine "Great Public Schools" of England, [34] by the Lord Clarendon Commission (1861-64); and the appointment of the British Schools Inquiry Commission of 1864-67, to inquire into the 820 other endowed schools and the 122 proprietary or joint-stock-company schools of the land. The Report of the first led to the Public Schools Act of 1868, reforming abuses and regulating the use of their old endowments. The second pointed out the great deficiency then existing in secondary education, [35] and led to the enactment of the Endowed Schools Act of 1869, placing all endowed schools under centralized supervision. We see here the beginnings of state supervision and control of the age-old endowments for Latin grammar schools and other types of schools for secondary training. The repeal of the old Religious-Tests-for- Degrees legislation, at the old universities (R. 305), in 1871, transformed these from Church-of-England into national institutions, and opened up the whole range of education to all who could meet the standards and pay the fees. Under the Act of 1870 many local school boards, especially in the manufacturing cities, began to satisfy the new needs by the organization of Higher Grade Schools, or High Schools, to supplement the work of the elementary schools and to extend upward, in a truly democratic fashion, the educational ladder. In this movement the manufacturing cities of Sheffield, Birmingham, and Manchester were the leaders. In these three cities also, as well as in four others (Bristol, Leeds, Liverpool, and London) [36] new modern-type universities were created. The Department of Science and Art (created in 1853) also began, in 1872, to give large grants to the cities for the establishment of a three-years' course in science, for the encouragement of scientific training. These new secondary-type schools, providing for the direct passage of children from the elementary to the secondary schools, with many free places for capable students, served to increase the friction between rate-aided schools on the one hand, and voluntary and endowed and proprietary schools on the other. Carrying out, as they did, Huxley's idea of a broad educational ladder, [37] they also represented a very democratic innovation in English educational procedure. In 1894 a Commission--a favorite English method for considering vexatious questions--was appointed, under the chairmanship of Mr. James (afterwards Lord) Bryce, "to consider the best methods of establishing a well- organized system of secondary education in England." The Report was important and influential. It recommended the creation of a general Board of Education under a responsible government Minister, with a permanent Secretary and a Consultative Educational Council (as was done in 1899); the establishment of local county and borough boards to provide adequate secondary-school accommodations, with aid from the "rates"; the inspection of secondary schools by the Central Board of Education; the professional training of secondary-school teachers; and a great extension of the free- scholarship plan to children from the elementary schools. On this last point the Report said: [38] We have to consider the means whereby the children of the less well- to-do classes of our population may be enabled to obtain such secondary education as may be suitable and needful for them. As we have not recommended that secondary education shall be provided free of cost to the whole community, we deem it all the more needful that ample provision be made by every local authority for enabling selected children of poorer parents to climb the educational ladder.... The assistance we have contemplated should be given by means of a carefully graduated system of scholarships, varying in value in the age at which they are awarded and the class of school or institution at which they are tenable. The Act of 1902 unified control of both elementary and secondary education. Any private or endowed secondary school was left free to accept or reject government aid and inspection, but, if the aid were accepted, inspection and the following of government plans were required. Secondary education must provide for scholars up to or beyond the age of sixteen. No attempt was made to unify the work and character of the secondary schools, it being clearly recognized that, in England at least, these must be suited to the different requirements of the scholars, the means of the parents, the age at which schooling will stop, and the probable place in the social organism of England which the pupils will occupy. By 1910, out of 841 secondary schools in England receiving grants of state aid, 325 were supported by local authorities and were the creations of the preceding four decades. Most of the others represented old Latin grammar- school foundations, thus incorporated into the national system, and without that violence and destruction of endowments which characterized the transformations in France and Italy. [Illustration: FIG. 195. THE ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AS FINALLY EVOLVED The years, for the divisions of English education, are only approximate, as English education is more flexible than that found in most other lands.] A NATIONAL SYSTEM AT LAST EVOLVED. It is a little more than two centuries from the founding of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (1699) to the very important Fisher Education Act [39] of August, 1918. The first marked the beginnings of the voluntary system; the second "the first real attempt in England to lay broad and deep the foundations of a scheme of education which would be truly national." This Act, passed by Parliament in the midst of a war which called upon the English people for heavy sacrifices, completed the evolution of two centuries and organized the educational resources--elementary, secondary, evening, adult, technical, and higher--into one national system, animated by a national purpose, and aimed at the accomplishment for the nation of twentieth- century ends on the most democratic basis of any school system in Europe. In so doing Huxley's educational ladder has not only been changed into a broad highway, but the educational traditions of England (R. 306) have been preserved and moulded anew. The central national supervisory authority has been still further strengthened; the compulsion to attend greatly extended; and the voice of the State has been uttered in a firmer tone than ever before in English educational history. Taxes have been increased; the scope of the school system extended; all elements of the system better integrated; laggard local educational authorities subjected to firmer control; the training of teachers looked after more carefully than ever before; and the foundations for unlimited improvement and progress in education laid down. Still, in doing all this, the deep English devotion to local liberties has been clearly revealed. The dangers of a centralized French-type educational bureaucracy have been avoided; necessary, and relatively high, minimum standards have been set up, but without sacrificing that variety which has always been one of the strong points of English educational effort; and the legitimate claims of the State have been satisfied without destroying local initiative and independence. In this story of two centuries and more of struggle to create a really national system of education for the people we see strongly revealed those prominent characteristics of English national progress--careful consideration of new ideas, keen sensitiveness to vested rights, strong sense of local liberties and responsibilities, large dependence on local effort and good sense, progress by compromise, and a slow grafting-on of the best elements of what is new without sacrificing the best elements of what is old. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Show that the English method of slow progress and after long discussion would naturally result in a plan bearing evidence of many compromises. 2. What does the extensive Charity-School movement in eighteenth-century England indicate as to the comparative general interest in learning in England and the other lands we have previously studied? 3. Show how the Sunday-School instruction, meager as it was, was very important in England in paving the way for further educational progress. 4. What do all the different late eighteenth-century voluntary educational movements indicate as to comparative popular interest in education in England and Prussia? England and France? 5. Can you explain the much greater percentage of city poor in England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries than in French or German lands? 6. Can you explain why periods of prolonged warfare are usually followed by periods of social and political unrest? 7. Can you explain why Pestalozzian ideas found such slow acceptance in England? 8. Explain, on the basis of the English adult manufacturing conception of education, why monitorial instruction was hailed as "a new expedient, parallel and rival to the modern inventions in the mechanical departments." 9. To what extent do we now accept Robert Owen's conception of the influence of education on children? 10. Show how the many philanthropic societies for the education of the children of the poor came in as a natural transition from church to state education. 11. Show the importance of the School Societies in accustoming people to the idea of free and general education. 12. Show how the Lancastrian system formed a natural bridge between private philanthropy in education and tax-supported state schools. 13. Why were the highly mechanical features of the Lancastrian organization so advantageous in its day, whereas we of to-day would regard them as such a disadvantage? 14. Explain how the Lancastrian schools dignified the work of the teacher by revealing the need for teacher-training. 15. Assuming that there may be some validity to the arguments of Kay- Shuttleworth, what are the limitations to such reasoning? 16. What theory as to education would naturally lie behind a "payment-by- results" plan of distributing state aid? 17. Show how English educational development during the nineteenth century has been deeply modified by the progress of democracy. 18. Show how the English have attained to minimum standards without imposing uniform requirements that destroy individuality and initiative. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 291. Parliamentary Report: Charity-School Education described. 292. S.P.C.K.: Cost and Support of Charity-Schools. 293. Raikes: Description of the Gloucester Sunday Schools. 294. Guthrie: Organization, Support, and Work of a Ragged School. 295. Smith, A.: On the Education of the Common People. 296. Malthus: On National Education. 297. Smith, S.: The School of Lancaster described. 298. Philanthropist: Automatic Character of the Monitorial Schools. 299. Montmorency, de: The First Parliamentary Grant for Education. 300. Macaulay: On the Duty of the State to Provide Education. 301. Mosely: Evils of Apprenticing the Children of Paupers. 302. Kay-Shuttleworth: Typical Reasoning in Opposition to Free Schools. 303. Macnamera: The Duke of Newcastle Commission Report. 304. Statute: Elementary Education Act of 1870. 305. Statute: Abolition of Religious Tests at the Universities. 306. Times: The Educational Traditions of England. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Characterize the type of education described by the witness (291). 2. Considering equipment provided and comparative money values, then and now, about how much of an effort did support (292) involve? 3. What class of children did Raikes (293) make provision for? 4. Characterize the type of education provided (294) in the Ragged Schools. 5. Would Adam Smith's reasoning (295) still hold true? 6. Would that of Malthus (296)? 7. Indicate the improvements Lancaster had made (297, 298) in organization and teaching efficiency. 8. Was the first English parliamentary grant (299) expressive of deep national interest? 9. Would Macaulay's reasoning (300) still be true? 10. Is it probable that the apprenticing of paupers had always given such (301) results? 11. How sound was Kay-Shuttleworth's reasoning (302)? 12. What merit was there to the "payment-by-results" recommendation of the Duke of Newcastle Commission (303)? 13. Just what kind of schools did the Act of 1870 (304) make provision for? 14. Have we ever had such religious requirements as those so long maintained (305) at the English universities? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Allen, W. O. B. and McClure, E. _Two Hundred Years; History of S.P.C.K. 1698-1898_. Adams, Francis. _History of the Elementary School Contest in England_. * Binns, H. B. _A Century of Education, 1808-1908, History of the British and Foreign School Society_. * Birchenough, C. _History of Elementary Education in England and Wales since 1800_. Escott, T. H. S. _Social Transformations of the Victorian Era_. Harris, J. H. _Robert Raikes; the Man and his Work_. * Holman, H. _English National Education_. * Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _The Progress of Education in England_. * Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English Education to 1833_. * Salmon, David. _Joseph Lancaster_. CHAPTER XXV AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES I. EARLY NATIONAL ATTITUDES AND INTERESTS THE AMERICAN PROBLEM. The beginnings of state educational organization in the United States present quite a different history from that traced for Prussia, France, Italy, or England. While the parochial school existed in the Central Colonies, and in time had to be subordinated to state ends; and while the idea of education as a charity had been introduced into all the Anglican Colonies, and later had to be stamped out; the problem of educational organization in America was not, as in Europe, one of bringing church schools and old educational foundations into harmonious working relations with the new state school systems set up. Instead the old educational foundations were easily transformed to adapt them to the new conditions, while only in the Central Colonies did the religious-charity conception of education give any particular trouble. The American educational problem was essentially that of first awakening, in a new land, a consciousness of need for general education; and second, that of developing a willingness to pay for what it finally came to be deemed desirable to provide. By the middle of the eighteenth century, as we have pointed out (p. 438), the earlier religious interests in America had clearly begun to wane. In the New England Colonies the school of the civil town had largely replaced the earlier religious school. In the Middle Colonies many of the parochial schools had died out. In the Southern Colonies, where the classes in society and negro slavery made common schools impossible, and the lack of city life and manufacturing made them seem largely unnecessary, the common school had tended to disappear. Even in New England, where the Calvinistic conception of the importance of education had most firmly established the idea of school support, the eighteenth century witnessed a constant struggle to prevent the dying-out of that which an earlier generation had deemed it important to create. EFFECT OF THE WAR ON EDUCATION. The effect of the American War for Independence, on all types of schools, was disastrous. The growing troubles with the mother country had, for more than a decade previous to the opening of hostilities, tended to concentrate attention on other matters than schooling. Political discussion and agitation had largely monopolized the thinking of the time. With the outbreak of the war education everywhere suffered seriously. Most of the rural and parochial schools closed, or continued a more or less intermittent existence. In New York City, then the second largest city in the country, practically all schools closed with British occupancy and remained closed until after the end of the war. The Latin grammar schools and academies often closed from lack of pupils, while the colleges were almost deserted. Harvard and Kings, in particular, suffered grievously, and sacrificed much for the cause of liberty. The war engrossed the energies and the resources of the peoples of the different Colonies, and schools, never very securely placed in the affections of the people, outside of New England, were allowed to fall into decay or entirely disappear. The period of the Revolution and the period of reorganization which followed, up to the beginning of the national government (1775-89), were together a time of rapid decline in educational advantages and increasing illiteracy among the people. Meager as had been the opportunities for schooling before 1775, the opportunities by 1790, except in a few cities and in the New England districts, had shrunk almost to the vanishing point. For Boston (R. 307), Providence (Rs. 309, 310), and a number of other places we have good pictures preserved of the schools which actually did exist. The close of the war found the country both impoverished and exhausted. All the Colonies had made heavy sacrifices, many had been overrun by hostile armies, and the debt of the Union and of the States was so great that many thought it could never be paid. The thirteen States, individually and collectively, with only 3,380,000 people, had incurred an indebtedness of $75,000,000 for the prosecution of the conflict. Commerce was dead, the Government of the Confederation was impotent, petty insurrections were common, the States were quarreling continually with one another over all kinds of trivial matters, England still remained more or less hostile, and foreign complications began to appear. That during such a crucial period, and for some years following, but little or no attention was anywhere given to the question of education was only natural. NO REAL EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEFORE ABOUT 1820. Regardless of the national land grants for education made to the new States (p. 523), the provisions of the different state constitutions (R. 259), the beginnings made here and there in the few cities of the time, and the early state laws (R. 262), it can hardly be said that the American people had developed an educational consciousness, outside of New England and New York, before about 1820, and in some of the States, especially in the South, a state educational consciousness was not awakened until very much later. Even in New England there was a steady decline in education during the first fifty years of the national history. There were many reasons in the national life for this lack of interest in education among the masses of the people. The simple agricultural life of the time, the homogeneity of the people, the absence of cities, the isolation and independence of the villages, the lack of full manhood suffrage in a number of the States, the want of any economic demand for education, and the fact that no important political question calling for settlement at the polls had as yet arisen, made the need for schools and learning seem a relatively minor one. The country, too, was still very poor. The Revolutionary War debt still hung in part over the Nation, and the demand for money and labor for all kinds of internal improvements was very large. The country had few industries, and its foreign trade was badly hampered by European nations. Ways and means of strengthening the existing Government and holding the Union together, [1] rather than plans which could bear fruit only in the future, occupied the attention of the leaders of the time. When the people had finally settled their political and commercial future by the War of 1812-14, and had built up a national consciousness on a democratic basis in the years immediately following, and the Nation at last possessed the energy, the money, and the interest for doing so, they finally turned their energies toward the creation of a democratic system of public schools. In the meantime, education, outside of New England, and in part even there, was left largely to private individuals, churches, incorporated school societies, and such state schools for the children of the poor as might have been provided by private or state funds, or the two combined. THE REAL INTEREST IN ADVANCED EDUCATION. In so far as the American people may be said to have possessed a real interest in education during the first half-century of the national existence, it was manifested in the establishment and endowment of academies and colleges rather than in the creation of schools for the people. The colonial Latin grammar school had been almost entirely an English institution, and never well suited to American needs. As democratic consciousness began to arise, the demand came for a more practical institution, less exclusive and less aristocratic in character, and better adapted in its instruction to the needs of a frontier society. Arising about the middle of the eighteenth century, a number of so-called Academies had been founded before the new National Government took shape. While essentially private institutions, arising from a church foundation, or more commonly a local subscription or endowment, it became customary for towns, counties, and States to assist in their maintenance, thus making them semi-public institutions. Their management, though, usually remained in private hands, or under boards or associations. [2] Beside offering a fair type of higher training [3] before the days of high schools, the academies also became training-schools for teachers, and before the rise of the normal schools were the chief source of supply for the better grade of elementary teachers. These institutions rendered an important service during the first half of the nineteenth century, but were in time displaced by the publicly supported and publicly controlled American high school, the first of which dates from 1821. This evolution we shall describe more in detail a little later on. THE COLLEGES OF THE TIME. Some interest also was taken in college education during this early national period. College attendance, however, was small, as the country was still new and the people were poor. As late as 1815, Harvard graduated a class of but 66; Yale of 69; Princeton of 40; Williams of 40; Pennsylvania of 15; and the University of South Carolina of 37. After the organization of the Union the nine old colonial colleges were reorganized, and an attempt was made to bring them into closer harmony with the ideas and needs of the people and the governments of the States. Dartmouth, Kings (now rechristened Columbia), and Pennsylvania were for a time changed into state institutions, and an unsuccessful attempt was made to make a state university for Virginia out of William and Mary. Fifteen additional colleges were organized by 1800, and fourteen more by 1820. Between 1790 and 1825 there was much discussion as to the desirability of founding a national university at the seat of government, and Washington in his will (1799) left, for that time, a considerable sum to the Nation to inaugurate the new undertaking. Nothing ever came of it, however. Before 1825 six States--Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Indiana, and Michigan--had laid the foundations of future state universities. The National Government had also granted to each new Western State two entire townships of land to help endow a university in each--a stimulus which eventually led to the establishment of a state university in every Western State. A HALF-CENTURY OF TRANSITION. The first half-century of the national life may be regarded as a period of transition from the church-control idea of education over to the idea of education under the control of and supported by the State. Though many of the early States had provided for state school systems in their constitutions (R. 259), the schools had not been set up, or set up only here and there. It required time to make this change in thinking. Up to the period of the beginnings of our national development education had almost everywhere been regarded as an affair of the Church, somewhat akin to baptism, marriage, the administration of the sacraments, and the burial of the dead. Even in New England, which formed an exception, the evolution of the civic school from the church school was not yet complete. The church charity-school had become, as we have seen (p. 449), a familiar institution before the Revolution. The English "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" (p. 449), which maintained schools in connection with the Anglican churches in the Anglican Colonies and provided an excellent grade of charity-school master, withdrew at the close of the Revolutionary War from work in this country. The different churches after the war continued their efforts to maintain their church charity-schools, though there was for a time a decrease in both their numbers and their effectiveness. In the meantime the demand for education grew rather rapidly, and the task soon became too big for the churches to handle. For long the churches made an effort to keep up, as they were loath to relinquish in any way their former hold on the training of the young. The churches, however, were not interested in the problem except in the old way, and this was not what the new democracy wanted. The result was that, with the coming of nationality and the slow but gradual growth of a national consciousness, national pride, national needs, and the gradual development of national resources in the shape of taxable property--all alike combined to make secular instead of religious schools seem both desirable and possible to a constantly increasing number of citizens. II. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS Between about 1810 and 1830 a number of new forces--philanthropic, political, social, economic--combined to change the earlier attitude by producing conditions which made state rather than church control and support of education seem both desirable and feasible. The change, too, was markedly facilitated by the work of a number of semi-private philanthropic agencies which now began the work of founding schools and building up an interest in education, the most important of which were: (1) the Sunday-School movement; (2) the City School Societies; (3) the Lancastrian movement; and (4) the Infant-School Societies. These will be described briefly, and their influence in awakening an educational consciousness pointed out. THE SUNDAY-SCHOOL MOVEMENT. The Sunday School, as a means of providing the merest rudiments of secular and religious learning, had been made, through the initiative of Raikes of Gloucester (p. 617), a very important English institution for providing the beginnings of instruction for the children of the city poor. Raikes's idea was soon carried to the United States. In 1786 a Sunday School after the Raikes plan was organized in Hanover County, Virginia. In 1787 a Sunday School for African children was organized at Charleston, South Carolina. In 1791 "The First Day, or Sunday School Society," was organized at Philadelphia, for the establishment of Sunday Schools in that city. In 1793 Katy Ferguson's "School for the Poor" was opened in New York, and this was followed by an organization of New York women for the extension of secular instruction among the poor. In 1797 Samuel Slater's Factory School was opened at Pawtucket, Rhode Island. Though there had been some Sunday instruction earlier at a few places in New England, the introduction of the Sunday School from England, in 1786, marked the real beginning of the religious Sunday School in America. After the churches had once caught the idea of a common religious school on Sundays for the instruction of any one, a number of societies were formed to carry on and extend the work. The most important of these were: 1808. The Evangelical Society of Philadelphia. 1816. The Female Union for the Promotion of Sabbath Schools (New York). 1816. The New York Sunday School Union. 1816. The Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor. 1817. The Philadelphia Sunday and Adult School Union. 1824. The American Sunday School Union. These different types of American Sunday Schools, being open to all instead of only to the poor and lowly, had a small but an increasing influence in leveling class distinctions and in making a common day school seem possible. The movement for secular instruction on Sundays, though, soon met in America with the opposition of the churches, and before long they took over the idea, superseded private initiative and control, and changed the character of the instruction from a day of secular work to an hour or so of religious teaching. The Sunday School, in consequence, never exercised the influence in educational development in America that it did in England. THE CITY SCHOOL SOCIETIES. These were patterned after the English charity- school subscription societies, and were formed in a number of American cities during the first quarter of the nineteenth century for the purpose of providing the rudiments of an education to those too poor to pay for schooling. These Societies were usually organized by philanthropic citizens, willing to contribute something yearly to provide some little education for a few of the many children in the city having no opportunities for any instruction. A number of these Societies were able to effect some financial connection with the city or the State. One of the first of these School Societies was "The Manumission Society," organized in New York, in 1785, for the purpose of "mitigating the evils of slavery, to defend the rights of the blacks, and especially to give them the elements of an education." Alexander Hamilton and John Jay were among its organizers. A free school for colored pupils was opened, in 1787. This grew and prospered and was aided from time to time by the city, and in 1801 by the State. Finally, in 1834, all its schools were merged with those of the "Public School Society" of the city. In 1801 the first free school for poor white children "whose parents belong to no religious society, and who, from some cause or other, cannot be admitted into any of the charity schools of the city," was opened. This was provided by the "Association of Women Friends for the Relief of the Poor," which engaged "a widow woman of good education and morals as instructor" at £30 per year. This Association also prospered, and received some city or state aid up to 1824. By 1823 it was providing free elementary education for 750 children. Its schools also were later merged with those of the "Public School Society." "THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SOCIETY." Perhaps the most famous of all the early subscription societies for the maintenance of schools for the poor was the "New York Free School Society," which later changed its name to that of "The Public School Society of New York." This was organized, in 1805, under the leadership of De Witt Clinton, then mayor of the city, he heading the subscription list with a promise of $200 a year for support. On May 14, 1806, the following advertisement appeared in the daily papers: FREE SCHOOL The Trustees of the Society for establishing a Free School in the city of New York, for the education of such poor children as do not belong to, or are not provided for by any religious Society, having engaged a Teacher, and procured a School House for the accommodation of a School, have now the pleasure of announcing that it is proposed to receive scholars of the descriptions alluded to without delay; applications may be made to, &c. Four days later the officers of the Society issued a general appeal to the public (R. 311), setting forth the purposes of the Society and soliciting funds. [Illustration: FIG. 196. THE FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE BUILT BY THE FREE SCHOOL SOCIETY IN NEW YORK CITY Built in 1809, in Tryon Row. Cost, without site, $13,000.] This Society was chartered by the legislature "to provide schooling for all children who are the proper objects of a gratuitous education." It organized free public education in the city, secured funds, built schoolhouses, provided and trained teachers, and ably supplemented the work of the private and church schools. By its energy and its persistence it secured for itself a large share of public confidence, and aroused a constantly increasing interest in the cause of popular education. In 1853, after it had educated over 600,000 children and trained over 1200 teachers, this Society, its work done, surrendered its charter and turned over its buildings and equipment to the public-school department of the city, which had been created by the legislature in 1842. SCHOOL SOCIETIES ELSEWHERE. The "Benevolent Society of the City of Baltimore for the Education of the Female Poor," founded in 1799, and the "Male Free Society of Baltimore," organized a little later, were other of these early school societies, though neither became so famous as the Public School Society of New York. The schools of the city of Washington were started by subscription, in 1804, and for some time were in part supported by subscriptions from public-spirited citizens. [4] This society did an important work in accustoming the people of the capital city to the provision of some form of free education. In 1800 "The Philadelphia Society [5] for the Free Instruction of Indigent Boys" was formed, which a little later changed to "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment and Support of Charity Schools." In 1814 "The Society for the Promotion of a Rational System of Education" was organized in Philadelphia, and four years later the public sentiment awakened by a combination of the work of this Society and the coming of the Lancastrian system of instruction enabled the city to secure a special law permitting Philadelphia to organize a system of city schools for the education of the children of its poor. Other societies which rendered useful educational service include the "Mechanics and Manufacturers Association," of Providence, Rhode Island, organized in 1789 (Rs. 308, 310); "The Albany Lancastrian School Society," organized in 1826, for the education of the poor of the city in monitorial schools; and the school societies organized in Savannah in 1818, and Augusta, in 1821, "to afford education to the children of indigent parents." Both these Georgia societies received some support from state funds. The formation of these school societies, the subscriptions made by the leading men of the cities, the bequests for education, and the grants of some city and state aid to these societies, all of which in time became somewhat common, indicate a slowly rising interest in providing schools for the education of all. This rising interest in education was greatly stimulated by the introduction from England, about this time, of a new and what for the time seemed a wonderful system for the organization of education, the Lancastrian monitorial plan. THE LANCASTRIAN MONITORIAL SCHOOLS. Church-of-England ideas were not in much favor in the United States for some time after the close of the Revolutionary War, and in consequence it was the Lancastrian plan which was brought over and popularized. In 1806 the first monitorial school was opened in New York City, and, once introduced, the system quickly spread from Massachusetts to Georgia, and as far west as Cincinnati, Louisville, and Detroit. In 1826 Maryland instituted a state system of Lancastrian schools, with a Superintendent of Public Instruction, but in 1828 abandoned the idea and discontinued the office. A state Lancastrian system for North Carolina was proposed in 1832, but failed of adoption by the legislature. In 1829 Mexico organized higher Lancastrian schools for the Mexican State of Texas. In 1818 Lancaster himself went to America, and was received with much distinction. Most of the remaining twenty years of his life were spent in organizing and directing schools in various parts of the United States. In many of the rising cities of the eastern part of the country the first free schools established were Lancastrian schools. The system provided education at so low a cost (p. 629) that it made the education of all for the first time seem possible. [6] The first free schools in Philadelphia (1818) were an outgrowth of Lancastrian influence, as was also the case in many other Pennsylvania cities. Baltimore began a Lancastrian school six years before the organization of public schools was permitted by law. A number of monitorial high schools were organized in different parts of the United States, and it was even proposed that the plan should be adopted in the colleges. A number of New England cities, that already had other type schools, investigated the new monitorial plan and were impressed with its many important points of superiority over methods then in use. The Report of the Investigating Committee (1828) for Boston (R. 312), forms a good example of such. As in England, the system was very popular from about 1810 to 1830, but by 1840 its popularity was over. THE INTEREST THE NEW PLAN AWAKENED. It is not strange that the new plan aroused widespread enthusiasm in many discerning men, and for almost a quarter of a century was advocated as the best system of education then known. Two quotations will illustrate what leading men of the time thought of it. De Witt Clinton, for twenty-one years president of the New York "Free School Society," and later governor of the State, wrote, in 1809: When I perceive that many boys in our school have been taught to read and write in two months, who did not before know the alphabet, and that even one has accomplished it in three weeks--when I view all the bearings and tendencies of this system--when I contemplate the habits of order which it forms, the spirit of emulation which it excites, the rapid improvement which it produces, the purity of morals which it inculcates--when I behold the extraordinary union of celerity in instruction and economy of expense--and when I perceive one great assembly of a thousand children, under the eye of a single teacher, marching with unexampled rapidity and with perfect discipline to the goal of knowledge, I confess that I recognize in Lancaster the benefactor of the human race. I consider his system as creating a new era in education, as a blessing sent down from heaven to redeem the poor and distressed of this world from the power and dominion of ignorance. In a message to the legislature of Connecticut, a State then fairly well supplied with schools of the Massachusetts district type, Governor Wolcott said, in 1825: If funds can be obtained to defray the expenses of the necessary preparations, I have no doubt that schools on the Lancastrian model ought, as soon as possible, to be established in several parts of this state. Wherever from 200 to 1000 children can be convened within a suitable distance, this mode of instruction in every branch of reading, speaking, penmanship, arithmetic, and bookkeeping, will be found much more efficient, direct, and economical than the practices now generally pursued in our primary schools. The Lancastrian schools materially hastened the adoption of the free school system in all the Northern States by gradually accustoming people to bearing the necessary taxation which free schools entail. They also made the common school common and much talked of, and awakened thought and provoked discussion on the question of public education. They likewise dignified the work of the teacher by showing the necessity for teacher- training. The Lancastrian Model Schools, first established in the United States in 1818, were the precursors of the American normal schools. COMING OF THE INFANT SCHOOL. A curious early condition in America was that, in some of the cities where public schools had been established, by one agency or another, no provision had been made for beginners. These were supposed to obtain the elements of reading at home, or in the Dame Schools. In Boston, for example, where public schools were maintained by the city, no children could be received into the schools who had not learned to read and write (R. 314 a). This made the common age of admission somewhere near eight years. The same was in part true of Hartford, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other cities. When the monitorial schools were established they tended to restrict their membership in a similar manner, though not always able to do so. In 1816 there came to America, also from England, a valuable supplement to education as then known in the form of the so-called Infant Schools (p. 630). First introduced at Boston (R. 313), the Infant Schools proved popular, and in 1818 the city appropriated $5000 for the purpose of organizing such schools to supplement the public-school system. These were to admit children at four years of age, were to be known as primary schools, were to be taught by women, were to be open all the year round, and were to prepare the children for admission to the city schools, which by that time had come to be known as English grammar schools. Providence, similarly, established primary (Infant) schools in 1828 for children between the ages of four and eight, to supplement the work of the public schools, there called writing schools. THE DAME SCHOOL ABSORBED. For New England the establishment of primary schools virtually took over the Dame School instruction as a public function, and added the primary grades to the previously existing school. We have here the origin of the division, often still retained at least in name in the Eastern States, of the "primary grades" and the "grammar grades" of the elementary school. [Illustration: FIG. 197 "MODEL" SCHOOL BUILDING OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SOCIETY Erected in 1843. Cost (with site), $17,000. A typical New York school building, after 1830. The infant or primary school was on the first floor, the second floor contains the girls' school, and the third floor the boys' school. Each floor had one large room seating 252 children; the primary schoolroom could be divided into two rooms by folding doors, so as to segregate the infant class. This building was for long regarded as the perfection of the builder's art, and its picture was printed for years on the cover of the Society's Annual Reports.] An "Infant-School Society" was organized in New York, in 1827. The first Infant School was established under the direction of the Public School Society as the "Junior Department" of School No. 8, with a woman teacher in charge, and using monitorial methods. A second school was established the next year. In 1830 the name was changed from Infant School to Primary Department, and where possible these departments were combined with the existing schools. In 1832 it was decided to organize ten primary schools, under women teachers, for children from four to ten years of age, and after the Boston plan of instruction. This abandoned the monitorial plan of instruction for the new Pestalozzian form, which was deemed better suited to the needs of the smaller children. By 1844 fifty-six Primary Departments had been organized in connection with the upper schools of the city. In Philadelphia three Infant-School Societies were founded in 1827-28, and such schools were at once established there. By 1830 the directors of the school system had been permitted by the legislature of the State to expend public money for such schools, and thirty such, under women teachers, were in operation in the city by 1837. [Illustration: FIG. 198. EVOLUTION OF THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM] PRIMARY EDUCATION ORGANIZED. The Infant-School idea was soon somewhat generally adopted by the Eastern cities, and changed somewhat to make of it an American primary school. Where children had not been previously admitted to the schools without knowing how to read, as in Boston, they supplemented the work of the public schools by adding a new school beneath. Where the reverse had been the case, as in New York City, the organization of Infant Schools as Junior Departments enabled the existing schools to advance their work. Everywhere it resulted, eventually, in the organization of primary and grammar school departments, often with intermediate departments in between, and, with the somewhat contemporaneous evolution of the first high schools, the main outlines of the American free public-school system were now complete. These four important educational movements--the secular Sunday School, the semi-public city School Societies, the Lancastrian plan for instruction, and the Infant-School idea--all arising in philanthropy, came as successive educational ideas to America during the first half of the nineteenth century, supplemented one another, and together accustomed a new generation to the idea of a common school for all. III. SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES It is hardly probable, however, that these philanthropic efforts alone, valuable as they were, could have resulted in the great American battle for tax-supported schools, at as early a date as this took place, had they not been supplemented by a number of other movements of a social, political, and economic character which in themselves materially changed the nature and direction of our national life. The more important of these were: (1) The rise of cities and of manufacturing, (2) the extension of the suffrage, and (3) the rise of new class-demands for schools. GROWTH OF CITY POPULATION AND MANUFACTURING. At the time of the inauguration of the National Government nearly every one in America lived on the farm or in some little village. The first forty years of the national life were essentially an agricultural and a pioneer period. Even as late as 1820 there were but thirteen cities of 8000 inhabitants or over in the whole of the twenty-three States at that time comprising the Union, and these thirteen cities contained but 4.9 per cent of the total population of the Nation. After about 1825 these conditions began to change. By 1820 many little villages were springing up, and these frequently proved the nuclei for future cities. In New England many of these places were in the vicinity of some waterfall, where cheap power made manufacturing on a large scale possible. Lowell, Massachusetts, which in 1820 did not exist and in 1840 had a population of over twenty thousand people, collected there largely to work in the mills, is a good illustration. Other cities, such as Cincinnati and Detroit, grew because of their advantageous situation as exchange and wholesale centers. With the revival of trade and commerce after the second war with Great Britain the cities grew rapidly both in number and size. The rise of the new cities and the rapid growth of the older ones materially changed the nature of the educational problem, by producing an entirely new set of social and educational conditions for the people of the Central and Northern States to solve. The South, with its plantation life, negro slavery, and absence of manufacturing was largely unaffected by these changed conditions until well after the close of the Civil War. In consequence the educational awakening there did not come for nearly half a century after it came in the North. In the cities in the coast States north of Maryland, but particularly in those of New York and New England, manufacturing developed very rapidly. Cotton-spinning in particular became a New England industry, as did also the weaving of wool, while Pennsylvania became the center of the iron manufacturing industries. [7] The development of this new type of factory work meant the beginnings of the breakdown of the old home and village industries, the eventual abandonment of the age-old apprenticeship system (Rs. 200, 201), the start of the cityward movement of the rural population, and the concentration of manufacturing in large establishments, employing many hands to perform continuously certain limited phases of the manufacturing process. This in time was certain to mean a change in educational methods. It also called for the concentration of both capital and labor. The rise of the factory system, business on a large scale, and cheap and rapid transportation, all combined to diminish the importance of agriculture and to change the city from an unimportant to a very important position in our national life. The 13 cities of 1820 increased to 44 by 1840, and to 141 by 1860. There were four times as many cities in the North, too, where manufacturing had found a home, as in the South, which remained essentially agricultural. NEW SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN THE CITIES. The many changes in the nature of industry and of village and home life, effected by the development of the factory system and the concentration of manufacturing and population in the cities, also contributed materially in changing the character of the old educational problem. When the cities were as yet but little villages in size and character, homogeneous in their populations, and the many social and moral problems incident to the congestion of peoples of mixed character had not as yet arisen, the church and charity and private school solution of the educational problem was reasonably satisfactory. As the cities now increased rapidly in size, became more city-like in character, drew to them diverse elements previously largely unknown, and were required by state laws to extend the right of suffrage to all their citizens, the need for a new type of educational organization began slowly but clearly to manifest itself to an increasing number of citizens. The church, charity, and private school system completely broke down under the new strain. School Societies and Educational Associations, organized for propaganda, now arose in the cities; grants of city or state funds for the partial support of both church and society schools were demanded and obtained; and numbers of charity organizations began to be established in the different cities to enable them to handle better the new problems of pauperism, intemperance, and juvenile delinquency which arose. THE EXTENSION OF THE SUFFRAGE. The Constitution of the United States, though framed by the ablest men of the time, was framed by men who represented the old aristocratic conception of education and government. The same was true of the conventions which framed practically all the early state constitutions. The early period of the national life was thus characterized by the rule of a class--a very well-educated and a very capable class, to be sure--but a class elected by a ballot based on property qualifications and belonging to the older type of political and social thinking. Notwithstanding the statements of the Declaration of Independence, the change came but slowly. Up to 1815 but four States had granted the right to vote to all male citizens, regardless of property holdings or other somewhat similar restrictions. After 1815 a democratic movement, which sought to abolish all class rule and all political inequalities, arose and rapidly gained strength. In this the new States to the westward, with their absence of old estates or large fortunes, and where men were judged more on their merits than in an older society, were the leaders. As will be seen from the map, every new State admitted east of the Mississippi River, except Ohio (admitted in 1802), where the New England element predominated, and Louisiana (1812), provided for full manhood suffrage at the time of its admission to statehood. Seven additional Eastern States had extended the same full voting privileges to their citizens by 1845, while the old requirements had been materially modified in most of the other Northern States. This democratic movement for the leveling of all class distinctions between white men became very marked, after 1820; came to a head in the election of Andrew Jackson as President, in 1828; and the final result was full manhood suffrage in all the States. This gave the farmer in the West and the new manufacturing classes in the cities a preponderating influence in the affairs of government. [Illustration: FIG. 199. DATES OF THE GRANTING OF FULL MANHOOD SUFFRAGE Some of the older States granted almost full manhood suffrage at an earlier date, retaining a few minor restrictions until the date given on the map. States shaded granted full suffrage at the time of admission to the Union.] EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE. The educational significance of the extension of full manhood suffrage to all was enormous and far-reaching. There now took place in the United States, after about 1825, what took place in England after the passage of the Second Reform Act (p. 642) of 1867. With the extension of the suffrage to all classes of the population, poor as well as rich, laborer, as well as employer, there came to thinking men, often for the first time, a realization that general education had become a fundamental necessity for the State, and that the general education of all in the elements of knowledge and civic virtue must now assume that importance in the minds of the leaders of the State that the education of a few for the service of the Church and of the many for simple church membership had once held in the minds of ecclesiastics. This new conception is well expressed in the preamble to the first (optional) school law enacted in Illinois (1825), which declares: To enjoy our rights and liberties, we must understand them; their security and protection ought to be the first object of a free people; and it is a well-established fact that no nation has ever continued long in the enjoyment of civil and political freedom, which was not both virtuous and enlightened; and believing that the advancement of literature always has been, and ever will be the means of developing more fully the rights of man, that the mind of every citizen in a republic is the common property of society, and constitutes the basis of its strength and happiness; it is therefore considered the peculiar duty of a free government, like ours, to encourage and extend the improvement and cultivation of the intellectual energies of the whole. UTTERANCES OF PUBLIC MEN AND WORKINGMEN. Governors now began to recommend to their legislatures the establishment of tax-supported schools, and public men began to urge state action and state control. An utterance by De Witt Clinton, for nine years governor of New York, may be taken as an example of many. In a message to the legislature, in 1826, defending the schools established, he said: The first duty of government, and the surest evidence of good government, is the encouragement of education. A general diffusion of knowledge is a precursor and protector of republican institutions, and in it we must confide as the conservative power that will watch over our liberties and guard them against fraud, intrigue, corruption, and violence. I consider the system of our common schools as the palladium of our freedom, for no reasonable apprehension can be entertained of its subversion as long as the great body of the people are enlightened by education. After about 1825 many labor unions were formed, and the representatives of these new organizations joined in the demands for schools and education, urging the free education of their children as a natural right. In 1829 the workingmen of Philadelphia asked each candidate for the legislature for a formal declaration of the attitude he would assume toward the provision of "an equal and a general system of education" for the State. In 1830 the Workingmen's Committee of Philadelphia submitted a detailed report (R. 315), after five months spent in investigating educational conditions in Pennsylvania, vigorously condemning the lack of provision for education in the State, and the utterly inadequate provision where any was made. Seth Luther, in an address on "The Education of Workingmen," delivered in 1832, declared that "a large body of human beings are ruined by a neglect of education, rendered miserable in the extreme, and incapable of self-government." Stephen Simpson, in his _A Manual for Workingmen_, published in 1831, declared that "it is to education, therefore, that we must mainly look for redress of that perverted system of society, which dooms the producer to ignorance, to toil, and to penury, to moral degradation, physical want, and social barbarism." Many resolutions were adopted by these organizations demanding free state- supported schools. [8] IV. ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS, AND PROPAGANDA THE ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS. The second quarter of the nineteenth century may be said to have witnessed the battle for tax-supported, publicly controlled and directed, and non-sectarian common schools. In 1825 such schools were still the distant hope of statesmen and reformers; in 1850 they had become an actuality in almost every Northern State. The twenty- five years intervening marked a period of public agitation and educational propaganda; of many hard legislative fights; of a struggle to secure desired legislation, and then to hold what had been secured; of many bitter contests with church and private-school interests, which felt that their "vested rights" were being taken from them; and of occasional referenda in which the people were asked, at the next election, to advise the legislature as to what to do. Excepting the battle for the abolition of slavery, perhaps no question has ever been before the American people for settlement which caused so much feeling or aroused such bitter antagonisms. The friends of free schools were at first commonly regarded as fanatics, dangerous to the State, and the opponents of free schools were considered by them as old-time conservatives or as selfish members of society. Naturally such a bitter discussion of a public question forced an alignment of the people for or against publicly supported and controlled schools, and this alignment of interests may be roughly stated to have been about as follows: _I. For Public Schools._ Men considered as: 1. "Citizens of the Republic." 2. Philanthropists and humanitarians. 3. Public men of large vision. 4. City residents. 5. The intelligent workingmen in the cities. 6. Non-taxpayers. 7. Calvinists. 8. "New England men." _II. Lukewarm, or against Public Schools._ Men considered as: 1. Belonging to the old aristocratic class. 2. The conservatives of society. 3. Politicians of small vision. 4. Residents of rural districts. 5. The ignorant, narrow-minded, and penurious. 6. Taxpayers. 7. Lutherans, Reformed-Church, Mennonites, and Quakers. 8. Southern men. 9. Proprietors of private schools. 10. The non-English-speaking classes. THE WORK OF PROPAGANDA. To meet the arguments of the objectors, to change the opinions of a thinking few into the common opinion of the many, to overcome prejudice, and to awaken the public conscience to the public need for free and common schools in such a democratic society, was the work of a generation. To convince the masses of the people that the scheme of state schools was not only practicable, but also the best and most economical means for giving their children the benefits of an education; to convince propertied citizens that taxation for education was in the interests of both public and private welfare; to convince legislators that it was safe to vote for free-school bills; and to overcome the opposition due to apathy, religious jealousies, and private interests, was the work of years. In time, though, the desirability of common, free, tax- supported, non-sectarian, state-controlled schools became evident to a majority of the citizens in the different American States, and as it did the American State School, free and equally open to all, was finally evolved and took its place as the most important institution in the national life working for the perpetuation of a free democracy and the advancement of the public welfare. For this work of propaganda hundreds of School Societies and Educational Associations were organized; many conventions were held, and many resolutions favoring state schools were adopted; many "Letters" and "Addresses to the Public" were written and published; public-spirited citizens traveled over the country, making addresses to the people explaining the advantages of free state schools; many public-spirited men gave the best years of their lives to the state-school propaganda; and many governors sent communications on the subject to legislatures not yet convinced as to the desirability of state action. At each meeting of the legislatures for years a deluge of resolutions, memorials, and petitions for and against free schools met the members. The invention of the steam printing press came at about this time, and the first modern newspapers at a cheap price now appeared. These usually espoused progressive measures, and tremendously influenced public sentiment. Those not closely connected with church or private-school interests usually favored public tax-supported schools. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Explain why the development of a national consciousness was practically necessary before an educational consciousness could be awakened. 2. Show why it was natural, suffrage conditions considered, that the early interest should have been in advanced education. 3. Why did the Sunday-School movement prove of so much less usefulness in America than in England? 4. Show the analogy between the earlier school societies for educational work and other forms of modern associative effort. 5. Explain the great popularity of the Lancastrian schools over those previously common in America. 6. What were two of the important contributions of the Infant-School idea to American education? 7. Why are schools and education much more needed in a country experiencing a city and manufacturing development than in a country experiencing an agricultural development? 8. Show how the development of cities caused the old forms of education to break down, and made evident the need for a new type of education. 9. Show how each extension of the suffrage necessitates an extension of educational opportunities and advantages. 10. Explain the alignment of each class, for or against tax-supported schools, on historical and on economic grounds. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 307. Fowle: The Schools of Boston about 1790-1815. 308. Rhode Island: Petition for Free Schools, 1799. 309. Providence: Rules and Regulations for the Schools in 1820. 310. Providence: A Memorial for Better Schools, 1837. 311. Bourne: Beginnings of Public Education in New York City. 312. Boston Report: Advantages of the Monitorial System. 313. Wightman: Establishment of Primary Schools in Boston. 314. Boston: The Elementary-School System in 1823. 315. Philadelphia: Report of Workingmen's Committee on Schools. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Just what advantages for boys and for girls existed in Boston (307 a, b) before the creation of the reading schools? 2. What improvements and additions did the reading schools (307 c) introduce? 3. State the main features of the Rhode Island petition (308) of 1799. 4. Just what kind of schools do the Providence regulations (309) of 1820 provide for and describe? 5. Despite the many advances made in public schools since the date of the Providence Memorial (310), have relative public and private school expenditures materially changed? 6. Compare the New York Public School Society Address (311) with the English charity-school organization (237, 238) as to purpose and instruction. 7. Show that a report on modern classroom organization would present advantages over the monitorial plan, comparable with those outlined by the Boston Report (312) comparing the monitorial and individual plans. 8. Just what does the Boston Report on Primary Schools (313) reveal as to the character of education then provided? 9. Just what kind of elementary schools did Boston have (314) in 1823? 10. Just what kind of schools existed in the cities of Pennsylvania in 1830, judging from the Report (315) of the Workingmen's Committee? Was the Report correct with reference to "a monopoly of talent"? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Binns, H. B. _A Century of Education, 1808-1908_. Boese, Thos, _Public Education in the City of New York_. Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_. * Fitzpatrick, E. A. _The Educational Views and Influences of De Witt Clinton_. McManis, J. T. "The Public School Society of New York City," in _Educational Review_, vol. 29, pp. 303-11. (March, 1905.) * Palmer, A. E. _The New York Public School System_. * Reigart, J. F. _The Lancastrian System of Instruction in the Schools of New York City_. * Salmon, David. _Joseph Lancaster_. * Simcoe, A. M. _Social Forces in American History_. CHAPTER XXVI THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS The problem which confronted those interested in establishing state- controlled schools was not exactly the same in any two States, though the battle in many States possessed common elements, and hence was somewhat similar in character. Instead of tracing the struggle in detail in each of the different States, it will be much more profitable for our purposes to pick out the main strategic points in the contest, and then illustrate the conflict for these by describing conditions in one or two States where the controversy was most severe or most typical. The seven strategic points in the struggle for free, tax-supported, non-sectarian, state-controlled schools in the United States were: 1. The battle for tax support. 2. The battle to eliminate the pauper-school idea. 3. The battle to make the schools entirely free. 4. The battle to establish state supervision. 5. The battle to eliminate sectarianism. 6. The battle to extend the system upward. 7. Addition of the state university to crown the system. We shall consider each of these, briefly, in order. I. THE BATTLE FOR TAX SUPPORT EARLY SUPPORT AND ENDOWMENT FUNDS. In New England, land endowments, local taxes, direct local appropriations, license taxes, and rate-bills had long been common. Land endowments began early in the New England Colonies, while rate-bills date back to the earliest times and long remained a favorite means of raising money for school support. These means were adopted in the different States after the beginning of our national period, and to them were added a variety of license taxes, while occupational taxes, lotteries, and bank taxes also were employed to raise money for schools. A few examples of these may be cited: Connecticut, in 1774, turned over all proceeds of liquor licenses to the towns where collected, to be used for schools. New Orleans, in 1826, licensed two theaters on condition that they each pay $3000 annually for the support of schools in the city. New York, in 1799, authorized four state lotteries to raise $100,000 for schools, a similar amount again in 1801, and numerous other lotteries before 1810. New Jersey (R. 246) and most of the other States did the same. Congress passed fourteen joint resolutions, between 1812 and 1836, authorizing lotteries to help support the schools of the city of Washington. Bank taxes were a favorite source of income for schools, between about 1825 and 1860, banks being chartered on condition that they would pay over each year for schools a certain sum or percentage of their earnings. These all represent what is known as indirect taxation, and were valuable in accustoming the people to the idea of public schools without appearing to tax them for their support. The National Land Grants, begun in the case of Ohio in 1802, soon stimulated a new interest in schools. Each State admitted after Ohio also received the sixteenth section for the support of common schools, and two townships of land for the endowment of a state university. The new Western States, following the lead of Ohio (R. 260) and Indiana (R. 261), dedicated these section lands and funds to free common schools. The sixteen older States, however, did not share in these grants, so most of them now set about building up a permanent school fund of their own, though at first without any very clear idea as to how the income from the fund was to be used. [1] THE BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOL TAXATION. The early idea, which seems for a time to have been generally entertained, that the income from land grants, license fees, and these permanent endowment funds would in time entirely support the necessary schools, was gradually abandoned as it was seen how little in yearly income these funds and lands really produced, and how rapidly the population of the States was increasing. By 1825 it may be said to have been clearly recognized by thinking men that the only safe reliance of a system of state schools lay in the general and direct taxation of all property for their support. "The wealth of the State must educate the children of the State" became a watchword, and the battle for direct, local, county, and state taxation for education was clearly on by 1825 to 1830 in all the Northern States, except the four in New England where the principle of taxation for education had for long been established. [2] Even in these States the struggle to increase taxation and provide better schools called for much argument and popular education (R. 316), and occasional backward movements (Rs. 317, 318) were encountered. [Illustration: FIG. 200. THE FIRST FREE PUBLIC SCHOOL IN DETROIT A one-room school, opened in the Second Ward, in 1838. No action was taken in any other ward until 1842.] The struggle to secure the first legislation, weak and ineffective as it seems to us to-day, was often hard and long. "Campaigns of education" had to be prepared for and carried through. Many thought that tax-supported schools would be dangerous for the State, harmful to individual good, and thoroughly undemocratic. Many did not see the need for schools at all. Portions of a town or a city would provide a free school, while other portions would not. Often those in favor of taxation were bitterly assailed, and even at times threatened with personal violence. Often those in favor of improving the school had to wait patiently for the opposition slowly to wear itself out (R. 319) before any real progress could be made. STATE SUPPORT FIXED THE STATE SYSTEM. With the beginnings of state aid in any substantial sums, either from the income from permanent endowment funds, state appropriations, or direct state taxation, the State became, for the first time, in a position to enforce quite definite requirements in many matters. Communities which would not meet the State's requirements would receive no state funds. One of the first requirements to be thus enforced was that communities or districts receiving state aid must also levy a local tax for schools. Commonly the requirement was a duplication of state aid. Generally speaking, and recognizing exceptions in a few States, this represents the beginnings of compulsory local taxation for education. As early as 1797 Vermont had required the towns to support their schools on penalty of forfeiting their share of state aid. New York in 1812, Delaware in 1829, and New Jersey in 1846 required a duplication of all state aid received. Wisconsin, in its first constitution of 1848, required a local tax for schools equal to one half the state aid received. The next step in state control was to add still other requirements, as a prerequisite to receiving state aid. One of the first of such was that a certain length of school term, commonly three months, must be provided in each school district. Another was the provision of free heat, and later on free schoolbooks and supplies. When the duplication-of-state-aid-received stage had been reached, compulsory local taxation for education had been established, and the great central battle for the creation of a state school system had been won. The right to tax for support, and to compel local taxation, was the key to the whole state system of education. From this point on the process of evolving an adequate system of school support in any State has been merely the further education of public opinion to see new educational needs. II. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA. The pauper-school idea was a direct inheritance from England, and its home in America was in the old Central and Southern Colonies, where the old Anglican Church had been in control. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia were the chief representatives, though the idea had friends among certain classes of the population in other of the older States. The new and democratic West would not tolerate it. The pauper-school conception was a direct inheritance from English rule, belonged to a society based on classes, and was wholly out of place in a Republic founded on the doctrine that "all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." Still more, it was a very dangerous conception of education for a democratic form of government to tolerate or to foster. Its friends were found among the old aristocratic or conservative classes, the heavy taxpayers, the supporters of church schools, and the proprietors of private schools. Citizens who had caught the spirit of the new Republic, public men of large vision, intelligent workingmen, and men of the New England type of thinking were opposed on principle to a plan which drew such invidious distinctions between the future citizens of the State. To educate part of the children in church or private pay schools, they said, and to segregate those too poor to pay tuition and educate them at public expense in pauper schools, often with the brand of pauper made very evident to them, was certain to create classes in society which in time would prove a serious danger to our democratic institutions. Large numbers of those for whom the pauper schools were intended would not brand themselves as paupers by sending their children to the schools, and others who accepted the advantages offered, for the sake of their children, despised the system. [3] The battle for the elimination of the pauper-school idea was fought out in the North in the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and the struggle in these two States we shall now briefly describe. THE PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATION. In Pennsylvania we find the pauper-school idea fully developed. The constitution of 1790 (R. 259) had provided for a state system of pauper schools, but nothing was done to carry even this constitutional direction into effect until 1802. A pauper-school law was then enacted, directing the overseers of the poor to notify such parents as they deemed sufficiently indigent that, if they would declare themselves to be paupers, their children might be sent to some specified private or pay school and be given free education (R. 315). The expense for this was assessed against the education poor-fund, which was levied and collected in the same manner as were road taxes or taxes for poor relief. No provision was made for the establishment of public schools, even for the children of the poor, nor was any standard set for the education to be provided in the schools to which they were sent. No other general provision for elementary education was made in the State until 1834. With the growth of the cities, and the rise of their special problems, something more than this very inadequate provision for schooling became necessary. "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment and Support of Charity Schools" had long been urging a better system, and in 1814 "'The Society for the Promotion of a Rational System of Education" was organized in Philadelphia for the purpose of educational propaganda. Bills were prepared and pushed, and in 1818 Philadelphia was permitted, by special law, to organize as "the first school district" in the State of Pennsylvania, and to provide, with its own funds, a system of Lancastrian schools for the education of the children of its poor. [4] THE LAW OF 1834. In 1827 "The Pennsylvania Society for the Promotion of Public Schools" began an educational propaganda which did much to bring about the Free-School Act of 1834. In an "Address to the Public" it declared its object to be the promotion of public education throughout the State of Pennsylvania, and the "Address" closed with these words: This Society is at present composed of about 250 members, and a correspondence has been commenced with 125 members, who reside in every district in the State. It is intended to direct the continued attention of the public to the importance of the subject; to collect and diffuse all information which may be deemed valuable; and to persevere in their labors until they shall be crowned with success. Memorials were presented to the legislature year after year, governors were interested, "Addresses to the Public" were prepared, and a vigorous propaganda was kept up until the Free-School Law of 1834 was the result. This law, though, was optional. It created every ward, township, and borough in the State a school district, a total of 987 being created for the State. Each school district was ordered to vote that autumn on the acceptance or rejection of the law. Those accepting the law were to organize under its provisions, while those rejecting the law were to continue under the educational provisions of the old Pauper-School Act. [Illustration: FIG. 201. THE PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL ELECTIONS OF 1835 Showing the percentage of school districts in each county organizing under and accepting the School Law of 1834. Percentage of districts accepting indicated on the map for a few of the counties.] The results of the school elections of 1834 are shown, by counties, on the below map. Of the total of 987 districts created, 502, in 46 of the then 52 counties (Philadelphia County not voting), or 52 per cent of the whole number, voted to accept the new law and organize under it; 264 districts, in 31 counties, or 27 per cent of the whole, voted definitely to reject the law; and 221 districts, in 46 counties, or 21 per cent of the whole, refused to take any action either way. In 3 counties, indicated on the map, every district accepted the law, and in 5 counties, also indicated every district rejected or refused to act on the law. It was the predominantly German counties, located in the east-central portion of the State, which were strongest in their opposition to the new law. One reason for this was that the new law provided for English schools; another was the objection of the thrifty Germans to taxation; and another was the fear that the new state schools might injure their German parochial schools. The real fight for free _versus_ pauper schools, though, was yet to come. Legislators who had voted for the law were bitterly assailed, and, though it was but an optional law, the question of its repeal and the reinstatement of the old Pauper-School Law became the burning issue of the campaign in the autumn of 1834. Many legislators who had favored the law were defeated for reelection. Others, seeing defeat, refused to run. Petitions for the repeal of the law, [5] and remonstrances against its repeal, flooded the legislature when it met. The Senate at once repealed the law, but the House, largely under the leadership of a Vermonter by the name of Thaddeus Stevens, [6] refused to reconsider, and finally forced the Senate to accept an amended and a still stronger bill. This defeat finally settled, in principle at least, the pauper-school question in Pennsylvania, [7] though it was not until 1873 that the last district in the State accepted the new system. ELIMINATING THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA IN NEW JERSEY. No constitutional mention of education was made in New Jersey until 1844, and no educational legislation was passed until 1816. In that year a permanent state school fund was begun, and in 1820 the first permission to levy taxes "for the education of such poor children as are paupers" was granted. In 1828 an extensive investigation showed that one third of the children of the State were without educational opportunities, and as a result of this investigation the first general school law for the State was enacted, in 1829. This provided for district schools, school trustees and visitation, licensed teachers, local taxation, and made a state appropriation of $20,000 a year to help establish the system. The next year, however, this law was repealed and the old pauper-school plan reëstablished, largely due to the pressure of church and private-school interests. In 1830 and 1831 the state appropriation was made divisible among private and parochial schools, as well as the public pauper schools, and the use of all public money was limited "to the education of the children of the poor." Between 1828 and 1838 a number of conventions of friends of free public schools were held in the State, and much work in the nature of propaganda was done. At a convention in 1838 a committee was appointed to prepare an "Address to the People of New Jersey" on the educational needs of the State (R. 320), and speakers were sent over the State to talk to the people on the subject. The campaign against the pauper school had just been fought to a conclusion in Pennsylvania, and the result of the appeal in New Jersey was such a popular manifestation in favor of free schools that the legislature of 1838 instituted a partial state school system. The pauper-school laws were repealed, and the best features of the short-lived Law of 1829 were reënacted. In 1844 a new state constitution limited the income of the permanent state school fund exclusively to the support of public schools. With the pauper-school idea eliminated from Pennsylvania and New Jersey, the North was through with it. The wisdom of its elimination soon became evident, and we hear little more of it among Northern people. The democratic West never tolerated it. It continued some time longer in Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, and at places for a time in other Southern States, but finally disappeared in the South as well in the educational reorganizations which took place following the close of the Civil War. III. THE BATTLE TO MAKE THE SCHOOLS ENTIRELY FREE THE SCHOOLS NOT YET FREE. The rate-bill, as we have previously stated, was an old institution, also brought over from England, as the term "rate" signifies. It was a charge levied upon the parent to supplement the school revenues and prolong the school term, and was assessed in proportion to the number of children sent by each parent to the school. In some States, as for example Massachusetts and Connecticut, its use went back to colonial times; in others it was added as the cost for education increased, and it was seen that the income from permanent funds and authorized taxation was not sufficient to maintain the school the necessary length of time. The deficiency in revenue was charged against the parents sending children to school, _pro rata_, and collected as ordinary tax-bills (R. 321). The charge was small, but it was sufficient to keep many poor children away from the schools. The rising cities, with their new social problems, could not and would not tolerate the rate-bill system, and one by one they secured special laws from legislatures which enabled them to organize a city school system, separate from city-council control, and under a local "board of education." One of the provisions of these special laws nearly always was the right to levy a city tax for schools sufficient to provide free education for the children of the city. [Illustration: FIG. 202. THE NEW YORK REFERENDUM OF 1850 Total vote: For free schools, 17 counties and 209,346 voters; against free schools, 42 counties and 184,308 voters.] THE FIGHT AGAINST THE RATE-BILL IN NEW YORK. The attempt to abolish the rate-bill and make the schools wholly free was most vigorously contested in New York State, and the contest there is most easily described. From 1828 to 1868, this tax on the parents produced an average annual sum of $410,685.66, or about one half of the sum paid all the teachers of the State for salary. While the wealthy districts were securing special legislation and taxing themselves to provide free schools for their children, the poorer and less populous districts were left to struggle to maintain their schools the four months each year necessary to secure state aid. Finally, after much agitation, and a number of appeals to the legislature to assume the rate-bill charges in the form of general state taxation, and thus make the schools entirely free, the legislature, in 1849, referred the matter back to the people to be voted on at the elections that autumn. The legislature was to be thus advised by the people as to what action it should take. The result was a state-wide campaign for free, public, tax-supported schools, as against partially free, rate-bill schools. The result of the 1849 election was a vote of 249,872 in favor of making "the property of the State educate the children of the State," and 91,952 against it. This only seemed to stir the opponents of free schools to renewed action, and they induced the next legislature to resubmit the question for another vote, in the autumn of 1850. The result of the referendum of 1850 is shown on the map on page 685. The opponents of tax-supported schools now mustered their full strength, doubling their vote in 1849, while the majority for free schools was materially cut down. The interesting thing shown on this map was the clear and unmistakable voice of the cities. They would not tolerate the rate- bill, and, despite their larger property interests, they favored tax- supported free schools. The rural districts, on the other hand, opposed the idea. THE RATE-BILL IN OTHER STATES. These two referenda virtually settled the question in New York, though for a time a compromise was adopted. The state appropriation for schools was very materially increased, the rate- bill was retained, and the organization of "union districts" to provide free schools by local taxation where people desired them was authorized. Many of these "union free districts" now arose in the more progressive communities of the State, and finally, in 1867, after rural and other forms of opposition had largely subsided, and after almost all the older States had abandoned the plan, the New York legislature finally abolished the rate-bill and made the schools of New York entirely free. The dates for the abolition of the rate-bill in the other older Northern States were: 1834. Pennsylvania. 1867. New York. 1852. Indiana. 1868. Connecticut. 1853. Ohio. 1868. Rhode Island. 1855. Illinois. 1869. Michigan. 1864. Vermont. 1871. New Jersey. The New York fight of 1849 and 1850 was the pivotal fight; in the other States it was abandoned by legislative act, and without a serious contest. In the Southern States free education came with the educational reorganizations following the close of the Civil War. IV. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH SCHOOL SUPERVISION BEGINNINGS OF STATE CONTROL. The great battle for state schools was not only for taxation to stimulate their development where none existed, but was also indirectly a battle for some form of state control of the local systems which had already grown up. The establishment of permanent state school funds by the older States, to supplement any other aid which might be granted, also tended toward the establishment of some form of state supervision and control of the local school systems. The first step was the establishment of some form of state aid; the next was the imposing of conditions necessary to secure this state aid. State oversight and control, however, does not exercise itself, and it soon became evident that the States must elect or appoint some officer to represent the State and enforce the observance of its demands. It would be primarily his duty to see that the laws relating to schools were carried out, that statistics as to existing conditions were collected and printed, and that communities were properly advised as to their duties and the legislature as to the needs of the State. We find now the creation of a series of school officers to represent the State, the enactment of new laws extending control, and a struggle to integrate, subordinate, and reduce to some semblance of a state school system the hundreds of little community school systems which had grown up. THE FIRST STATE SCHOOL OFFICERS. The first American State to create a state officer to exercise supervision over its schools was New York, in 1812. In enacting the new law [8] providing for state aid for schools the first State Superintendent of Common Schools in the United States was created. So far as is known this was a distinctively American creation, uninfluenced by the practice in any other land. It was to be the duty of this officer to look after the establishment and maintenance of the schools throughout the State. [9] Maryland created the office in 1826, but two years later abolished it and did not re-create it until 1864. Illinois directed its Secretary of State to act, _ex officio_, as Superintendent of Schools in 1825, as did also Vermont in 1827, Louisiana in 1833, Pennsylvania in 1834, and Tennessee in 1835. Illinois did not create a real State Superintendent of Schools, though, until 1854, Vermont until 1845, Louisiana until 1847, Pennsylvania until 1857, or Tennessee until 1867. The first States to create separate school officials who have been continued to the present time were Michigan and Kentucky, both in 1837. Often quite a legislative struggle took place to secure the establishment of the office, and later on to prevent its abolition. [Illustration: FIG. 203. STATUS OF SCHOOL SUPERVISION IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1861 For a list of the 28 City Superintendencies established up to 1870, see Cubberley's _Public School Administration_, p. 58. For the history of the state educational office in each State see Cubberley and Elliott, _State and County School Administration, Source Book_, pp. 283-87.] By 1850 there were _ex-officio_ state school officers in nine and regular school officers in seven of the then thirty-one States, and by 1861 there were _ex-officio_ officers in nine and regular officers in nineteen of the then thirty-four States, as well as one of each in two of the organized Territories. The above map shows the growth of supervisory oversight by 1861--forty-nine years from the time the first American state school officer was created. The map also shows the ten of the thirty-four States which had, by 1861, also created the office of County Superintendent of Schools, as well as the twenty-five cities which had, by 1861, created the office of City Superintendent of Schools. Only three more cities--Albany, Washington, and Kansas City--were added before 1870, making a total of twenty-eight, but since that date the number of city superintendents has increased to something like fourteen hundred to-day. THE FIRST STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION. Another important form for state control which was created a little later was the State Board of Education, with an appointed Secretary, who exercised about the same functions as a State Superintendent of Schools. This form of organization first arose in Massachusetts, in 1837, in an effort to subordinate the district schools and reduce them to a semblance of an organized system. In 1826 each town (township) had been required to appoint a School Committee (School Board) to exercise general supervision over its schools, in 1834 the state permanent school fund was created, and in 1837 the reform movement reached its culmination in the creation of the first real State Board of Education in the United States. Instead of following the usual American practice of the time, and providing for an elected State School Superintendent, Massachusetts provided for a small appointed State Board of Education which in turn was to select a Secretary, who was to act in the capacity of a state school officer and report to the Board, and through it to the legislature and the people. Neither the Board nor the Secretary were given any powers of compulsion, their work being to investigate conditions, report facts, expose defects, and make recommendations as to action to the legislature. The permanence and influence of the Board thus depended very largely on the character of the Secretary it selected. HORACE MANN THE FIRST SECRETARY. A prominent Brown University graduate and lawyer in the State Senate, by the name of Horace Mann (1796-1859), who as president of the Senate had been of much assistance in securing passage of the bill creating the State Board of Education, was finally induced by the Governor and the Board to accept the position of Secretary. Mr. Mann now began a most memorable work of educating public opinion, and soon became the acknowledged leader in school organization in the United States. State after State called upon him for advice and counsel, while his twelve annual Reports to the State Board of Education will always remain memorable documents. Public men of all classes--lawyers, clergymen, college professors, literary men, teachers--were laid under tribute and sent forth over the State explaining to the people the need for a reawakening of educational interest in Massachusetts. Every year Mr. Mann organized a "campaign," to explain to the people the meaning and importance of general education. So successful was he, and so ripe was the time for such a movement, that he not only started a great common school revival in Massachusetts which led to the regeneration of the schools there, but one which was felt and which influenced development in every Northern State. His twelve carefully written _Reports_ on the condition of education in Massachusetts and elsewhere, with his intelligent discussion of the aims and purposes of public education, occupy a commanding place in the history of American education, while he will always be regarded as perhaps the greatest of the "founders" of our American system of free public schools. No one did more than he to establish in the minds of the American people the conception that education should be universal, non-sectarian, and free, and that its aim should be social efficiency, civic virtue, and character, rather than mere learning or the advancement of sectarian ends. Under his practical leadership an unorganized and heterogeneous series of community school systems was reduced to organization and welded together into a state school system, and the people of Massachusetts were effectively recalled to their ancient belief in and duty toward the education of the people. HENRY BARNARD IN CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND. Almost equally important, though of a somewhat different character, was the work of Henry Barnard (1811-1900) in Connecticut and Rhode Island. A graduate of Yale, and also educated for the law, he turned aside to teach and became deeply interested in education. The years 1835-37 he spent in Europe studying schools, particularly the work of Pestalozzi's disciples. On his return to America he was elected a member of the Connecticut legislature, and at once formulated and secured passage of the Connecticut law (1839) providing for a State Board of Commissioners for Common Schools, with a Secretary, after the Massachusetts plan. Mr. Barnard was then elected as its first Secretary, and reluctantly gave up the law and accepted the position at the munificent salary of $3 a day and expenses. Until the legislature abolished both the Board and the position, in 1842, he rendered for Connecticut a service scarcely less important than the better-known reforms which Horace Mann was at that time carrying on in Massachusetts. [Illustration: PLATE 17. TWO LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL AWAKENING IN THE UNITED STATES. HORACE MANN (1796-1859) (From the painting at the Westfield, Massachusetts, Normal School) HENRY BARNARD (1811-1900)] In 1843 he was called to Rhode Island to examine and report upon the existing schools, and from 1845 to 1849 acted as State Commissioner of Public Schools there, where he rendered a service similar to that previously rendered in Connecticut. In addition he organized a series of town libraries throughout the State. For his teachers' institutes he devised a traveling model school, to give demonstration lessons in the art of teaching. From 1851 to 1855 he was again in Connecticut, as principal of the newly established state normal school and _ex-officio_ Secretary of the Connecticut State Board of Education. He now rewrote the school laws, increased taxation for schools, checked the power of the districts, there known as "school societies," and laid the foundations of a state system of schools. The work of Mann and Barnard had its influence throughout all the Northern States, and encouraged the friends of education everywhere. Almost contemporaneous with them were leaders in other States who helped fight through the battles of state establishment and state organization and control, and the period of their labors has since been termed the period of the "great awakening." V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICAN EDUCATION. The Church, it will be remembered, was from the earliest colonial times in possession of the education of the young. Not only were the earliest schools controlled by the Church and dominated by the religious motive, but the right of the Church to dictate the teaching in the schools was clearly recognized by the State. Still more, the State looked to the Church to provide the necessary education, and assisted it in doing so by donations of land and money. The minister, as a town official, naturally examined the teachers and the instruction in the schools. After the establishment of the National Government this relationship for a time continued. [10] New York and the New England States specifically set aside lands to help both church and school. After about 1800 these land endowments for religion ceased, but grants of state aid for religious schools continued for nearly a half-century longer. Then it became common for a town or city to build a schoolhouse from city taxation, and let it out rent-free to any responsible person who would conduct a tuition school in it, with a few free places for selected poor children. Still later, with the rise of the state schools, it became quite common to take over church and private schools and aid them on the same basis as the new state schools. In colonial times, too, and for some decades into our national period, the warmest advocates of the establishment of schools were those who had in view the needs of the Church. Then gradually the emphasis shifted to the needs of the State, and a new class of advocates of public education now arose. Still later the emphasis has been shifted to industrial and civic and national needs, and the religious aim has been almost completely eliminated. This change is known as the secularization of American education. It also required many a bitter struggle, and was accomplished in the different States but slowly. The two great factors which served to produce this change were: 1. The conviction that the life of the Republic demanded an educated and intelligent citizenship, and hence the general education of all in common schools controlled by the State; and 2. The great diversity of religious beliefs among the people, which forced tolerance and religious freedom through a consideration of the rights of minorities. The secularization of education must not be regarded either as a deliberate or a wanton violation of the rights of the Church, but rather as an unavoidable incident connected with the coming to self-consciousness and self-government of a great people. THE FIGHT IN MASSACHUSETTS. The educational awakening in Massachusetts, brought on largely by the work of Horace Mann, was to many a rude awakening. Among other things, it revealed that the old school of the Puritans had gradually been replaced by a new and purely American type of school, with instruction adapted to democratic and national rather than religious ends. Mr. Mann stood strongly for such a conception of public education, and being a Unitarian, and the new State Board of Education being almost entirely liberal in religion, an attack was launched against them, and for the first time in our history the cry was raised that "The public schools are Godless schools." Those who believed in the old system of religious instruction, those who bore the Board or its Secretary personal ill-will, and those who desired to break down the Board's authority and stop the development of the public schools, united their forces in this first big attack against secular education. Horace Mann was the first prominent educator in America to meet and answer the religious onslaught. A violent attack was opened in both the pulpit and the press. It was claimed that the Board was trying to eliminate the Bible from the schools, to abolish correction, and to "make the schools a counterpoise to religious instruction at home and in Sabbath schools." The local right to demand religious instruction was insisted upon. Mr. Mann felt that a great public issue had been raised which should be answered carefully and fully. In three public statements he answered the criticisms and pointed out the errors in the argument (R. 322). The Bible, he said, was an invaluable book for forming the character of children, and should be read without comment in the schools, but it was not necessary to teach it there. He showed that most of the towns had given up the teaching of the Catechism before the establishment of the Board of Education. He contended that any attempt to decide what creed or doctrine should be taught would mean the ruin of the schools. The attack culminated in the attempts of the religious forces to abolish the State Board of Education, in the legislatures of 1840 and 1841, which failed dismally. Most of the orthodox people of the State took Mr. Mann's side, and Governor Briggs, in one of his messages, commended his stand by inserting the following: Justice to a faithful public officer leads me to say that the indefatigable and accomplished Secretary of the Board of Education has performed services in the cause of common schools which will earn him the lasting gratitude of the generation to which he belongs. THE ATTEMPT TO DIVIDE THE SCHOOL FUNDS. As was stated earlier, in the beginning it was common to aid church schools on the same basis as the state schools, and sometimes, in the beginnings of state aid, the money was distributed among existing schools without at first establishing any public schools. In many Eastern cities church schools at first shared in the public funds. In Pennsylvania church and private schools were aided from poor-law funds up to 1834. In New Jersey the first general school law of 1829 had been repealed a year later through the united efforts of church and private-school interests, who unitedly fought the development of state schools, and in 1830 and 1831 new laws had permitted all private and parochial schools to share in the small state appropriation for education. After the beginning of the forties, when the Roman Catholic influence came in strongly with the increase in Irish immigration to the United States, a new factor was introduced and the problem, which had previously been a Protestant problem, took on a somewhat different aspect in the form of a demand for a division of the school funds. Between 1825 and 1842 the fight was especially severe in New York City. In 1825 the City Council refused to grant public money to any religious Society, [11] and in 1840 the Catholics carried the matter to the State Legislature. The legislature deferred action until 1842, and then did the unexpected thing. The heated discussion of the question in the city and in the legislature had made it evident that, while it might not be desirable to continue to give funds to a privately organized corporation, to divide them among the quarreling and envious religious sects would be much worse. The result was that the legislature created for the city a City Board of Education, to establish real public schools, and stopped the debate on the question of aid to religious schools by enacting that no portion of the school funds was in the future to be given to any school in which "any religious sectarian doctrine or tenet should be taught, inculcated, or practiced." Thus the real public-school system of New York City was evolved out of this attempt to divide the public funds among the churches. The Public School Society continued for a time, but its work was now done, and, in 1853, surrendered its buildings and property to the City Board of Education and disbanded. THE CONTEST IN OTHER STATES. As early as 1830, Lowell, Massachusetts, had granted aid to the Irish Catholic parochial schools in the city, and in 1835 had taken over two such schools and maintained them as public schools. In 1853 the representatives of the Roman Catholic Church made a demand on the state legislature for a division of the school fund of the State. To settle the question once for all a constitutional amendment was submitted by the legislature to the people, providing that all state and town moneys raised or appropriated for education must be expended only on regularly organized and conducted public schools, and that no religious sect should ever share in such funds. This measure failed of adoption at the election of 1853 by a vote of 65,111 for and 65,512 against, but was re-proposed and adopted in 1855. This settled the question in Massachusetts, as Mann had tried to settle it earlier, and as New Hampshire had settled it in its constitution of 1792, Connecticut in its constitution of 1818, and Rhode Island in its constitution of 1842. Other States now faced similar demands, but no demand for a share in or a division of the public-school funds, after 1840, was successful. The demand everywhere met with intense opposition, and with the coming of enormous numbers of Irish Catholics after 1846, and German Lutherans after 1848, the question of the preservation of the schools just established as unified state school systems now became a burning one. Petitions for a division of the funds deluged the legislatures (R. 323), and these were met by counter-petitions (R. 324). Mass meetings on both sides of the question were held. Candidates for office were forced to declare themselves. Anti-Catholic riots occurred in a number of cities. The Native-American Party was formed, in 1841, "to prevent the union of Church and State," and to "keep the Bible in the schools." In 1841 the Whig Party, in New York, inserted a plank in its platform against sectarian schools. In 1855 the national council of the Know-Nothing Party, meeting in Philadelphia, in its platform favored public schools and the use of the Bible therein, but opposed sectarian schools. This party carried the elections that year in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Maryland, and Kentucky. To settle the question in a final manner legislatures now began to propose constitutional amendments to the people of their several States which forbade a division or a diversion of the funds, and these were almost uniformly adopted at the first election after being proposed. No State admitted to the Union after 1858, except West Virginia, failed to insert such a provision in its first state constitution. [12] VI. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL The elementary or common schools which had been established in the different States, by 1850, supplied an elementary or common school education to the children of the masses of the people, and the primary schools which were added, after about 1820, carried this education downward to the needs of the beginners. In the rural schools the American school of the 3 Rs provided for all the children, from the little ones up, so long as they could advantageously partake of its instruction. Education in advance of this common school training was in semi-private institutions--the academies and colleges--in which a tuition fee was charged. The next struggle came in the attempt to extend the system upward so as to provide to pupils, free of charge, a more complete education than the common schools afforded. [Illustration: FIG. 204. A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND ACADEMY Pittsfield Academy, New Hampshire.] THE TRANSITION ACADEMY. About the middle of the eighteenth century a tendency manifested itself, in Europe as well as in America, to establish higher schools offering a more practical curriculum than the old Latin schools had provided. In America it became particularly evident, after the coming of nationality, that the old Latin grammar-school type of instruction, with its limited curriculum and exclusively college- preparatory ends, was wholly inadequate for the needs of the youth of the land. The result was the gradual dying-out of the Latin school and the evolution of the tuition Academy, previously referred to briefly on page 463. The academy movement spread rapidly during the first half of the nineteenth century. By 1800 there were 17 academies in Massachusetts, 36 by 1820, and 403 by 1850. By 1830 there were, according to Hinsdale, 950 incorporated academies in the United States, and many unincorporated ones, and by 1850, according to Inglis, there were, of all kinds, 1007 academies in New England, 1636 in the Middle Atlantic States, 2640 in the Southern States, 753 in the Upper Mississippi Valley States, and a total reported for the entire United States of 6085, with 12,260 teachers employed and 263,096 pupils enrolled. [13] The greatest period of their development was from 1820 to 1830, though they continued to dominate secondary education until 1850, and were very prominent until after the Civil War. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES. The most characteristic features of these academies were their semi-public control (R. 325), their broadened curriculum and religious purpose, and the extension of their instruction to girls. The Latin Grammar School was essentially a town free school, maintained by the towns for the higher education of certain of their male children. It was aristocratic in type, and belonged to the early period of class education. With the decline in zeal for education, after 1750, these tax-supported higher schools largely died out, and in their place private energy and benevolence came to be depended upon to supply the needed higher education. One of the main purposes expressed in the endowment or creation of the academies was the establishment of courses which should cover a number of subjects having value aside from mere preparation for college, particularly subjects of a modern nature, useful in preparing youths for the changed conditions of society and government and business. The study of real things rather than words about things, and useful things rather than subjects merely preparatory to college, became prominent features of the new courses of study. Among the most commonly found new subjects were algebra, astronomy, botany, chemistry, general history, United States history, English literature, surveying, intellectual philosophy, declamation, and debating. [14] Not being bound up with the colleges, as the earlier Latin grammar schools had largely been, the academies became primarily independent institutions, taking pupils who had completed the English education of the common school and giving them an advanced education in modern languages, the sciences, mathematics, history, and the more useful subjects of the time, with a view to "rounding out" their studies and preparing them for business life and the rising professions. They thus built upon instead of running parallel to the common school course, as the old Latin grammar school had done (see Figure 198, p. 666) and hence clearly mark a transition from the aristocratic and somewhat exclusive college-preparatory Latin grammar school of colonial times to the more democratic high school of to-day. The academies also served a very useful purpose in supplying to the lower schools the best-educated teachers of the time. The old Latin grammar school, too, had been maintained exclusively for boys. Girls had been excluded as "Improper & inconsistent w'th such a Grammar Schoole as ye law injoines, and is ye Designe of this Settlem't." The new academies soon reversed this situation. Almost from the first they began to be established for girls as well as boys, and in time many became co-educational. In New York State alone 32 academies were incorporated between 1819 and 1853 with the prefix "Female" to their title. In this respect, also, these institutions formed a transition to the modern co- educational high school. The higher education of women in the United States clearly dates from the establishment of the academies. Troy (New York) Seminary, founded by Emma Willard, in 1821, and Mt. Holyoke (Massachusetts) Seminary, founded by Mary Lyon, in 1836, though not the first institutions for girls, were nevertheless important pioneers in the higher education of women. THE DEMAND FOR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The different movements tending toward the building-up of free public-school systems in the cities and States, which we have described in this and the preceding chapter, and which became clearly defined in the Northern States after 1825, came just at the time when the Academy had reached its maximum development. The settlement of the question of general taxation for education, the elimination of the rate-bill by the cities and later by the States, the establishment of the American common school as the result of a long native evolution, and the complete establishment of public control over the entire elementary-school system, all tended to bring the semi-private tuition academy into question. Many asked why not extend the public-school system upward to provide the necessary higher education for all in one common state- supported school. [15] The demand for an upward extension of the public school, which would provide academy instruction for the poor as well as the rich, and in one common public higher school, now made itself felt. As the colonial Latin grammar school had represented the educational needs of a society based on classes, and the academies had represented a transition period and marked the growth of a middle class, so the rising democracy of the second quarter of the nineteenth century now demanded and obtained the democratic high school, supported by the public and equally open to all, to meet the educational needs of a new society built on the basis of a new and aggressive democracy. Where, too, the academy had represented in a way a missionary effort--that of a few providing something for the good of the people (Rs. 319, 325)--the high school on the other hand represented a coöperative effort on the part of the people to provide something for themselves. [Illustration: FIG. 205. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES The transitional character of the Academy is well shown in this diagram.] THE FIRST AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL. The first high school in the United States was established in Boston, in 1821 (R. 326). For three years it was known as the "English Classical School" (R. 327), but in 1824 the school appears in the records as the "English High School." In 1826 Boston also opened the first high school for girls, but abolished it in 1828, due to its great popularity, and instead extended the course of study for girls in the elementary schools. [Illustration: FIG. 206 THE FIRST HIGH SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES Established at Boston in 1821.] THE MASSACHUSETTS LAW OF 1827. Though Portland, Maine, established a high school in 1821, Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1824, and New Bedford, Haverhill, and Salem, Massachusetts, in 1827, copying the Boston idea, the real beginning of the American high school as a distinct institution dates from the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (R. 328), enacted through the influence of James G. Carter. This law formed the basis of all subsequent legislation in Massachusetts, and deeply influenced development in other States. The law is significant in that it required a high school in every town having 500 families or over, in which should be taught United States history, bookkeeping, algebra, geometry, and surveying, while in every town having 4000 inhabitants or over, instruction in Greek, Latin, history, rhetoric, and logic must be added. A heavy penalty was attached for failure to comply with the law. In 1835 the law was amended so as to permit any smaller town to form a high school as well. This Boston and Massachusetts legislation clearly initiated the public high-school movement in the United States. It was there that the new type of higher school was founded, there that its curriculum was outlined, there that its standards were established, and there that it developed earliest and best. THE STRUGGLE TO ESTABLISH AND MAINTAIN HIGH SCHOOLS. The development of the American high school, even in its home, was slow. Up to 1840 not much more than a dozen high schools had been established in Massachusetts, and not more than an equal number in the other States. The Academy was the dominant institution, the cost of maintenance was a factor, and the same opposition to an extension of taxation to include high schools was manifested as was earlier shown toward the establishment of common schools. The early state legislation, as had been the case with the common schools, was nearly always permissive and not mandatory. Massachusetts forms a notable exception in this regard. The support for the schools had to come practically entirely from increased local taxation, and this made the struggle to establish and maintain high schools in any State for a long time a series of local struggles. Years of propaganda and patient effort were required, and, after the establishment of a high school in a community, constant watchfulness was necessary to prevent its abandonment (R. 329). [Illustration: FIG. 207. HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860 Based on the table given in the _Report of the United States Commissioner of Education_, 1904, vol. II, pp. 1782-1989. This table is only approximately correct, as exact information is difficult to obtain. This table gives 321 high schools by 1860, and all but 35 of these were in the States shown on the above map. There were two schools in California and three in Texas, and the remainder not shown were in the Southern States. Of the 321 high schools reported, over half (167) were in the three States of Massachusetts (78), New York (41), and Ohio (48).] In many States, legislation providing for the establishment of high schools was attacked in the courts. One of the clearest cases of this came in Michigan, in a test case appealed from the city of Kalamazoo, and commonly known as the Kalamazoo case. The opinion of the Supreme Court of the State (R. 330) was so favorable and so positive that this decision deeply influenced development in almost all of the Upper Mississippi Valley States. The struggle to establish and maintain high schools in Massachusetts and New York preceded the development in most other States, because there the common school had been established earlier. In consequence, the struggle to extend and complete the public-school system came there earlier also. The development was likewise more peaceful there, and came more rapidly. In Massachusetts this was in large part a result of the educational awakening started by James G. Carter and Horace Mann. In New York it was due to the early support of Governor De Witt Clinton, and the later encouragement and state aid which came from the Regents of the University of the State of New York. Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire were like Massachusetts in spirit, and followed closely its example. In Rhode Island and New Jersey, due to old conditions, and in Connecticut, due to the great decline in education there after 1800, the high school developed much more slowly, and it was not until after 1865 that any marked development took place in these States. The democratic West soon adopted the idea, and established high schools as soon as cities developed and the needs of the population warranted. In the South the main high- school development dates from relatively recent times. Gradually the high school has been accepted as a part of the state common- school system by all the American States, and the funds and taxation originally provided for the common schools have been extended to cover the high school as well. The new States of the West have based their legislation largely on what the Eastern and Central States earlier fought out. VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM THE COLONIAL COLLEGES. The earlier colleges--Harvard, William and Mary, Yale--had been created by the religious-state governments of the earlier colonial period, and continued to retain some state connections for a time after the coming of nationality. As it early became evident that a democracy demands intelligence on the part of its citizens, that the leaders of democracy are not likely to be too highly educated, and that the character of collegiate instruction must ultimately influence national development, efforts were accordingly made to change the old colleges or create new ones, the final outcome of which was the creation of state universities in all the new and in most of the older States. The evolution of the state university, as the crowning head of the free public school system of the State, represents the last phase which we shall trace of the struggle of democracy to create a system of schools suited to its peculiar needs. The close of the colonial period found the Colonies possessed of nine colleges. These, with the dates of their foundation, the Colony founding them, and the religious denomination they chiefly represented were: 1636. Harvard College Massachusetts Puritan 1693. William and Mary Virginia Anglican 1701. Yale College Connecticut Congregational 1746. Princeton New Jersey Presbyterian 1753-55 Academy and College Pennsylvania Non-denominational 1754. King's College (Columbia) New York Anglican 1764. Brown Rhode Island Baptist 1765. Rutgers New Jersey Reformed Dutch 1769. Dartmouth New Hampshire Congregational The religious purpose had been dominant in the founding of each institution, though there was a gradual shading-off in strict denominational control and insistence upon religious conformity in the foundations after 1750. Still the prime purpose in the founding of each was to train up a learned and godly body of ministers, the earlier congregations at least "dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches when our present ministers shall lie in the dust." In a pamphlet, published in 1754, President Clap of Yale declared that "Colleges are _Societies of Ministers_, for training up Persons for the Work of the _Ministry_" and that "The great design of founding this School (Yale), was to Educate Ministers in our _own Way_." In the advertisement published in the New York papers announcing the opening of King's College, in 1754, it was stated that: IV. The chief Thing that is aimed at in this College, is, to teach and engage the Children _to know God in Jesus Christ_, and to love and serve him in all _Sobriety, Godliness_, and _Richness of Life_, with a perfect Heart and a Willing Mind: and to train them up in all Virtuous Habits, and all such useful Knowledge as may render them creditable to their Families and Friends, Ornaments to their Country, and useful to the Public Weal in their generation. These colonial institutions were all small. For the first fifty years of Harvard's history the attendance at the college seldom exceeded twenty, and the President did all the teaching. The first assistant teacher (tutor) was not appointed until 1699, and the first professor not until 1721, when a professorship of divinity was endowed. By 1800 the instruction was conducted by the President and three professors--divinity, mathematics, and "Oriental languages"--assisted by a few tutors who received only class fees, and the graduating classes seldom exceeded forty. The course was four years in length, and all students studied the same subjects. The first three years were given largely to the so-called "Oriental languages" Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. In addition, Freshmen studied arithmetic; Sophomores, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry; and Juniors, natural (book) science; and all were given much training in oratory, and some general history was added. The Senior year was given mainly to ethics, philosophy, and Christian evidences. [16] The instruction in the eight other older colleges, before 1800, was not materially different. [Illustration: FIG. 208. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ESTABLISHED BY 1860 Compiled from data given in the _Reports of the United States Commissioner of Education_. Of the 246 colleges shown on the map, but 17 were state institutions, and but two or three others had any state connections.] GROWTH OF COLLEGES BY 1860. Fifteen additional colleges were founded before 1800, and it has been estimated that by that date the two dozen American colleges then existing did not have all told over one hundred professors and instructors, not less than one thousand nor more than two thousand students, or property worth over one million dollars. Their graduating classes were small. No one of the twenty-four admitted women in any way to its privileges. After 1820, with the firmer establishment of the Nation, the awakening of a new national consciousness, the development of larger national wealth, and a court decision which safeguarded the endowments, interest in the founding of new colleges perceptibly quickened, as may be seen from the adjoining table, and between 1820 and 1880 came the great period of denominational effort. The map shows the colleges established by 1860, from which it will be seen how large a part the denominational colleges played in the early history of higher education in the United States. Up to about 1870 the provision of higher education, as had been the case earlier with the provision of secondary education by the academies, had been left largely to private effort. There were, to be sure, a few state universities before 1870, though usually these were not better than the denominational colleges around them, and often they maintained a non-denominational character only by preserving a proper balance between the different denominations in the employment of their faculties. Speaking generally, higher education in the United States before 1870 was provided very largely in the tuitional colleges of the different religious denominations, rather than by the State. Of the 246 colleges founded by the close of the year 1860, as shown on the map, but 17 were state institutions, and but two or three others had any state connections. COLLEGES FOUNDED UP TO 1900 Before 1780 10 1780-89 7 1790-99 7 1800-09 9 1810-19 5 1820-29 22 1830-39 38 1840-49 42 1850-59 92 1860-69 73 1870-79 61 1880-89 74 1890-99 54 --- Total 494 (After a table by Dexter corrected by U.S. Comr. Educ. data. Only approximately correct.) THE NEW NATIONAL ATTITUDE TOWARD THE COLLEGES. After the coming of nationality there gradually grew up a widespread dissatisfaction with the colleges as then conducted, because they were aristocratic in tendency, because they devoted themselves so exclusively to the needs of a class, and because they failed to answer the needs of the States in the matter of higher education. Due to their religious origin, and the common requirement that the president and trustees must be members of some particular denomination, they were naturally regarded as representing the interests of some one sect or faction within the State rather than the interests of the State itself. With the rise of the new democratic spirit after about 1820 there came a demand, felt least in New England and most in the South and the new States in the West, for institutions of higher learning which should represent the State. It was argued that colleges were important instrumentalities for moulding the future, that the kind of education given in them must ultimately influence the welfare of the State, and that higher education cannot be regarded as a private matter. The type of education given in these higher institutions, it was argued, "will appear on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, and in the senate, and will unavoidably affect our civil and religious principles." For these reasons, as well as to crown our state school system and to provide higher educational advantages for its leaders, it was argued that the State should exercise control over the colleges. This new national spirit manifested itself in a number of ways. In New York we see it in the reorganization of King's College, the rechristening of the institution as Columbia, and the placing of it under at least the nominal supervision of the governing educational body of the State. In Pennsylvania an attempt was made to bring the university into closer connection with the State, but this failed. In New Hampshire the legislature tried, in 1816, to transform Dartmouth College into a state institution. This act was contested in the courts, and the case was finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States. There it was decided, in 1819, that the charter of a college was a contract, the obligation of which a legislature could not impair. EFFECT OF THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE DECISION. The effect of this decision manifested itself in two different ways. On the one hand it guaranteed the perpetuity of endowments, and the great period of private and denominational effort (see table) now followed. On the other hand, since the States could not change charters and transform old establishments, they began to turn to the creation of new state universities of their own. Virginia created its state university the same year as the Dartmouth case decision. The University of North Carolina, which had been established in 1789, and which began to give instruction in 1795, but which had never been under direct state control, was taken over by the State in 1821. The University of Vermont, originally chartered in 1791, was rechartered as a state university in 1838. The University of Indiana was established in 1820. Alabama provided for a state university in its first constitution, in 1819, and the institution opened for instruction in 1831. Michigan, in framing its first constitution preparatory to entering the Union, in 1835, made careful provisions for the safeguarding of the state university and for establishing it as an integral part of its state school system, as Indiana had done in 1816. Wisconsin provided for the creation of a state university in 1836, and embodied the idea in its first constitution when it entered the Union in 1848, and Missouri provided for a state university in 1839, Mississippi in 1844, Iowa in 1847, and Florida in 1856. The state university is today found in every "new" State and in some of the "original" States, and practically every new Western and Southern State followed the patterns set by Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin and made careful provision for the establishment and maintenance of a state university in its first state constitution. There was thus quietly added another new section to the American educational ladder, and the free public-school system was extended farther upward. Though the great period of state university foundation came after 1860, and the great period of state university expansion after 1885, the beginnings were clearly marked early in our national history. Of the sixteen States having state universities by 1860 (see Figure 208), all except Florida had established them before 1850. For a long time small, poorly supported by the States, much like the church colleges about them in character and often inferior in quality, one by one the state universities have freed themselves alike from denominational restrictions on the one hand and political control on the other, and have set about rendering the service to the State which a state university ought to render. Michigan, the first of our state universities to free itself, take its proper place, and set an example for others to follow, opened in 1841 with two professors and six students. In 1844 it was a little institution of three professors, one tutor, one assistant, and one visiting lecturer, had but fifty-three students, and offered but a single course of study, consisting chiefly of Greek, Latin, mathematics, and intellectual and moral science (R. 331). As late as 1852 it had but seventy-two students, but by 1860, when it had largely freed itself from the incubus of Baptist Latin, Congregational Greek, Methodist intellectual philosophy, Presbyterian astronomy, and Whig mathematics, and its remarkable growth as a state university had begun, it enrolled five hundred and nineteen. THE AMERICAN FREE PUBLIC-SCHOOL SYSTEM NOW ESTABLISHED. By the close of the second quarter of the nineteenth century, certainly by 1860, we find the American public-school system fully established, in principle at least, in all our Northern States (R. 332). Much yet remained to be done to carry into full effect what had been established in principle, but everywhere democracy had won its fight, and the American public school, supported by general taxation, freed from the pauper-school taint, free and equally open to all, under the direction of representatives of the people, free from sectarian control, and complete from the primary school through the high school, and in the Western States through the university as well, was established permanently in American public policy. It was a real democratic educational ladder that had been created, and not the typical two-class school system of continental European States. The establishment of the free public high school and the state university represent the crowning achievements of those who struggled to found a state-supported educational system fitted to the needs of great democratic States. Probably no other influences have done more to unify the American People, reconcile diverse points of view, eliminate state jealousies, set ideals for the people, and train leaders for the service of the States and of the Nation than the academies, high schools, and colleges scattered over the land. They have educated but a small percentage of the people, to be sure, but they have trained most of the leaders who have guided the American democracy since its birth. [Illustration: FIG. 209. THE AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL LADDER Compare this with the figure on page 577, and the democratic nature of the American school system will be apparent.] QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Explain the theory of "vested rights" as applied to private and parochial schools. 2. Does every great advance in provisions for human welfare require a period of education and propaganda? Illustrate. 3. Explain just what is meant by "the wealth of the State must educate the children of the State." 4. Show how the retention of the pauper-school idea would have been dangerous to the life of the Republic. 5. Why were the cities more anxious to escape from the operation of the pauper-school law than were the towns and rural districts? 6. Why were the pauper-school and the rate-bill so hard to eliminate? 7. Explain why, in America, schools naturally developed from the community outward. 8. State your explanation for the older States beginning to establish permanent school funds, often before they had established a state system of schools. 9. Show the gradual transition from church control of education, through state aid of church schools, to secularized state schools. 10. Show why secularized state schools were the only possible solution for the United States. 11. Show that secularization would naturally take place in the textbooks and the instruction, before manifesting itself in the laws. 12. Show how the American academy was a natural development in the national life. 13. Show how the American high school was a natural development after the academy. 14. Show why the high school could be opposed by men who had accepted tax- supported elementary schools. Why has such reasoning been abandoned now? 15. Explain the difference, and illustrate from the history of American educational development, between establishing a thing in principle and carrying it into full effect. 16. Was the early argument as to the influence of higher education on the State a true argument? Why? 17. What would have been the probable results had the Dartmouth College case been decided the other way? 18. Show how the opening of collegiate instruction to women was a phase of the new democratic movement. 19. Show how college education has been a unifying force in the national life. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 316. Mann: The Ground of the Free-School System. 317. Governor Cleveland: Repeal of the Connecticut School Law. 318. Mann: On the Repeal of the Connecticut School Law. 319. Gulliver: The Struggle for Free Schools in Norwich. 320. Address: The State and Education. 321. Michigan: A Rate-Bill, and a Warrant for Collection. 322. Mann: On Religious Instruction in the Schools. 323. Michigan: Petition for a Division of the School Fund. 324. Michigan: Counter-Petition against a Division. 325. Connecticut: Act of Incorporation of Norwich Free Academy, 326. Boston: Establishment of the First American High School. 327. Boston: The Secondary-School System in 1823. 328. Massachusetts: The High School Law of 1827. 329. Gulliver: An Example of the Opposition to High Schools. 330. Michigan: The Kalamazoo Decision. 331. Michigan: Program of Studies at University, 1843. 332. Tappan: The Michigan State System of Public Instruction. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Do Mann's three propositions (316) hold equally true to-day? 2. Of what type of person is the reasoning of Governor Cleveland (317) typical? 3. Assuming Mann's description of Connecticut progress (318) to be correct, how do you account for the legislature following Governor Cleveland's recommendations so readily? 4. Did the leaders in Norwich (319) use good diplomacy? 5. Point out the essential soundness of the reasoning of the New Jersey Report (320). 6. Explain the willingness of people seventy-five years ago to conduct the school business on such a small basis (321) as the rate-bill indicates. 7. Show that, as Mr. Mann points out (322), sectarian schools and a State Church are near together. 8. Point out the weakness in the argument in the Michigan petition (323). 9. State the purpose and nature of the first American high school (326), and contrast it with the earlier academy. 10. Contrast the English Classical School (High School) of Boston of 1823, with the older Latin School (327), as to purpose and instruction. 11. Just what did the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (328) require? 12. Has such opposition as that described in 329 completely died out even now? 13. State the line of reasoning and the conclusions of the Court in the Kalamazoo Case (330). Point out how this decision might influence development elsewhere. 14. Compare the University of Michigan of 1843 (331) with a present-day high school. 15. Show that Michigan (332) had perfected an American educational ladder. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Brown, E. E. _The Making of our Middle Schools_. * Brown, S. W. _The Secularization of American Education_. Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_. Dexter, E. G. _A History of Education in the United States_. * Hinsdale, B. A. _Horace Mann, and the Common School Revival in the United States_. * Inglis, A. J. _The Rise of the High School in Massachusetts_. Martin, George H. _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School System_. * Mead, A. R. _The Development of Free Schools in the United States, as Illustrated by Connecticut and Michigan_. Taylor, James M. _Before Vassar Opened_. * Thwing, Charles F. _A History of Higher Education in America_. CHAPTER XXVII EDUCATION BECOMES A NATIONAL TOOL I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA THE FIVE TYPE NATIONS. We have now traced, in some detail, the struggles of forward-looking men to establish national systems of education in five great world nations. In each we have described the steps by means of which the State gradually superseded the Church in the control of education, and the motives and impulses which finally led the State to take over the school as a function of the State. The steps and impelling motives and rate of transfer were not the same in any two nations, but in each of the five the political necessities of the State in time made the transfer seem desirable. Time everywhere was required to effect the change. The movement began earliest and was concluded earliest in the German States, and was concluded last in England. In the German States, France, and Italy the change came rapidly and as a result of legislative acts or imperial decrees. In England and the United States the transfer took place, as we have seen, only in response to the slow development of public opinion. This change in control and extension of educational advantages was essentially a nineteenth-century movement, and a resultant of the new political philosophy and the democratic revolutions of the later eighteenth century, combined with the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century. A new political impulse now replaced the earlier religious motive as the incentive for education, and education for literacy and citizenship became, during the nineteenth century, a new political ideal that has, in time, spread to progressive nations all over the world. The five great nations whose educational evolution has been described in the preceding chapters may be regarded as having formed types which have since been copied, in more or less detail, by the more progressive nations in different parts of the world. The continental European two-class school system, the American educational ladder, and the English tendency to combine the two and use the best parts of each, have been reproduced in the different national educational systems which have been created by the various political governments of the world. The continental European idea of a centralized ministry for education, with an appointed head or a cabinet minister in control, has also been widely copied. The Prussian two-class plan has been most influential among the Teutonic and Slavic peoples of Europe, and has also deeply influenced educational development among the Japanese; English ideas have been extensively copied in the English self-governing dominions; and the American plan has been clearly influential in Canada, the Argentine, and in China. The French centralized plan for organization and administration has been widely copied in the state educational organizations of the Latin nations of Europe and South America. In a general way it may be stated that the more democratic the government of a nation has become the greater has been the tendency to break away from the two-class school system, to introduce more of an educational ladder, and to bring in more of the English conception of granting to localities a reasonable amount of local liberty in educational affairs. SPREAD OF THE STATE CONTROL IDEA AMONG NORTHERN NATIONS. The development of schools under the control of the government, and the extension of state supervision to the existing religious schools, took place in the different cantons of Switzerland, and in Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, somewhat contemporaneously with the development described for the five type nations. The work of Pestalozzi and Fellenberg, and of their disciples and followers, had given an early impetus to the establishment of schools and teacher-training in the Swiss cantons, most being done in the German-speaking portions. In Holland, where the Reformation zeal for schools largely died out in the eighteenth century, the organization of the "Society of Public Good," in 1784, by a Mennonite clergyman, did much to awaken a new interest in schools for the people and to inaugurate a new movement for educational organization. In 1795 a revolution took place in Holland, a republic was established, and the extension of educational advantages followed. From 1806 to 1815 Holland was under the rule of Napoleon. A school law of 1806 forms the basis of public education in Holland. This asserted the supremacy of the State in education, and provided for state inspection of schools. In 1812 the French scientist, M. Cuvier, reported to Napoleon that there were 4451 schools in little Holland, and that one tenth of the total population was in school. In 1816 a normal school was established at Haarlem. Both the constitutions of 1815 and 1848 provided for state control of education, which has been steadily extended since the beginning of the revival in 1784. Today Holland provides a good system of public instruction for its people. [Illustration: Fig. 210. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF DENMARK] In Denmark and Sweden the development of state schools has been worked out, much as in England, in coöperation with the Church, and the Church still assists the State in the administration and supervision of the school systems which were eventually evolved. In each of these countries, too, the continental two-class school system has been somewhat modified by an upward movement of the transfer point between the two and the development of people's high schools, so as to produce a more democratic type of school and afford better educational opportunities to all classes of the population. The annexed diagram, showing the organization of education in Denmark, is typical of this modification and extension. Finland should also be classed with these northern nations in matters of educational development. Lutheran ideas as to religion and the need for education took deep hold there at an early date (p. 297). A knowledge of reading and the Catechism was made necessary for confirmation as early as 1686, and democratic ideas also found an early home among this people. In consequence the Finns have for long been a literate people. The law making elementary education a function of the State, however, dates only from 1866, and secondary education was taken over from the ecclesiastical authorities only in 1872. Similarly, Scotland, another northern nation, began schools as a phase of its Reformation fervor. During the eighteenth century the parish schools, created by the Acts of 1646 (R. 179; p. 335) and 1696, proved insufficient, and voluntary schools were added to supplement them. Together these insured for Scotland a much higher degree of literacy than was the case in England. The final state organization of education in Scotland dates from the Scottish Education Act of 1872. [Illustration: FIG. 211. THE PROGRESS OF LITERACY IN EUROPE BY THE CLOSE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY] The map reproduced here, showing the progress of general education by the close of the nineteenth century, as measured by the spread of the ability to read and write, reveals at a glance the high degree of literacy of the northern Teutonic and mixed Teutonic nations. It was among these nations that the Protestant Reformation ideas made the deepest impression; it was in these northern States that the Protestant elementary vernacular school, to teach reading and religion, attained its earliest start; it was there that the school was taken over from the Church and erected into an effective national instrument at an early date; and it was these nations which had been most successful, by the close of the nineteenth century, in extending the elements of education to all and thus producing literate populations. THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AND EAST OF EUROPE. As we pass to the south and east of Europe we pass not only to lands which remained loyal to the Roman Church, or are adherents of the Greek Church, and hence did not experience the Reformation fervor with its accompanying zeal for education, but also to lands untouched by the French-Revolution movement and where democratic ideas have only recently begun to make any progress. Greece alone forms an exception to this statement, a constitutional government having been established there in 1843. Removed from the main stream of European civilization, these nations have been influenced less by modern forces; the hold of the Church on the education of the young has there been longest retained; and the taking-over of education by the State has there been longest deferred. In consequence, the schools provided have for long been inadequate both in number and scope, and the progress of literacy and democratic ideas among the people has been slow. Despite the beginnings made by Maria Theresa (p. 475) in the late eighteenth century, Austria dropped backward to a low place in matters of education during the period of reaction following the Napoleonic wars, and the real beginnings of state elementary-schools there date from the law of 1867. The beginnings in Hungary date from 1868. The beginnings of other state elementary school systems are: Greece, 1823; Portugal, 1844; Spain, 1857; Roumania, 1859; Bulgaria, 1881; and Serbia, 1882. In many of these States, despite early beginnings, but little real progress has even yet been made in developing systems of national education that will provide gratuitous elementary-school training for all and inculcate the national spirit. In many of these States the illiteracy of the people is still high, [1] the people are poor, the nations are economically backward, the military and clerical classes still dominate, and intelligent and interested governments have not as yet been evolved. In Russia, though Catherine II and her successors made earnest efforts to begin a system of state education, the period following Napoleon was one of extreme repressive reaction. The military class and the clergy of the Greek Church joined hands in a government interested in keeping the people submissive and devout. In consequence, at the time of the emancipation of the serfs, in 1861, it was estimated that not one per cent of the total population of Russia was then under instruction, and the ratio of illiteracy by the close of the nineteenth century was the highest in Europe outside of Spain, Portugal, and the Balkan States. THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE ENGLISH SELF-GOVERNING DOMINIONS. The English and French settlers in Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces of Canada brought the English and French parochial-school ideas from their home-lands with them, but these home conceptions were materially modified, at an early date, by settlers from the northern States of the American Union. These introduced the New England idea of state control and public responsibility for education. In part copying precedents recently established in the new American States, as an outcome of the struggles there to establish free, tax-supported, and state-controlled schools, both Ontario and Quebec early began the establishment of state systems of education for their people. A superintendent of education was appointed in Ontario in 1844, and the Common School Act of 1846 laid the foundation of the state school system of the Province. In the law of 1871 a system of uniform, free, compulsory, and state-inspected schools was definitely provided for. Quebec, in 1845, made the ecclesiastical parish the unit for school administration; in 1852 appointed government inspectors for the church schools; and in 1859 provided for a Council of Public Instruction to control all schools in the Province. The Dominion Act of 1867 left education, as in the United States, to the several Provinces to control, and state systems of education, though with large liberty in religious instruction, or the incorporation of the religious schools into the state school systems, have since been erected in all the Canadian Provinces. Following American precedents, too, a thoroughly democratic educational ladder has almost everywhere been created, substantially like that shown in the Figure on page 708. In Australia and New Zealand education has similarly been left to the different States to handle, but a state centralized control has been provided there which is more akin to French practice than to English ideas. In each State, primary education has been made free, compulsory, secular, and state-supported. The laws making such provision in the different States date from 1872, in Victoria; 1875, in Queensland; 1878, in South Australia, West Australia, and New Zealand; and 1880, in New South Wales. Secondary education has not as yet been made free, and many excellent privately endowed or fee-supported secondary schools, after the English plan, are found in the different States. In the new Union of South Africa all university education has been taken over by the Union, while the existing school systems of the different States are rapidly being taken over and expanded by the state governments, and transformed into constructive instruments of the States. THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. As we have seen in Chapter XX, the spirit of nationality awakened by the French Revolution spread to South America, and between 1815 and 1821 all of Spain's South American colonies revolted, declared their independence from the mother country, and set up constitutional republics. Brazil, in 1822, in a similar manner severed its connections from Portugal. The United States, through the Monroe Doctrine (1823), helped these new States to maintain their independence. For approximately half a century these States, isolated as they were and engaged in a long and difficult struggle to evolve stable forms of government, left such education as was provided to private individuals and societies and to the missionaries and teaching orders of the Roman Church. After the middle of the nineteenth century, the new forces stirring in the modern world began to be felt in South America as well, and, after about 1870, a well-defined movement to establish state school systems began to be in evidence. The Argentine constitution of 1853 had directed the establishment of primary schools by the State, but nothing of importance was done until after the election of Dr. Sarmiento as President, in 1868. Under his influence an American-type normal school was established, teachers were imported from the United States, and liberal appropriations for education were begun. In 1873 a general system of national aid for primary education was established, and in 1884 a new law laid the basis of the present state school system. Though some earlier beginnings had been made in some of the other South American nations, Argentine is regarded as the leader in education among them. This is largely due to the democratic nature of the government which, in connection with the deep interest in education of President Sarmiento, [2] found educational expression in the creation of an American-type educational ladder, as the accompanying diagram shows. Large emphasis has been placed on scientific and practical studies in the secondary _colegios_. The normal school has been given large importance, and made a parallel and connecting link in the educational ladder between the primary schools and the universities. The Argentine school system, probably due to American influences acting through President Sarmiento, forms an exception to the usual South American state school system, as nearly all the other States have followed the French model and created a European two-class school system. [Illustration: FIG. 212. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC] In Chili, the constitution of 1833 declared education to be of supreme importance, and a normal school was established in Santiago, as early as 1840. The basic law for the organization of a state system of primary instruction, however, dates from 1860, and the law organizing a state system of secondary and higher education from 1872. In Peru, an educational reform movement was inaugurated in 1876, but the war with Chili (1879-84) checked all progress. In 1896 an Educational Commission was appointed to visit the United States and Europe, and the law of 1901 marked the creation of a ministry for education and the real beginnings of a state school system. The Brazilian constitution of 1824 left education to the several States (twenty and one Federal District), and a permissive law of 1827 allowed the different States to establish schools. It was not until 1854, however, that public schools were organized in the Federal District, and these mark the real beginning of state education in Brazil. Since then the establishment of state schools has gradually extended to the coast States, and inland with the building of railway lines and the opening-up of the interior to outside influences. The basis for state-controlled education has now been laid in all the States, but the attendance at the schools as yet is small. [3] In some of the other South American States, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela, but little progress in extending state-controlled schools has as yet been made, and the training of the young is still left largely to private effort, the Church, and the religious orders. The illiteracy in all the South American States is still high, in part due to the large native populations, and much remains to be done before education becomes general there. The state-control idea, though, has been definitely established in principle in these countries. With the establishment of stable governments, the building of railroads and steamship lines, and the development of an important international commerce--events which there have characterized the first two decades of the twentieth century--early and important progress in state educational organization and in the extension of educational advantages may be expected. THE STATE-SCHOOL IDEA IN EASTERN ASIA. In 1854 Admiral Perry effected the treaty of friendship with Japan which virtually opened that nation to the influences of western civilization, and one of the most wonderful transformations of a people recorded in history soon began. In 1867 a new Mikado came to the throne, and in 1868 the small military class, which had ruled the nation for some seven hundred years, gave up their power to the new ruler. A new era in Japan, known as the _Meiji_, dates from this event. In 1871 the centuries-old feudal system was abolished, and all classes in the State were declared equal before the law. This same year the first newspaper in Japan was begun. In 1872 the first educational code for the nation was promulgated by the Mikado. This ordered the general establishment of schools, the compulsory education of the people (R. 334 a), and the equality of all classes in educational matters. Students were now sent abroad, especially to Germany and the United States; foreign teachers were imported; an American normal-school teacher was placed in charge of the newly opened state normal school; the American class method of instruction was introduced; schoolbooks and teaching apparatus were prepared, after American models; middle schools were organized in the towns; higher schools were opened in the cities; and the old Academy of Foreign Languages was evolved (1877) into the University of Tokyo. In 1884 the study of English was introduced into the courses of the public schools. In 1889 a form of constitution was granted to the people, and a parliament established. [4] [Illustration: FIG. 213. THE JAPANESE TWO-CLASS SCHOOL SYSTEM.] Adapting the continental European idea of a two-class school system to the peculiar needs of the nation, the Japanese have worked out, during the past half-century, a type of state-controlled school system which has been well adapted to their national needs. [5] Instruction in national morality, based on the ancestral virtues, brotherly affection, and loyalty to the constitution and the ruling class (R. 334 b-c), has been well worked out in their schools. Though the government has remained largely autocratic in form, the Japanese have, however, retained throughout all their educational development the fundamental democratic principle enunciated in the Preamble to the Educational Code of 1872 (R. 334 a), _viz_., that every one without distinction of class or sex shall receive primary education at least, and that the opportunity for higher education shall be open to all children. So completely has the education of the people been conceived of as one of the most important functions of the State that all education has been placed under a centralized state control, with a Cabinet Minister in charge of all administrative matters connected with the education of the nation. [Illustration: FIG. 214. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL LADDER] Since near the end of the nineteenth century what promises to be an even more wonderful transformation of a people-political, social, scientific, and industrial--has been taking place in China (R. 335). A much more democratic type of national school system than that of the Japanese has been worked out, and this the new (1912) Republic of China is rapidly extending in the provinces, and making education a very important function of the new democratic national life. [6] In the beginning, when displacing the centuries-old Confucian educational system, [7] the Chinese adopted Japanese ideas and organized their schools (1905) somewhat after the Japanese model. Later on, responding to the influence of many American- educated Chinese and to the more democratic impulses of the Chinese people, the new government established by the Republic of 1912 changed the school system at first established so as to make it in type more like the American educational ladder. The new Chinese school system is shown in the drawing on page 721. The university instruction is modern and excellent, and the addition of the cultural and scientific knowledge worked out in western Europe to the intellectual qualities of this capable people can hardly fail to result, in time, in the production of a wonderful modern nation, [8] probably in one of the greatest nations of the mid-twentieth century. In 1891 the independent Kingdom of Siam, [9] awakened from its age-long isolation by new world influences, sent a prince to Europe to study and report on the state systems of education maintained there. As a result of his report a department of public education was created, which later evolved into a ministry of public instruction, and elementary schools were opened by the State in the thirteen thousand old Buddhist temples. These schools offered a two-year course in Siamese, followed by a five-year course in English, given by imported English teachers. Schools for girls were provided, as well as for boys. Since this beginning, higher schools of law, medicine, agriculture, engineering, and military science have been added, taught largely by imported English and American teachers. In consequence of the new educational organization, and the new influences brought in, the whole life of this little kingdom has been transformed during the past three decades. GENERAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE STATE-FUNCTION CONCEPTION. The different national school systems, the creation of which has so far been briefly described, are typical and represent a great world movement which characterized the latter half of the nineteenth century. This movement is still under way, and increasing in strength. Other state school organizations might be added to the list, but those so far given are sufficient. Beginning with the nations which were earliest to the front of the onward march of civilization, the movement for the state control of education, itself an expression of new world forces and new national needs, has in a century spread to every continent on the globe. To-day progressive nations everywhere conceive of education for their people as so closely associated with their social, political, and industrial progress, and their national welfare and prosperity (R. 336), that the control of education has come to be regarded as an indispensable function of the State. State constitutions (R. 333) have accordingly required the creation of comprehensive state school systems; legislators have turned to education with a new interest; bulky state school codes have given force to constitutional mandates; national literacy has become a goal; the diffusion of political intelligence by means of the school has naturally followed the extension of the suffrage; while the many new forces and impulses of a modern world have served to make the old religious type of education utterly inadequate, and to call for national action to a degree never conceived of in the days when religious, private, and voluntary educational effort sufficed to meet the needs of the few who felt the call to learn. What a few of the more important of these new nineteenth-century forces have been, which have so fundamentally modified the character and direction of education, it may be worth while to set forth briefly, before proceeding further. II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES THE ADVANCE OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE. The first and most important of these nineteenth-century forces, and the one which preceded and conditioned all the others, was the great increase of accurate knowledge as to the forces and laws of the physical world, arising from the application of scientific method to the investigation of the phenomena of the material world (R. 337). During the nineteenth century the intellect of man was stimulated to activity as it had not been before since the days when little Athens was the intellectual center of the world. What the Revival of Learning was to the classical scholars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the movement for scientific knowledge and its application to human affairs was to the nineteenth. It changed the outlook of man on the problems of life, vastly enlarged the intellectual horizon, and gave a new trend to education and to scholarly effort. What the scholars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been slowly gathering together as interesting and classified phenomena, the scientific scholars of the nineteenth century organized, interpreted, expanded, and applied. Since the day of Copernicus (p. 386) and Newton (p. 388) a growing appreciation of the permanence and scope of natural law in the universe had been slowly developing, and this the scholars of the nineteenth century fixed as a principle and applied in many new directions. A few of the more important of these new directions may profitably be indicated here. [Illustration: FIG. 215. BARON JUSTUS VON LIEBIG (1803-73)] In the domain of the physical sciences very important advances characterized the century. Chemistry, up to the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century largely a collection of unrelated facts, was transformed by the labors of such men as Dalton (1766-1844), Faraday (1791-1867), and Liebig into a wonderfully well-organized and vastly important science. Liebig carried chemistry over into the study of the processes of digestion and the functioning of the internal organs, and reshaped much of the instruction in medicine. Liebig is also important as having opened, at Giessen, in 1826, the first laboratory instruction in chemistry for students provided in any university in the world. By many subsequent workers chemistry has been so applied to the arts that it is not too much to say that a knowledge of chemistry underlies the whole manufacturing and industrial life of the present, and that the degree of industrial preeminence held by a nation to-day is largely determined by its mastery of chemical processes. Physics has experienced an equally important development. It, too, at the beginning of the nineteenth century was in the preliminary state of collecting, coördinating, and trying to interpret data. In a century physics has, by experimentation and the application of mathematics to its problems, been organized into a number of exceedingly important sciences. In dynamics, heat, light, and particularly in electricity, discoveries and extension of previous knowledge of the most far-reaching significance have been made. What at the beginning of the nineteenth century was a small textbook study of natural philosophy has since been subdivided into the two great sciences of physics and chemistry, and these in turn into numerous well-organized branches. Today these are taught, not from textbooks, but in large and costly laboratories, while manufacturing establishments and governments now find it both necessary and profitable to maintain large scientific institutions for chemical and physical research. The great triumph of physics, from the point of view of the reign of law in the world of matter, was the experimental establishment (1849) of the fundamental principle of the conservation of energy. This ranks in importance in the world of the physical sciences with the theory of evolution in the biological. The perfection of the spectroscope (1859) revealed the rule of chemical law among the stars, and clinched the theory of evolution as applied to the celestial universe. The atomic theory of matter [10] was an extension of natural laws in another direction. In 1846 occurred the most spectacular proof of the reign of natural law which the nineteenth century witnessed. Two scientists, in different lands, [11] working independently, calculated the orbit of a new planet, Neptune, and when the telescope was turned to the point in the heavens indicated by their calculations the planet was there. It was a tremendous triumph for both mathematics and astronomy. Such work as this meant the firm establishment of scientific accuracy, and the ultimate elimination of the old theories of witchcraft, diabolic action, and superstition as controlling forces in the world of human affairs. The publication by Charles Lyell (1797-1875) of his _Principles of Geology_, in 1830, marked another important advance in the knowledge of the operations of natural law in the physical world, and likewise a revolution in thinking in regard to the age and past history of the earth. Few books have ever more deeply influenced human thinking. The old theological conception of earthly "catastrophes" [12] was overthrown, and in its place was substituted the idea of a very long and a very orderly evolution of the planet. Geology was created as a new science, and out of this has come, by subsequent evolution, a number of other new sciences [13] which have contributed much to human progress. [Illustration: FIG. 216. CHARLES DARWIN (1809-82)] Another of the great books of all time appeared in 1859, when Charles Darwin (1809-1882) published the results of thirty years of careful biological research in his _Origin of Species_. This swept away the old theory of special and individual creation which had been cherished since early antiquity; and substituted in its place the reign of law in the field of biological life. This substitution of the principle of orderly evolution for the old theory of special creation marked another forward step in human thinking, [14] and gave an entirely new direction to the old study of natural history. [15] In the hands of such workers as Wallace (1823-1913), Asa Gray (1810-88), Huxley (1825-94), and Spencer (1820-1903) it now proved a fruitful field. In 1856 the German Virchow (1821-1902) made his far-reaching contribution of cellular pathology to medical science; between 1859 and 1865 the French scientist Pasteur (1822-95) established the germ theory of fermentation, putrefaction, and disease; about the same time the English surgeon Lister (1827-1914) began to use antiseptics in surgery; and, in 1879, the bacillus of typhoid fever was found. Out of this work the modern sciences of pathology, aseptic surgery, bacteriology, and immunity were created, and the cause and mode of transmission of the great diseases [16] which once decimated armies and cities--plague, cholera, malaria, typhoid, typhus, yellow fever, dysentery--as well as the scourges of tuberculosis, diphtheria, and lockjaw, have been determined. The importance of these discoveries for the future welfare and happiness of mankind can scarcely be overestimated. Sanitary science arose as an application of these discoveries, and since about 1875 a sanitary and hygienic revolution has taken place. [Illustration: FIG. 217 LOUIS PASTEUR (1822-95)] The above represent but a few of the more important of the many great scientific advances of the nineteenth century. What the thinkers of the eighteenth century had sowed broadcast through a general interest in science, their successors in the nineteenth reaped as an abundant harvest. The three great master keys of science--the higher mathematics, the principle of the conservation of energy, and the principle of orderly evolution of life according to law--so long unknown to man, had at last been discovered, and, with these in their possession, men have since opened up many of the long-hidden secrets of cause and growth and form and function, both in the heavens and on the earth, and have revealed to a wondering world the prodigious and eternal forces of an orderly universe. The fruitfulness of the Baconian method (p. 390) in the hands of his successors has far surpassed his most sanguine expectations. THE APPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE AND THE RESULT. All this work, as has been frequently pointed out (R. 338), had of necessity to precede the applications of science to the arts and to the advancement of the comforts and happiness of mankind. The new studies soon caught the attention of younger scholars; special schools for their study began to be established by the middle of the nineteenth century; [17] enthusiastic students of science began forcefully to challenge the centuries-long supremacy of classical studies; funds for scientific research began to be provided; the printing-press disseminated the new ideas; and thousands of applications of science to trade and industry and human welfare began to attract public attention and create a new demand for schools and for a new extension of learning. During the past century the applications of this new learning to matters that intimately touch the life of man have been so numerous and so far-reaching in their effects that they have produced a revolution in life conditions unlike anything the world ever experienced before. In all the days from the time of the Crusades to the end of the Napoleonic Wars the changes in living effected were less, both in scope and importance, than have taken place in the century since Napoleon was sent to Saint Helena. THIS TRANSFORMATION WE CALL THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. This, as we pointed out earlier (p. 492), began in England in the late eighteenth century. France did not experience its beginnings until after the Napoleonic Wars, though after about 1820 the transformations there were rapid and far- reaching. In the United States it began about 1810-15, and between 1820 and 1860 the industrial methods of the people of the northeastern quarter of the United States were revolutionized. Between 1860 and 1900 they were revolutionized again. In the German States the transformation began about 1840, though it did not reach its great development until after the establishment of the Empire, in 1871. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, with the development of factories, the building of railroads, and the extension of steamship lines, even the most remote countries have been affected by the new forces. Nations long primitive and secluded have been modernized and industrialized; century-old trades and skills have been destroyed by machinery; the old home and village industries have been replaced by the factory system; cities for manufacturing and trade have everywhere experienced a rapid development; and even on the farm the agricultural methods of bygone days have been replaced by the discoveries of science and the products of invention. Almost nothing is done to-day as it was a century ago, and only in remote places do people live as they used to live. The nature and extent of the change which has been wrought, and some estimate as to its effect upon educational procedure, may perhaps be better comprehended if we first contrast living conditions before and after this industrial transformation. [Illustration: FIG. 218. MAN POWER BEFORE THE DAYS OF STEAM Foot power a century ago. (From a cut by Anderson, America's first important engraver)] LIVING CONDITIONS A CENTURY AGO. A century ago people everywhere lived comparatively simple lives. The steam engine, while beginning to be put to use (p. 493), had not as yet been extensively applied and made the willing and obedient slave of man. The lightning had not as yet been harnessed, and the now omnipresent electric motor was then still unknown. Only in England had manufacturing reached any large proportions, and even there the methods were somewhat primitive. Thousands of processes which we now perform simply and effectively by the use of steam or electric power, a century ago were done slowly and painfully by human labor. The chief sources of power were then man and horse power. The home was a center in which most of the arts and trades were practiced, and in the long winter evenings the old crafts and skills were turned to commercial account. What every family used and wore was largely made in the home, the village, or the neighborhood. Travel was slow and expensive and something only the well-to-do could afford. To go fifty miles a day by stage-coach, or one hundred by sailing packet on the water, was extraordinarily rapid. "One could not travel faster by sea or by land," as Huxley remarked, "than at any previous time in the world's history, and King George could send a message from London to York no faster than King John might have done." The steam train was not developed until about 1825, and through railway lines not for a quarter- century longer. It took four days by coach from London to York (188 miles); six weeks by sailing vessel from Southampton to Boston; and six months from England to India. People moved about but little. A journey of fifty miles was an event--for many something not experienced in a lifetime. To travel to a foreign land made a man a marked individual. Benjamin Franklin tells us that he was frequently pointed out on the streets of Philadelphia, then the largest city in the United States, as a man who had been to Europe. George Ticknor has left us an interesting record (R. 339) of his difficulties, in finding anything in print in the libraries of the time, about 1815, or any one who could tell him about the work of the German universities, which he, as a result of reading Madame de Staël's book on Germany, was desirous of attending. [18] Everywhere it was a time of hard work and simple living. Every youngster had to become useful at an early age. The work of life, in town or on the farm, required hard and continual labor from all. Farm machinery had not been perfected, and hand labor performed all the operations of ploughing and sowing, reaping and harvesting. With the introduction of the factory system, men, women, and children were used to operate machinery, children being apprenticed to the mills at about eight years of age and working ten to twelve hours a day. This soon worked the life out of human beings, and in consequence sickness, wretchedness, juvenile delinquency, ignorance, drunkenness, pauperism, and crime increased greatly as cities grew and the factory system drew thousands from the farms to the towns. When Queen Victoria came to the throne (1837) one person in twelve in England was a pauper, and the lot of the poor was wretched in the extreme. In cities they lived in cellars and basements and hovels. There was practically no sanitation or drainage. Streets and alleys were filthy. Graveyards were commonly located in the heart of a town. A pure water-supply through water-mains was unknown. Pumps and water-carriers supplied nearly all the needs. There was in consequence much sickness, and such diseases as typhoid and malaria ran rampant. [Illustration: FIG. 219. THRESHING WHEAT A CENTURY AGO (After a woodcut by Jacque, in _L'Illustration_)] CHANGE IN LIVING CONDITIONS TO-DAY. In a century all has been changed. Steam and electricity and sanitary science have transformed the world; the railway, steamship, telegraph, cable, and printing-press have made the world one. The output of the factory system has transformed living and labor conditions, even to the remote corners of the world; sanitary science and sanitary legislation have changed the primitive conditions of the home and made of it a clean and comfortable modern abode; men and women have been freed from an almost incalculable amount of drudgery and toil, and the human effort and time saved may now be devoted to other types of work or to enjoyment and learning. Thousands who once were needed for menial toil on farm or in shop and home are now freed for employment in satisfying new wants and new pleasures that mankind has come to know, [19] or may devote their time and energies to forms of service that advance the welfare of mankind or minister to the needs of the human spirit. [Illustration: FIG. 220. A CITY WATER-SUPPLY ABOUT 1830 (After a lithograph by Bellange)] Labor-saving devices and the applications of scientific work have touched all phases of life and labor of men and women, and under modern methods of transportation go everywhere. The American self-binding reaper is found in the grain-fields of Russia and the Argentine; one may buy cans of kerosene and tinned meats and vegetables almost anywhere in the world today; sewing machines and phonographs add to the comfort and pleasure of the African native and the dweller on the Yukon; "milady" in Siam uses cosmetics manufactured for the devotees of fashion in Paris; the Sultan of Sulu wears an elegant American wrist-watch; the Dahomeny tribesman has a safety razor, and a mirror of French plate; the Persian dandy wears shoes and haberdashery made in the United States; old Chinamen up the Yellow River Valley read their Confucius by the light of an Edison Mazda; the steam train wends its way up from Jaffa to Jerusalem; the gasoline power boat chugs its course up the Nile the Pharaohs sailed; and modern surgical methods and instruments are used in the hospitals of Manila and Singapore, Cairo and Cape Town. A rupee spent for thread at Calcutta starts the spindles going in Manchester; a new calico dress for a Mandalay belle helps the cotton-print mills of Leeds; a new carving set for a Fiji Islander means more labor for some cutlery works in Sheffield; a half- dollar for a new undershirt in Panama means increased work for a cotton mill in New England; a new blanket called for against the winter's cold of Siberia moves the looms of some Rhode Island town; a dime spent for a box of matches in Alaska means added labor and profit for a match factory in California; a new bath tub in Paraguay spells increased output for a factory at Milan or Turin; and the Christmas wishes of the children in Brazil give work to the toy factories of Nüremberg. Trains and huge steamers move today along the great trade routes of the modern world, exchanging both the people and their products. The holds of the ships are filled with coal and grain and manufactured implements and commodities of every description, while their steerage space is crowded with modern Marco Polos and Magellans going forth to see the world. The Hindoo walks the streets of Cape Town, London, Sydney, New York, San Francisco, and Valparaiso; the Russian Jew is found in all the Old and New World cities; the Englishman and the American travel everywhere; the Japanese are fringing the Pacific with their laboring classes; toiling Italians and Greeks are found all over the world; peasants from the Balkans gather the prune and orange crops of California; the moujic from the Russian Caucasus tills the wheat-fields of the Dakotas; while the Irish, Scandinavians, and Teutons form the political, farming, and commercial classes in many far-distant lands. In the recent World War Serbs from Montana and Colorado fought side by side with Serbs from Belgrade and Nisch; Greeks from New York and San Francisco helped their brothers from Athens drive the Bulgars back up the Vardar Valley; Italians from New Orleans and Rio de Janeiro helped their kinsmen from the valley of the Po hold back the Hun from the Venetian plain; Chinese from the valleys of the Tong-long and the Yang-tse-Kiang backed up the Allied armies by tilling the fields of France; and Algerian and Senegalese natives helped the French hold back the Teutonic hordes from the ravishment of Paris. So completely has the old isolation been broken down! So completely is the world in flux! So small has the world become! [Illustration: FIG. 221. THE GREAT TRADE ROUTES OF THE MODERN WORLD Broken lines, on land, indicate gaps soon to be closed. Compare this with the maps on pages 161 and 258, and note the progress in discovery and intercommunication. Ships and trains are constantly passing over these routes, bearing both freight and peoples.] It was almost a century from the time instruction in Greek was revived in Florence (1396) until Linacre first lectured on Greek at Oxford (c. 1492); six months after the X-ray was perfected in Germany it was in use in the hospitals of San Francisco. In the Middle Ages thousands might have died of starvation in Persia or Egypt, a famous city in Asia Minor might have been destroyed by an earthquake and many people killed, or war might have raged for years in the Orient without a citizen of western Europe knowing of it all his life. Today any important event anywhere within the range of the telegraph or the cable would be reported in tomorrow morning's paper, and carefully described and illustrated in the magazines at an early date. Man is no longer a citizen of a town or a state, but of a nation and of the world. How intelligently he can use this larger citizenship depends today largely upon the character and the extent of the education he has received. [Illustration: FIG. 222. AN EXAMPLE OF THE SHIFTING OF OCCUPATIONS. Sawing boards by hand, before the introduction of steam power.] EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON THE LABORING-CLASSES. At first the effect of the introduction of factory-made goods and labor-saving devices was to upset the old established institutions. Trades practiced by the guilds since the Middle Ages were destroyed, because factories could turn out goods faster and cheaper than guild workmen could make them. The age-old apprenticeship system began to break down. Everywhere people were thrown out of employment, and a vast shifting of occupations took place. There was much discontent, and laborers began to unite, where allowed to do so, [20] with a view to improving their economic and political condition by concerted action. The political revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe were in part a manifestation of this discontent, and the right to organize was everywhere demanded and in time generally obtained. Among the planks in their platform were equality of all before the law; the limitation of child and woman labor; better working conditions and wages; the provision of schools for their children at public expense; and the extension of the right of suffrage. Despite certain unfortunate results following the change from age-old working conditions, the century of transition has seen the laboring man making gains unknown before in history, and the peasant has seen the abolition of serfdom [21] and feudal dues. Homes have gained tremendously. The drudgery and wasteful toil have been greatly mitigated. To-day there is a standard of comfort and sanitation, even for those in the humblest circumstances, beyond all previous conceptions. The poorest workman to-day can enjoy in his home lighting undreamed of in the days of tallow candles; warmth beyond the power of the old smoky soft-coal grate; food of a variety and quality his ancestors never knew; kitchen conveniences and an ease in kitchen work wholly unknown until recently; and sanitary conveniences and conditions beyond the reach of the wealthiest half a century ago. The caste system in industry has been broken down, and men and their children may now choose their occupations freely, [22] and move about at will. Wages have greatly increased, both actually and relatively to the greatly improved standard of living. The work of women and children is easier, and all work for shorter hours. Child labor is fast being eliminated in all progressive nations. In consequence of all these changes for the better, people to-day have a leisure for reading and thinking and personal enjoyment entirely unknown before the middle of the nineteenth century, and governments everywhere have found it both desirable and necessary to provide means for the utilization of this leisure and the gratification of the new desires. Along with these changes has gone the development of the greatest single agent for spreading liberalizing ideas --the modern newspaper--"the most inveterate enemy of absolutism and reaction." Despite censorships, suppressions, and confiscations, the press has by now established its freedom in all enlightened lands, and the cylinder press, the telegraph, and the cable have become "indispensable adjuncts to the development of that power which every absolutist has come to dread, and with which every prime minister must daily reckon." III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION GENERAL RESULT OF THESE CHANGES. The general result of the vast and far- reaching changes which we have just described is that the intellectual and political horizon of the working classes has been tremendously broadened; the home has been completely altered; children now have much leisure and do little labor; and the common man at last is rapidly coming into his own. Still more, the common man seems destined to be the dominant force in government in the future. To this end he and his children must be educated, his wife and children cared for, his home protected, and governments must do for him the things which satisfy his needs and advance his welfare. The days of the rule of a small intellectual class and of government in the interests of such a class have largely passed, and the political equality which the Athenian Greeks first in the western world gave to the "citizens" of little Athens, the Industrial Revolution has forced modern and enlightened governments to give to all their people. In consequence, real democracy in government, education, justice, and social welfare is now in process of being attained generally, for the first time in the history of the world. The effect of all these changes in the mode of living of peoples is written large on the national life. The political and industrial revolutions which have marked the ushering-in of the modern age have been far-reaching in their consequences. The old home life and home industries of an earlier period are passing, or have passed, never to return. Peoples in all advanced nations are rapidly swinging into the stream of a new and vastly more complex world civilization, which brings them into contact and competition with the best brains of all mankind. At the same time a great and ever-increasing specialization of human effort is taking place on all sides, and with new and ever more difficult social, political, educational, industrial, commercial, and human-life problems constantly presenting themselves for solution. The world has become both larger and smaller than it used to be, and even its remote parts are now being linked up, to a degree that a century ago would not have been deemed possible, with the future welfare of the nations which so long bore the brunt of the struggle for the preservation and advancement of civilization. THESE CHANGES AND THE SCHOOL. It is these vast and far-reaching political, industrial, and social changes which have been the great actuating forces behind the evolution and expansion of the state school systems which we have so far described. The American and French political revolutions, with their new philosophy of political equality and state control of education, clearly inaugurated the movement for taking over the school from the Church and the making of it an important instrument of the State. The extension of the suffrage to new classes gave a clear political motive for the school, and to train young people to read and write and know the constitutional bases of liberty became a political necessity. The industrial revolution which followed, bringing in its train such extensive changes in labor and in the conditions surrounding home and child life, has since completely altered the face of the earlier educational problem. What was simple once has since become complex, and the complexity has increased with time. Once the ability to read and write and cipher distinguished the educated man from the uneducated; to-day the man or woman who knows only these simple arts is an uneducated person, hardly fit to cope with the struggle for existence in a modern world, and certainly not fitted to participate in the complex political and industrial life of which, in all advanced nations, he or she [23] to-day forms a part. It is the attempt to remould the school and to make of it a more potent instrument of the State for promoting national consciousness (R. 340) and political, social, and industrial welfare that has been behind the many changes and expansions and extensions of education which have marked the past half-century in all the leading world nations, and which underlie the most pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. These changes and expansions and problems we shall consider more in detail in the chapters which follow. Suffice it here to say that from mere teaching institutions, engaged in imparting a little religious instruction and some knowledge of the tools of learning, the school, in all the leading nations, has to-day been transformed into an institution for advancing national welfare. The leading purpose now is to train for political and social efficiency in the more democratic types of governments being instituted among peoples, and to impart to the young those industrial and social experiences once taught in the home, the trades, and on the farm, but which the coming of the factory system and city life have deprived them otherwise of knowing. NEW PROBLEMS TO BE MET BY EDUCATION. As participation in the political life of nations has been extended to larger and larger groups of the people, and as the problems of government have become more and more complex, the schools have found it necessary to add instruction in geography, history, government, and national ideals and culture to the earlier instruction. In the less democratic nations which have evolved national school systems, this new instruction has often been utilized to give strength to the type of government and social conditions which the ruling class desired to have perpetuated. This has been the evident purpose in Japan (R. 334), though the government of Imperial Germany formed perhaps the best illustration of such perversion. This was seen and pointed out long ago by Horace Mann (R. 281). There the idea of nationality through education (R. 342) was carried to such an extreme as made the government oppressive to subject peoples and a menace to neighboring States. [24] On the other hand, the French have used their schools for national ends (R. 341) in a manner that has been highly commendable. As the social life of nations has become broader and more complex, a longer period of guidance has become necessary to prepare the future citizens of the State for intelligent participation in it. As a result, child life everywhere has and is still experiencing a new lengthening of the period of dependence and training, and all national interests now indicate that the period devoted to preparing for life's work will need to be further lengthened. All recent thinking and legislation, as well as the interests of organized labor and the public welfare, have in recent decades set strongly against child labor. Economically unprofitable under modern industrial conditions, and morally indefensible, it has at last come to be accepted as a principle, by progressive nations, that it is better for children and for society that they remain under some form of instruction until they are at least sixteen years of age. To this end the common primary school has been continued upward, part-time continuation schools of various types have been organized for those who must go to labor earlier, and people's high schools or middle schools have been added (see Figure 210, p. 713) to give the equivalent of a high-school education to the children of the classes not patronizing the exclusive and limited tuition secondary school. As large numbers of immigrants from distant lands have entered some of the leading nations, notably England and the United States, and particularly immigrants from less advanced nations where general education is not as yet common, and where far different political, social, judicial, and hygienic conditions prevail, a new duty has been thrust upon the school of giving to such incoming peoples, and their children, some conception of the meaning and method and purpose of the national life of the people they have come among. The national schools have accordingly been compelled to give attention to the needs of these new elements in the population, and to direct their attention less exclusively to satisfying the needs of the well-to-do classes of society. Educational systems have in consequence tended more and more to become democratic in character, and to serve in part as instruments for the assimilation of the stranger within the nation's gates and for the perpetuation and improvement of the national life. EDUCATION A CONSTRUCTIVE NATIONAL TOOL. One result of the many political, social, and industrial changes of a century has been to evolve education into the great constructive tool of modern political society. For ages a church and private affair, and of no great importance for more than a few, it has to-day become the prime essential to good government and national progress, and is so recognized by the leading nations of the world. As people are freed from autocratic rule and take upon themselves the functions of government, and as they break loose from their age-old political, social, and industrial moorings and swing out into the current of the stream of modern world-civilization, the need for the education of the masses to enable them to steer safely their ship of state, and take their places among the stable governments of a modern world, becomes painfully evident. In the hands of an uneducated people a democratic form of government is a dangerous instrument, while the proper development of natural resources and the utilization of trade opportunities by backward peoples, without being exploited, is almost impossible. In Russia, Mexico, and the Central American "republics" we see the results of a democracy in the hands of an uneducated people. There, too often, the revolver instead of the ballot box is used to settle public issues, and instead of orderly government under law we find injustice and anarchy. A general system of education that will teach the fundamental principles of constitutional liberty, and apply science to production in agriculture and manufacturing, is almost the only solution for such conditions. By contrast with the surrounding "republics" one finds in Guatemala [25] a country that has used education intelligently as a tool to advance the interests of its people. [Illustration: FIG. 223. THE PHILIPPINE SCHOOL SYSTEM A teacher-training course is given as one of the vocational courses in the Intermediate School, and the Normal School at Manila represents one of the secondary school courses. The University, besides the combined five-year college course, has eight professional courses of from three to five years in length.] When the United States freed Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines from Spanish rule, a general system of public education, modeled after the American educational ladder, was created as a safeguard to the liberty just brought to these islands, and to education the United States added courts of justice and bureaus of sanitation as important auxiliary agencies. As a result the peoples of these islands have made a degree of progress in self-government and industry in three decades not made in three centuries under Spanish rule. The good results of the work done in these islands in establishing schools, building roads and bridges, introducing police courts, establishing good sanitary conditions, building hospitals and training nurses, applying science to agriculture, developing tropical medicine, and training the people in the difficult art of self- government, will for long be a monument to the political foresight and intelligent conceptions of government held by the American people. In a similar way the French have opened schools in Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Senegal, Madagascar, and French Indo-China, as have the English in Egypt, India, Hong Kong, [26] the West Indies, and elsewhere. With the freeing of Palestine from the rule of the Turk, the English at once began the establishment of schools and a national university there, and doubtless they will do the same in time in Persia and Mesopotamia. Germany, too, before the World War, but with less benevolent purposes than the Americans, the French, or the English, was also busily engaged in extending her influence through education. Her universities were thrown open to students from the whole world, and excellent instruction did they offer. The "Society for the Extension of Germanism in Foreign Countries" rendered an important service. Professors were "exchanged"; the introduction of instruction in the German language into the schools of other nations was promoted; and German schools were founded and encouraged abroad. Especially were _Realschulen_ promoted to teach the wonders of German science, pure and applied. In southern Brazil and the Argentine, and in Roumania, Bulgaria, and Turkey, particular efforts were made to extend German influence and pave the way for German commercial and perhaps political expansion. Primary schools, girls' schools, and _Real_-schools in numbers were founded and aided abroad, and their progress reported to the colonial minister at home. All through the Near East the German was busily building, through trade and education, a new empire for himself. Had he been content to follow the slower paths of peaceful commercial and intellectual conquest, with his wonderful organization he would have been irresistible. With one gambler's throw he dashed his future to the ground, and unmasked himself before the world! EXPANSION OF THE EDUCATIONAL IDEA. In all lands to-day where there is an intelligent government, the education of the people through a system of state-controlled schools is regarded as of the first importance in moulding and shaping the destinies of the nation and promoting the country's welfare. Beginning with education to impart the ability to read and write and cipher, and as an aid to the political side of government, the education of the masses has been so expanded in scope during the century that today it includes aims, classes, types of schools, and forms of service scarcely dreamed of at the time the State began to take over the school from the Church, with a view to extending elementary educational advantages and promoting literacy and citizenship. What some of the more important of these expansions have been we shall state in a following chapter, but before doing so let us return to another phase of the problem--that of the progress of educational theory--and see what have been the main lines of this progress in the theory as to the educational purpose since the time when Pestalozzi formulated a theory for the secular school. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. What does the emphasis on the People's High Schools in Denmark indicate as to the political status of the common people there? 2. Explain the educational prominence of Finland, compared with its neighbor Russia. 3. Show the close relation between the character of the school system developed in Japan and the character of its government. In China. 4. Show why the state-function conception of education is destined to be the ruling plan everywhere. 5. Show the close connection between the Industrial Revolution and a somewhat general diffusion of the fundamental principles revealed by the study of science. 6. Show how the Industrial Revolution has created entirely new problems in education, and what some of these are. 7. Show the connection between the Industrial Revolution and political enfranchisement. 8. Enumerate some of the educational problems we now face that we should not have had to deal with had the Industrial Revolution not taken place. 9. Why has the result of these changes been to extend the period of dependence and tutelage of children? 10. Outline an educational solution of the problem of Mexico. Of Russia. Of Persia. 11. Show how Germany found it profitable to establish _Realschulen_ in such distant countries as Turkey, Mesopotamia, and the Argentine. 12. Describe the expansion of the educational idea since the days when Pestalozzi formulated the theory for the secular school. 13. What is the social significance of the development of parallel secondary schools and courses, in all lands? 14. Contrast the American and the European secondary school in purpose. Why should the American be a free school, while those in Europe are tuition schools? 15. Show why the essentially democratic school system maintained in the United States would not be suited to an autocratic form of government. 16. Show that the weight of a priesthood and the force of religious instruction in the schools would be strong supports for monarchical forms of government. 17. Homogeneous monarchical nations look after the training of their teachers much better than does such a cosmopolitan nation as the United States. Why? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative selections are reproduced: 333. Switzerland: Constitutional Provisions as to Education and Religious Freedom. 334. Japan: The Basic Documents of Japanese Education. (a) Preamble to the Education Code of 1872. (b) Imperial Rescript on Moral Education. (c) Instructions as to Lessons on Morals. 335. Ping Wen Kuo: Transformation of China by Education. 336. Mann: Education and National Prosperity. 337. Huxley: The Recent Progress of Science. 338. Anon.: Scientific Knowledge must precede Invention. 339. Ticknor: Illustrating Early Lack of Communication. 340. Monroe: The Struggle for National Realization. 341. Buisson, F.: The French Teacher and the National Spirit. 342. Fr. de Hovre: The German Emphasis on National Ends. 343. Stuntz: Landing of the Pilgrims at Manila. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Compare the Swiss and American Federal organizations, and state just what the Swiss Constitution (333) provides as to education. 2. Suppose you knew nothing about the Japanese, what type of government would you take theirs to be from reading the Imperial Rescript (334b)? 3. In comparing the Chinese transformation and the Renaissance (335), does Mr. Ping propose comparable events? 4. Show that Mr. Mann's argument (336) is still sound. 5. Does Huxley overdraw (337) our dependence on science? 6. From 338, show why the Middle Ages were so poor in inventions and discoveries. 7. Are there universities anywhere to-day of which we know as little as Ticknor was able to find out (339) a century ago? 8. Show that Monroe's statements are true that the struggle for national realization (340) has dominated modern history from the fifteenth century on. 9. Compare the conceptions as to the function of education in a State as revealed in the selections as to French (341) and German (342) educational purpose. 10. Show the entirely new character of the event (343) described by Stuntz. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Buisson, F. and Farrington, F. E. _French Educational Ideals of To- day_. Butler, N. M. "Status of Education at the Close of the Century"; in _Proceedings National Education Association_, 1900, pp. 188-96. Davidson, Thos. "Education as World Building"; in _Educational Review_, vol. xx, pp. 325-45. (November, 1900.) Doolittle, Wm. H. _Inventions of the Century_. Foster, M. "A Century's Progress in Science"; in _Educational Review_, vol. xviii, pp. 313-31. (November, 1899.) * Friedel, V. H. _The German School as a War Nursery_. Gibbons, H. de B. _Economic and Industrial Progress of the Century_. Hughes, J. L., and Klemm, L. R. _Progress of Education in the Nineteenth Century_. * Huxley, Thos. "The Progress of Science"; in his _Methods and Results_. * Kuo, Ping Wen. _The Chinese System of Public Education_. Lewis, R. E. _The Educational Conquest of the Far East_. Macknight, Thos. _Political Progress of the Century_. * Ross, E. A. "The World Wide Advance of Democracy"; in his _Changing America_. Routledge, R. _A Popular History of Science_. Sandiford, Peter, Editor. _Comparative Education_. * Sedgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_. * Thwing, C. F. _Education in the Far East_. Webster, W. C. _General History of Commerce_. White, A. D. _The-Warfare of Science and Theology_. CHAPTER XXVIII NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PROCESS I. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION THE BEGINNINGS OF NORMAL-SCHOOL TRAINING. The training of would-be teachers for the work of instruction is an entirely modern proceeding. The first class definitely organized for imparting training to teachers, concerning which we have any record, was a small local training group of teachers of reading and the Catechism, conducted by Father Démia, at Lyons, France, in 1672. The first normal school to be established anywhere was that founded at Rheims, in northern France, in 1685, by Abbé de la Salle (p. 347). He had founded the Order of "The Brothers of the Christian Schools" the preceding year, to provide free religious instruction for children of the working classes in France (R. 182), and he conceived the new idea of creating a special school to train his prospective teachers for the teaching work of his Order. Shortly afterward he established two similar institutions in Paris. Each institution he called a "Seminary for Schoolmasters." In addition to imparting a general education of the type of the time, and a thorough grounding in religion, his student teachers were trained to teach in practice schools, under the direction of experienced teachers. This was an entirely new idea. The beginnings elsewhere, as we have previously pointed out were made in German lands, Francke's _Seminarium Praeceptorum_, established at Halle (p. 419), in 1697, coming next in point of time. In 1738 Johann Julius Hecker (1707-68), one of Francke's teachers (p. 562), established the first regular Seminary for Teachers in Prussia, and in 1748 he established a private _Lehrerseminar_ in Berlin. In these two institutions he first showed the German people the possibilities of special training for teachers in the secondary school. In 1753 the Berlin institution was adopted as a Royal Teachers' Seminary (p. 563) by Frederick the Great. After this, and in part due to the enthusiastic support of the Berlin institution by the King, the teacher-training idea for secondary teachers began to find favor among the Germans. We accordingly find something like a dozen Teachers' Seminaries had been founded in German lands before the close of the eighteenth century. [1] A normal school was established in Denmark, by royal decree, as early as 1789, and five additional schools when the law organizing public instruction in Denmark was enacted, in 1814. In France the beginnings of state action came with the action of the National Convention, which decreed the establishment of the "Superior Normal School for France," in 1794 (p. 517). This institution, though, was short lived, and the real beginnings of the French higher normal school awaited the reorganizing work of Napoleon, in 1808 (p. 595; R. 283). The schools just mentioned represent the first institutions in the history of the world organized for the purpose of training teachers to teach. The teachers they trained, though, were intended primarily for the secondary schools, and the training was largely academic in character. Only in Silesia was any effort made, before the nineteenth century, to give training in special institutions to teachers intended for the vernacular schools. There Frederick the Great, in his "Regulations for the Catholic Schools of Silesia" (R. 275, a § 2) designated six cathedral and monastery schools as model schools, where teachers could "have the opportunity for learning all that is needed by a good teacher." In another place he defined this as "skill in singing and playing the organ sufficient to perform the services of the Church," and "the art of instructing the young in the German language" (R. 275, a § 1). So long as the instruction in the vernacular school consisted chiefly of reading and the Catechism, and of hearing pupils recite what they had memorized, there was of course but little need for any special training for the teachers. It was not until after Pestalozzi had done his work and made his contribution that there was anything worth mentioning to train teachers for. PESTALOZZI'S CONTRIBUTION. The memorable work done by Pestalozzi in Switzerland, during his quarter-century (1800-25) of effort at Burgdorf and Yverdon, changed the whole face of the preparation of teachers problem. His work was so fundamental that it completely redirected the education of children. Taking the seed-thought of Rousseau that sense- impression was "the only true foundation of human knowledge" (R. 267), he enlarged this to the conception of the mental development of human beings as being organic, and proceeding according to law. His extension of this idea of Rousseau's led him to declare that education was an individual development, a drawing-out and not a pouring-in; that the basis of all education exists in the nature of man; and that the method of education is to be sought and constructed. [2] These were his great contributions. These ideas fitted in well with the rising tide of individualism which marked the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, and upon these contributions the modern secular elementary school has been built. These ideas led Pestalozzi to emphasize sense perception and expression; to formulate the rule that in teaching we must proceed from the concrete to the abstract; and to construct a "faculty psychology" which conceived of education as "a harmonious development" of the different "faculties" of the mind. He also tried, unsuccessfully to be sure, to so organize the teaching process that eventually it could be so "mechanized" that there would be a regular A, B, C, for each type of instruction, which, once learned, would give perfection to a teacher. In his Report of 1800 (R. 267), which forms a very clear statement of his aims, he had said: I know what I am undertaking; but neither the difficulties in the way, nor my own limitations in skill and insight, shall hinder me from giving my mite for a purpose which Europe needs so much... The most essential point from which I start is this:--Sense-impression of Nature is the only true foundation of human knowledge. All that follows is the result of this sense-impression, and the process of abstraction from it.... Then the problem I have to solve is this:--How to bring the elements of every art into harmony with the very nature of mind, by following the psychological mechanical laws by which mind rises from physical sense-impressions to clear ideas. Largely out of these ideas and the new direction he gave to instruction the modern normal school for training teachers for the elementary schools arose. ORAL AND OBJECTIVE TEACHING DEVELOPED. Up to the time of Pestalozzi, and for years after he had done his work, in many lands and places the instruction of children continued to be of the memorization of textbook matter and of the recitation type. The children learned what was down in the book, and recited the answers to the teacher. Many of the early textbooks were constructed on the plan of the older Catechism--that is, on a question and answer plan (R. 351 a). There was nothing for children to do but to memorize such textbook material, or for the teacher but to see that the pupils knew the answers to the questions. It was school-keeping, not teaching, that teachers were engaged in. The form of instruction worked out by Pestalozzi, based on sense- perception, reasoning, and individual judgment, called for a complete change in classroom procedure. What Pestalozzi tried most of all to do was to get children to use their senses and their minds, to look carefully, to count, to observe forms, to get, by means of their five important senses, clear impressions and ideas as to objects and life in the world about them, and then to think over what they had seen and be able to answer his questions, because they had observed carefully and reasoned clearly. Pestalozzi thus clearly subordinated the printed book to the use of the child's senses, and the repetition of mere words to clear ideas about things. Pestalozzi thus became one of the first real teachers. This was an entirely new process, and for the first time in history a real "technique of instruction" was now called for. Dependence on the words of the text could no longer be relied upon. The oral instruction of a class group, using real objects, called for teaching skill. The class must be kept naturally interested and under control; the essential elements to be taught must be kept clearly in the mind of the teacher; the teacher must raise the right kind of questions, in the right order, to carry the class thinking along to the right conclusions; and, since so much of this type of instruction was not down in books, it called for a much more extended knowledge of the subject on the part of the teacher than the old type of school-keeping had done. The teacher must now both know and be able to organize and direct. Class lessons must be thought out in advance, and teacher-preparation in itself meant a great change in teaching procedure. Emancipated from dependence on the words of a text, and able to stand before a class full of a subject and able to question freely, teachers became conscious of a new strength and a professional skill unknown in the days of textbook reciting. Out of such teaching came oral language lessons, drill in speech usage, elementary science instruction, observational geography, mental arithmetic, music, and drawing, to add to the old instruction in the Catechism, reading, writing, and ciphering, and all these new subjects, taught according to Pestalozzian ideas as to purpose, called for an individual technique of instruction. [Illustration: FIG. 224. THE FIRST MODERN NORMAL SCHOOL The old castle at Yverdon, where Pestalozzi's Institute was conducted and his greatest success achieved.] THE NORMAL SCHOOL FINDS ITS PLACE. These new ideas of Pestalozzi proved so important that during the first five or six decades of the nineteenth century the elementary school was made over. The new conception of the child as a slowly developing personality, demanding subject-matter and method suited to his stage of development, and the new conception of teaching as that of directing mental development instead of hearing recitations and "keeping school," now replaced the earlier knowledge- conception of school work. Where before the ability to organize and discipline a school had constituted the chief art of instruction, now the ability to teach scientifically took its place as the prime professional requisite. A "science and art" of teaching now arose; methodology soon became a great subject; the new subject of pedagogy began to take form and secure recognition; and psychology became the guiding science of the school. As these changes took place, the normal school began to come into favor in the leading countries of Europe and in the United States, and in time has established itself everywhere as an important educational institution. Pestalozzi had himself conducted the first really modern teacher-training school, and his work was soon copied in a number of the Swiss cantons. Other cantons, on the contrary, for a time would have nothing to do with the new idea. 1. _The German States._ The first nation, though, to take up the teacher- training idea and establish it as an important part of its state school system was Prussia. Beginning in 1809 with the work of Zeller (p. 569), by 1840 there were thirty-eight Teachers' Seminaries, as the normal schools in German lands have been called, in Prussia alone. The idea was also quickly taken up by the other German States, and from the first decade of the nineteenth century on no nation has done more with the normal school, or used it, ends desired considered, to better advantage than have the Germans. One of the features of the Prussian schools which most impressed Professor Bache, when he visited the schools of the German States in 1838, was the excellence of the Seminaries for Teachers (R. 344), and these he described (R. 345) in some detail in his Report. Horace Mann, similarly, on his visit to Europe, in 1843, was impressed with the thoroughness of the training given prospective teachers in the Teachers' Seminaries of the German States (R. 278). University pedagogical seminars were also established early (c. 1810) [3] in the universities, for the training of secondary teachers, and this training was continued with increasing thoroughness up to 1914. Every teacher in the German States, elementary or secondary, before that date, was a carefully-trained teacher. This was a feature of the German state school systems of the pre-War period of which no other nation could boast. 2. _France._ After the German States, France probably comes next as the nation in which the normal school has been most used for training teachers. The Superior Normal School had been recreated in 1808 (R. 283), and after the downfall of Napoleon the creation of normal schools for elementary-school teachers was begun. Twelve had been established by 1830, and between 1830 and 1833 thirty additional schools for training these teachers were begun (R. 285). These rendered a service for France (R. 346) quite similar to that rendered by the Teachers' Seminaries in German lands. During the period of reaction, from 1848 to 1870, the normal school did not prosper in France, but since 1870 a normal school to train elementary teachers has been established for men and one for women in each of the eighty-seven departments into which France, for administrative purposes, has been divided. Satisfactory provision has also been made for the training of teachers for the secondary schools. 3. _The United States._ The United States has also been prominent, especially since about 1870, in the development of normal schools for the training of elementary teachers. The Lancastrian schools had trained monitors for their work, but the first teacher-training school in the United States to give training to individual teachers was opened privately, [4] in 1823, and the second in a similar manner, [5] in 1827. These were almost entirely academic institutions, being in the nature of tuition high schools, with a little practice teaching and some lectures on the "Art of Teaching" added in the last year of the course. In 1826 Governor Clinton recommended to the legislature of New York the establishment by the State of "a seminary for the education of teachers in the monitorial system of instruction." Nothing coming of this, in 1827 he recommended the creation of "a central school in each county for the education of teachers" (R. 349). That year (1827) the New York legislature appropriated money to aid the academies "to promote the education of teachers"--the first state aid in the United States for teacher-training. The publication of an English edition of Cousin's _Report_ (p. 597; R. 284) in New York, in 1835; Calvin E. Stowe's _Report on Elementary Education in Europe_, [6] in 1837; and Alexander D. Bache's _Report on Education in Europe_ (Rs. 344, 345), in 1838, with their strong commendations of the German teacher-training system, awakened new interest in the United States, in the matter of teacher-training. Finally, in 1839, the legislature of Massachusetts duplicated a gift of $10,000, and placed the money in the hands of the newly created State Board of Education (p. 689) to be used "in qualifying teachers for the common schools of Massachusetts" (R. 350 a). After careful consideration it was decided to create special state institutions, after the German and French plans, in which to give the desired training, and the French term of Normal School was adopted and has since become general in the United States. [Illustration: TEACHER-TRAINING IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860. A few private training-schools also existed, though less than half a dozen in all.] On July 3, 1839, the first state normal school in the United States opened in the town hall at Lexington, Massachusetts, with one teacher and three students. Later that same year a second state normal school was opened at Barre, and early the next year a third at Bridgewater, both in Massachusetts. For these the State Board of Education adopted a statement as to entrance requirements and a course of instruction (R. 350 b) which shows well the academic character of these early teaching institutions. Their success was largely due to the enthusiastic support given the new idea by Horace Mann. In an address at the dedication of the first building erected in America for normal-school purposes, in 1846, he expressed his deep belief as to the fundamental importance of such institutions (R. 350 c). By 1860 eleven state normal schools had been established in eight of the States of the American Union, and six private schools were also rendering similar services. Closely related was the Teachers' Institute, first definitely organized by Henry Barnard in Connecticut, in 1839, to offer four- to six-weeks summer courses for teachers in service, and these had been organized in fifteen of the American States by 1860. Since 1870 the establishment of state normal schools has been rapid in the United States, two hundred having been established by 1910, and many since. The United States, though, is as yet far from having a trained body of teachers for its elementary schools. For the high schools, it is only since about 1890 that the professional training of teachers for such service has really been begun. 4. _England._ In England the beginnings of teacher-training came with the introduction of monitorial instruction, both the Bell and the Lancaster Societies (p. 625) finding it necessary to train pupils for positions as monitors, and to designate certain schools as model and training schools. In 1833, it will be remembered (p. 638), Parliament made its first grant of money in aid of education. Up to 1840 this was distributed through the two National Societies, and in 1839 a portion of this aid was definitely set aside to enable these Societies to establish model schools (R. 347). From this beginning, the model training-schools for the different religious Societies were developed. In these model schools prospective teachers were educated, being trained in religious instruction and in the art of teaching. In 1836, with the founding of the "Home and Colonial Infant Society," a Pestalozzian Training College was founded by it. In a further effort to secure trained teachers the government, in 1846, adopted a plan then in use in Holland, and instituted what became known as the "pupil-teacher system" (R. 348). This was an improvement on the waning monitorial training system previously in use. Under this, a favorite old English method, used somewhat for the same purpose a century earlier (R. 243), was adapted to meet the new need.' Under it promising pupils were apprenticed to a head teacher for five years (usually from thirteen to eighteen), he agreeing to give them instruction in both secondary-school subjects and in the art of teaching in return for their help in the schoolroom. Beginning in 1846, there were, by 1848, 200 pupil teachers; by 1861, 13,871; and by 1870, 14,612. This system formed the great dependence of England before the days of national education. In 1874 the pupil- teacher-center system was begun, and between 1878 and 1896 the age for entering as a pupil-teacher was raised from thirteen to sixteen, and the years of apprenticeship reduced from five to two. In most cases now the academic preparation continues to seventeen or eighteen, and is followed by one year of practice teaching in an elementary school, under supervision. After that the teacher may, or may not, enter what is there known as a Training-College. [7] So far the training of teachers has not made such headway in England and Wales as has been the case in the German States, France, the United States, or Scotland, but important progress may be expected in the near future as an outcome of new educational impulses arising as a result of the World War. SPREAD OF THE NORMAL-SCHOOL IDEA. The movement for the creation of normal schools to train teachers for the elementary schools has in time spread to many nations. As nation after nation has awakened to the desirability of establishing a system of modern-type state schools, a normal school to train leaders has often been among the first of the institutions created. The normal school, in consequence, is found to-day in all the continental European States; in all the English self-governing dominions; in nearly all the South American States; and in China, [8] Japan, Siam, the Philippines, Cuba, Algiers, India, and other less important nations. In all these there is an attempt, often reaching as yet to but a small percentage of the teachers, to extend to them some of that training in the theory and art of instruction which has for long been so important a feature of the education of the elementary teacher in the German States, France, and the United States. Since about 1890 other nations have also begun to provide, as the German States and France have done for so long, some form of professional training for the teachers intended for their secondary schools [9] as well. PSYCHOLOGY BECOMES THE MASTER SCIENCE. Everywhere the establishment of normal schools has meant the acceptance of the newer conceptions as to child development and the nature of the educational process. These are that the child is a slowly developing personality, needing careful study, and demanding subject-matter and method suited to his different stages of development. The new conception of teaching as that of directing and guiding the education of a child, instead of hearing recitations and "keeping school," in time replaced the earlier knowledge-conception of school work. Psychology accordingly became the guiding science of the school, and the imparting to prospective teachers proper ideas as to psychological procedure, and the proper methodology of instruction in each of the different elementary-school subjects, became the great work of the normal school. Teachers thus trained carried into the schools a new conception as to the nature of childhood; a new and a minute methodology of instruction; and a new enthusiasm for teaching;--all of which were important additions to school work. A new methodology was soon worked out for all the subjects of instruction, both old and new. The centuries-old alphabet method of teaching reading was superseded by the word and sound methods; the new oral language instruction was raised to a position of first importance in developing pupil-thinking; spelling, word-analysis, and sentence-analysis were given much emphasis in the work of the school; the Pestalozzian mental arithmetic came as an important addition to the old ciphering of sums; the old writing from copies was changed into a drill subject, requiring careful teaching for its mastery; the "back to nature" ideas of Rousseau and Pestalozzi proved specially fruitful in the new study of geography, which called for observation out of doors, the study of type forms, and the substitution of the physical and human aspects of geography for the older political and statistical; object lessons on natural objects, and later science and nature study, were used to introduce children to a knowledge of nature and to train them in thinking and observation; while the new subjects of music and drawing came in, each with an elaborate technique of instruction. By 1875 the normal school in all lands was finding plenty to do, and teaching, by the new methods and according to the new psychological procedure, seemed to many one of the most wonderful and most important occupations in the world. How great a change in the scope, as well as in the nature of elementary-school instruction had been effected in a century, the above diagram of American elementary-school development will reveal. History and literature, it will be noticed, had also come in as additional new subjects, but these were relatively unimportant in either the elementary school or the normal school until after the coming of Herbartian ideas, to which we shall refer a little further on. [Illustration: FIG. 226. EVOLUTION OF THE ELEMENTARY-SCHOOL CURRICULUM AND OF METHODS OF TEACHING] Accompanying the organization of professional instruction for teachers, another important change in the nature of the elementary school was effected. THE GRADING OF SCHOOLROOM INSTRUCTION. For some time after elementary schools began it was common to teach all the children of the different ages together in one room, or at most in two rooms. In the latter case the subjects of instruction were divided between the teachers, rather than the children. [10] Many of the pictures of early elementary schools show such mixed-type schools. In these the children were advanced individually and by subjects as their progress warranted, [11] until they had progressed as far as the instruction went or the teacher could teach (R. 352). From this point on the division of the elementary school into classes and a graded organization has proceeded by certain rather well-defined steps. The first step (Rs. 353, 354) was the division of the school into two schools, one more advanced than the other, such as lower and higher, or primary and grammar. Another division was introduced when the Infant School was added, beneath. The next step was the division of each school into classes. This began by the employment of assistant teachers, in England and America known as "ushers," to help the "master," and the provision of small recitation rooms, off the main large schoolroom, to which the usher could take his class to hear recitations. The third and final step came with the erection of a new type of school building, with smaller and individual classrooms, or the subdivision of the larger schoolrooms. It was then possible to assign a teacher to each classroom, sort and grade the pupils by ages and advancement, outline the instruction by years, and the modern graded elementary school was at hand. The transition to the graded elementary school came easily and naturally. For half a century the course of instruction in the evolving elementary state school had been in process of expansion. Pestalozzi paved the way for its creation by changing the purpose and direction, and greatly enlarging (p. 543) the field of instruction of the vernacular school. After him other new subjects of study were added (see diagram, Figure 226), new and better and longer textbooks were prepared (R. 351), and the school term was gradually lengthened. The way in time became clear, earliest in the German lands and in a few American cities, but by about 1850 in most leading nations, for that simple reorganization of school work which would divide the school into a number of classes, or forms, or grades, and give one to each teacher to handle. When this point had been reached, which came about 1850 to 1860 in most nations, but earlier in a few, the modern type of town or city graded elementary school was at hand. Teaching had by this time become an organized and a psychological process; graded courses of study began to appear; professional school superintendents began to be given the direction and supervision of instruction; and the modern science of school organization and administration began to take shape. From this point on the further development of the graded elementary public school has come through the addition of new materials of instruction, and by changing the direction of the school to adapt it better to meeting the new needs of society brought about by the scientific, industrial, social, and political revolutions which we, in previous chapters, have described. A few of the more important of these additions and changes in direction we shall now briefly describe. [Illustration: FIG. 227. AN "USHER" AND HIS CLASS. The usher, or assistant teacher, is here shown with a class in one of the small recitation-rooms, off the large schoolroom.] II. NEW IDEAS FROM HERBARTIAN SOURCES THE WORK OF HERBART. Taking up the problem as Pestalozzi left it, a German by the name of Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776-1841) carried it forward by organizing a truer psychology for the whole educational process, by erecting a new social aim for instruction, by formulating new steps in method, and by showing the place and the importance of properly organized instruction in history and literature in the education of the child. Though the two men were entirely different in type, and worked along entirely different lines, the connection between Herbart and Pestalozzi was, nevertheless, close. [12] The two men, however, approached the educational problem from entirely different angles. Pestalozzi gave nearly all his long life to teaching and human service, while Herbart taught only as a traveling private tutor for three years, and later a class of twenty children in his university practice school. Pestalozzi was a social reformer, a visionary, and an impractical enthusiast, but was possessed of a remarkable intuitive insight into child nature. Herbart, on the other hand, was a well-trained scholarly thinker, who spent the most of his life in the peaceful occupation of a professor of philosophy in a German university. [13] It was while at Königsberg, between 1810 and 1832, and as an appendix to his work as professor of philosophy, that he organized a small practice school, conducted a Pedagogical Seminar, and worked out his educational theory and method. His work was a careful, scholarly attempt at the organization of education as a science, carried out amid the peace and quiet which a university atmosphere almost alone affords. He addressed himself chiefly to three things: (1) the aim, (2) the content, and (3) the method of instruction. THE AIM AND THE CONTENT OF EDUCATION. Locke had set up as the aim of education the ideal of a physically sound gentleman. Rousseau had declared his aim to be to prepare his boy for life by developing naturally his inborn capacities. Pestalozzi had sought to regenerate society by means of education, and to prepare children for society by a "harmonious training" of their "faculties." Herbart rejected alike the conventional-social education of Locke, the natural and unsocial education of Rousseau, and the "faculty-psychology" conception of education of Pestalozzi. Instead he conceived of the mind as a unity, instead of being divided into "faculties," and the aim of education as broadly social rather than personal. The purpose of education, he said, was to prepare men to live properly in organized society, and hence the chief aim in education was not conventional fitness, natural development, mere knowledge, nor personal mental power, but personal character and social morality. This being the case, the educator should analyze the interests and occupations and social responsibilities of men as they are grouped in organized society, and, from such analyses, deduce the means and the method of instruction. Man's interests, he said, come from two main sources--his contact with the things in his environment (real things, sense- impressions), and from his relations with human beings (social intercourse). His social responsibilities and duties are determined by the nature of the social organization of which he forms a part. Pestalozzi had provided fairly well for the first group of contacts, through his instruction in objects, home geography, numbers, and geometric form. For the second group of contacts Pestalozzi had developed only oral language, and to this Herbart now added the two important studies of literature and history, and history with the emphasis on the social rather than the political side. Two new elementary-school subjects were thus developed, each important in revealing to man his place in the social whole. History in particular Herbart conceived to be a study of the first importance for revealing proper human relationships, and leading men to social and national "good-will." The chief purpose of education Herbart held to be to develop personal character and to prepare for social usefulness (R. 355). These virtues, he held, proceeded from enough of the right kind of knowledge, properly interpreted to the pupil so that clear ideas as to relationships might be formed. To impart this knowledge interest must be awakened, and to arouse interest in the many kinds of knowledge needed, a "many-sided" development must take place. From full knowledge, and with proper instruction by the teacher, clear ideas or concepts might be formed, and clear ideas ought to lead to right action, and right action to personal character--the aim of all instruction. Herbart was the first writer on education to place the great emphasis on proper instruction, and to exalt teaching and proper teaching-procedure instead of mere knowledge or intellectual discipline. He thus conceived of the educational process as a science in itself, having a definite content and method, and worthy of special study by those who desire to teach. HERBARTIAN METHOD. With these ideas as to the aim and content of instruction, Herbart worked out a theory of the instructional process and a method of instruction (R. 356). Interest he held to be of first importance as a prerequisite to good instruction. If given spontaneously, well and good; but, if necessary, forced interest must be resorted to. Skill in instruction is in part to be determined by the ability of the teacher to secure interest without resorting to force on the one hand or sugar-coating of the subject on the other. Taking Pestalozzi's idea that the purpose of the teacher was to give pupils new experiences through contacts with real things, without assuming that the pupils already had such, Herbart elaborated the process by which new knowledge is assimilated in terms of what one already knows, and from his elaboration of this principle the doctrine of apperception--that is, the apperceiving or comprehending of new knowledge in terms of the old--has been fixed as an important principle in educational psychology. Good instruction, then, involves first putting the child into a proper frame of mind to apperceive the new knowledge, and hence this becomes a corner-stone of all good teaching method. Herbart did not always rely on such methods, holding that the "committing to memory" of certain necessary facts often was necessary, but he held that the mere memorizing of isolated facts, which had characterized school instruction for ages, had little value for either educational or moral ends. The teaching of mere facts often was very necessary, but such instruction called for a methodical organization of the facts by the teacher, so as to make their learning contribute to some definite purpose. This called for a purpose in instruction; the organization of the facts necessary to be taught so as to select the most useful ones; the connection of these so as to establish the principle which was the purpose of the instruction; and training in systematic thinking by applying the principle to new problems of the type being studied. The carrying-out of such ideas meant the careful organization of the teaching process and teaching method, to secure certain predetermined ends in child development, instead of mere miscellaneous memorizing and school-keeping. THE HERBARTIAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY. Herbart died in 1841, without having awakened any general interest in his ideas, and they remained virtually unnoticed until 1865. In that year a professor at Leipzig, Tuiskon Ziller (1817-1883), published a book setting forth Herbart's idea of instruction as a moral force. This attracted much attention, and led to the formation (1868) of a scientific society for the study of Herbart's ideas. Ziller and his followers now elaborated Herbart's ideas, advanced the theory of culture-epochs in child development, the theory of concentration in studies, and elaborated the four steps in the process of instruction, as described by Herbart, into the five formal steps of the modern Herbartian school. In 1874 a pedagogical seminary and practice school was organized at the University of Jena, and in 1885 this came under the direction of Professor William Rein, a pupil of Ziller's, who developed the practice school according to the ideas of Ziller. A detailed course of study for this school, filling two large volumes, was worked out, and the practice lessons given were thoroughly planned beforehand and the methods employed were subjected to a searching analysis after the lesson had been given. HERBARTIAN IDEAS IN THE UNITED STATES. For a time, under the inspiration of Ziller and Rein, Jena became an educational center to which students went from many lands. From the work at Jena Herbartian ideas have spread which have modified elementary educational procedure generally. In particular did the work at Jena make a deep impression in the United States. Between 1885 and 1890 a number of Americans studied at Jena and, returning, brought back to the United States this Ziller-Rein-Jena brand of Herbartian ideas and practices. [14] From the first the new ideas met with enthusiastic approval. [Illustration: PLATE 18. TWO LEADERS IN THE REORGANIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL THEORY JOHANN FRIEDRICH HERBART (1776-1841) Organizer of the Psychology of Instruction FRIEDRICH WILHELM TROEBEL (1782-1852) Founder of the Kindergarten] New methods of instruction in history and literature, and a new psychology, were now added to the normal-school professional instruction. Though this psychology has since been outgrown (R. 357), it has been very useful in shaping pedagogical thought. New courses of study for the training-schools were now worked out in which the elementary-school subjects were divided into drill subjects, content subjects, and motor- activity subjects. [15] Apperception, interest, correlation, social purpose, moral education, citizenship training, and recitation methods became new terms to conjure with. From the normal schools these ideas spread rapidly to the better city school systems of the time, and soon found their way into courses of study everywhere. Practice schools and the model lessons in dozens of normal schools were remodeled after the pattern of those at Jena, and for a decade Herbartian ideas and the new child study vied with one another for the place of first importance in educational thinking. The Herbartian wave of the nineties resembled the Pestalozzian enthusiasm of the sixties. Each for a time furnished the new ideas in education, each introduced elements of importance into the elementary-school instruction, each deeply influenced the training of teachers in normal schools by giving a new turn to the instruction there, and each gradually settled down into its proper place in educational practice and history. THE HERBARTIAN CONTRIBUTION. To the Herbartians we are indebted in particular for important new conceptions as to the teaching of history and literature, which have modified all our subsequent procedure; for the introduction of history teaching in some form into all the elementary- school grades; for the emphasis on a new social point of view in the teaching of history and geography; for the new emphasis on the moral aim in instruction; for a new and a truer educational psychology; and for a better organization of the technique of classroom instruction. In particular Herbart gave emphasis to that part of educational development which comes from without--environment acting upon the child--as contrasted with the emphasis Pestalozzi had placed on mental development from within and according to organic law. With the introduction of normal child activities, which came from another source about this same time, the elementary-school curriculum as we now have it was practically complete, and the elementary school of 1850 was completely made over to form the elementary school of the beginning of the twentieth century. III. THE KINDERGARTEN, PLAY, AND MANUAL ACTIVITIES To another German, Friedrich Froebel (1782-1852), we are indebted, directly or indirectly, for three other additions to elementary education --the kindergarten, the play idea, and handwork activities. ORIGIN OF THE KINDERGARTEN. Of German parentage, the son of a rural clergyman, early estranged from his parents, retiring and introspective by nature, having led a most unhappy childhood, and apprenticed to a forester without his wishes being consulted, at twenty-three Froebel decided to become a schoolteacher and visited Pestalozzi in Switzerland. Two years later he became the tutor of three boys, and then spent the years 1808-10 as a student and teacher in Pestalozzi's Institute at Yverdon. During his years there Froebel was deeply impressed with the great value of music and play in the education of children, and of all that he carried away from Pestalozzi's institution these ideas were most persistent. After serving in a variety of occupations--student, soldier against Napoleon, and curator in a museum of mineralogy--he finally opened a little private school, in 1816, which he conducted for a decade along Pestalozzian lines. In this the play idea, music, and the self-activity of the pupils were uppermost. The school was a failure, financially, but while conducting it Froebel thought out and published (1826) his most important pedagogical work--_The Education of Man_. Gradually Froebel became convinced that the most needed reform in education concerned the early years of childhood. His own youth had been most unhappy, and to this phase of education he now addressed himself. After a period as a teacher in Switzerland he returned to Germany and opened a school for little children in which plays, games, songs, and occupations involving self-activity were the dominating characteristics, and in 1840 he hit upon the name _Kindergarten_ for it. In 1843 his _Mutter- und Kose-Lieder_, a book of fifty songs and games, was published. This has been translated into almost all languages. SPREAD OF THE KINDERGARTEN IDEA. After a series of unsuccessful efforts to bring his new idea to the attention of educators, Froebel, himself rather a feminine type, became discouraged and resolved to address himself henceforth to women, as they seemed much more capable of understanding him, and to the training of teachers in the new ideas. Froebel was fortunate in securing as one of his most ardent disciples, just before his death, the Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz Bulow-Wendhausen (1810-93), who did more than any other person to make his work known. Meeting, in 1849, the man mentioned to her as "an old fool," she understood him, and spent the remainder of her life in bringing to the attention of the world the work of this unworldly man who did not know how to make it known for himself. In 1851 the Prussian Government, fearing some revolutionary designs in the new idea, and acting in a manner thoroughly characteristic of the political reaction which by that time had taken hold of all German official life, forbade kindergartens in Prussia. The Baroness then went to London and lectured there on Froebel's ideas, organizing kindergartens in the English "ragged schools." Here, by contrast, she met with a cordial reception. She later expounded Froebelian ideas in Paris, Italy, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, and (after 1860, when the prohibition was removed) in Germany. In 1870 she founded a kindergarten training-college in Dresden. Many of her writings have been translated into English, and published in the United States. Considering the importance of this work, and the time which has since elapsed, the kindergarten idea has made relatively small progress on the continent of Europe. Its spirit does not harmonize with autocratic government. In Germany and the old Austro-Hungary it had made but little progress up to 1914. Its greatest progress in Europe, perhaps, has been in democratic Switzerland. [16] In England and France, the two great leaders in democratic government, the Infant-School development, which came earlier, has prevented any marked growth of the kindergarten. In England, though, the Infant School has recently been entirely transformed by the introduction into it of the kindergarten spirit. [17] In France, infant education has taken a somewhat different direction. [18] In the United States the kindergarten idea has met with a most cordial reception. In no country in the world has the spirit of the kindergarten been so caught and applied to school work, and probably nowhere has the original kindergarten idea been so expanded and improved. [19] The first kindergarten in the United States was a German kindergarten, established at Watertown, Wisconsin, in 1855, by Mrs. Carl Schurz, a pupil of Froebel. During the next fifteen years some ten other kindergartens were organized in German-speaking communities. The first English-speaking kindergarten was opened privately in Boston, in 1860, by Miss Elizabeth Peabody. In 1868 a private training-college for kindergartners was opened in Boston, largely through Miss Peabody's influence, by Madame Matilde Kriege and her daughter, who had recently arrived from Germany. In 1872 Miss Marie Boelte opened a similar teacher-training school in New York City, and in 1873 her pupil, Miss Susan Blow, accepted the invitation of Superintendent William T. Harris, of St. Louis, to go there and open the first public-school kindergarten in the United States. [20] To-day the kindergarten is found in some form in nearly all countries in the world, having been carried to all continents by missionaries, educational enthusiasts, and interested governments. [21] Japan early adopted the idea, and China is now beginning to do so. THE KINDERGARTEN IDEA. The dominant idea in the kindergarten is natural but directed self-activity, focused upon educational, social, and moral ends. Froebel believed in the continuity of a child's life from infancy onward, and that self-activity, determined by the child's interests and desires and intelligently directed, was essential to the unfolding of the child's inborn capacities. He saw, more clearly than any one before him had done, the unutilized wealth of the child's world; that the child's chief characteristic is self-activity; the desirability of the child finding himself through play; and that the work of the school during these early years was to supplement the family by drawing out the child and awakening the ideal side of his nature. To these ends doing, self activity, and expression became fundamental to the kindergarten, and movement, gesture, directed play, song, color, the story, and human activities a part of kindergarten technique. Nature study and school gardening were given a prominent place, and motor-activity much called into play. Advancing far beyond Pestalozzi's principle of sense- impressions, Froebel insisted on motor-activity and learning by doing (R. 358). Froebel, as well as Herbart, also saw the social importance of education, and that man must realize himself not independently amid nature, as Rousseau had said, but as a social animal in coöperation with his fellowmen. Hence he made his schoolroom a miniature of society, a place where courtesy and helpfulness and social coöperation were prominent features. This social and at times reverent atmosphere of the kindergarten has always been a marked characteristic of its work. To bring out social ideas many dramatic games, such as shoemaker, carpenter, smith, and farmer, were devised and set to music. The "story" by the teacher was made prominent, and this was retold in language, acted, sung, and often worked out constructively in clay, blocks, or paper. Other games to develop skill were worked out, and use was made of sand, clay, paper, cardboard, and color. The "gifts" and "occupations" which Froebel devised were intended to develop constructive and aesthetic power, and to provide for connection and development they were arranged into an organized series of playthings. Individual development as its aim, motor-expression as its method, and social coöperation as its means were the characteristic ideas of this new school for little children (R. 358). THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE KINDERGARTEN. Wholly aside from the specific training given children during the year, year and a half, or two years they spend in this type of school, the addition of the kindergarten to elementary-school work has been a force of very large significance and usefulness. The idea that the child is primarily an active and not a learning animal has been given new emphasis, and that education comes chiefly by doing has been given new force. The idea that a child's chief business is play has been a new conception of large educational value. The elimination of book education and harsh discipline in the kindergarten has been an idea that has slowly but gradually been extended upward into the lower grades of the elementary school. To-day, largely as a result of the spreading of the kindergarten spirit, the world is coming to recognize play and games at something like their real social, moral, and educational values, wholly aside from their benefits as concern physical welfare, and in many places directed play is being scheduled as a regular subject in school programs. Music, too, has attained new emphasis since the coming of the kindergarten, and methods of teaching music more in harmony with kindergarten ideas have been introduced into the schools. INSTRUCTION IN THE MANUAL ACTIVITIES. Froebel not only introduced constructive work--paper-folding, weaving, needlework, and work with sand and clay and color--into the kindergarten, but he also proposed to extend and develop such work for the upper years of schooling in a school for hand training which he outlined, but did not establish. His proposed plan included the elements of the so-called manual-training idea, developed later, and he justified such instruction on the same educational grounds that we advance to-day. It was not to teach a boy a trade, as Rousseau had advocated, or to train children in sense-perception, as Pestalozzi had employed all his manual activities, but as a form of educational expression, and for the purpose of developing creative power within the child. The idea was advocated by a number of thinkers, about 1850 to 1860, but the movement took its rise in Finland, Sweden, and Russia. The first country to organize such work as a part of its school instruction was Finland, where, as early as 1858, Uno Cygnaeus (1810-1888) outlined a course for manual training involving bench and metal work, wood-carving, and basket-weaving. In 1866 Finland made some form of manual work compulsory for boys in all its rural schools, and in its training- colleges for male teachers. In 1872 the government of Sweden decided to introduce sloyd work into its schools, partly to counteract the bad physical and moral effects of city congestion, and partly to revivify the declining home industries of the people. A sloyd school was established at Naas, in 1872, to train teachers, and in 1875 a second school, known as a "Sloyd Seminarium," was begun. The summer courses of these two schools were soon training teachers from many nations. In 1877 sloyd work was added to the Folk School instruction of Sweden. At first the old native sloyd occupations were followed, such as carpentering, turning, wood- carving, brush-making, book-binding, and work in copper and iron, but later the industrial element gave way to a well-organized course in educational tool work for boys from twelve to fifteen years of age, after the Finnish plan. SPREAD OF THE MANUAL-TRAINING IDEA. France was the first of the larger European nations to adopt this new addition to elementary-school instruction, a training-school being organized at Paris in 1873, and, in 1882, the instruction in manual activities was ordered introduced into all the primary schools of France. It has required time, though, to provide work rooms and to realize this idea, and it is still lacking in complete accomplishment. In England the work was first introduced in London, about 1887. The government at once accepted the idea, encouraged its spread, and began to aid in the training of teachers. By 1900 the work was found in all the larger cities, and included cooking and sewing for girls, as well as manual work for boys. The training for girls goes back still farther, and was an outgrowth of the earlier "schools of industry" established to train girls for domestic service (R. 241). By 1846 instruction in needlework had been begun in earnest in England. In German lands needlework was also an early school subject, while some domestic training for girls had been provided in most of the cities, before 1914. Manual training for boys, though, despite much propaganda work, had made but little headway up to that time. As in the case of the kindergarten, the initiative and self-expression aspects of the manual-training movement made no appeal to those responsible for the work of the people's schools, and, in consequence, the manual activities have in German lands been reserved largely for the continuation and vocational schools for older pupils. In the United States the manual-training and household-arts ideas have found a very ready welcome. Curious as it may seem, the first introduction to the United States of this new form of instruction came through the exhibit made by the Russian government at the Centennial Exhibition of 1876, showing the work in wood and iron made by the pupils at the Imperial Technical Institute at Moscow. This, however, was not the Swedish sloyd, but a type of work especially adapted to secondary-school instruction. In consequence the movement for instruction in the manual activities in the United States, unlike in other nations, began as a highly organized technical type of high-school instruction, [22] while the elementary- school sloyd and the household arts for girls came in later. This type of technical high school has since developed rapidly in this country, has rendered an important educational service, and is a peculiarly American creation. In Europe the manual-training idea has been confined to the elementary school, and no institution exists there which parallels these costly and well-equipped American technical secondary schools. The introduction of manual work into the elementary schools came a little later, and a little more slowly. As early as 1880 the Workingmen's School, founded by the Ethical Culture Society of New York, had provided a kindergarten and had extended the kindergarten constructive-work idea upward, in the form of simple woodworking, into its elementary school. In the public schools, experimental classes in elementary-school woodworking were tried in one school in Boston, as early as 1882, the expense being borne privately. In 1888 the city took over these classes. In 1886 a teacher was brought to Boston from Sweden to introduce Swedish sloyd, and a teacher-training school which has been very influential was established there, in 1889. In 1876 Massachusetts permitted cities to provide instruction in sewing, and Springfield introduced such instruction in 1884, and elementary-school instruction in knifework in 1886. From these beginnings the movement spread, [23] though at first rather slowly. By 1900 approximately forty cities, nearly all of them in the North Atlantic group of States, had introduced work in manual training and the household arts into their elementary schools, but since that time the work has been extended to practically all cities, and to many towns and rural communities as well. [Illustration: FIG. 228. REDIRECTED MANUAL TRAINING A boy mending his shoe instead of making a mortice-joint ] CONTRIBUTION OF THE MANUAL-ACTIVITIES IDEA. These new forms of school work were at first advocated on the grounds of formal discipline--that they trained the reasoning, exercised the powers of observation, and strengthened the will. The "exercises," true to such a conception, were quite formal and uniform for all. With the breakdown of the "faculty psychology," and the abandonment in large part of the doctrine of formal discipline in the training of the mind, the whole manual-training and household-arts work has had to be reshaped. As the writings of Pestalozzi, Herbart, and Froebel were studied more closely, and with the new light on child development gained from child-study and the newer psychology, these new subjects came to be conceived of in their proper light as means of individual expression, and to be extended to new forms, materials, colors, and new practical and artistic ends. To-day the instruction in manual work and the household arts in all their forms has been further changed to make of them educational instruments for interpreting the fields of art and industry and home-life in terms of their social significance and usefulness. Through these two new forms of education, also, the pupils in the elementary schools have been given training in expression and an insight into the practical work of life impossible in the old textbook type of elementary school. In the kindergarten, manual work, and the household arts, Froebel's principle of education through directed self- activity and self-expression has borne abundant fruit. In the hands of French, English, and American educators the original manual-arts idea has been greatly expanded. In France some form of expression has been worked out for all grades of the primary school, and the work has been closely connected with art and industry on the one hand and with the home-life of the people on the other. In England the project system as applied to industry, and the household arts with reference to home-life, have been emphasized. In the United States the work has been individualized perhaps more than anywhere else, applied in many new directions--clay, leather, cement, metal--and used as a very important instrument for self-expression and the development of individual thinking. IV. THE ADDITION OF SCIENCE STUDY THE GRADUAL EXTENSION OF THE INTEREST IN SCIENCE. A very prominent feature of world educational development, since about the middle of the nineteenth century, has been the general introduction into the schools of the study of science. It is no exaggeration of the importance of this to say that no addition of new subject-matter and no change in the direction and purpose of education, since that time, has been of greater importance for the welfare of mankind, or more significant of new world conditions, than has been the emphasis recently placed, in all divisions of state school systems, on instruction in the principles and the applications of science. From the days of Francis Bacon (p. 390) on, the study of science has been making slow but steady progress. The early history of modern science we traced in chapter XVII. During the seventeenth century English scholars were most prominent in the further development, due largely to the greater tolerance of new ideas there, and the University of Cambridge early attained to some reputation (p. 423) as a place where instruction in the new scientific studies might be found. After the middle of the eighteenth century, in large part due to the illuminating work of Voltaire (p. 485), a great interest in science arose among the French. In the Revolutionary days we accordingly find the French creating important scientific institutions (p. 518), and Napoleon gave frequent evidence of his deep interest in scientific studies. [24] This interest the French have since retained. From France this new interest in science passed quickly to the Germans. The new mathematical and physical studies had early found a home at the new University of Göttingen (p. 555), and largely under French influences scientific studies were later introduced into all the German universities. Early in the nineteenth century the German universities took the lead as centers for the new scientific studies (p. 576)--a lead they retained throughout the century. In England the universities had, by the nineteenth century, lost much of their seventeenth-century prominence in science, and had settled down into teaching colleges, instead of developing, as had the German universities, into institutions for scientific research. Compared with the reformed German universities, actuated by the new scientific spirit, the English universities of the mid-nineteenth century presented a very unfavorable [25] aspect (R. 359). In the United States, book instruction in the sciences came in near the close of the eighteenth century, but the first laboratory instruction in our colleges was not begun until 1846, and our real interest in science teaching dates from an even later period. Until the coming of German influences, after the middle of the century, the American college [26] largely followed English models and practices. Yet, as we pointed out earlier, the early nineteenth century witnessed a vast expansion of scientific knowledge, and by 1860 the main keys of modern science (p. 727) were in the hands of scholars everywhere. The great early development of scientific study had been carried on in a few universities or had been done by independent scholars, and had influenced but little instruction in the colleges or the schools below. SCIENCE INSTRUCTION REACHES THE SCHOOLS BUT SLOWLY. The textbook organization of this new scientific knowledge, for teaching purposes, and its incorporation into the instruction of the schools, took place but slowly. 1. _The elementary schools._ The greatest and the earliest success was made in German lands. There the pioneer work of Basedow (p. 534) and the Philanthropinists had awakened a widespread interest in scientific studies. In Switzerland, too, Pestalozzi had developed elementary science study and home geography, and, when Pestalozzian methods were introduced into the schools of Prussia, the study of elementary science (_Realien_) soon became a feature of the _Volksschule_ instruction. From Prussia it spread to all German lands. In England the Pestalozzian idea was introduced into the Infant Schools, [27] though in a very formal fashion, under the heading of object lessons. In this form elementary science study reached the United States, about 1860, though a decade later well- organized courses in elementary science instruction began to be introduced into the American elementary schools. [28] After the political reaction following the Napoleonic wars had set in, on the continent of Europe, all thought-provoking studies were greatly curtailed in the people's schools. In England, for other reasons, object lessons did not make any marked headway, and as late as 1865 practically nothing relating to the great new world of scientific knowledge had as yet been introduced into the private and religious elementary schools (R. 360) which, up to that time, constituted England's chief dependence for the elementary instruction of her people. 2. _The secondary schools._ In the secondary schools the earliest work of importance in introducing the new scientific subjects was done by the Germans and the French. In German lands the _Realschule_ obtained an early start (1747; p. 420), and the instruction in mathematics and science it included [29] had begun to be adopted by the German secondary schools, especially in the South German States, before the period of reaction set in. During the reign of Napoleon the scientific course in the French _Lycées_ was given special prominence. After about 1815, and continuing until after 1848, practical and thought-provoking studies were under an official ban in both countries, and classical studies were specially favored. [30] Finally, in 1852 in France and in 1859 in Prussia, responding to changed political conditions and new economic demands, both the scientific course in the _Lycées_ and the _Realschulen_ were given official recognition, and thereafter received increasing state favor and support. The scientific idea also took deep root in Denmark. There the secondary schools were modernized, in 1809, when the sciences were given an important place, and again in 1850, when many of the Latin schools were transformed into _Realskoler_. In the United States the academies and the early high schools both had introduced quite an amount of mathematics and book-science, [31] and, after about 1875, the development of laboratory instruction in science in the growing high schools took place rather rapidly. Fellenberg's work in Switzerland (p. 546) had also awakened much interest in the United States, and by 1830 a number of Schools of Industry and Science had begun to appear. [32] These made instruction in mathematics and science prominent features of their work. After the Napoleonic wars, England attained to the first place as an industrial and commercial nation. This led to a continual agitation on the part of manufacturers for some science and art instruction. In 1853, Parliament created a State Department of Science and Art (p. 638), and the promotion of science and art education by government grants was now begun. Though the nation had been the first to be transformed by the industrial revolution, and its foreign trade by 1850 reached all parts of the world, the secondary schools of England had remained largely untouched by the change. They were still mainly the Renaissance Latin grammar schools they had been ever since Dean Colet (1510) marked out the lines for such instruction by founding his reformed grammar school at St. Pauls (p. 275). Their courses of instruction contained little that was modern, and in their aims and purposes they went back to the days of the Revival of Learning for their inspiration (R. 361). THE CHALLENGE OF HERBERT SPENCER. By the middle of the nineteenth century the scientific and industrial revolutions had produced important changes in the conditions of living in all the then important world nations. Particularly in the German States, France, England, and the United States had the effects of the revolutions in manufacturing and living been felt. In consequence there had been, for some time, a growing controversy between the partisans of the older classical training and the newer scientific studies as to their relative worth and importance, both for intellectual discipline and as preparation for intelligent living, and by the middle of the nineteenth century this had become quite sharp. The "faculty psychology," upon which the theory of the discipline of the powers of the mind by the classics was largely based, was attacked, and the contention was advanced that the content of studies was of more importance in education than was method and drill. The advocates of the newer studies contended that a study of the classics no longer provided a suitable preparation for intelligent living, and the question of the relative worth of the older and newer studies elicited more and more discussion as the century advanced. [Illustration: FIG. 229. HERBERT SPENCER (1820-1903)] In 1859 one of England's greatest scholars, Herbert Spencer, brought the whole question to a sharp issue by the publication of a remarkably incisive essay on "What Knowledge is of Most Worth?" In this he declared that the purpose of education was to "prepare us for complete living," and that the only way to judge of the value of an educational course was first to classify, in the order of their importance, [33] the leading activities and needs of life, and then measure the course of study by how fully it offers such a preparation. Doing so (R. 362), and applying such a test, he concluded that of all subjects a knowledge of science (R. 363) "was always most useful for preparation for life," and therefore the type of knowledge of most worth. In three other essays [34] he recommended a complete change from the classical type of training which had dominated English secondary education since the days of the Renaissance. Still more, instead of a few being educated by a "cultural discipline" for a life of learning and leisure, he urged general instruction in science, that all might receive training and help for the daily duties of life. These essays attracted wide attention, not only in England but in many other lands as well. They were a statement, in clear and forceful English, of the best ideas of the educational reformers for three centuries. In his statement of the principles upon which sound intellectual education should be based he merely enunciated theses for which educational reformers had stood since the days of Ratke and Comenius. In his treatment of moral and physical education he voiced the best ideas of John Locke. Spencer's great service was in giving forceful expression to ideas which, by 1860, had become current, and in so doing he pushed to the front anew the question of educational values. The scientific and industrial revolutions had prepared the way for a redirection of national education, and the time was ripe in England, France, German lands, and the United States for such a discussion. As a result, though the questions he raised are still in part unsettled, a great change in assigned values has since been effected not only in these nations, but in most other nations and lands which have drawn the inspiration for their educational systems from them. Though his work was not specially original, we must nevertheless class Herbert Spencer as one of the great writers on educational aims and purposes, and his book as one of the great influences in reshaping educational practice. He gave a new emphasis to the work of all who had preceded him, and out of the discussion which ensued came a new and a greatly enlarged estimate as to the importance of science study in all divisions of the school. [Illustration: FIG. 230. THOMAS H. HUXLEY (1825-95)] THE NEW EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE. It is perhaps not too much to say that out of Spencer's gathering-up and forceful statement of the best ideas of his time, and the discussion which followed, a new conception of the educational purpose as adjustment to the life one is to live--physical, economic, social, moral, political--was clearly formulated, and a new definition of a liberal education was framed. The former found expression in a rather rapid introduction of science-study into the elementary school, the secondary school, and the college, after about 1865, in the school systems of all progressive nations, and the subsequent extension of the scientific method to such new fields as history, politics, government, and social welfare. The latter--the new definition of a liberal education --was wonderfully well stated in an address (1868) by the English scientist, Thomas Huxley, when he said: [35] That man, I think, has had a liberal education who has been so trained in youth that his body is the ready servant of his will, and does with ease and pleasure all the work that, as a mechanism, it is capable of; whose intellect is a clear, cold, logic engine, with all its parts of equal strength, and in smooth working order; ready, like a steam engine, to be turned to any kind of work, and spin the gossamers as well as forge the anchors of the mind; whose mind is stored with a knowledge of the great and fundamental truths of Nature and of the laws of her operations; one who, no stunted ascetic, is full of life and fire, but whose passions are trained to come to heel by a vigorous will, the servant of a tender conscience; who has learned to love all beauty, whether of Nature or of art, to hate all vileness, and to respect others as himself. Such an one and no other, I conceive, has had a liberal education; for he is, as completely as a man can be, in harmony with Nature. He will make the best of her, and she of him. They will get on together rarely: she as his ever-beneficent mother; he as her mouthpiece, her conscious self, her minister and interpreter. The inter-relation between the movement for the study of the sciences and the other movements for the improvement of instruction which we have so far described in this chapter, was close. Pestalozzi had emphasized instruction in geography and the study of nature; Froebel had given a prominent place to nature study and school gardening; the manual-arts work tended to exhibit industrial processes and relationships; and the scientific emphasis on content rather than drill was in harmony with the theories of all the modern reformers. Still more, the scientific movement was in close harmony with the new individualistic tendency of the early part of the nineteenth century, and with the movements for the improvement of individual and national welfare which have been so prominent a characteristic of the latter half of the century. V. SOCIAL MEANING OF THESE CHANGES A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. Pestalozzi, true to the individualistic spirit of the age in which he lived and worked, had seen education as an individual development, and the ends of education as individual ends. The spirit of the French Revolutionary period was the spirit of individualism. With the progress of the Industrial Revolution and the consequent rise of new social problems, the emphasis was gradually shifted from the individual to society--from the single man to the man in the mass. The first educational thinker of importance to see and clearly state this new conception in terms of the school was Herbart. Seeing the educational purpose in far clearer perspective than had those who had gone before him, he showed that education must have for its function the preparation of man to live in organized society, and that character and social morality, rather than individual development, must in consequence be the larger aims. Froebel, possessed of something of the same insight, and seeing clearly the educational importance of activity and expression, had opened up for children a wealth of new contacts with the world about them in the new type of educational institution which he created. His principles, he said, when thoroughly worked out and applied to education "would revolutionize the world." He did not complete the full educational organization he had planned, but in the hands of the Swedes and Finns similar ideas were worked out in practical form and made a part of school work. Applying Froebel's idea to instruction in the old trades and industries, declining in importance in the face of the rise of the factory system, they evolved the manual-training activities, and these have since been made important tools for giving to young people some intelligent ideas as to the industrial relationships and economic problems of our complex modern life. Since this early pioneer work changes in school work have been numerous and of far-reaching importance. The methods and purpose of instruction in the older subjects have been revised; new studies, which would serve to interpret to the young the industrial and social revolutions of the nineteenth century, have been introduced; the expression-subjects--the domestic arts, music, drawing, clay-modeling, color work, the manual arts, nature study, gardening--have given a new direction to school work; and the study of science and the vocations has attained to a place of importance previously unknown. During the past half-century the school has been transformed, in the principal world nations, from a disciplinary institution where drill in mastering the rudiments of knowledge was given, into an instrument of democracy calculated to train young people for living, for useful service in the office and shop and home, and to prepare them for intelligent participation in the increasingly complex social and political and industrial life of a modern world. This transformation of the school has not always been easy (R. 365), but the vastly changed conditions of modern life have demanded such a transformation in all progressive nations. THE CONTRIBUTION OF JOHN DEWEY. The foremost American interpreter, in terms of the school, of the vast social and industrial changes which have marked the nineteenth century, is John Dewey [36] (1859- ). Better perhaps than anyone else he has thought out and stated a new educational philosophy, suited to the changed and changing conditions of human living. His work, both experimental and theoretical, has tended both to re- psychologize (R. 364) and socialize education; to give to it a practical content, along scientific and industrial lines; and to interpret to the child the new social and industrial conditions of modern society by connecting the activities of the school closely with those of real life. [Illustration: FIG. 231. A REORGANIZED KINDERGARTEN Drawn from a photograph showing the reconstruction of the kindergarten activities, as worked out by Dewey at Chicago.] Starting with the premises that "the school cannot be a preparation for social life except as it reproduces the typical conditions of social life"; that "industrial activities are the most influential factors in determining the thought, the ideals, and the social organization of a people"; and that "the school should be life, not a preparation for living"; Dewey for a time conducted an experimental school, for children from four to thirteen years of age, to give concrete expression to his educational ideas. These, first consciously set forth by Froebel, were: [37] 1. That the primary business of the school is to train in coöperative and mutually helpful living.... 2. That the primary root of all educational activity is in the instinctive, impulsive attitudes and activities of the child, and not in the presentation and application of external material. 3. That these individual tendencies and activities are organized and directed through the uses made of them in keeping up the coöperative living ... taking advantage of them to reproduce, on the child's plane, the typical doings and occupations of the larger, maturer society into which he is finally to go forth; and that it is through production and creative use that valuable knowledge is clinched. The work of this school [38] was of fundamental importance in directing the reorganization of the work of the kindergarten along different and larger lines, and also has been of significance in redirecting the instruction in both the social subjects--history (R. 366), literature, etc.--and the manual, domestic, and artistic activities of the school. In his subsequent writings he may be said to have stated an important new philosophy for the school in terms of modern social, political, and industrial needs. THE DEWEY EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY. Believing that the public school is the chief remedy for the ills of organized society, Professor Dewey has tried to show how to change the work of the school so as to make it a miniature of society itself. Social efficiency, and not mere knowledge, he has conceived to be the end, and this social efficiency is to be produced through participation in the activities of an institution of society, the school. The different parts of the school system thus become a unified institution, in which children are taught how to live amid the constantly increasing complexities of modern social and industrial life. Education, therefore, in Dewey's conception, involves not merely learning, but play, construction, use of tools, contact with nature, expression, and activity; and the school should be a place where children are working rather than listening, learning life by living life, and becoming acquainted with social institutions and industrial processes by studying them. The work of the school is in large part to reduce the complexity of modern life to such terms as children can understand, and to introduce the child to modern life through simplified experiences. Its primary business may be said to be to train children in coöperative and mutually helpful living. The virtues of a school, as Dewey points out, are learning by doing; the use of muscles, sight and feeling, as well as hearing; and the employment of energy, originality, and initiative. The virtues of the school in the past were the colorless, negative virtues of obedience, docility, and submission. Mere obedience and the careful performance of imposed tasks he holds to be not only a poor preparation for social and industrial efficiency, but a poor preparation for democratic society and government as well. Responsibility for good government, under any democratic form of organization, rests with all, and the school should prepare for the political life of to-morrow by training its pupils to meet responsibilities, developing initiative, awakening social insight, and causing each to shoulder a fair share of the work of government in the school. We have now before us the great contributions to a philosophy for the educational process made since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Many other workers in different lands, but more particularly in German lands, France, Italy, England, and the United States, have added their labors to the expansion and redirection of the school. They are too numerous to mention and, though often nationally important, need not be included here. Still more, the contributions of Pestalozzi, Herbart, Froebel, Spencer, Dewey, and their followers and disciples are so interwoven in the educational theory and practice of to-day that it is in most cases impossible to separate them from one another. [39] QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. How do you explain the long-continued objection to teacher-training? 2. Contrast "oral and objective teaching" with the former "individual instruction." 3. Show how complete a change in classroom procedure this involved. 4. Show how Pestalozzian ideas necessitated a "technique of instruction." 5. Why is it that Pestalozzian ideas as to language and arithmetic instruction have so slowly influenced the teaching of grammar, language, and arithmetic? 6. How do you explain the decline in importance of the once-popular mental arithmetic? 7. Show how child study was a natural development from the Pestalozzian psychology and methodology. 8. Explain what is meant by the statements that Herbart rejected: (a) The conventional-social ideal of Locke. (b) The unsocial ideal of Rousseau. (c) The "faculty-psychology" conception of Pestalozzi. 9. Explain what is meant by saying that Herbart conceived of education as broadly social, rather than personal. 10. Show in what ways and to what extent Herbart: (a) Enlarged our conception of the educational process. (b) Improved the instruction content and process. 11. Explain why Herbartian ideas took so much more quickly in the United States than did Pestalozzianism. 12. State the essentials of the kindergarten idea, and the psychology behind it. 13. State the contribution of the kindergarten idea to education. 14. Show the connection between the sense impression ideas of Pestalozzi, the self-activity of Froebel, and the manual activities of the modern elementary school. 15. Explain why scientific studies came into the schools so slowly, up to about 1860, and so very rapidly after about that time. 16. Explain the particularly long resistance to the introduction of scientific studies by industrial England. 17. State the comparative importance of content and drill in education. 18. Does the reasoning of Herbert Spencer appeal to you as sound? If not, why not? 19. Show how the argument of Spencer for the study of science was also an argument for a more general diffusion of educational advantages. 20. Would schools have advanced in importance as they have done had the industrial revolution not taken place? Why? 21. Why is more extended education called for as "industrial life becomes more diversified, its parts narrower, and its processes more concealed"? 22. Point out the social significance of the educational work of John Dewey. 23. Point out the value, in the new order of society, of each group of school subjects listed in footnote 1 on page 763. 24. Contrast the virtues of a school before Pestalozzi's time and those of a modern school. SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections illustrative of the contents of this chapter are reproduced: 344. Bache: The German Seminaries for Teachers. 345. Bache: A German Teachers' Seminary Described. 346. Bache: A French Normal School Described. 347. Barnard: Beginnings of Teacher-Training in England. 348. Barnard: The Pupil-Teacher System Described. 349. Clinton: Recommendation for Teacher-Training Schools. 350. Massachusetts: Organizing the First Normal Schools. (a) The Organizing Law. (b) Admission and Instruction in. (c) Mann: Importance of the Normal School. 351. Early Textbooks: Examples of Instruction from (a) Davenport: History of the United States. (b) Morse: Elements of Geography--Map. (c) Morse Elements of Geography. 352. Murray: A Typical Teacher's Contract. 353. Bache: The Elementary Schools of Berlin in 1838. 354. Providence: Grading the Schools of. 355. Felkin: Herbart's Educational Ideas. 356. Felkin: Herbart's Educational Ideas Applied. 357. Titchener: Herbart and Modern Psychology. 358. Marenholtz-Bülow: Froebel's Educational Views. 359. Huxley: English and German Universities Contrasted. 360. Huxley: Mid-nineteenth-Century Elementary Education in England. 361. Huxley: Mid-nineteenth-Century Secondary Education in England. 362. Spencer: What Knowledge is of Most Worth? 363. Spencer: Conclusions as to the Importance of Science. 364. Dewey: The Old and New Psychology Contrasted. 365. Ping: Difficulties in Transforming the School. (a) Relating Education to Life. (b) The Old Teacher and the New System. 366. Dewey: Socialization of School Work illustrated by History. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Contrast the instruction in a German Teachers' Seminary (345) or a French normal school (346) of 1838, as described by Bache, with that of an American normal school of to-day. 2. What do the beginnings of teacher training in England (347, 348) indicate as to conceptions then existing as to the educational process? 3. Show, by comparison, that the beginnings of the American normal school were German, rather than English in origin. 4. Just what educational conditions does Governor Clinton (349) indicate as existing in New York State, in 1827? 5. Contrast the instruction in the early Massachusetts normal schools (350) with that in the German (345) and French (346) of about the same time. 6. What do the three professional courses reproduced (345, 346, 350 b) indicate as to the development of pedagogical work by about 1840? 7. Compare the textbook types, given in 351, with modern textbooks in equivalent subjects. 8. Just what light on school teaching, in 1841, does the teacher's contract given (352) throw? 9. State the steps in the evolution of a graded system of schools (353, 354). 10. State the essentials of Herbart's educational ideas (355,356), and the nature of the advances made over his predecessors. 11. State the essentials of Froebel's educational ideas, as explained by the Baroness von Marenholtz-Bülow (358). 12. Explain the difference between the universities of the two nations (359). 13. Contrast elementary education in England (360) with that in the United States at the same period. 14. Would you add anything else to Spencer's requirements to prepare for complete living? What? Why? 15. How do you explain science being "written against in our theologies and frowned upon from our pulpits" (363) when it is of such importance as Spencer concludes? 16. Contrast the old and the new psychology (357, 364). 17. Have the difficulties experienced in the transformation of instruction in China (365) been essentially different than with us? How? 18. Apply Dewey's idea as to the socialization of history (366) to instruction in geography. SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_. * Bowen, H. C. _Froebel and Education through Self-Activity_. Compayré, G. _Herbart and Education by Instruction_. * De Garmo, Chas. _Herbart and the Herbartians_. Dewey, John. _The School and Social Progress_. (Nine numbers.) * Dewey, John. _The School and Society_. Gordy, J. P. _Rise and Growth of the Normal School Idea in the United States_. Circular of Information, United States Bureau of Education, No. 8, 1891. Hollis, A. P. _The Oswego Movement_. * Jordan, D. S. "Spencer's Essay on Education"; in _Cosmopolitan Magazine_, vol. xxix, pp. 135-49. (Sept. 1902.) Judd, C. H. _The Training of Teachers in England, Scotland, and Germany_. (Bulletin 35, 1914, United States Bureau of Education.) Monroe, Will S. _History of the Pestalozzian Movement in the United States_. * Parker, S. C. _History of Modern Elementary Education_. Ping Wen Kuo. _The Chinese System of Public Education_. Spencer, Herbert. _Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical_. Vanderwalker, N. C. _The Kindergarten in American Education_. CHAPTER XXIX NEW TENDENCIES AND EXPANSIONS I. POLITICAL THE ENLARGED CONCEPTION OF PUBLIC EDUCATION. The new ideas as to the purpose and functions of the State promulgated by English and French eighteenth-century thinkers, and given concrete expression in the American and French revolutions near the close of the century, imparted, as we have seen, a new meaning to the school and a new purpose to the education of a people. In the theoretical discussion of education by Rousseau and the empirical work of Pestalozzi a new individualistic theory for a secular school was created, and this Prussia, for long moving in that direction, first adopted as a basis for the state school system it early organized to serve national ends. The new American States, also long moving toward state organization and control, early created state schools to replace the earlier religious schools; while the French Revolution enthusiasts abolished the religious school and ordered the substitution of a general system of state schools to serve their national ends. From these beginnings, as we have seen, the state-school idea has in course of time spread to all continents, and nations everywhere to-day have come to feel that the maintenance of a more or less comprehensive system of state schools is so closely connected with national welfare and progress as to be a necessity for the State (R. 367). In consequence, state ministries for education have been created in all the important world nations; state and local school officials have been provided generally to see that the state purpose in creating schools is carried out; state normal schools for the preparation of teachers have been established; comprehensive state school codes have been enacted or educational decrees formulated; and constantly increasing expenditures for education are to-day derived by taxing the wealth of the State to educate the children of the State. CHANGE FROM THE ORIGINAL PURPOSE. The original purpose in the establishment of schools by the State was everywhere to promote literacy and citizenship. Under all democratic forms of government it was also to insure to the people the elements of learning that they might be prepared for participation in the functions of government. [1] This is well expressed in the quotations given (p. 525) from early American statesmen as to the need for the education of public opinion and the diffusion of knowledge among the people. The same ideas were expressed by French writers and statesmen of the time, and by the English after the passage of the Reform Bills of 1832 and 1867 (p. 642). With the gradual extension of the franchise to larger and larger numbers of the people, the extension of educational advantages naturally had to follow. The education of new citizens for "their political and civil duties as members of society and freemen" became a necessity, and closely followed each extension of the right to vote. In all democratic governments the growing complexity of modern political society has since greatly enlarged these early duties of the school. To-day, in modern nations where general manhood suffrage has come to be the rule, and still more so in nations which have added female suffrage as well, the continually increasing complexity of the political, economic, and social problems upon which the voters are expected to pass judgment is such that a more prolonged period of citizenship education is necessary if voters are to exercise, in any intelligent manner, their functions of citizenship. In nations where the initiative, referendum, and recall have been added, the need for special education along political, economic, and social lines has been still further emphasized. At first instruction in the common-school branches, with instruction in morals or religion added, was regarded as sufficient. In States, such as the German, where religious instruction was retained in the schools, this has been made a powerful instrument in moulding the citizenship and upholding the established order. The history of the different nations has also been used by each as a means for instilling desired conceptions of citizenship, and some work in more or less formal civil government has usually been added. To-day all these means have been proven inadequate for democratic peoples. In consequence, the work in civil government is being changed and broadened into institutional and community civics; the work of the elementary school is being socialized, along the lines advocated by Dewey; and instruction in economic principles and in the functions of government is being introduced into the secondary schools. Instead of being made mere teaching institutions, engaged in promoting literacy and diffusing the rudiments of learning among the electorate, schools are to- day being called upon to grasp the significance of their political and social relationships, and to transform themselves into institutions for improving and advancing the welfare of the State (R. 368). THE PROMOTION OF NATIONALITY. In Prussia the promotion of national solidarity was early made an important aim of the school. This has in time become a common national purpose, as there has dawned upon statesmen generally the idea that a national spirit or culture is "an artificial product which transcends social, religious, and economic distinctions," and that it "could be manufactured by education" (R. 340). In consequence of this discovery the school has been raised to a new position of importance in the national life, and has become the chief means for developing in the citizenship that national unity and national strength so desirable under present-day world conditions. In the German States, where this function of the school has in recent times been perverted to carry forward imperialistic national ends (R. 342); in France, where it has been intelligently used to promote a rational type of national strength (R. 341); in Italy, where divergent racial types are being fused into a new national unity; in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines (R. 343) where the United States has used education to bring backward peoples up to a new level of culture, and to develop in them firm foundations of national solidarity; in China (R. 335) where an ancient people, speaking numerous dialects, is making the difficult transition from an old culture to the newer western civilization; and in Algiers and Morocco, where the spirit of French nationality is being fused into dark-skinned tribesmen-- everywhere to-day, where public education has really taken hold on the national life, we find the school being used for the promotion of national solidarity and the inculcation of national ideals and national culture. To such an extent has this become true that practically all the pressing problems of the school to-day, in any land, find their ultimate explanation in terms of the new nineteenth-century conceptions of political nationality. Since the development of world trade routes following long rail and steamship lines, along which people as well as raw materials and manufactured articles pass to and fro, the entrance of new and diverse peoples into distant national groups has created a new problem of nationalization that before the early nineteenth century was largely unknown. Previous to the nineteenth century the problem was confined almost entirely to peoples conquered and annexed by the fortunes of war. To-day it is a voluntary migration of peoples, and a migration of such proportions and from such distant and unlike civilizations that the problem of assimilating the foreigner has become, particularly in the English-speaking nations and colonies, to which distant and unrelated peoples have turned in largest numbers, [2] a serious national problem. The migration of 32,102,671 persons to the United States, between 1820 and 1914, from all parts of the world, has been a movement of peoples compared with which the migrations of the Germanic tribes--Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Goths, Visigoths, Vandals, Suevi, Danes, Burgundians, Huns--into the old Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries pale into insignificance. No such great movement of peoples was ever known before in history, and the assimilative power of the American nation has not been equal to the task. The World War revealed the extent of the failure to nationalize the foreigner who has been permitted to come, and brought the question of "Americanization" to the front as one of the most pressing problems connected with American national education. With the world in flux racially as it now is, the problem of the assimilation of non-native peoples is one which the schools of every nation which offers political and economic opportunity to other peoples must face. This has called for the organization of special classes in the schools, evening and adult instruction, community-center work, nationalization programs, compulsory attendance of children, state oversight of private and religious schools, and other forms of educational undertakings undreamed of in the days when the State first took over the schools from the Church the better to promote literacy and citizenship. EFFECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. The effects of the great industrial and social changes which we have previously described are written large across the work of the school. As the civilization in the leading world nations has increased in complexity, and the ramifications of the social and industrial life have widened, the school has been called upon to broaden its work, and develop new types of instruction to increase its effectiveness. An education which was entirely satisfactory for the simpler form of social and industrial life of two generations ago has been seen to be utterly inadequate for the needs of the present and the future. It is the far-reaching change in social and industrial and home-life, brought about by the Industrial Revolution, which underlies most of the pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. As the industrial life of nations has become more diversified, its parts narrower, and its processes more concealed, new and more extended training has been called for to prepare young people for the work of life; to reveal to them something of the intricacy and interdependence of modern political and industrial and social groups; and to point out to them the importance of each one's part in the national political and industrial organization. With the ever-increasing subdivision and specialization of labor, the danger from class subdivision has constantly increased, and more and more the school has been called upon to instill into all a political and social consciousness that will lead to unity amid increasing diversity, and to concerted action for the preservation and improvement of the national life. More education than formerly has also been demanded to enable future citizens to meet intelligently national and personal problems, and with the widening of the suffrage and the spread of democratic ideas there has come a necessary widening of the educational ladder, so that more of the masses of the people may climb. Even in nations having the continental- European two-class school system, larger educational opportunities for the masses have had to be provided. This has come through the provision of middle schools, continuation schools, higher primary schools, and people's high schools, [3] as in Germany, France (see diagram, p. 598), the Scandinavian countries (p. 713; R. 370), and Japan (p. 720). In nations having an American-type educational ladder, it has led to the multiplication of secondary schools and secondary-school courses, that a larger and larger percentage of the people may be prepared better to meet the increasingly complex and increasingly difficult conditions of modern political, social, and industrial life. In the more advanced and more democratic nations we also note the establishment of systems of evening schools, adult instruction, university extension, science and art instruction in special centers, the multiplication of libraries, and the increasing use of the lecture, the stereopticon, and the public press, for the purpose of keeping the people informed. No nation has done more to extend the advantages of secondary education to its people than has the United States; France has been especially prominent in adult instruction; England has done noteworthy work with university extension and science and art instruction; while the United States has carried the library movement farther than any other land. All these, again, are extensions of educational opportunity to the masses of the people in a manner undreamed of a century ago. UNIVERSITY EXPANSION. The modern university first attained its development in Prussia (pp. 553-55), while in England and in the nations which drew their inspiration from her, the teaching college, with its narrow range of studies and disciplinary instruction (R. 331), continued to dominate higher education until past the middle of the nineteenth century (R. 359). The old universities of France, aside from Paris, were virtually destroyed in the days of the Revolution, and their re-creation as effective teaching and research institutions has been a relatively recent (1896) event. The universities of Italy and Spain ceased to be effective teaching institutions centuries ago, and only recently have begun to give evidences of new life. Within the past three quarters of a century, and in many nations within a much shorter period of time, the university has very generally experienced a new manifestation of popular favor, and is to-day looked upon as perhaps the most important part, viewed from the standpoint of the future welfare of the State, of the entire system of public instruction maintained by the State. In it the leaders for the State are trained; in it the thinking which is to dominate government a quarter-century later is largely done; out of it come the creative geniuses whose work, in dozens of fields of human endeavor, will mould the political, social, and scientific future of the nation (R. 369). Every government depending upon a two-class school system must of necessity draw its leaders in the professions, in government, in pure and applied science, and in many other lines from the small but carefully selected classes its universities train. In a democracy, depending entirely upon drawing its future leaders from among the mass, the university becomes an indispensable institution for the training of leaders and for the promotion of the national welfare. In a democratic government one of the highest functions of a university is to educate leaders and to create the standards for democracy. The university has, accordingly, in all lands, recently experienced a great expansion. The German universities have been prominent modern institutions for a century and a half. Realizing, as no other people have done, their value in developing skilled leaders for the State, promoting the national welfare, integrating the Empire, and as centers for building up among students of other nationalities a good-will toward Germany, large sums have been spent on their further development since 1871. Within the past quarter-century new and strong French universities have been created, [4] and old universities in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece have been awakened to a new life. The English universities have been made over, since 1870, and new municipal universities in Sheffield, Bristol, Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham, Liverpool, and London have set new standards in English higher education. The universities of Scotland, Holland, Switzerland, and the Scandinavian countries have also recently attained to world prominence. In Australia, New Zealand, Japan, China, the Philippines, India, Egypt, Palestine, Algiers, and South Africa, new universities have been created to advance the national welfare. The South American nations have also established a number of promising new foundations, and given new life to older ones. Often nations swinging out into the current of western civilization have developed their universities before popular education really got under way. In no country has the development of university instruction been more rapid than in the United States and Canada. New and important state universities are to-day found in most of the American States and Canadian Provinces, some States maintaining two. These have been relatively recent creations to serve democracy's needs, and upon the support of these state universities large and increasing sums of money are spent annually. [5] In no nation of the world, too, has private benevolence created and endowed so many private universities of high rank as in the United States, [6] and these have fallen into their proper places as auxiliary agents for the promotion of the national welfare in government, science, art, and the learned professions. From small collegiate institutions with a very limited curriculum, a century ago, stimulated in part by the German example and in part responding to new national needs, universities to-day, in all the leading world nations, have developed into groups of well-organized professional schools, ministering to the great number of special needs of modern life and government. The university development since the middle of the nineteenth century has been greater than at any period before in world history, and with the spread of democracy, dependent as democracy is upon mass education to obtain its leaders, the university has become "the soul of the State" (R. 369). The university development of the next half- century, the world as a whole considered, may possibly surpass anything that we have recently witnessed. THE STATE SCHOOL SYSTEMS AS ORGANIZED. We now find state school systems organized in all the leading world nations. In many the system of public instruction maintained is broad and extensive, beginning often with infant schools or kindergartens, continuing up through elementary schools, middle schools, continuation schools, secondary schools, and normal schools, and culminating in one or more state universities. In addition there are to- day, in many nations, state systems of scientific and technical schools and institutions, and vocational schools and schools for special classes, to which we shall refer more in detail a little further on. The support of all these systems of public instruction to-day comes largely from the direct or indirect taxation of the wealth of the State. Being now conceived of as essential to the welfare and progress of the State, the State yearly confiscates a portion of every man's property and uses it to maintain a service deemed vital to its purposes. The sums spent to-day on education by modern States seem enormous, compared with the sums spent for education under conditions existing a century ago. In England, for example, where the first national aid was granted, in 1833, in the form of a parliamentary grant of £20,000 (approximately $100,000), the parliamentary grants for elementary schools had reached approximately £12,000,000 by 1910, with an additional national aid for universities of over £1,100,000. The year following the World War the grants were £32,853,111. In France a treasury grant of 50,000 francs (approximately $10,000) was first made for primary schools, in 1816. This was doubled in 1829, and in 1831 was raised to a million francs. By 1850, the state aid for primary education had reached 3,000,000 francs; by 1870, 10,000,000 francs; by 1880, 30,000,000; and by 1914, approximately 220,000,000 francs. In addition the State was paying out 25,000,000 francs for secondary schools, and 10,000,000 francs for universities. In the United States the total expenditures for maintenance only of public elementary and secondary schools was $69,107,612, in 1870-71; had reached $214,964,618 by the end of the nineteenth century; and was $640,717,053 in 1915-16, with an additional $101,752,542 for universities. By 1920 the total expenditures for the maintenance of public elementary, secondary, and higher education in the United States will probably total a billion dollars. These rapidly increasing expenditures merely record the changing political conception as to the national importance of enlarging the educational opportunities and advantages of those who are to constitute and direct the future State. II. SCIENTIFIC In no phase of the remarkable educational development made by nations, since the middle of the nineteenth century, has there been a more important expansion of the educational service than in the creation of schools dealing with the applications of science to the affairs of the national life. Still more, no extension of instruction into new fields has ever yielded material benefits, increased productivity, alleviated suffering, or multiplied comforts and conveniences as has this new development in applied scientific education during the past three quarters of a century. SCIENCE INSTRUCTION IN THE SCHOOLS. At first this new work came in, as we have seen (p. 774), but slowly, and its introduction into the secondary schools of France, Germany, England, the United States, and other nations for a time met with bitter opposition from the partisans of the older type of intellectual training. In Germany it was not until after Emperor William II came to the throne (1888) that the _Realschulen_ really found a warm partisan, he demanding (1890), in the name of the national welfare, that the secondary schools "depart entirely from the basis that has existed for centuries--the old monastic education of the Middle Ages"--and that "young Germans and not young Greeks and Romans" be trained in the schools (R. 368). During his reign the _Realschulen_ (six-year course) and _Oberrealschulen_ (nine-year course) were especially favored, while permission to found additional _Gymnasien_ became hard to obtain. The scientific course in the French _Lycées_ similarly did not prosper until after the coming of the Third Republic (1871) and the rise of modern scientific and industrial demands. In England it was not until after 1870 that the endowed secondary schools began to include science instruction, and laboratory instruction in the sciences began to be introduced into the secondary schools of the United States at about the same time. In the United States, too, the first manual-training high school was not established until 1880, but by 1890 the creation of such schools was clearly under way. Other nations--Switzerland, Holland, the Scandinavian countries--also began to include laboratory science instruction in the work of their secondary schools at about the same time. The decade of the seventies witnessed a rising interest in instruction in science which carried such work into the secondary schools of all progressive nations. To-day, in nearly all lands, we find secondary-school courses in science, or special secondary schools for scientific instruction, occupying a position of at least equal importance with the older classical courses or schools. As science instruction has become organized, and a knowledge of the principles of science has become diffused, object lessons, _Realien_, nature study, or elementary science instruction has very generally been put into the elementary or people's schools for the younger pupils. As a result, young people finishing the elementary schools to-day know more relating to the laws of the universe, and the applications of these laws to human life and industry, than did distinguished scholars two centuries ago. All this work in the elementary schools, middle schools, people's high schools, secondary schools, or special technical schools of middle or secondary grade has been of much value in diffusing scientific knowledge and scientific methods of thinking and working among large numbers of people, as well as in revealing to many the possibilities of a scientific career. The great and important development of scientific instruction, however, since about 1860, has been in the fields of advanced applied science or technical education, and has taken place chiefly in new and higher specialized schools and research foundations. The fields in which the greatest scientific advances have been made, and to which we shall here briefly refer, have been engineering, agriculture, and medicine. THE BEGINNINGS OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION. The beginnings of technical education were made earliest in France, Germany, and the United States, and in the order named. France and German lands, but particularly France, inherited through the monasteries what survived of the old Roman skills and technical arts. In the building of bridges, roads, fortifications, aqueducts, and imposing public buildings, the Romans had shown the possession of engineering ability of a high order. Some of this knowledge was retained by the monks of the early Middle Ages, as is evidenced by the monasteries they erected and the churches they built. Later it passed to others, and is evidenced in the great cathedrals and town halls of Europe, and particularly of northern France. In military and civil engineering the French were also the true successors of the Romans. As early as 1747 a special engineering school for bridges and highways (_École des Ponts et Chaussées_) had been created, and a little later a special school to train mining engineers (_École des Mines_) was added. These were the first of the world's higher technical schools. After the Revolution, the new need for military and medical knowledge, as well as the general French interest in applied science, led to the creation of a large number of important higher technical institutions (list, p. 518), most of which have persisted to the present and been enlarged and extended with time. Napoleon also created a School of Arts and Trades (R. 282), and a number of military schools (p. 590). In German lands there was early founded a series of trade schools, [7] which have in time been developed into important technical universities. After the creation of the Imperial German Empire, in 1871, these schools were especially favored by the government, and their work was raised to a rank equal to that of the older universities. To the excellent training given in these institutions the German leadership in applied science and industry, before 1914, was largely due. [8] It has been the particular function of these technical universities to apply scientific knowledge to the industries and the arts, and to show the technical schools beneath and the directors of German industries how further to apply it (R. 371). Of their work a recent _Report_ [9] well says: While in other countries the development of science has been academic, in Germany every new principle elaborated by science has revolutionized some industry, modified some manufacturing process, or opened up an entirely new field of commercial exploitation. In the chemical industries of Germany ... there is one trained university chemist for every forty working-people. It is important to realize that the development of Germany's manufactures and commerce has depended not upon the establishment of any monopoly in the domain of science, not upon any special advancement of science within her own boundaries, but primarily upon the practical utilization of the results of scientific research in Germany and other countries. The creation of the United States Military Academy, at West Point, in 1802, marks the American beginnings in technical education. In 1824 the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute was begun, largely as a manual-labor school after the Fellenberg plan, to give instruction "in the applications of science to the common purposes of life," and about 1850 this developed into one of the earliest of our four-year engineering colleges. In 1846 the United States organized a college for naval engineering, at Annapolis, to do for the Navy what West Point had done for the Army. In 1861 the Massachusetts Institute of Technology was founded, opening its doors in 1865. This was the first of a number of important new engineering colleges, and eight others had been established, by private funds, before 1880. The development in England came a little later. Good engineering schools have since been developed in connection with the new municipal universities, while good engineering colleges have also been created at Oxford and Cambridge, as well as at the Scottish and Irish universities. THE NEW IMPULSES TO DEVELOPMENT. During the first six decades of the nineteenth century, France, the German States, and the United States were slowly moving toward the creation of special schools for technical education. After about 1860 the movement increased with great rapidity. A number of events contributed to this change in rate of development, the most important of which were: 1. The development attained by pure science, by about 1860. (See chapter XXVII, part II, p. 723.) 2. The Industrial Revolution (p. 728), which changed nations from an agricultural to an industrial status, opened up the possibilities of vast world trade, and created enormous demands for technically trained men to supervise and develop the rapidly growing industries of nations. 3. The London Exhibition of 1851, which displayed to the world the applications of science to trade, manufacturing, and the arts, made in particular by England. This opened the eyes of Europe and America to the possibilities of technical education, and led to the creation, in 1853, of a national Department of Science and Art (p. 638) for England. This began the stimulation, by money grants, of technical education and instruction in drawing, and exerted from the first an important influence on English education. 4. The passage by the Congress of the United States of the Morrill Land-Grant-College Act, in 1862, which provided for the creation of colleges of engineering, military science, and agriculture, in each of the American States. 5. The militarily successful wars of Prussia against Denmark, in 1864; Austria, 1866; and France, 1870-71. These revealed to other nations the importance of sound military and engineering education for a nation, and so tremendously stimulated German technical education that the new nation soon arose, in many lines, to a position of world industrial leadership (369). 6. The Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia, in 1876, which repeated the work of the London Exhibition of 1851, and gave a new meaning to the scientific and engineering education then developing in the new American Land-Grant Colleges. 7. The work of Virchow in Germany (1856) in developing pathology; of Pasteur in France, after 1859, in establishing the germ theory of disease; the English surgeon Lister, about the same time, in developing antiseptic surgery; and the new work of physiologists and chemists. Combined these have remade medical science, and have opened up immense possibilities for benefiting mankind. Following these important stimuli to activity, the important nations of the world began the earnest development of technical education, and later medical education, with the result that this new development has affected educational practice all over the world. The new ideas have spread to all continents, and to-day the call for technical education comes not only from the older nations and such new countries as Canada, Australia, South Africa, and the South American States, but from such ancient and backward civilizations as Japan, China, Siam, the Philippines, the East Indies, Egypt, Persia, and Turkey. In consequence to-day numerous and expensive engineering colleges and research institutions are maintained by the important world nations. To- day the trained engineer goes to work his wonders in all corners of the globe, and his task has become primarily that of organizing and directing men in the work of controlling the forces and materials of nature so that they may be made to benefit the human race. So rapid has been the development that, out of the earlier comprehensive type of engineering, to-day dozens of specialized types of engineering education and specialization have been evolved, covering such related fields as civil, mechanical, mining, metallurgical, electrical, architectural, chemical, electro-chemical, marine, naval, sanitary, biological, and public-health engineering. No longer can a nation hope to develop its resources, care properly for the modern needs of its people, or be counted among the important industrial or agricultural nations if it neglects the development of technical education. SCIENCE APPLIED TO AGRICULTURE. France also was the direct inheritor, through the monks, of the old Roman agricultural knowledge and skills, though up to the nineteenth century no attempt to organize agricultural instruction took place anywhere in Europe. The earliest effort in that direction was a proposal made in 1775 by Abbé Rosier, in France, to Turgot, then Minister of Finance, on "A Plan for a National School of Agriculture." Nothing coming of the proposal, the Abbé submitted the proposal to the National Assembly, in 1789, and the same idea was later presented to Napoleon, but without results. The first person to give practical form to the idea was Fellenberg (p. 546), who conducted his manual-labor agricultural institute at Hofwyl, from 1806 to 1844, and inaugurated a plan of educational procedure which was soon afterwards copied in Switzerland, France, the South German States, England, and the United States. One of the earliest institutions to be established outside of Switzerland was the Institute of Agriculture and Forestry, founded by the Agricultural Society of Würtemberg, in 1817, at Hohenheim, near Stuttgart. The earliest schools to teach agriculture in France were the Royal Agronomic Institution at Grignon (1827); the Institute at Coetbo (1830), and the Agricultural School at San Juan (1833). By 1847 twenty-five agricultural schools were in operation in France, to several of which orphan asylums and penal colonies were attached. In 1848 the French Government reorganized the instruction in agriculture and gave it a national basis. It ordered the creation of a farm school in each department of France; a number of higher schools for agricultural instruction at central places; and a National Agronomic Institute for more advanced instruction. A treasury grant of 2,500,000 francs to establish the system was voted. In 1873 elementary instruction in agriculture was ordered given in all village and rural elementary schools. In the United States a number of agricultural societies were formed early in the century, and a private school of agriculture was opened in Maine, in 1821, and another in Connecticut, in 1824. With the opening-up of the new West to farming and the change of the East to manufacturing, after about 1825, the agitation for agricultural education for a time died out, reappearing in Michigan, in 1850. In that year a new constitution was adopted which required the legislature to create a State School of Agriculture, and in 1857 the Michigan Agricultural College opened its doors. Two years later a "Farmers' High School," which later became the Pennsylvania State College, was opened in central Pennsylvania. In 1862, in the midst of the greatest civil war in history, the American Congress passed the very important Morrill Act, which provided for the creation of a college to teach agriculture, mechanic arts, and military science in each of the American States. It was a decade before many of these institutions opened, and for a time they amounted to but little. They had but few students, little money, and the instruction was very elementary and but poorly organized. Cornell University, in New York State, was one of the first (1868) of the new institutions to get under way and find its work. The Centennial Exposition (1876) gave the needed emphasis to the engineering courses, and by 1880 these were well established. The agricultural courses did not flourish for two decades longer, and the military science not until the World War, Despite feeble beginnings, the result of the aid given by the national government has in time proved very valuable, and to-day very large sums of money are being appropriated by the American States and Territories for instruction in engineering, agriculture, home economics, and related sciences, and large numbers of students are now enrolled for this technical training. THE RECENT NEW INTEREST IN AGRICULTURAL EDUCATION. Since the latter part of the nineteenth century agricultural education has awakened new interest in many lands. The German States have created many schools for instruction in agriculture and forestry. Denmark has regenerated the rural life of the nation (R. 370) by its "People's High Schools" and its special schools for instruction in agriculture. Italy has recently made special efforts to extend agricultural instruction to its people. Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have established agricultural schools. In Algiers, Morocco, Japan, China, the Philippines, and India, good beginnings in agricultural education have been made. As agricultural knowledge has been worked out and classified, and agricultural instruction has become organized, it has become possible to relegate some of the more elementary instruction to the school below. This was done in European nations before it took place in the United States. In 1888 the first American agricultural high school was established in Minnesota. By 1898 there were ten such schools in the United States, but since 1900 the development has been very rapid. By 1920 probably a thousand high schools were offering instruction in agriculture, while elementary instruction in agriculture had been introduced into the rural and village schools of practically every American agricultural State. The agricultural schools, colleges, and experimental stations established by the national, state, and local educational authorities of different nations have added another new division to the work of public education, and one which is both very costly and very remunerative. Out of the work of these schools has come a vast quantity of useful knowledge, and hundreds of important applications of science to farm and home life. Old breeds in stock and grains have been improved, new breeds have been derived, and productivity has been greatly increased. Through the teachings of home economics the farmer's home is being transformed, while the applications of science made in these schools are modifying almost every phase of agricultural life and rural living. MEDICINE AND SANITARY SCIENCE. Closely related to sanitary, biological, and public-health engineering has been the enormous recent development of medicine and surgery. Within half a century instruction in these subjects has been entirely transformed, and large and costly laboratories and hospitals are now required for the work. There has also been much specialization in medical training, within recent years, and especially has preventive medicine been developed. Extending the newly found biological and medical knowledge to the animal and vegetable worlds has resulted in a similar development of veterinary medicine [10] and plant pathology. A combination of medical knowledge with engineering and chemistry has produced the sanitary engineer, while medical knowledge and applied biology has produced the public-health expert. [11] So important, too, has the control of all kinds of disease become, now that people, animals, insects, plants, and goods move so freely along the great trade routes of the world, that nations everywhere feel the necessity, now that scientific research has revealed to questioning man the methods of transmission of the diseases which once decimated armies and cities, destroyed stocks, and ruined harvests, of developing ample quarantine service and medical staffs to cope with diseases--human, animal, and plant--from without, and to control those which arise within. Nations too poor as yet to provide such service for themselves are today having such provision made for them by other nations, or by great national foundations, [12] so that other lands may be protected from the ravages of their diseases and the economic wealth of all may be increased. The element of Christian charity has also entered into the service, the labors of Dr. Grenfell in Labrador, and the work of the Rockefeller medical and surgical boat traveling among the Philippine Islands and its hookworm work on every continent, being good examples of such Christian effort. [Illustration: FIG. 232. THE PEKING UNION MEDICAL COLLEGE A well-equipped center for instruction in western medicine, endowed by the Rockefeller Foundation. A similar school is being created at Shanghai, in central China. Existing medical schools at two other points, and nineteen hospitals scattered over the Republic, have also been aided by this American foundation. In addition, many medical missionaries, Chinese physicians, and nurses have been sent to the United States for study. To improve health standards and living conditions throughout the world is the purpose of the work of the Foundation, which now has work under way on every continent.] APPLIED SCIENCE THE NATION'S PROTECTOR. To-day applied science stands everywhere as the nation's protector. Applied in sanitation and preventive medicine it has reduced the death rate, prolonged life, and protects homes from many hidden dangers. In the engineering fields it has transformed the face of the earth and all our ways of living and doing business. Applied to industry it builds factories and railways, and works out new processes to eliminate wastes, improve production, and utilize by-products. Thousands of labor-saving inventions owe their origin to a new truth worked out in some laboratory, and applied in another. Applied chemistry has wrought wonders in advancing industry, protecting the public welfare, eliminating unnecessary labor, and making life richer for all. To-day the engineer with his railway and irrigating dam and power plant in the desert has replaced the monk as the vanguard of the forces of civilization. The scientist in his laboratory in part replaces armies and navies as the protector of the nation's safety. The scientifically trained Red Cross nurse is fast replacing the unskilled devotion of the older Sister of Charity. The doctor and the surgeon at the medical mission are carrying a very practical type of Christian civilization into far-away lands. The laboratory expert in the quarantine station has succeeded the priest with bell and book in keeping pestilence away from the land. The public-health officer in the little town, and the sanitary engineer in the city, protect the health and happiness of millions of homes. The plant pathologist and veterinarian guard the crops and herds from which food and clothing are derived. The scientific experts in plant and animal industries work steadily to improve breeds and increase yields. When one compares present-day scientific knowledge with that represented in the thirteenth-century Encyclopaedia of Bartholomew Anglicus (R. 77); our modern knowledge of diseases with the theories as to disease advanced by Hippocrates (p. 197), and taught for so many centuries in Christian Europe; our modern knowledge of bacterial transmission with the mediaeval theories of Divine wrath and diabolic action; our modern ability to annihilate time and space compared with early nineteenth-century conditions; or modern applied science with the very limited technical knowledge possessed by the guilds of the later Middle Ages--the stories of Aladdin and his wonderful lamp seem to have been even more than realized in our practical everyday life. Engineering, agriculture, and modern medicine stand as three of the great applications of modern science to human affairs, and as three of the most important and costly additions to state educational effort made since the time when nations began to accept the political philosophy of the eighteenth-century reformers and to take over the school from the Church, because by so doing the interests of the State could better be advanced thereby. III. VOCATIONAL WHAT IS VOCATIONAL EDUCATION? In a certain sense, all education is vocational, in that it aims to prepare one for some vocation in life. In Greece and Rome education was vocational, in that it prepared one to be a citizen in the State. During the Middle Ages education was to prepare for a vocation in the Church. Later the vocation of a scholar appeared, and still later that of a gentleman. In modern times a large range of state services have been opened up as vocations. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, with the extension of educational advantages to increasing numbers of the people, preparation for more intelligent living and citizenship have come to be new motives in education. To-day we no longer use the term vocational education in this rather general sense, but restrict its use to the specific training of individuals for some useful employment. Training for law, medicine, the ministry, teaching, engineering, scientific agriculture, nursing, and commerce are examples of vocational education in its higher ranges. The development of education along these lines has previously been described. In this division of this chapter we shall use the term in a still more common and still more restricted sense, as meaning the training of the younger people of a State to do well certain specific things, by teaching them processes and the practical applications of knowledge, chiefly science and art, to the work of the vocation they expect to follow to earn their living. The Report of the American Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education (1914) defined vocational education (p. 16) as follows: Wherever the term "vocational education" is used in this _Report_, it will mean, unless otherwise explained, that form of education whose controlling purpose is to give training of a secondary grade to persons over fourteen years of age, for increased efficiency in useful employment in the trades and industries, in agriculture, in commerce and commercial pursuits, and in callings based upon a knowledge of home economics. The occupations included under these are almost endless in number and variety. THE NEED FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. Used in this sense vocational education is an application of technical knowledge, worked out in the higher schools, to the ordinary vocations of a modern industrial world. As such it is a product of the Industrial Revolution and the breakdown of the age- old system of apprenticeship training, [13] and represents another of the important recent extensions of educational advantages to the masses of the people who labor with their hands to earn their daily bread. Besides further democratizing education by extending its advantages to those who work in the shop and the office and on the farm, vocational education tends to correct many of the evils of modern industrial life. It puts the worker in possession of a great body of scientific knowledge relating to his work which shops and offices cannot give, and it keeps him, for several years after he becomes a wage earner and at a very impressionable period of his life, under the directing care of the school. It thus tends "to counteract the specialization and routine of the workshop, which wears out his body before nature has completed its development in form and power, blunts the intelligence which the school had tried to awaken, shrivels up his heart and imagination, and destroys his spirit of work." VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN EUROPE AND THE UNITED STATES. For almost half a century the leading nations of western Europe, in an effort to readjust their age-old apprenticeship system of training to modern conditions of manufacture, and to develop new national prestige and strength, have given careful attention to the education of such of their children as were destined for the vocations of the industrial world. Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and France have been leaders, with Germany most prominent of all. [14] No small part of the great progress made by that country in securing world-wide trade, [15] before the World War, was due to the extensive and thorough system of vocational education worked out for German youths (R. 371). In commercial education, too, the Germans, up to 1914, led the world. Even more, they were the only great national group which had done much to develop commercial training. Next to Germany probably came the United States. The marked economic progress of Switzerland during the past quarter-century has likewise been due in large part to that type of education which would enable her, by skillful artisanship, to make the most of her very limited resources France has profited greatly, during the past half-century also, from vocational education along the lines of agriculture and industrial art. In Denmark, agricultural education has remade the nation (R. 370), since the days of its humiliation and spoliation at the hands of Prussia. England, though keenly sensitive to German trade competition, made only very moderate efforts in the direction of vocational education until Germany plunged the world in war in an effort more quickly to dominate commercially. Now, in the Fisher Education Act of 1918 (p. 649), England has $t last laid foundations for a great national system of vocational education. Japan, also, recently laid large plans for a national system of vocational training. [Illustration: FIG. 233. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TRADES IN MODERN INDUSTRY Under the old conditions of apprenticeship a boy learned all the processes and became a tailor. To-day, in a thoroughly organized clothing factory, thirty-nine different persons perform different specialized operations in the manufacture of a coat.] In the United States but little attention was given to educating young people for the vocations of life until about 1905-10, though modern manufacturing conditions had before this largely destroyed the old apprenticeship type of training. Endowed with enormous natural resources; not being pressed for the means of subsistence by a rapidly expanding population on a limited land area; able to draw on Europe for both cheap manual labor and technically educated workers; largely isolated and self- sufficient as a nation; lacking a merchant marine; not being thrown into severe competition for international trade; and able to sell its products [16] to nations anxious to buy them and willing to come for them in their own ships; the people of the United States did not, up to recently, feel any particular need for anything other than a good common-school education or a general high-school education for their workers. The commercial course in the high school, the manual-training schools and courses, and some instruction in drawing and creative art were felt to be about all that it was necessary to provide. THE NATIONAL COMMISSION ON VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. Largely since 1910, due in part to expanding world commerce and increasing competition in world trade; in part to a national realization that the battles of the future are to be largely commercial battles; and in part to the dawning upon the American people of the conception, first thought out and put into practice by Imperial Germany (R. 371), that that nation will triumph in foreign trade, with all that such triumph means to-day in terms of the happiness and welfare of its citizenship (R. 372), which puts the greatest amount of skill and brains into what it produces and sells. After a number of sporadic efforts in different parts of the country, [17] and the introduction of a number of bills into Congress which failed to secure passage, the favorite English plan was followed and a Presidential Commission was appointed (1913) to inquire into the matter, and to report on the desirability and feasibility of some form of national aid to stimulate the development of vocational education. The Commission made its report in 1914, and submitted a plan for gradually increasing national aid to the States to assist them in developing and maintaining what will virtually become a national system of agricultural, trade, commercial, and home-economics education. THE COMMISSION'S FINDINGS. The Commission found that there were, in 1910, in round numbers, 12,500,000 persons engaged in agriculture in the United States, of whom not over one per cent had had any adequate preparation for farming; and that there were 14,250,000 persons engaged in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits, not one per cent of whom had had any opportunity for adequate training. [18] In the whole United States there were fewer trade schools, of all kinds, than existed in the little German kingdom of Bavaria, a State about the size of South Carolina; while the one Bavarian city of Munich, a city about the size of Pittsburgh, had more trade schools than were to be found in all the larger cities of the United States, put together. The Commission further found that there were 25,000,000 persons in the nation, eighteen years of age or over, engaged in farming, mining, manufacturing, and mechanical pursuits, and in trade and transportation, and of these the _Report_ said: If we assume that a system of vocational education, pursued through the years of the past, would have increased the wage-earning capacity of each of these persons to the extent of only ten cents a day, this would have made an increase of wages for the group of $2,500,000 a day, or $750,000,000 a year, with all that this would mean to the wealth and life of the nation. This is a very moderate estimate, and the facts would probably show a difference between the earning power of the vocationally trained and the vocationally untrained of at least twenty-five cents a day. This would indicate a waste of wages, through lack of training, amounting to $6,250,000 every day, or $1,875,000,000 for the year. [Illustration: FIG. 234. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF AMERICAN CHILDREN, FOURTEEN TO TWENTY YEARS or AGE Based on an estimate made by the United States Bureau of Education in 1907 (Bulletin No. 1, p. 29), and based on conditions then existing, but probably still approximately true. In evening schools all classes were counted--public, private, Y.M.C.A., Y.W.C.A., etc. Public and private day schools, both elementary and secondary, also were counted.] The Commission estimated that a million new young people were required annually by our industries, and that it would need three years of vocational education, beyond the elementary-school age, to prepare them for efficient service. This would require that three million young people of elementary-school age be continually enrolled in schools offering some form of vocational training. This was approximately three times the number of young people then enrolled in all public and private high schools in the United States, and following any kind of a course of study. In addition, the untrained adult workers then in farming and industry also needed some form of adult or extension education to enable them to do more effective work. The Commission further pointed out that there were in the United States, in 1910, 7,220,298 young people between the ages of fourteen and eighteen years, only 1,032,461 of whom were enrolled in a high school of any type, public or private, day or evening (Fig. 234), and few of those enrolled were pursuing studies of a technical type. AMERICAN BEGINNINGS; MEANING OF THE WORK. In 1917 the American Congress made the beginnings of what is destined to develop rapidly into a truly national system of vocational education for the boys and girls of secondary-school age in the United States. This new addition to the systems of public instruction now provided is one which in time will bring returns out of all proportion to its costs. Without it the national prosperity and happiness would be at stake, and the position the United States has attained in the markets of the world could not possibly be maintained (R. 372). This new American legislation is based on the best continental European experience, and is somewhat typical of recent national legislation for similar objects elsewhere. It is to include vocational training for agriculture, the trades and industries, commerce, and home economics. [19] A certain portion of the money appropriated annually by the national government is to be used for making or coöperating in studies and investigations as to needs and courses in agriculture, home economics, trades, industries, and commerce. The courses must be given in the public schools; must be for those over fourteen years of age and of less than college grade; and must be primarily intended for those who are preparing to enter or who have entered (part-time classes) a trade or a useful industrial pursuit. As nation after nation becomes industrialized, as all except the smallest and poorest nations are bound to become in time, vocational education for its workers in the field, shop, and office will be found to be another state necessity. Only the State can adequately provide this, for only the State can finance or properly organize and integrate the work of so large and so important an undertaking. Though costly, this new extension of state educational effort will be found to be a wise business investment for every industrial and commercial nation. Considered nationally, the workers of any nation not provided with vocational education will find themselves unable to compete with the workers of other nations which do provide such specialized training. IV. SOCIOLOGICAL A NEW ESTIMATE AS TO THE VALUE OF CHILD LIFE. As we saw in chapter XVIII, which described the opportunities for and the kind of schooling developed up to the middle of the eighteenth century, but little of what may be called formal education had been provided up to then for the great mass of children, even in the most progressive nations. We also noted the extreme brutality of the school. Such was the history of childhood, so far as it may be said to have had a history at all, up to the rise of the great humanitarian movement early in the nineteenth century. [20] Neglect, abuse, mutilation, excessive labor, heavy punishments, and often virtual slavery awaited children everywhere up to recent times. The sufferings of childhood at home were added to by others in the school (p. 455) for such as frequented these institutions. After the coming of mills and manufacturing the lot of children became, for a time, worse than before. The demand for cheap labor led to the apprenticing of children to the factories to tend machines, instead of to a master to learn a trade, and there they became virtual slaves and their treatment was most inhuman. [21] Conditions were worse in England than elsewhere, not because the English were more brutal than the French or the Germans, but because the Industrial Revolution began earlier in England and before the rise of humanitarian influences. England was a manufacturing nation decades before France, and longer still before Germany. By the time Germany had changed from an agricultural to a manufacturing nation (after 1871), the new humanitarianism and new economic conditions had placed a new value on child life and child welfare. Since about 1850 an entirely new estimate has come to be placed on the importance of national attention to child welfare, though the beginnings of the change date back much earlier. As we have seen (p. 325), England early began to care for the children of its poor. In the Poor-Relief and Apprenticeship Law of 1601 (R. 174) England organized into law the growing practice of a century (p. 326) and laid the basis for much future work of importance. In this legislation, as we have seen, the foundations of the Massachusetts school law of 1642 were laid. In the Virginia laws of 1643 and 1646 (R. 200 a) and the Massachusetts law of 1660, providing for the apprenticeship of orphans and homeless children, the beginnings of child- welfare work in the American Colonies were made. Many of the Catholic religious orders in Europe had for long cared for and brought up poor and neglected children, and in 1729 the first private orphanage in the new world was established by the Ursulines (p. 346) in New Orleans. The first public orphanage in America was established in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1790; the first in England at Birmingham, in 1817, and in 1824 the New York House of Refuge was founded. The latter was the forerunner of the juvenile reformatory institutions established later by practically all of the American States. These have developed chiefly since 1850. To-day most of the American States and governments in many other lands also provide state homes for orphan and neglected children, where they are clothed, fed, cared for, educated, and trained for some useful employment. CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION. One of the best evidences of the new nineteenth- century humanitarianism is to be found in the large amount of child-labor legislation which arose, largely after 1850, and which has been particularly prominent since 1900. Under the earlier agricultural conditions and the restricted demand for education for ordinary life needs, child labor was not especially harmful, as most of it was out of doors and under reasonably good health conditions. With the coming of the factory system, the rise of cities and the city congestion of population, and other evils connected with the Industrial Revolution, the whole situation was changed. Humanitarians now began to demand legislation to restrict the evils that had arisen. This demand arose earliest in England, and resulted in the earliest legislation there. The year 1802 is important in the history of child-welfare work for the enactment, by the English Parliament, of the first law to regulate the employment of children in factories. This was known as the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act (R. 373). This Act, though largely ineffectual at the time, ordered important reforms which aroused public opinion and which later bore important fruit. By it the employment of work-house orphans was limited; it forbade the labor of children under twelve, for more than twelve hours a day; provided that night labor of children should be discontinued, after 1804; ordered that the children so employed must be taught reading and writing and ciphering, be instructed in religion one hour a week, be taken to church every Sunday, and be given one new suit of clothes a year; ordered separate sleeping apartments for the two sexes, and not over two children to a bed; and provided for the registration and inspection of factories. This law represents the beginnings of modern child-labor legislation. It was 1843 before any further child-labor legislation of importance was enacted, and 1878 before a comprehensive child-labor bill was finally passed. In the United States the first laws regulating the employment of children and providing for their school attendance were enacted by Rhode Island in 1840, and Massachusetts in 1842. Factory legislation in other countries has been a product of more recent forces and times. To-day important child-labor legislation has been enacted by all progressive nations, and the leading world nations have taken advanced ground on the question. All recent thinking is opposed to children engaging in productive labor. With the rise of organized labor, and the extension of the suffrage to the laboring man, he has joined the humanitarians in opposition to his children being permitted to labor. From an economic point of view also, all recent studies have shown the unprofitableness of child labor and the large money-value, under present industrial conditions, of a good education. As a result of much agitation and the spread of popular education, it has at last come to be a generally accepted principle (R. 374) that it is better for children and better for society that they should remain in school until they are at least fourteen years of age, and be specially trained for some useful type of work. Shown to be economically unprofitable, and for long morally indefensible, child labor is now rapidly being superseded by suitable education and the vocational training and guidance of youth in all progressive nations. COMPULSORY SCHOOL-ATTENDANCE LEGISLATION. The natural corollary of the taxation of the wealth of the State to educate the children of the State, and the prohibition of children to labor, is the compulsion of children to attend school that they may receive the instruction and training which the State has deemed it wise to tax its citizens to provide. Except in the German States, compulsory education is a relatively recent idea, though in its origins it is a child of the Protestant Reformation theory as to education for salvation. Luther and his followers had stood for the education of all, supported by (R. 156) and enforced by (R. 158) the State. This idea of the education of all to read the Bible took deep root, as we have seen, with both Lutherans and Calvinists. In 1619 the little Duchy of Weimar made the school attendance of all children, six to twelve years of age, compulsory, and the same idea was instituted in Gotha by Duke Ernest (p. 317), in 1642; the same year that the Massachusetts General Court ordered the Selectmen of the towns to ascertain if parents and the masters of apprentices (R. 190) were training their children "in learning and labor" and "to read and understand the principles of religion and the capital laws of the country." This latter law is remarkable in that, for the first time in the English-speaking world, a legislative body representing the State ordered that all children should be taught to read. Five years later (1647) the Massachusetts Court ordered the establishment of schools (R. 191) better to enforce the compulsion, and thus laid the foundations upon which the American public-school systems have since been built. In Holland, the Synod of Dort (1618) had tried to institute the idea of compulsory education (R. 176), and in 1646 the Scotch Parliament had ordered the compulsory establishment of schools (R. 179). In German lands the compulsory-attendance idea took deep root, and in consequence the Germans were the first important modern nation to enforce, thoroughly, the education of all. In 1717 King Frederick William I issued (p. 555) the first compulsory-education law for Prussia, ordering that "hereafter wherever there are schools in the place the parents shall be obliged, under severe penalties, to send their children to school,... daily in winter, but in summer at least twice a week." He further ordered that the fees for the poor were to be paid "from the community's funds." Finally Frederick the Great organized the earlier procedure into comprehensive codes, and made (1763, R. 274, Section 10; 1765, R. 275 d) detailed provisions relating to the compulsion to attend the schools. In the Code of 1794 (p. 565) the final legislative step was taken when it was ordered that "the instruction in school must be continued until the child is found to possess the knowledge necessary to every rational being." By the middle of the eighteenth century the basis was clearly laid in Prussia for that enforcement of the compulsion to attend schools which, by the middle of the nineteenth century, had become such a notable characteristic of all German education. The same compulsory idea early took deep root among the Scandinavian peoples. In consequence the lowest illiteracy in Europe, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, was to be found (see map, p. 714) among the Finns, Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, and Germans. The compulsory-attendance idea died out in America, in the Netherlands, and in part in Scotland. In England and in the Anglican Colonies in America it never took root. In France the idea awaited the work of the National Convention, which (1792) ordered three years of education compulsory for all. War and the lack of interest of Napoleon in primary education caused the requirement, however, to become a dead letter. The Law of 1833 provided for but did not enforce it, and real compulsory education in France did not come until 1882. In England the compulsory idea received but little attention until after 1870, met with much opposition, and only recently have comprehensive reforms been provided. In the United States the new beginnings of compulsory-attendance legislation date from the Rhode Island child-labor law of 1840, and the first modern compulsory-attendance law enacted by Massachusetts, in 1852. By 1885, fourteen American States and six Territories had enacted some form of compulsory-attendance law. Since 1900 there has been a general revision of American state legislation on the subject, with a view to increasing and the better enforcement of the compulsory-attendance requirements, and with a general demand that the National Congress should enact a national child- labor law. As a result of this legislation the labor of young children has been greatly restricted; work in many industries has been prohibited entirely, because of the danger to life and health; compulsory education has been extended in a majority of the American States to cover the full school year; poverty, or dependent parents, in many States no longer serves as an excuse for non-attendance; often those having physical or mental defects also are included in the compulsion to attend, if their wants can be provided for; the school census has been changed so as to aid in the location of children of compulsory school-attendance age; and special officers have been authorized or ordered appointed to assist school authorities in enforcing the compulsory-attendance and child-labor laws. Having taxed their citizens to provide schools, the different States now require children to attend and partake of the advantages provided. The schools, too, have made a close study of retarded pupils, because of the close connection found to exist between retardation in school and truancy and juvenile delinquency. ONE RESULT OF THIS LEGISLATION. One of the results of all this legislation has been to throw, during the past quarter of a century, an entirely new burden on schools everywhere. Such legislation has brought into the schools not only the truant and the incorrigible, who under former conditions either left early or were expelled, but also many children who have no aptitude for book learning, and many of inferior mental qualities who do not profit by ordinary classroom procedure. Still more, they have brought into the school the crippled, tubercular, deaf, epileptic, and blind, as well as the sick, needy, and physically unfit. By steadily raising the age at which children may leave school, from ten or twelve up to fourteen and sixteen, schools everywhere have come to contain many children who, having no natural aptitude for study, would at once, unless specially handled, become a nuisance in the school and tend to demoralize schoolroom procedure. These laws have thrown upon the school a new burden in the form of public expectancy for results, whereas a compulsory- education law cannot create capacity to profit from education. Under the earlier educational conditions the school, unable to handle or educate such children, dealt with them much as the Church of the time dealt with religious delinquents. It simply expelled them or let them drop from school, and no longer concerned itself about them. To-day the public expects the school to retain and get results with them. Consequently, within the past twenty-five years the whole attitude of the school toward such children has undergone a change; many different kinds of classes and courses, that might serve better to handle them, have been introduced; and an attempt has been made to salvage them and turn back to society as many of them as possible, trained for some form of social and personal usefulness. THE EDUCATION OF DEFECTIVES. Another nineteenth-century expansion of state education has come in the provision now generally made for the education of defectives. To-day the state school systems of Christian nations generally make some provision for state institutional care, and often for local classes as well, for the training of children who belong to the seriously defective classes of society. This work is almost entirely a product of the new humanitarianism of modern times. Excepting the education of the deaf, seriously begun a little earlier, all effective work dates from the first half of the nineteenth century. At first the feasibility of all such instruction was doubted, and the work generally was commenced privately. Out of successes thus achieved, public institutions have been built up to carry on, on a large scale, what was begun privately on a small scale. It is now felt to be better for the State, as well as for the unfortunates themselves, that they be cared for and educated, as suitably and well as possible, for self-respect, self- support, and some form of social and vocational usefulness. In consequence, the compulsory-attendance laws of the leading world States to-day require that defectives, between certain ages at least, be sent to a state institution or be enrolled in a public-school class specialized for their training. [Illustration: FIG. 235. ABBÉ DE L'ÉPÉE (1712-89)] BEGINNINGS OF THE WORK. Up to the middle of the eighteenth century a number of private efforts at the education of the deaf are on record, all dating however from the pioneer work of a Spanish Benedictine, in 1578. In 1760 a new era in the education of the deaf was begun when Abbé de l'Épée opened a school at Paris for the oral instruction of poor deaf mutes, and Thomas Braidwood (1715-1806) began similar work at Edinburgh. A few years later (1778) a third school was opened at Leipzig. This last was established under the patronage of the Elector of Saxony, and was the first school of its kind in the world to receive government recognition. The Paris school was taken over as a state institution by the Constituent Assembly, in 1791. In England the instruction of the deaf remained a private and a family monopoly until 1819. In 1817 the first school in America was opened, at Hartford, Connecticut, by the Reverend Thomas H. Gallaudet, and Massachusetts, in 1819, sent the first pupils paid for at state expense to this institution. In 1823 Kentucky created the first state school for the training of the deaf established in the new world, and Ohio the second, in 1827. [Illustration: FIG. 236. REV. THOMAS H. GALLAUDET TEACHING THE DEAF AND DUMB From a bas-relief on the monument of Gallaudet, erected by the deaf and dumb of the United States, in the grounds of the American Asylum, at Hartford, Connecticut.] The education of the blind began in France, in 1784; England, in 1791; Austria, in 1804; Prussia, in 1806; Holland, in 1808; Sweden, in 1810; Denmark, in 1811; Scotland, in 1812; in Boston and New York, in 1832; and in Philadelphia, in 1833. All were private institutions, and general interest in the education of the blind was awakened later by exhibiting the pupils trained. The first book for the blind was printed in Paris, in 1786. The first kindergarten for the blind was established in Germany, in 1861; the first school for the colored blind, by North Carolina, in 1869. [Illustration: FIG. 237. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS MAINTAINED BY THE STATE As state institutions, other than public schools.] Before the nineteenth century the feeble-minded and idiotic were the laughing-stock of society, and no one thought of being able to do anything for them. In 1811 Napoleon ordered a census of such individuals, and in 1816 the first school for their training was opened at Salzburg, Austria. The school was unsuccessful, and closed in 1835. The real beginning of the training of the feeble-minded was made in France, by Edouard Séguin, "The Apostle of the Idiot," in 1837, when he began a life-long study of such defectives. By 1845 three or four institutions had been opened in Switzerland and Great Britain for their study and training, and for a time an attempt was made to effect cures. Gallaudet had tried to educate such children at Hartford, about 1820, and a class for idiots was established at the Blind Asylum in Boston, in 1848. The interest thus aroused led to the creation of the Massachusetts School for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Youth, in 1851, the first institution of its kind in the United States. In 1867 the first city school class to train children of low-grade intelligence was organized in Germany, and all the larger cities of Germany later organized such special classes. Norway followed with a similar city organization, in 1874; and England, Switzerland, and Austria, about 1892. The first American city to organize such classes was Providence, Rhode Island, in 1893. Since that time special classes for children of low-grade mentality have become a common feature of the large city school systems in most American cities. In 1832 the first attempt to educate crippled children, as such, was made in Munich. The model school in Europe for the education of cripples was established in Copenhagen, in 1872. The work was begun privately in New York City, in 1861, and first publicly in Chicago, in 1899. The London School Board first began such classes in England, in 1898. Dependents, orphans, children of soldiers and sailors, and incorrigibles of various classes represent others for whom modern States have now provided special state institutions. To-day a modern State finds it necessary to provide a number of such specialized institutions, or to make arrangements with neighboring States for the care of its dependents, if it is to meet what have come to be recognized as its humanitarian educational duties. The more important of these special state institutions are shown in the diagram given in Fig. 237. Public playgrounds and play directors, vacation schools, juvenile courts, disciplinary classes, parental schools, classes for mothers, visiting home-teachers and nurses, and child-welfare societies and officers, are other means for caring for child life and child welfare which have all been begun within the past half-century. The significance of these additions lies chiefly in that the history of the attitude of nations toward their child life is the history of the rise of humanitarianism, altruism, justice, order, morality, and civilization itself. THE EDUCATION OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN. All the work described above and relating to the work of defectives, delinquents, and children for some reason in need of special attention and care has been for those who represent the less capable and on the whole less useful members of society--the ones from whom society may expect the least. They are at the same time the most costly wards of the State. Wholly within the second decade of the present century, and largely as a result of the work of the French psychologist Alfred Binet (1857-1911) we are now able to sort out, for special attention, a new class of what are known as superior, or gifted children, and to the education of these special attention is to-day here and there beginning to be directed. Educationally, it is an attempt to do for democratic forms of national organization what a two-class school system does for monarchical forms, but to select intellectual capacity from the whole mass of the people, rather than from a selected class or caste. We know now that the number of children of superior ability is approximately as large as the number of the feeble in mind, and also that the future of democratic governments hinges largely upon the proper education and utilization of these superior children. One child of superior intellectual capacity, educated so as to utilize his talents, may confer greater benefits upon mankind, and be educationally far more important, than a thousand of the feeble-minded children upon whom we have recently come to put so much educational effort and expense. Questions relating to the training of leaders for democracy's service attain new significance in terms of the recent ability to measure and grade intelligence, as also do questions relating to grading, classification in school, choice of studies, rate of advancement, and the vocational guidance of children in school. _Net Average Worth of a Person_ _Age_ _Worth_ 0 $90 5 950 10 2000 20 4000 30 4100 40 3650 50 2900 60 1650 70 15 80 -700 (Calculations by Dr. William Farr, formerly Registrar of Vital Statistics for Great Britain. Based on pre-war values.) THE NEW INTEREST IN HEALTH. Another new expansion of the educational service which has come in since the middle of the nineteenth century, and which has recently grown to be one of large significance, is work in the medical inspection of schools, the supervision of the health of pupils, and the new instruction in preventive hygiene. This is a product of the scientific and social and industrial revolutions which the nineteenth century brought, rather than of humanitarian influences, and represents an application of newly discovered scientific knowledge to health work among children. Its basis is economic, though its results are largely physical and educational and social (R. 375). The discovery and isolation of bacteria; the vast amount of new knowledge which has come to us as to the transmission and possibilities for the elimination of many diseases; the spread of information as to sanitary science and preventive medicine; the change in emphasis in medical practice, from curative to preventive and remedial; the closer crowding together of all classes of people in cities; the change of habits for many from life in the open to life in the factory, shop, and apartment; and the growing realization of the economic value to the nation of its manhood and womanhood; have all alike combined with modern humanitarianism and applied Christianity to make progressive nations take a new interest in child health and proper child development. European nations have so far done much more in school health work than has the United States, though a very commendable beginning has been made here. MEDICAL INSPECTION AND HEALTH SUPERVISION. Medical inspection of schools began in France, in 1837, though genuine medical inspection, in a modern sense, was not begun in France until 1879. The pioneer country for real work was Sweden, where health officers were assigned to each large school as early as 1868. Norway made such appointments optional in 1885, and obligatory in 1891. Belgium began the work in 1874. Tests of eyesight were begun in Dresden in 1867. Frankfort-on-Main appointed the first German school physician in 1888. England first employed school nurses in 1887; and, in 1907, following the revelations as to low physical vitality growing out of the Boer War, adopted a mandatory medical-inspection and health-development act applying to England and Wales, and the year following Scotland did the same. Argentine and Chili both instituted such service in 1888, and Japan made medical inspection compulsory and universal in 1898. In the United States the work was begun voluntarily in Boston, in 1894, following a series of epidemics. Chicago organized medical inspection in 1895, New York City in 1897, and Philadelphia in 1898. From these larger cities the idea spread to the smaller ones, at first slowly, and then very rapidly. The first school nurse in the United States was employed in New York City, in 1902, and the idea at once proved to be of great value. In 1906 Massachusetts adopted the first state medical inspection law. In 1912 Minnesota organized the first "State Division of Health Supervision of Schools" in the United States, and this plan has since been followed by other States. From mere medical inspection to detect contagious diseases, in which the movement everywhere began, it was next extended to tests for eyesight and hearing, to be made by teachers or physicians, and has since been enlarged to include physical examinations to detect hidden diseases and a constructive health-program for the schools. The work has now come to include eye, ear, nose, throat, and teeth, as well as general physical examinations; the supervision of the teaching of hygiene in the schools, and to a certain extent the physical training and playground activities; and a constructive program for the development of the health and physical welfare of all children. All this represents a further extension of the public-education idea. V. THE SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION An important recent development in the field of public education, and in a sense an outgrowth of all the preceding recent development which we have described, has been the organization of collegiate and university instruction in the history, theory, practice, and administration of education. Still more recent has been the organization of Teachers' Colleges and Schools of Education to give advanced training in educational research and in the solution of the practical problems of school organization and administration. So important has this recent development become that no history of educational progress would be complete without at least a brief mention of this recent attempt to give scientific organization to the educational process. EARLY BEGINNERS. Though the teachers' seminaries had been organized in Germany and other northern lands toward the close of the eighteenth century, the normal school in France early in the nineteenth, and the training-college in England and the normal school in the United States by the close of the first third of that century, the work in these remained for a long time almost entirely academic in nature and elementary in character. This was also true of the superior normal school for training teachers for the _lycées_ of France. The reason for this is easy to find. The writings of the earlier educational reformers were little known; the contributions of Herbart and Froebel had not as yet been popularized; there was no organized psychology of the educational process, and no psychology better than that of John Locke; the detailed Pestalozzian procedure had not as yet been worked out in the form of teaching technique; the history of the development of educational theory or of educational practice had not been written; and almost no philosophy of the educational purpose had been formulated which could be used in the training-schools. In consequence the training of teachers, both for elementary and secondary instruction, [22] was almost entirely in academic subjects, with some talks on school-keeping and class organization and management added, and at times a little philosophy as to educational work, such as habit-formation, morality, thinking, and the training of the will. Educational journalism did not begin in either Europe or America until near the close of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and it was 1850 before it attained any significance, and 1840 to 1850 before any important pedagogical literature arose. [23] [Illustration: FIG. 238. KARL GEORG VON RAUMER (1783-1865)] NEW INFLUENCE. In 1843 there appeared, in Germany, the first two volumes of a very celebrated and influential History of Education, by a professor of mineralogy in the University of Erlangen, by the name of Karl Gcorg von Raumer. As a young man in Paris (1808-09), studying the great mineral collections found there, he read and was deeply stirred by Fichte's "Address to the German Nation" (p. 567). As a result he went to Yverdon, in 1809, and spent some months in studying the work in Pestalozzi's Institute. This interest in education he never lost, and thereafter, as professor of mineralogy at Halle and Erlangen, he also gave lectures on pedagogy (_Uber Pädagogik_). The outgrowth of these lectures was his four- volume _History of Pedagogy from the Revival of Classical Studies to our own Time_. [24] The work was done with characteristic German thoroughness, and for long served as a standard organization and text on the history of the development of educational theory and practice since the days of the Revival of Learning. The work of von Raumer stimulated many to a study of the writings of the earlier educational reformers, and numerous books and papers on educational history and theory soon began to appear. Most important, for American students, was Henry Barnard's monumental _American Journal of Education_, begun in 1855, and continued for thirty-one years. This is a great treasure-house of pedagogical literature for American educators. After 1850 the organization of a technique of instruction for the elementary-school subjects took place rapidly, in the normal schools of all lands, as it had earlier in the German teachers' seminaries. By 1868 the study of the new Herbartian psychology and educational theory was well under way in Germany, and by 1890 in the United States. By 1875 the kindergarten, with its new theory of child life, was also beginning to make itself felt in both Europe and America. Between 1850 and 1875 Weber, Lotze, Fechner, and Wundt laid the foundations for a new psychology (R. 357), and in 1878 Wundt opened the first laboratory for the experimental study of psychology at the University of Leipzig. In 1890 William James published his two-volume work on _Principles of Psychology_, a book so original and lucid in treatment that it at once gave a new teaching organization to modern psychology. After about 1880, the extension of education upward and outward in the United States, and the rapid development of state school systems which had by that time begun, began to make new demands for better scientific and legal and administrative organization, and this gave rise to a new type of educational literature. After von Raumer's work, probably the greatest single stimulative influence of the mid-nineteenth century was that exerted by the marked successes of the Prussian armies in a series of short but very decisive wars. Against Denmark (1864) and Austria (1866), but in particular in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, the Prussian armies proved irresistible. These military operations attracted new attention to education, and "the Prussian schoolmaster has triumphed" became a common world saying. This, coupled with the remarkable national development of United Germany which almost immediately set in, caused progressive nations to turn to the study of education with increased interest. The English and Scottish universities now began to establish lectureships in the theory and history of education, [25] and the first university chairs in education in the United States were founded. THE UNIVERSITY STUDY OF EDUCATION. In no country in the world have the universities, within the past three decades, given the attention to the study of Education--a term that in English-speaking lands has replaced the earlier and more limited "Pedagogy"--that has been given in the United States. [26] After the United States the newer universities of England probably come next. Up to 1890 less than a dozen chairs of education had been established in all the colleges of the United States, and their work was still largely limited to historical and philosophical studies of education, and to a type of classroom methodology and school management, since almost entirely passed over to the normal schools. By 1920 there were some four hundred colleges in the United States giving serious courses on educational history and procedure and administration, many of them maintaining large and important professional Schools of Education for the more scientific study of the subject, and for the training of leaders for the service of the nation's schools. In the great advances which have taken place in the organization of education, during these three decades, no institution in the world has exerted a more important influence than has "Teachers College," Columbia University, in the City of New York, which was organized in 1887 as "The New York College for the Training of Teachers," but since 1890 has been affiliated with Columbia University, under its present name. This institution has been a model copied by many others over the world; has trained a large percentage of the leaders in education in the United States; and has been particularly influential with students from England, the English self-governing dominions, China, and South America. To-day, in all the state universities and in many non-state institutions in the United States, we find well-organized Teachers' Colleges engaged in a work which two decades ago was being attempted by but a few institutions anywhere, In the municipal universities of England, in Canada, in Japan and China, and in other democratic lands, we find the beginnings of a similar development of the scientific study of education. In these Schools or Colleges for the scientific study of education the best thinking on the problems of the reorganization and administration of education, and the most new and creative work, has been and is being done. [27] THE PROBLEMS OF THE PRESENT. Pestalozzi dreamed that he might be able to psychologize instruction and reduce all to an orderly procedure, which, once learned, would make one a master teacher. What he was not able to accomplish he died thinking others after him would do. The problem of education has had, with time, no such simple and easy solution. Instead, with the development of state school systems, the extension of education in many new directions to meet new needs, and the application to the study of education of the same scientific methods which have produced such results in other fields of human knowledge, we have come to-day to have hundreds of problems, many of which are complex and difficult and which influence deeply the welfare of society and the State. That these problems, even with time, will receive any such simple solution as that of which Pestalozzi dreamed, may well be doubted. In the days of church control, memoriter instruction, and a school for religious ends, education was a simple matter; to-day it partakes of the difficulty and complexity which characterize most of the problems of modern world States. In consequence of this important change in the character of education a great number of important problems in educational organization, practice, and procedure now face us for solution. Space can here be taken to mention only the more prominent of these present-day educational problems. On the administrative side is a whole group of problems relating to forms of organization: the proper educational relationships between the State and its subordinate units; the development of a state educational policy: the types of instruction the State must provide, and compel attendance upon; questions of taxation and support, compulsory attendance, and child labor; the training and oversight of teachers for the service of the State; problems of child health and welfare; the provision of adequate and professional supervision; the provision of continuation schools, and of industrial and vocational training; the supervision of school buildings for health and sanitary control; and the relation of the State to private and parochial education. The problem of how to produce as effective and as thorough education for leadership with a one-class school system as with a two- class; the opening-up of opportunity for youth of brains in any social class to rise and be trained for service; the selection and proper training of those of superior intelligence; the elimination of barriers to the advancement of children of large intellectual endowment; and what best to do with those of small intellectual capacity, form another important group of present-day educational problems. Vocational training and technical education, and the relation and the proper solution of these questions to national happiness and prosperity and human welfare, form still another important group. The many questions which hinge upon instruction; the elimination of useless subject-matter; the best organization of instruction; proper aims and ends; moral and civic training; the most economical organization of school work; the saving of time; and what are desirable educational reorganizations, all these form a group of instructional problems of large significance for the future of public education. Still more in detail, but of large importance, are the questions relating to the scientific measurement of the results of instruction; the erection of attainable goals in teaching; and the introduction of scientific accuracy into educational work. Still another important group of problems relates to the readjustment of inherited school organization and practices, the better to meet the changed and changing conditions of national life--social, industrial, political, religious, economic, scientific--brought about by the industrial and social and scientific and political revolutions which have taken place. These represent some of the more important new problems in education which have come to challenge us since the school was taken over from the Church and transformed into the great constructive tool of the State. Their solution will call for careful investigation, experimentation, and much clear thinking, and before they are solved other new problems will arise. So probably it will ever be under a democratic form of government; only in autocratic or strongly monarchical forms of government, where the study of problems of educational organization and adjustment are not looked upon with favor, can a school system to-day remain for long fixed in type or uniform in character. Education to-day has become intricate and difficult, requiring careful professional training on the part of those who would exercise intelligent control, and so intimately connected with national strength and national welfare that it may be truthfully said to have become, in many respects, the most important constructive undertaking of a modern State. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Show that education must be extended and increased in efficiency in proportion as the suffrage is extended, and additional political functions given to the electorate. Illustrate. 2. Trace the changes in the character of the instruction given in the schools, paralleling such changes. 3. Explain the difference in use of the schools for nationality ends in Germany and France. 4. Of what is the recent development of evening, adult, and extension education an index? 5. Show why university education is more important in national life to-day than ever before in history. 6. Compare the rate of development of universities during the nineteenth century, and all time before the nineteenth. Of what is the difference in rate an index? 7. Explain why Americans have been less successful in introducing science instruction into their schools than have the Germans. Agriculture than the French. 8. Explain the breakdown of the old apprenticeship education. 9. Explain the American recent rapid acceptance of the agricultural high school, whereas the agricultural colleges for a long time faced opposition and lack of interest and support. 10. Explain the continued emphasis of high-school studies leading to the professions rather than the vocations, though so small a percentage of people are needed for professional work. 11. In Germany this was largely regulated by the Government; show how it would be much easier there than in the United States. 12. Show why European nations would naturally take up vocational training ahead of the United States, Canada, Australia, or South America. 13. Explain the reasons for the new conceptions as to the value of child life which have come within the past hundred years, in all advanced nations. Why not in the less advanced nations? 14. Show the relation between the breakdown of the apprentice system, the Industrial Revolution, and the rise of compulsory school attendance. 15. Show that compulsory school attendance is a natural corollary to general taxation for education. 16. How do you account for the relatively recent interest in the education of defectives and delinquents? Of what is this interest an expression? 17. Does the obligation assumed to educate involve any greater exercise of state authority or recognition of duty than the advancement of the health of the people and the sanitary welfare of the State? 18. What additional unsolved problems would you add to the list given on the preceding page? SELECTED READINGS In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections illustrative of the contents of this chapter are reproduced: 367. McKechnie, W. S.: The Environmental Influence of the State. 368. Emperor William II.: German Secondary Schools and National Ends. 369. Van Hise, Chas. R.: The University and the State. 370. Friend: What the Folk High Schools have done for Denmark. 371. U.S. Commission: The German System of Vocational Education. 372. U.S. Commission: Vocational Education and National Prosperity. 373. de Montmorency: English Conditions before the First Factory-Labor Act. 374. Giddings, F. R.: The New Problem of Child Labor. 375. Hoag, E. B., and Terman, L. M.: Health Work in the Schools. QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS 1. Explain why it is now so important that the State properly environ (367) its youth. 2. What were the actuating motives behind the German Emperor's speech (368)? Was he right in his position as to the relation of the schools and national needs and welfare? 3. Explain Van Hise's conception (369) that the university is "The Soul of the State." 4. Does Denmark form any exception as to what might be done (370) in any country, such as Russia? Mexico? 5. Show that the results justified the German emphasis (371) on vocational training. How do you explain this German far-sightedness? 6. What will be the result when many nations (372) become highly skilled? 7. Show the growth of humanitarian influences by contrasting conditions in England in 1802 (373), and conditions to-day. 8. Would the English 1802 conditions be found in any Christian land today? Why? 9. Show that the child-labor problem (374) is a product of the Industrial Revolution. 10. Viewed in the light of history, what would we say of the present opposition to health work (375) in the schools? SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES * Allen, E. A. "Education of Defectives"; in Butler, N. M., _Education in the United States_, pp. 771-820. Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_. * _Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education, Report_, vol. I. (Document 1004, H. R., 63d Congress, 2d session, Washington, 1914.) Cook, W. A. "A Brief Survey of the Development of Compulsory Education in the United States"; in _Elementary School Teacher_, vol. 12, PP. 33l-35 (March, 1912.) * Dean, A. D. _The Worker and the State_. Eliot, C. W. _Education for Efficiency_. Farrington, F. E. _Commercial Education in Germany_. Foght, H. W. _Rural Denmark and its Schools_. Friend, L. L. _The Folk High Schools of Denmark_. (Bulletin No. 3, 1914, United States Bureau of Education.) * Hoag, E. B., and Terman, L. M. _Health Work in the Schools_. Kandel, I. L, "The Junior High School in European Systems"; in _Educational Review_, vol. 58, pp. 305-29. (Nov. 1919.) * Munroe, J. P. _New Demands in Education_. * Payne, G. H. _The Child in Human Progress_. Smith, A. T., and Jesien, W. S. _Higher Technical Education in Foreign Countries_. (Bulletin No. n, 1917, United States Bureau of Education.) Snedden, D. S. _Vocational Education_. * Terman, L. M. _The Intelligence of School Children_. Waddle, C. W. _Introduction to Child Psychology_, chap. I. Ware, Fabian. _Educational Foundations of Trade and Industry_. CONCLUSION; THE FUTURE We have now reached the end of the story of the rise and progress of man's conscious effort to improve himself and advance the welfare of his group by means of education. To one who has followed the narrative thus far it must be evident how fully this conscious effort has paralleled the history of the rise and progress of western civilization itself. Beginning first among the Greeks--the first people in history to be "smitten with the passion for truth." the first possessing sufficient courage to put faith in reason, and the first to attempt to reconcile the claims, of the State and the individual and to work out a plan of "ordered liberty"--a new spirit was born and in time passed on to the western world. As Butcher well says (R. 11), "the Greek genius is the European genius in its first and brightest bloom, and from a vivifying contact with the Greek spirit Europe derived that new and mighty impulse which we call Progress." Hellenizing first the Eastern Mediterranean, and then taking captive her rude conqueror, the Hellenization of the Roman and early Christian world was the result. Then followed the reaction under early Christian rule, and the fearful deluge of barbarism which for centuries well-nigh extinguished both the ancient learning and the new spirit. Finally, after the long mediaeval night, came "time's burst of dawn," first and for a long time confined to Italy, but later extending to all northern lands, and in the century of revival and rediscovery and reconstruction the Greek passion for truth and the Greek courage to trust reason were reawakened, and once more made the heritage of the western world. Once again the Greek spirit, the spirit of freedom and progress and trust in the power of truth, became the impulse that was to guide and dominate the future. To follow reason without fear of consequences, to substitute scientific for empirical knowledge, to equip men for intelligent participation in civic life, to discover a rational basis for conduct, to unfold and expand every inborn faculty and energy, and to fill man with a restless striving after an ideal--these essentially Greek characteristics in time came to be accepted by an increasing number of modern men, as they had been by the thoughtful men of the ancient Greek world, as the law and goal of human endeavor. From this point on the intellectual progress of the western world was certain, though at times the rate seems painfully slow. The great events which stand before, modern history--milestones, as it were, along the road to the intellectual progress of mankind in the recovery of the Greek spirit--were the revival of the ancient learning, the Protestant appeal to reason, the recovery and vast extension of the old scientific knowledge, the assertion of the rights of the individual as opposed to the rights of the State, and the growth of a new humanitarianism, induced by the teachings of Christianity, which has softened old laws and awakened a new conception of the value of child and human life. Out of these great historic movements have come modern scholarship, the inestimable boon of religious liberty, the firm establishment of the idea of the reign of law in an orderly universe, the conception of government as in the interests of the governed, the substitution of democracy and political equality for the rule of a class or an autocratic power, and the assertion of the right to an education at public expense as a birthright of every child. The common school, the education of all, equality of rights and opportunity, full and equal suffrage, the responsibility of all for the advancement of the common welfare, and liberty under law have been the natural consequences and the outcome of these great struggles to set free and quicken the human spirit. The Peace of Westphalia (1648), which marked the close of a century of effort to crush human reason and religious liberty with violence and oppression, marked a turning-point in the history of the world. Though religious intolerance and bigotry might still persist in places for centuries to come, this Peace acknowledged the futility of persecution to stamp out human inquiry, and marked the downfall of intellectual medievalism. The work of the political philosophers of the eighteenth century, the establishment of a new political ideal by the leaders of the American Revolution, and the drastic sweeping-away of ancient abuses in Church and State in the Revolution in France, applied a new spirit to government, ushered in the rule of the common man, and began the establishment of democracy as the ruling form of government for mankind. The recent World War in Europe was in a sense a sequel to what had gone before. One result of its outcome, despite certain reactionary but temporary old-type governments that the near future may see set up in places, has been the elimination of the mediaeval theory of the "divine right of kings" from the continent of Europe, and the establishment of the democratic type of government as the ruling type of the future. Some of the nations for a time will be in a sense experimental, as shown on the above map, and even well-governed Germany must learn new forms and ways, but in time government of and by and for the people is practically certain to become established everywhere on the continent of Europe. [Illustration: FIG. 239. THE ESTABLISHED AND EXPERIMENTAL NATIONS OF EUROPE The established nations are in white; the experimental nations shaded. After a time Germany should become white also.] Still more, the outcome of the World War would seem to indicate that democratic forms of government are destined in time to extend to peoples everywhere who have the capacity for using them. The great problem of the coming century, then, and perhaps even of succeeding centuries, will be to make democracy a safe form of government for the world. This can be done only by a far more general extension of educational opportunities and advantages than the world has as yet witnessed. In the hands of an uneducated proletariat democracy is a dangerous instrument. In Russia, Mexico, and in certain of the Central American Republics we see what a democracy results in in the hands of an uneducated people. There, too often, the revolver instead of the ballot box is used to settle public issues, and instead of orderly government under law we have a reign of injustice and anarchy. Only by the slow but sure means of general education of the masses in character and in the fundamental bases of liberty under law can governments that are safe and intelligent be created. In a far larger sense than anything we have as yet witnessed, education must become the constructive tool for national progress. The great needs of the modern world call for the general diffusion among the masses of mankind of the intellectual and spiritual and political gains of the centuries, which are as yet, despite the great recent progress made in extending general education, the possession of but a relatively small number of the world's population. Among the more important of these are the religious spirit, coupled with full religious liberty and tolerance; a clear recognition of the rights of minorities, so long as they do not impair the advancement of the general welfare; the general diffusion of a knowledge of the more common truths and applications of science, particularly as these relate to personal hygiene, sanitation, agriculture, and modern industrial processes; the general education of all, not only in the tools of knowledge, but in those fundamental principles of self-government which lie at the basis of democratic life; training in character, self-control, and in the ability to assume and carry responsibility; the instilling into a constantly widening circle of mankind the importance of fidelity to duty, truth, honor, and virtue; the emphasis of the many duties and responsibilities which encompass all in the complex modern world, rather than the eighteenth-century individualistic conception of political and personal rights; the clear distinction between liberty and license; and the conception of liberty guided by law. In addition each man and woman should be educated for personal efficiency in some vocation or form of service in which each can best realize his personal possibilities, and at the same time render the largest service to that society of which he forms a part. The great needs of the modern world also call for that form of education and training which will not merely impart literacy and prepare for economic competence and national citizenship, but which will give to national groups a new conception of national character and international morality and create new standards of value for human effort. National character and international morality are always the outgrowth of the personality of a people, and this in turn calls for the inculcation of humane ideals, the proper discipline of the instincts, the training of a will to do right, good physical vigor, and, to a large degree, the development of individual efficiency and economic competence. Moral and religious instruction, as it has been given, will not suffice, because it does not reach the heart of the problem. No nation has shown more completely the utter futility of religious instruction to produce morality than has Germany, where the instruction of all in the principles of religion has been required for centuries. The problem of the twentieth century, then, and probably of other centuries to come, is how the constructive forces in modern society, of which the schools of nations should stand first, can best direct their efforts to influence and direct the deeper sources of the life of a people, so that the national characteristics it is desired to display to the world will be developed because the schools have instilled into every child these national ideals. Many forces must coöperate in such a task, but unless the schools of nations become clearly conscious of national needs and of international purposes, become inspired by an ideal of service for the welfare of mankind, substitute among national groups competition in the things of the spirit--art, architecture, music, sports, education, letters, sanitation, housing, public works, and such applications of science as minister to health and happiness--for competition in the creation of material wealth, the piling-up of armaments, the extension of national boundaries, and the present overemphasis of a narrow nationalism, and direct the energies of coming generations to the carrying-out of this new and larger human service, nations must inevitably fail to reach the world position they might otherwise have occupied, destructive international competition and warfare will continue, and the advancement of world civilization and international well-being will be greatly retarded thereby. In this work of advancing world civilization, the nations which have long been in the forefront of progress must expect to assume important roles. It is their peculiar mission--for long clearly recognized by Great Britain and France in their political relations with inferior and backward peoples; by the United States in its excellent work in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines; and clearly formulated in the system of "mandatories" under the League of Nations--to help backward peoples to advance, and to assist them in lifting themselves to a higher plane of world civilization. In doing this a very practical type of education must naturally play the leading part, and time, probably much time, will be required to achieve any large results. Disregarding the large need for such service among the leading world nations, the map reproduced on the opposite page reveals how much of such work still remains to be done in the world as a whole. "The White Man's Burden" truly is large, and the larger world tasks of the twentieth century for the more advanced nations will be to help other peoples, in distant and more backward lands, slowly to educate themselves in the difficult art of self-government, gradually establish stable and democratic governments of their own, and in time to take their places among the enlightened and responsible peoples of the earth. [Illustration: FIG. 240. THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE FUTURE Transition peoples are shaded; dependant and backward peoples black. The "mandatories" of the "League of Nations" will be in the black areas, and will have to be carried by the nations which have made the most progress in civilization and shown in the highest sense of responsibility for the welfare of peoples that have come under their care. The black areas reveal "The White Man's Burden" of the future.] At the bottom of all this work and service lie the new human-liberty conceptions first worked out and formulated for the world by little Greece, In time the ideas to which they gave expression have become the heritage of what we know as our western civilization, and the warp and woof of the intellectual and political life of the modern world. As a result of the Industrial Revolution, and of the new political and commercial and social forces of our time, this western civilization, using education as its great constructive tool, is now spreading to every continent on the globe. The task of succeeding centuries will be to carry forward and extend what has been so well begun; to level up the peoples of the earth, as far as inherent differences in capacity will permit; and to extend, through educative influences, the principles and practices of a Christian civilization to all. In establishing intelligent and interested government, and in moulding and shaping the destinies of peoples, general education has become the great constructive tool of modern civilization. A hundred and fifty years ago education was of but little importance, being primarily an instrument of the Church and used for church ends. To-day general education is an instrument of government, and is rightfully regarded as a prime essential to good government and national progress. With the spread of the democratic type the importance of the school is enhanced, its control by the State becomes essential, its continued expansion to include new types of schools and new forms of educational opportunities and service a necessity, the study of its organization and administration and problems becomes a necessary function of government, while the training it can give is dignified and made the birthright of every boy and girl. FOOTNOTES PREFACE [1] _Syllabus of Lectures on the History of Education, with Bibliographies_, 1st ed., 302 pp., illustrated, New York, 1902; 2d ed., with classified bibliographies, 358 pp., illustrated. New York, 1905. PART I CHAPTER I [1] The average size of an Illinois county is 550 square miles, or an area 22 x 25 miles square. The State of West Virginia contains 24,022 square miles, and Rhode Island 1067 square miles. Rhode Island would be approximately 30 x 36 miles square, which would make Attica approximately 20 x 36 miles square in area. [2] The nearest analogy we have to the Greek City-States exists in the local town governments of the New England States, particularly Massachusetts, and the local county-unit governmental organizations of a number of the Southern States, though in each of these cases we have a state and a federal government above to unify and direct and control these small local governments, which did not exist, except temporarily, in Greece. If an area the size of West Virginia were divided into some twenty independent counties, which could arrange treaties, make alliances, and declare war, and which sometimes united into leagues for defense or offense, but which were never able to unite to form a single State, we should have a condition analogous to that of mainland Greece. [3] A sea- faring people, the Greeks became to the ancient Mediterranean world what the English have been to the modern world. Southern Italy became so thickly set with small Greek cities that it was known as _Magna Graecia_. On the island of Sicily the city of Syracuse was founded (734 B.C.), and became a center of power and a home of noted Greeks. The city of Marseilles, in southern France, dates from an Ionic settlement about 600 B.C. The presence of another seafaring people, the Phoenicians, along the northern coast of Africa and southern and eastern Spain, probably checked the further spread of Greek colonies to the westward. The city of Cyrene, in northern Africa, dates from about 630 B.C. Greek colonists also went north and east, through the Dardanelles and on into the Black Sea. (See map, Figure 2.) Salonica and Constantinople date back to Greek colonization. Many of the colonies reflected great honor and credit on the motherland, and served to spread Greek manners, language, and religion over a wide area. [4] It is the great mixed races that have counted for most in history. The strength of England is in part due to its wonderful mixture of peoples-- Britons, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Danes, Northmen, to mention only the more important earlier peoples which have been welded together to form the English people. [5] Athens, however, permitted the children of foreigners to attend its schools, particularly in the later period of Athenian education. [6] "When I compare the customs of the Greeks with these (the Romans), I can find no reason to extol either those of the Spartans, or the Thebans, or even of the Athenians, who value themselves the most for their wisdom; all who, jealous of their nobility and communicating to none or to very few the privileges of their cities ... were so far from receiving any advantage from this haughtiness that they became the greatest sufferers by it." (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his _Roman Antiquities_ book II, chap. XVII.) [7] In Sparta the number of citizens was still less. At the time of the formulation of the Spartan constitution by Lycurgus (about 850 B.C.) there were but 9000 Spartan families in the midst of 250,000 subject people. This disproportion increased rather than diminished in later centuries. [8] The Austrian-Magyar combination, which held together and dominated the many tribes of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, is an analogous modern situation, though on a much larger scale. [9] Two Greek poems illustrate the Spartan mother, who was said to admonish her sons to come back with their shields, or upon them. The first is: "Eight sons Daementa at Sparta's call Sent forth to fight: one tomb received them all. No tears she shed, but shouted, 'Victory! Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.'" The second: "A Spartan, his companion slain, Alone from battle fled: His mother, kindling with disdain That she had borne him, struck him dead; For courage and not birth alone. In Sparta testifies a son." "Go, tell at Sparta, thou that passest by, That here, obedient to her laws, we lie." (Epitaph on the three hundred who fell at Thermopylae.) [10] An Athenian saying, of a man who was missing, was: "Either he is dead or has become a schoolmaster." To call a man a schoolmaster was to abuse him, according to Epicurus. Demosthenes, in his attack on Aeschines, ridicules him for the fact that his father was a schoolmaster in the lowest type of reading and writing school. "As a boy," he says, "you were reared in abject poverty, waiting with your father on the school, grinding the ink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, and doing the duty of a menial rather than of a freeman's son." Lucian represents kings as being forced to maintain themselves in hell by teaching reading and writing. [11] Women were not supposed to possess any of the privileges of citizenship, belonging rather to the alien class. They lived secluded lives, were not supposed to take any part in public affairs, and, if their husbands brought company to the house, they were expected to retire from view. In their attitude toward women the Greeks were an oriental rather than a modern or western people. [12] "We learn first the names of the elements of speech, which are called _grammata_; then their shape and functions; then the syllables and their affections; lastly, the parts of speech, and the particular mutations connected with each, as inflection, number, contraction, accents, position in the sentence; then we begin to read and write, at first in syllables and slowly, but when we have attained the necessary certainty, easily and quickly." (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, _De Compos. Verb_, cap 25.) [13] Fragments of a tile found in Attica have stamped upon them the syllables _ar, bar, gar; er, ber, ger_; etc. A bottle-shaped vase has also been found which, in addition to the alphabet, contains pronouncing exercises as follows: bi-ba-bu-be zi-za-zu-ze pi-pa-pu-pe gi-ga-gu-ge mi-ma-mu-me etc. [14] "Learning to read must have been a difficult business in Hellas, for books were written only in capitals at this time. There were no spaces between the words, and no stops were inserted. Thus the reader had to exercise his ingenuity before he could arrive at the meaning of a sentence." (Freeman, K. J., _Schools of Hellas_, p. 87.) [15] The Greeks had no numbers, but only words for numbers, and used the letters of the Greek alphabet with accents over them to indicate the words they knew as numbers. Counting and bookkeeping would of course be very difficult with such a system. [16] "These poems, especially Homer, Hesiod, and Theognis, served at the same time for drill in language and for recitation, whereby on the one hand the memory was developed and the imagination strengthened, and on the other the heroic forms of antiquity and healthy primitive utterances regarding morality, and full of homely common sense, were deeply engraved on the young mind. Homer was regarded not merely as a poet, but as an inspired moral teacher, and great portions of his poems were learned by heart. The Iliad and the Odyssey were in truth the Bible of the Greeks." (Laurie, S. S., _Pre-Christian Education_, p. 258.) [17] Davidson, Thos., _Aristotle_, pp. 73-75. [18] Plutarch later expressed well the Greek conception of musical education in these words: "Whoever be he that shall give his mind to the study of music in his youth, if he meet with a musical education proper for the forming and regulating his inclinations, he will be sure to applaud and embrace that which is noble and generous, and to rebuke and blame the contrary, as well in other things as in what belongs to music. And by that means he will become clear from all reproachful actions, for now having reaped the noblest fruit of music, he may be of great use, not only to himself, but to the commonwealth; while music teaches him to abstain from everything that is indecent, both in word and deed, and to observe decorum, temperance, and regularity." (Monroe, Paul, _History of Education_, p. 92.) [19] A flat circle of polished bronze, or other metal, eight or nine inches in diameter. [20] "There were no home influences in Hellas. The men-folk lived out of doors. The young Athenian from his sixth year onward spent his whole day away from home, in the company of his contemporaries, at school or palaestra, or in the streets. When he came home there was no home life. His mother was a nonentity, living in the woman's apartments; he probably saw little of her. His real home was the palaestra, his companions his contemporaries and his _paidagogos_. He learned to disassociate himself from his family and associate himself with his fellow citizens. No doubt he lost much by this system, but the solidarity of the State gained." (Freeman, K. J., _Schools of Hellas_, p. 282.) [21] "No doubt the Athenian public was by no means so learned as we moderns are; they were ignorant of many sciences, of much history,--in short of a thousand results of civilization which have since accrued. But in civilization itself, in mental power, in quickness of comprehension, in correctness of taste, in accuracy of judgment, no modern nation, however well instructed, has been able to equal by labored acquirements the inborn genius of the Greeks." (Mahaffy, J. P., _Old Greek Education_.) [22] The great institutions of the Greek City-State were in themselves highly educative. The chief of these were: 1. The Assembly, where the laws were proposed, debated, and made. 2. The Juries, on which citizens sat and where the laws were applied. 3. The Theater, where the great masterpieces of Greek literature were performed. 4. The Olympian and other Games, which were great religious ceremonies of a literary as well as an athletic and artistic character, and to which Greeks from all over Hellas came. 5. The city life itself, among an inquisitive, imaginative, and disputatious people. CHAPTER II [1] The culmination came in what is known as the Age of Pericles, who was the master mind at Athens from 459 to 431 B.C. During the fifth century B.C. such names as Themistocles and Pericles in government, Phidias and Myron in art, Herodotus and Thucydides in historical narrative, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides in tragic drama, and Aristophanes in comedy, graced Athens. [2] With the Greeks, morality and the future life never had any connection. [3] The early Greek philosophers tried to explain the physical world about them by trying to discover what they called the "first principle," from which all else had been derived. Thales (c. 624-548 B.C.), the father of Greek science, had concluded that water was the original source of all matter; Anaximenes (c. 588-524 B.C.), that air was the first principle; Heraclites (c. 525-475 B.C.), fire; and Pythagoras (c. 580-500 B.C.), number. [4] "There was now demanded ability to discuss all sorts of social, political, economic, and scientific or metaphysical questions; to argue in public in the marketplace or in the law courts; to declaim in a formal manner on almost any topic; to amuse or even instruct the populace upon topics of interest or questions of the day; to take part in the many diplomatic embassies and political missions of the times--the ability, in fact, to shine in a democratic society much like our own and to control the votes and command the approval of an intelligent populace where the function of printing-press, telegraph, railroad, and all modern means of communication were performed through public speech and private discourse, and where the legal, ecclesiastical, and other professional classes of teachers did not exist." (Monroe, Paul, _History of Education_, pp. 109- 10.) [5] The importance of a political career in the new Athens will be better understood if we remember that the influence on public opinion to-day exerted by the pulpit, bar, public platform, press, and scholar was then concentrated in the public speaker, and that the careers now open to promising youths in science, industry, commerce, politics, and government were then concentrated in the political career. It must also be remembered that the Greeks had always been a nation of speakers, both the content and the form of the address being important. [6] Each of these philosophers proposed an ideal educational system designed to remedy the evils of the State. Xenophon (c.410-362 B.C.), in his _Cyropaedia_, purporting to describe the education of Cyrus of Persia, proposed a Spartan modification of the old Athenian system. Plato (429-348 B.C.), in his _Republic_, proposed an aristocratic socialism as a means of securing individual virtue and state justice. He first presents the super- civic man, an ideal destined for great usefulness among the Christians later on. Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), in his _Ethics_, and in his _Politics_, outlined an ideal state and a system of education for it. [7] "It is beyond all conception what that man espied, saw, beheld, remarked, observed." (Goethe.) "One of the richest and most comprehensive geniuses that has ever appeared--a man beside whom no age has an equal to place." (Hegel.) "Aristotle, Nature's private secretary, dipping his pen in intellect." (Eusebius.) [8] "As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to the East, as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose seeds had long ago been received from the East. Each conqueror in turn, the Macedonian and the Roman bowed before conquered Greece and learnt lessons at her feet." (Butcher, S. H., _Some Aspects of the Greek Genius_, p. 43.) [9] Webster, D. H., _Ancient History_, p. 302. [10] Previous to this, paper had been made from the papyrus plant, but Egypt, having forbidden its export, necessity again became the mother of invention. [11] With this exception, never before the Italian Renaissance was there such interest in collecting books. Almost every book written in antiquity was gathered here, and the library at Alexandria became the British Museum or the Bibliothèque Nationale of the ancient world. Every book entering Egypt was required to be brought to this library. [12] He founded the science of geography. Before his time Greek students had concluded that the world was round, instead of flat, as stated in the Homeric poems. By careful measurements he determined its size, within a few thousand miles of its actual circumference, and predicted that one might sail from Spain to the Indies along the same parallel of latitude. [13] From the tradition that seventy scholars labored on it. [14] Henry Sumner Maine. CHAPTER III [1] This struggle of the common people (_plebeians_) for an equal place with the ruling class (_patricians_) before the law, in religious matters, and in politics, covered two and a half centuries, the old restrictions being broken down but gradually. The most important steps in the process were: 509 B.C. Magistrates forbidden to scourge or execute a Roman citizen without giving him a chance to appeal to the people in their popular assembly. This "right of appeal" was regarded as the Magna Charta of Roman liberty. 494 B.C. Plebeian soldiers granted officers of their own (_Tribunes_) to protect them against patrician cruelty and injustice. 451-449 B.C. Laws must be written--Code commission appointed. Result, the _Laws of the Twelve Tables_ (R. 12); these mark the beginning of the great Roman legal system. 445 B.C. Intermarriage between the two orders legalized. 367 B.C. Right to hold office granted, and one of the Consuls elected each year to be a plebeian. 250 B.C. By this date the distinctions between the two orders had disappeared; patricians and plebeians intermarried and formed one compact body of citizens in the Roman State. [2] "The scholar who compares carefully the Greek constitutions with the Roman will undoubtedly consider the former to be finer and more finished specimens of political work. The imperfect and incomplete character which the Roman constitution presents, at almost any point of its history, the number of institutions it exhibits which appear to be temporary expedients merely, are necessary results of its method of growth to meet demands as they rose from time to time; they are evidence, indeed, of its highly practical character." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 20.) [3] The same opportunity came to Athens after the Persian Wars and to Sparta after the Peloponnesian War, but neither possessed the creative power along political and governmental lines, or the tolerance for the ideas and feelings of subject peoples, to accomplish anything permanent. Rome succeeded where previous States had failed because of her larger insight, tolerance, patience, and constructive to create a great world empire. [4] Caesar extended Roman citizenship to certain communities in Gaul and in Sicily, and began the further extension of the process of assimilation by taking the conquered provincial into citizenship in the Empire. This was carried on and extended by succeeding Emperors until finally, in 212 A.D., Roman citizenship was extended to all free-born inhabitants in all the provinces. [5] For example, Balbus, a Spaniard, was Consul in Rome forty years before the Christian era, and another Spaniard, Nerva, had become Emperor before the close of the first century A.D. Many commanders in the army and governors in the provinces were provincials by birth. [6] Roman citizenship was much more than a mere name. A Roman citizen could not be maltreated or punished without a legal trial before a Roman court. If accused in a capital case he could always protect himself from what he considered an unjust decision by an "appeal to Caesar"; that is, to the Emperor at Rome. The protection of law was always extended to his property and himself, wherever in the Roman Empire he might live or travel. [7] Both literature and inscriptions testify abundantly to the affectionate regard in which Roman rule was held. The rule may have been far from perfect, judged from a modern point of view, but it was so much better and so much more orderly than anything that had gone before that it was accepted in all quarters. [8] Every house was protected from the evil spirits of the outside world by Janus, and had its sacred fire presided over by Vesta. Every house had its protecting Lares. The cupboard where the food was stored was blest by and under the charge of the Penates. The daily worship of these household deities took place at the family meal, the father offering a little food and a little wine at the sacred hearth. Every house father, too, had his guardian Genius, whose festival was celebrated on the master's birthday. In a similar fashion the State had its temples, its sacred fire and votive offerings, and various divinities ruled the elements and sent or withheld success. Almost every activity in life was presided over by some deity, whom it was necessary to propitiate before engaging in it. Davidson says, with reference to the practical nature of their religion, that "While the Athenians rejoiced before their gods, the Romans kept a debtor and creditor account with theirs, and were very anxious that the balance should be on the right side." [9] "Among our ancestors," says Pliny, "one learned not only through the ears, but through the eyes. The young, in observing the elders, learned what they would soon have to do themselves, and what they would one day teach to their successor." [10] Such careful physical training as was given in a Greek _palaestra_ and _gymnasium_ would have been regarded by the Romans as most effeminate. Unlike the Greeks, who strove for a harmonious bodily development, the Romans exercised for usefulness in war. Cicero exclaims, with reference to Greek gymnasial training: "What an absurd system of training youth is exhibited in their _gymnasia_! What a frivolous preparation for the labors and hazards of war!" [11] Macaulay, in his _Horatius_, describes the results of the education of this early period as follows: "Then none were for the party, But all were for the State; And the rich man loved the poor, And the poor man loved the great. Then lands were fairly portioned And spoils were fairly sold; For the Romans were like brothers In the brave days of old." [12] "The Romans," says the historian Wilhelm Ihne, "were distinguished from all other nations, not only by the extreme earnestness and precision with which they conceived their law and worked out the consequences of its fundamental principles, but by the good sense which made them submit to the law, once established, as an absolute necessity of political health and strength. It was this severity in thinking and acting which, more than any other cause, made Rome great and powerful." [13] The lot of a captive in war, everywhere throughout the ancient world, was to be taken and sold as a slave by his captors. Many educated Greeks were thus taken in the capture of Greek cities in southern Italy and sold as slaves in Rome. These were let out by their masters as teachers of the new learning. Even the thrifty Cato, who vigorously opposed the new learning on principle, was not averse to permitting his educated Greek slaves to conduct schools and thus add to his private fortune. [14] These men had little choice otherwise. Grain from Spain and Africa became so cheap that a farmer could not raise enough on his small farm to pay his taxes and support his family, so he was obliged to sell his land to men who turned it into large cattle and sheep ranches. He would not emigrate to the provinces, as Englishmen have done to Canada and Australia, but instead went to the cities, where he led a hand-to-mouth existence in a type of tenement house. It was from such sources that the Roman mob, demanding free grain and entertainment in return for its votes, was made up. [15] Arithmetic was not easy for the Romans, partly because they had no figure or other sign for zero, partly because they used a decimal system for counting and a duodecimal for their money, and partly because the Roman system of notation (I, V, X, L, C, D, M) did not adapt itself to quick calculation. Try, for example, these simple sums: Add: CCLVII Subtract: LXVIII CIX XXXIV ------ ------ Multiply: CXXV Divide: XII |CXXXII XII ------ ---- [16] Finger reckoning (whence _digits_) with the Romans attained a prominence probably never reached with any other people. Bills and accounts were reckoned up on the fingers, in the presence of the patron. Eighteen positions of the fingers of the left hand stood for the nine units and the nine tens, and eighteen positions of the fingers of the right hand stood for the nine hundreds and the nine thousands. For larger sums, such as ten thousand and more, various parts of the body were touched. Any one who betrayed, according to Quintilian, "by an uncertain or awkward movement of his fingers, a want of confidence in his calculations," was thought to be but imperfectly trained in arithmetic. [17] There was much complaint that parents were slow with their fees, and at times forgot them entirely if the boy did not turn out well. Finally, in the reign of Diocletian (284-305 A.D.), in an effort to relieve the distress of schoolmasters, prices were legally fixed at approximately the equivalent of $1.20 per month per pupil for teaching reading and $1.80 for arithmetic, measured in money values of a decade ago. These were regarded as "hard times prices." [18] "Reading aloud, with careful attention to pronunciation, accent, quantity, and expression, formed an important part of the training in literature of a Latin youth. Correct reading of Latin was a much more difficult art, as practiced, than is the reading of English, as all of us well know who learned properly to intone our "Arma virumque cano, Trojae qui primus ab oris Italiam, fato profugus, Lavinaque venit." The lack of use of small letters and spacing between the words (R. 21), as well as poor punctuation, also added to the difficulty. [19] A nonsensical minuteness was followed here, and many trivialities were emphasized. Juvenal tells us, in his Seventh Satire, written about 130 A.D., that "a teacher was expected to read all histories and know all authors as well as his finger ends. That, if questioned, he should be able to tell the name of Anchises' nurse, and the name and native land of the stepmother of Anchemotus--tell how many years Acestes lived--how many flagons of wine the Sicilian king gave to the Phrygians." This reminds us of some of the dissected study of English and Latin until recently given in our colleges and high schools. [20] Quintilian well states the aim of this higher education when he says that "the man who can duly sustain his character as a citizen, who is qualified for the management of public and private affairs, and who can govern communities by his counsels, settle them by means of laws, and improve them by judicial enactments, can certainly be nothing else but an orator." [21] In his _Lives of Eminent Grammarians and Rhetoricians_, chap. I. Suetonius lived from 75 to 160 A.D., and was an advocate at Rome and private secretary to the Emperor Hadrian. [22] There was a general dread of Greek higher learning on the part of the older Romans, and this found expression in many ways. Among these was an edict of the Senate, in 161 B.C., directing the Praetor to see that "no philosophers or rhetoricians be suffered at Rome" (R. 20), a decree which could not be enforced, and the edict of the Censors, in 92 B.C. (R. 20), expressing their disapproval of the Latin schools of rhetoric. [23] These seven studies became the famous studies of the church schools of the Middle Ages, with Grammar as the greatest and most important study (see chap. VII; R. 74). The curriculum of the Middle Ages was a direct inheritance from Rome. [24] See Quintilian, _Institutes of Oratory_, book I, chap. X, 22, 37, and 46. This chapter is devoted largely to a description of the use of these studies. [25] Sample questions which were debated to bring out the fine distinctions in Roman Law and Ethics were: (a) Was a slave about whose neck a master had hung the leather or golden token (worn by free youths only), in order to smuggle him past the boundary, freed when he reached Roman soil wearing this insignia of freedom? (b) If a stranger buys a prospective draught of fishes and the fisherman draws up a casket of jewels, does the stranger own the jewels? [26] In the later centuries of the Empire, people went to hear a man who could orate or declaim, as people now do to hear a great political orator, a revivalist preacher, or a popular actor or singer. A form of amusement for distinguished travelers passing through a city was to have some one orate before them. "This power of using words for mere pleasurable effect," says Professor Dill, in his _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, "on the most trivial or the most extravagantly absurd themes, was for many ages, in both West and East, esteemed the highest proof of talent and cultivation." [27] Each Greek rhetorician in Rome was given one hundred _sestertia_ (about $4000) yearly from the Imperial Treasury, Quintilian probably being one of the first to receive a state salary. [28] "He [Claudius] was also attentive to provide a liberal education for the sons of their chieftains;... and his attempts were attended with such success that they, who lately disdained to make use of the Roman language, were now ambitious of becoming eloquent. Hence the Roman habit began to be held in honor, and the toga was frequently worn." Tacitus's Account of Britain, _Agricola_, chap. 21. [29] England offers us the nearest modern analogy. This was one of the last of the great European nations to establish popular education, but for centuries previous thereto the great private, tuition, grammar schools of England--Eton, Harrow, Rugby, Winchester, and others--together with the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, prepared a succession of leaders for the State--men who have steered England's destinies at home and abroad and made her a great world power. [30] This grew up, as all law grows, by enacted laws and decisions of the courts, and in time came to be an enormous body of law. Lacking the printed law books and indices of to-day, to obtain a knowledge of Roman law became a formidable task. Finally the practical Roman mind codified it, and reduced it to system and order. The Theodosian Code, of 438 A.D., and the Justinian Code, of 528 and 534 A.D., were the final results. These codes were compact, capable of duplication with relative ease, and later became the standard textbooks throughout the Middle Ages. The great importance of these codifications may be appreciated when we know that almost all the original laws and decisions from which they were compiled have been lost. [31] The Romanic countries--France, Spain, Italy--have drawn their law most completely from the Justinian Code. Due to Spanish and French occupation of parts of America, Roman legal ideas also entered here, the Louisiana Code of 1824 being Roman in law and technical expressions and spirit, though English in language. Spanish and Portuguese settlement of the South American continent has carried Roman law there. [32] The Roman alphabet is the alphabet of all North and South America, Australia, Africa, and all of Europe except Russia, Greece, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and a few minor Slavic and Teutonic peoples. Even in Germany and Austria, Roman letters were rapidly superseding the more difficult German letters in the printing of papers and books for the better-educated classes before the Great War. In India, Siam, China, and Japan, Roman letters are also being increasingly used. CHAPTER IV [1] The Farmer's Calendar, given in the accompanying _Book of Readings_ (R. 14), illustrates very well the gods and sacrifices for one phase of Roman life. Petronius, in his Satires, says, "Our country is so full of divinities that it is much easier to find a god than a man." [2] "The chief objects of pagan religion were to foretell the future, to explain the universe, to avert calamity, and to obtain the assistance of the gods. They contained no instruments of moral teaching analogous to our institution of preaching, or to the moral preparation for the reception of the sacrament, or to confession, or to the reading of the Bible, or to religious education, or to united prayer for spiritual benefits. To make men virtuous was no more the function of the priest than of the physician." (Lecky, W. E. H., _History of European Morals_, chap, iv.) [3] Seneca (4-65 A.D.), the tutor of the Emperor Nero, and the Greek freedman Epictetus (d. 100 A.D.) both expounded Stoicism at Rome during the first Christian century, and the _Thoughts_ of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.) represents one of the finest expositions of the application of this philosophy to the problems of human life. [4] See Proverbs, xxxi, for a good statement of the ancient Hebrew ideal of womanhood. [5] This collective term is applied to the first five books of the Old Testament, and includes Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. These five books form a wonderful collection of the historical and legal material relating to the wanderings and experiences and practices of the people. [6] Chapter 1 of the Gospel according to Saint Matthew gives, in detail (1-16), the genealogy of Jesus, concluding with the following verse: "17. So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen generations; and from David until the carrying away into Babylon are fourteen generations; and from the carrying away into Babylon unto Christ are fourteen generations." [7] To many of these churches he wrote a series of epistles. These constitute a little more than one fourth of the New Testament. See accompanying _Book of Readings_ (or Romans, I, 1-17) for the introductory part of Paul's Epistle to the Romans. [8] "Its missionaries were Jews, a turbulent race, not to be assimilated, and as much despised and hated by pagan Rome as by the mediaeval Christians. Wherever it attracted any notice, therefore, it seems to have been regarded as some rebel faction of the Jews, gone mad upon some obscure point of the national superstition--an outcast sect of an outcast race." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, p. 39.) [9] "Starting from an insignificant province, from a despised race, proclaimed by a mere handful of ignorant workmen, demanding self-control and renunciation before unheard of, certain to arouse in time powerful enemies in the highly cultivated and critical society which it attacked, the odds against it were tremendous." (Ibid., p. 41.) [10] "It is not easy to imagine how, in the face of an Asia Minor, a Greece, an Italy the Roman split up into a hundred small republics; of a Gaul, a Spain, an Africa, an Egypt, in possession of their old national institutions, the apostles could have succeeded, or even how their project could have been started. The unity of the Empire was a condition precedent of all religious proselytism on a grand scale if it was to place itself above the nationalities." (Renan, E., _Hibbert Lectures, 1880; Influence of Rome on the Christian Church_.) [11] In Acts xxv, 1-12, it is recorded that the Apostle Paul, accused by the Jews and virtually on trial for his life before the provincial governor Festus, fell back on his Roman citizenship and successfully "appealed to Caesar." (See footnote 3, page 57.) [12] "The miracle of miracles, greater than dried-up seas and cloven rocks, greater than the dead rising again to life, was when the Augustus on his throne, Pontiff of the gods of Rome, himself a god to the subjects of Rome, bent himself to become the worshiper of a crucified provincial of his Empire." (Freeman, E. A., _Periods of European History_, p. 67.) [13] In 319 and 326 the clergy were exempted from all public burdens, and only the poor were to be admitted to the clergy. In 343 the clergy were exempted "from public burdens and from every disquietude of civil office." In 377 all clergy were exempted from personal taxes. (See R. 38.) [14] From the Roman world the idea has spread, through the Greek Catholic Church, to Greece, parts of the Balkans, and Russia; through the Roman Catholic Church to all western Europe and the two Americas; and through the Protestant churches which sprang from the Roman Catholic by secession, and the Mohammedan faith, to include almost all the world. Only among uncivilized tribes and in Asia do we find any great number of fundamentally different religious conceptions. [15] Paul to the Romans (x, 9) stated the fundamentals of belief as follows: "If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved." [16] M. Boissier. _La Fin du Paganisme_, vol. 1, p. 200. [17] _Justin Martyr_ (105?-167), a former Greek teacher and philosopher, continued to follow his profession, wear his Greek philosopher's garb, and held that the teachings of Christianity were already contained in Greek philosophy, and that Plato and Socrates were Christians before the coming of the Christian faith. _Clement_ (c. 160-c. 215), the successor of Pantaeus as head of the catechetical school at Alexandria, held to the harmony of the Gospels with philosophy, and that "Plato was Moses Atticized." _Origen_ (c. 185-c. 254), a pupil and successor of Clement, and the most learned of all the early Christian Fathers, labored to harmonize the Christian faith with Greek learning and philosophy, and did much to formulate the dogmas of the early Church. _Saint Basil_ (331-379) tried to allay the rising prejudice against pagan learning, and to show the helpfulness to the Christian life of the Greek literature and philosophy. _Gregory of Nazianzus_ (c. 330-c. 390) was filled with indignation and protested loudly at the closing of the pagan schools to Christians by the edict of the Emperor Julian, in 362. [18] _Tertullian_ (c. 150-230) had been well educated in Greek literature and philosophy, and had attained distinction as a lawyer. _Saint Jerome_ (c. 340-420) was saturated with pagan learning, but later advised against it. _Saint Augustine_ (354-430), the master mind among the Latin Fathers, was for years a teacher of oratory and rhetoric in Roman schools, and had written part of an encyclopaedia on the liberal arts before his conversion. Many others who became prominent in the Western Church had in their earlier life been teachers in the Roman higher schools. [19] Dreaming that he had died and gone to Heaven, he was asked, "Who art thou?" On replying, "A Christian," he heard the awful judgment, "It is false: thou art no Christian; thou art a Ciceronian; where the treasure is, there the heart is also." [20] The knowledge of Greek remained alive longer in Ireland than anywhere else in the western world, being known there as late as the seventh century. Greek was also preserved in parts of Spain for two centuries after it had died out in Italy. [21] In the West there was no other great city than Rome. At the period of its maximum greatness, in the first century B.C., it was a city of approximately 450,000 people. [22] After many struggles and conflicts between the Bishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Rome, the Bishop of Rome was finally recognized by the second great Church Council, held at Constantinople in 381, as the head of the entire Church (Canon 3), corresponding to the Emperor on the political side of the dying Empire. The separation of the eastern and western churches was rapid after this time. (See Map, p. 103.) [23] The word _pagan_ as applied to unbeliever illustrates this progress of the Church, being derived from the Latin _paganus_, meaning countryman, villager, rustic. [24] See the accompanying _Book of Readings_ for a drawing and detailed explanation of the monastery of Saint Gall, in Switzerland (R. 69). This was one of the most important monasteries of the Middle Ages. PART II CHAPTER V [1] The period from the reign of Augustus Caesar through that of Marcus Aurelius (31 B.C.-192 A.D.) was known as "the good Roman peace." No other large section of the western world has ever known such unbroken peace and prosperity for so long a time. Piracy ceased upon the seas, and trade and commerce flourished. The cities and the great middle class in the population were prosperous. Travel was safe and common, and men traveled both for business and pleasure. The Christian State within a State had not yet taken form. Literature and learning flourished. The law became milder. The rights of the accused became better recognized. A certain broad humanity pervaded the administration of both law and government. There was much private charity. Hospitals were established. Women were given greater freedom, larger intellectual advantages, and a better position in the home than they were to know again until the nineteenth century. It was the Golden Age of the Empire. Toward the close of the period the Christian Father, Tertullian, wrote: "Every day the world becomes more beautiful, more wealthy, more splendid. No corner remains inaccessible.... Recent deserts bloom.... Forests give way to tilled acres.... Everywhere are houses, people, cities. Everywhere there is life." [2] Slavery in Rome came to be much more demoralizing than ever was the case in the United States. Instead of an ignorant people of an inferior race, the Roman slave was often the superior of his master--the unfortunate captive in an unsuccessful war against an oppressor. The holding of such educated and intelligent people in slavery was far more degrading to a ruling people than would have been the case had their slaves been ignorant and of inferior racial stock. [3] The Roman State had come to be essentially a collection of cities. Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Corinth, Carthage, Ephesus, and Lyons were great cities, judged even by present-day standards, throbbing with varied industries and a strong intellectual life. In addition there were hundreds of other cities scattered all over the Empire, each with its own municipal life, while on the frontier were stockaded villages serving as centers of trade with the barbarian tribes beyond. [4] Chief among the new ideals that sapped the old Roman strength must be mentioned the new Christian religion, with its doctrine of other- worldliness and its system of government not responsible to the Empire. Another influence was the rise of a super-civic philosophy, derived chiefly from the writings of Plato (see footnote 1, page 42), which held that certain men could be above the State and yet by their wisdom in part direct it. The two influences combined to undermine the resisting strength of the State. [5] Not only was the future of western European civilization settled there, but that of North and South America as well. Had Saracenic civilization come to dominate Europe, the Koran might have been taught to- day in the theological schools of Boston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Buenos Aires, and Valparaiso, and the Christian religion been the possession only of the Greek and Russian churches, while our literature and philosophy and civilization would have been tinctured, through and through, with oriental ideas and Mohammedan conceptions. [6] It is hard for us to imagine what happened, for the Indians we know to-day represent a much higher grade of civilization than did the German invaders. If we could imagine the United States overrun by the Indians of a hundred and fifty years ago, as the German tribes overran the Roman Empire, and becoming the rulers of a people superior to them in numbers and intellect, we should have something analogous to the Roman situation. [7] As allies, citizens, soldiers, colonists, and slaves the Germans had long been filtering into the Roman world, and the Roman world was in part Germanized before the barriers were broken. These German-Romans helped to assimilate the Germans who came later, much as Italian-Americans in the United States help to receive and assimilate new Italians when they come. [8] "The historical importance of the mere fact that it was an organic unity which Rome established, and not simply a collection of fragments artificially held together by military force, that the civilized world was made, as it were, one nation, cannot be overstated.... It was a union, not in externals merely, but in every department of thought and action; and it was so thorough, and the Gaul became so completely a Roman, that when the Roman government disappeared he had no idea of being anything else than a Roman.... It was because of this that, despite the fall of Rome, Roman institutions were perpetual." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 30.) [9] A Germanic king, when he feared no Roman general or emperor, could usually be made to stand in awe when a Christian priest or bishop appealed to Heaven and the saints, and threatened him with eternal hell-fire if he did not do his bidding. [10] The Church, it must be remembered, maintained its separate system of government and kept up the old forms of the Roman law. It had also its courts and its exemptions for the clergy, and these it forced the barbarians to respect. During half a dozen centuries it was the chief force that made life tolerable for myriads of men and women, and almost the only force upholding any semblance of humane ideals. [11] Clotilda, wife of the heathen Clovis, was a Burgundian princess and a devout Christian, who had long tried to persuade her husband to accept her faith. In 496, during a battle with the Alemanni, near the present city of Strassburg, Clovis vowed that if the God of Clotilda would give him victory, he would do as she desired. The Alemanni were crushed, and he and three thousand of his chiefs were at once baptized. [12] Draper, John W., _Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. II, pp. 145-46. [13] The extent of the Benedictine order alone may be seen from the Benedictine statement that "Pope John XXII, who died in 1334, after an exact inquiry, found that, since the first rise of the order, there had been of it 24 popes, near 200 cardinals, 7000 archbishops, 15,000 bishops, 15,000 abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upwards of 37,000 monasteries. There had been likewise, of this order, 20 emperors, 10 empresses, 47 kings and above 50 queens, 20 sons of emperors and 48 sons of kings, about 100 princesses and daughters of kings and emperors, besides dukes, marquises, earls, countesses, etc., innumerable." From this it may be inferred how fully the Church was the State during the long period of the Middle Ages. [14] Draper, John W., _Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. I, p. 437. CHAPTER VI [1] From the sixth to the twelfth centuries. [2] The story which has come down to us of the German warrior who, on being shown into an anteroom, saw some ducks swimming in the floor and dashed his battle-axe at them to see if they were real, thus ruining the beautiful mosaic, is typical of the time. [3] During the period of Rome's greatness the publishing business became an important one. Manuscripts were copied in numbers by trained writers, and books were officially published. Both public and private libraries became common, men of wealth often having large libraries. These were found in the provincial towns as well as in the large Italian cities, and in country villas as well as in town houses. By the beginning of the eighth century books had become so scarce that monasteries guarded their treasures with great care (R. 65), and books were borrowed from long distances that copies might be made. [4] Charlemagne (King of Frankland, 768-814), for example, found it necessary to order that priests and monks must show themselves capable of changing the wording of the masses for the living and the dead, as circumstances required, from singular to plural, or from masculine to feminine. [5] Longfellow's poem _Monte Cassino_ is interesting reading here. Of Benedict he says: "He founded here his Convent and his Rule Of prayer and work, and counted work as prayer; The pen became a clarion, and his school Flamed like a beacon in the midnight air." [6] Sometimes as early as eleven to twelve years of age. The novitiate course was two years, but as the vows could not be taken before eighteen, the course of instruction often covered six to eight years. [7] To teach a novice to copy accurately a manuscript book was quite a different thing from the teaching of writing to-day, It was more nearly comparable to present-day instruction in lettering in a college engineering course, as it called for a degree of workmanship and accuracy not required in ordinary writing. [8] The Vulgate, a Latin translation of the Bible made by Saint Jerome, at the close of the fourth century. The Old Testament he translated mostly from the Hebrew and Chaldaic, and the New Testament he revised from the older Latin versions. This is the only version of the Scriptures which the Roman Catholic Church admits as authentic. [9] Letters from one monastery to another, and from one country to another, begging the loan of some ancient book, have been preserved in numbers. Lupus, Abbot of Ferrières in France, for example, wrote to Rome in 855, and addressing himself to the Pope in person, requested a complete copy of Cicero's _De Oratore_, which he desired. [10] The Missal is a book containing the service of the mass for the entire year. The Psalter the book of Psalms. [11] From _manu scriptum_, meaning written by hand. [12] So expensive of time and effort was the production of books by this method that many of the manuscripts now extant were written crosswise on sheets from which the previous writing had been largely erased by chemical or mechanical means. How many valuable ancient manuscripts were lost in this manner no one knows. Fortunately the practice was not common until after the thirteenth century, when the rise of the universities and the spread of learning made new demands for skins for writing purposes. [13] That the printing was not always carefully done is shown by the constant need, throughout the Middle Ages, of correct copies for comparison. The following injunction of the Abbot Alcuin to the monks at Tours, given at the beginning of the ninth century, is illustrative of the need for care in copying: "Here let the scribes sit who copy out the words of the Divine Law, and likewise the hallowed sayings of Holy Fathers. Let them beware of interspersing their own frivolities in the words they copy, nor let a trifler's hand make mistakes through haste. Let them earnestly seek out for themselves correctly written books to transcribe, that the flying pen may speed along the right path. Let them distinguish the proper sense by colons and commas, and set the points, each one in its due place, and let not him who reads the words to them either read falsely or pause suddenly. It is a noble work to write out holy books, nor shall the scribe fail of his due reward. Writing books is better than planting vines, for he who plants a vine serves his belly, but he who writes a book serves his soul." [14] West, A. F., _Alcuin_, pp. 72-73. [15] The largest monastic library on the Continent was Fulda, which specialized in the copying of manuscripts. In 1561 it had 774 volumes. In England the largest collections were at Canterbury, which in the fourteenth century possessed 698 volumes, and at Peterborough, which had 344 volumes at about the same time. The library of Croyland, also in England, burned in 1091, at that time contained approximately 700 volumes. These represented the largest collections in Europe. [16] The _Hortus Delicarum_ of the Abbess Herrard, of the convent of Hohenburg, in Alsace, was a famous illustration of artistic workmanship. This was an attempt to embody, in encyclopaedic form, the knowledge of her time. The manuscript was embellished with hundreds of beautiful pictures, and was long preserved as a wonderful exhibition of mediaeval skill. It was lost to civilization, along with many other treasures, when the Prussians bombarded Strassburg, in 1870. [17] He there "enjoyed advantages which could not perhaps have been found anywhere else in Europe at the time--perfect access to all the existing sources of learning in the West. Nowhere else could he acquire at once the Irish, the Roman, the Gallician, and the Canterbury learning; the accumulated stores of books which Benedict (founder and abbot) had bought at Rome and at Vienne; or the disciplinary instruction drawn from the monasteries on the Continent, as well as from Irish missionaries." (Bishop Stubbs, _Dictionary of Christian Biography_, article on Bede.) [18] West, A. F., _Alcuin_, pp. 45-47. [19] _Annals of Xanten_, 846 A.D. [20] _Ibid._, 851 A.D. [21] _Annals of Saint Vaast_, 884 A.D. [22] It is related that ignorant court officials, fearing the king's displeasure, sought to learn from their children. [23] Through Alfred's efforts, the compilation of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ was begun, that the people of England might be able to read the history of their country in their own language. CHAPTER VII [1] Anderson tells of a monastic student's notebook on conduct which has been preserved, and which "prescribes that the young man is to kneel when answering the Abbot, not to take a seat unasked, not to loll against the wall, nor fidget with things within reach. He is not to scratch himself, nor cross his legs like a tailor. He is to wash his hands before meals, keep his knife sharp and clean, not to seize upon vegetables, and not to use his spoon in the common dish." [2] This expression came into common use in the fifth century, when the Christian writers summarized the ancient learning under these seven headings or studies, following earlier Greek and Roman classifications. (See p. 70). [3] The _Doctrinale_, by Alexander de Villa Die. This was in rhyme, and became immensely popular. It was the favorite text until the fifteenth century. [4] Donatus begins as follows: "How many parts of speech are there?" "Eight." "What are they?" "Noun, pronoun, verb, adverb, participle, conjunction, preposition, and interjection." "What is a noun?" "A part of speech with case, signifying a body or thing particularly or commonly." "How many attributes have nouns?" "Six." "What are they?" "Quality, comparison, gender, number, figure, case." Etc., etc. [5] The following from Priscian, reproduced by Graves, illustrates the method of instruction as applied to the first book of the Aeneid of Vergil. "What part of speech is _arma_?" "A noun." "Of what sort?" "Common." "Of what class?" "Abstract." "Of what gender?" "Neuter." "Why neuter?" "Because all nouns whose plurals end in _a_ are neuter." "Why is not the singular used?" "Because this noun expresses many different things." Etc., etc. This form of textbook writing was common, not only during the Middle Ages, but well into modern times. The famous _New England Primer_ was in part in this form, and many early American textbooks in history and geography were written after this plan. [6] Vergil, due to his beautiful poetic form and to his love of nature and life, was especially guarded against during the early Middle Ages as the most seductive of the ancient Latin writers. It is not at all inappropriate that, in Dante's _Inferno_, Vergil should have been the person to guide Dante through hell and purgatory, but should not have been allowed to accompany him into paradise. [7] Textbooks on the art of letter-writing began to appear by the eleventh century, explaining in detail how to prepare the five divisions of a letter: (1) the salutation (_salutatio_), (2) the art of introducing the subject properly and making a good impression (_captatio benevolentiae_), (3) the body of the letter (_narratio_), (4) how to make the request (_petitio_), and (5) a fitting conclusion (_conclusio_). [8] Anderson reproduces a portion of a chapter by Capella on the number four, which is illustrative of the mediaeval study of the properties of number: "What shall I call four? in which is a certain perfection of solidarity; for it is composed of length and depth, and a full decade is made up from those four numbers added together in order, that is, from one, two, three, four. Similarly a hundred is made up of the four decades, that is, ten, twenty, thirty, forty, which are a hundred; and again four numbers from a hundred on amount to a thousand, that is, 100, 200, 300, 400. So ten thousand is made up of another series. What is to be said of the fact that there are four seasons of the year, four quarters of the heavens, and four principles of the elements? There are also four ages of man, four vices, and four virtues." [9] Anderson reproduces a paragraph from Maurus, showing how number was applied to Holy Writ. It reads: "A real thinker," says Maurus, "will not pass on indifferently when he reads that Moses, Elijah, and our Lord fasted forty days. Without strict observance and investigation the matter cannot be explained. The number 40 contains the number 10 four times, by which all is signified which concerns the temporal. For, according to the number 4, the days and the seasons run their course. The day consists of morning, midday, evening, and night, the year of spring, summer, autumn, winter. Further, we have the number 10 to recognize God and the creature. The three (trinity) indicated the Creator; the seven, the creature which consists of body and spirit. In the latter is the three: for we must love God with our whole heart and soul and mind. In the body, on the other hand, the four elements of which it consists reveal themselves clearly. So if we are moved through that which is signified by the number 10 to live in time--for 10 is taken four times--chaste, withholding ourselves from worldly lusts, that means to fast forty days. So the Holy Scriptures contain suggestively in many different numbers all sorts of secrets which must remain hidden to those who do not understand the meaning of numbers." [10] Gerbert (953-1003) was one of the most learned monks of his day, having studied in the Saracen schools of Spain. He afterwards became Pope Sylvester II (999-1003). Because of his scientific knowledge in an age of superstition he was accused of transactions with the devil. [11] For example, the _Stabat Mater_ and the _Dies Irae_, two thirteenth- century hymns. The former has been called the most pathetic and the latter the most sublime of all mediaeval poems. [12] Cassiodorus was an educated later Roman, who had been chief minister to Theodoric, the Ostrogothic king, and had done much to carry over Latin learning and civilization into the new régime. He later founded the monastery of Viviers, in southern Italy, and spent the latter part of his life there in writing and contemplation. He urged the monks to study, and those who had no head for learning he advised to read Cato and Columella on agriculture, and then to devote themselves to it. [13] "Wisdom hath builded her house; she hath hewn out her seven pillars." (Proverbs, IX, 1.) [14] Abelson, in his monograph on _The Seven Liberal Arts_, reduces each of these textbooks to their equivalent in a modern 16mo printed page, with the following results: Cassi- Capella Boethius odorus Isidore Alcuin Maurus Subject (c. 425) (c. 520) (c. 575) (c. 630) (c. 800) (c. 844) /Grammar...... 11 -- 25 50 54 55 |Rhetoric..... 14 -- 5-1/2 14 26 -- \Dialectic.... 11 -- 18 14 25 -- /Arithmetic... 11 40 2 2 -- -- |Geometry..... 15 30 2 1 -- -- |Astronomy.... 9 -- 15 3 23 60 \Music........ 11 67 2 12 -- -- --- --- --- --- --- --- Totals in pages 82 137 69-1/2 96 128 115 [15] The mediaeval serf was the successor of the Roman slave, and was a step upward in the process of the evolution of the free man. The serf was tied to the soil and by obligations of personal service to the lord. Gradually, due to economic causes, the personal service was changed from general to definite service, and finally to a fixed rental sum. When a fixed money payment took the place of personal service the free man had been evolved. This took place rapidly with the rise of cities and industry toward the latter part of the Middle Ages. [16] The German private duel and the American fist fight are the modern survivals of the time when personal insults, easily taken, and private grievances were settled in the "noble way" by sword and battle-axe and torch. [17] In the earlier days of noblemen's education reading and writing were regarded as effeminate, but in the later times the nobles became increasingly literate. By the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries many began to pride themselves on their patronage of learning. [18] Rhyming in the vernacular language came to be an important part of the training, and many old love songs and songs expressing the joy of life date from this period. Chaucer's knight is described as: "Syngynge he was or floytynge [playing], al the day; He was as fressh as is the monthe of May. Short was his gowne, with sleves longe and wyde. Wel cowde he sitte on hors and faire ryde; He cowde songes make and wel endite, Juste and eek daunce, and wel purtreye and write. So hote he loved, that by nighterdale [night time] He slept no more than doth the nightingale." [19] From the life of the Frankish Abbot, John of Gorze, Abbot at Gorze in the tenth century. [20] Leach, A. F., _Educational Charters_, p. 143. [21] _Ibid._, p. 147. [22] Anselm (1033-1109), Archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109, formulated the early mediaeval view when he said: "I do not seek to know in order that I may believe, but I believe in order that I may know." "The Christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith, not to come to faith through knowledge." "The proper order demands that we believe the deep things of Christian faith before we presume to reason about them." [23] Monroe, Paul, _Text-Book in the History of Education_, p. 258. CHAPTER VIII [1] "In the school of Nisibis the Church possessed an institution, which for centuries secured her a system of higher education, and therewith an important social and political position. To the older literature, consisting of translations, there was added, from the middle of the fifth century onward, a large number of philosophical, scientific, and medical treatises belonging to Greek antiquity, and especially the works of Aristotle. Through these Greek wisdom and learning, clothed in Syrian attire, found a home on these borders of Christendom." (Müller, D. K., _Kirchengeschichte_, vol. I, p. 278.) [2] "By the year 600 A.D. the triumph of the oriental element in Christendom had well-nigh banished learning and education from the domain of the Church, giving place to a gloomy, unquestioning faith which sank ever deeper and deeper in the mire of superstition. What enlightenment survived had found a home beyond the limits of the Roman Empire,--in Ireland, in the extreme West; in Syria, in the far East." (Davidson, Thomas, _History of Education_, p. 133.) [3] This was determined as being 56-1/3 miles, which would make the circumference of the earth 20,280 miles. The correct distance is 69 miles. [4] The fanaticism of the eastern Arabs now reasserted itself, and higher education In the Mohammedan countries of the East drew permanently to a close. A harsh, rigid orthodoxy, fatal to educational progress, now triumphed. The coming of the Turks only made matters worse, and with their advent education throughout Arabia and Asia Minor became a thing of the past. Some day it will be the task of western Europe to hand back schools and learning to the Mohammedan East. This may be one of the by-products of the great World War. [5] The Alhambra, built between 1238 and 1354, at Granada, is an exquisite example of their art. (See plate in vol. 1, p. 658, of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th ed., for an illustration of their architecture and art.) [6] It was an age of superstition and miracles, diabolic influences, witchcraft and magic, private warfare, trials by ordeal, robber bands, little dirty towns, no roads, unsanitary conditions, and miserable homes. Even the nobility had few comforts and conveniences, and personal cleanliness was not common. Disease was punishment for sin and to be cured by prayer, while the insane were scourged to cast out the devils within them. [7] Frederic II was Emperor of the mediaeval Holy Roman Empire, ruling from 1227 to 1250. Though a German by birth, he had lived long in Sicily, and spent most of his time in Italy after becoming Emperor. He greatly admired the Saracens for their learning, and tried to transfer some of their knowledge to Christian Europe. He lived, however, at a time when the Papacy was cementing its temporal power and the Pope was becoming the Emperor of Europe. This encroachment Frederick resisted and tried to break, but without success. At his death the mediaeval German dream of world empire perished; Germany was left a collection of feudal States; and the temporal power of the Pope was henceforth for centuries to come undisputed. [8] Christianity had not as yet been introduced among the mixed Slavic and Germanic tribes along the eastern Baltic. In Prussia and Lithuania, where missionary efforts had been made from 900 on, success did not come until more than three centuries later. (See art. "Missions," _Ency. Brit._, 11th ed., vol. 18.) [9] The more important questions arising concerned the Trinity, the Eucharist, and Transubstantiation. [10] This discussion was over what was known as nominalism vs. realism. Anselm of Canterbury (1034-1109), basing his argument largely on some parts of Plato, had declared that ideas constituted our real existence. Roscellinus of Compiègne (1050-1105), basing his argument on parts of the _Organon_ of Aristotle, had held that ideas or concepts are only names for real, concrete things. Anselm, as a realist, contended that the human senses are deceptive, and that revealed truth alone is reliable. Roscellinus, as a nominalist, held that truth can be reached only through investigation and the use of reason. The church accepted the realism of Anselm as correct, and Roscellinus was compelled to recant. The stifling effect of such an attitude toward honest doubt can be imagined. [11] McCabe, Joseph, _Peter Abelard_, p. 7. [12] By the beginning of the eleventh century this cathedral school had become the most important in France, a position which it retained for centuries. It was the great center for theological study, and drew to it a succession of eminent teachers--William of Champeaux, Abelard, Peter the Lombard--and, in time, thousands of students. [13] The term _scholasticism_ comes from _scholasticus_, because it was chiefly in the cathedral schools that scholasticism arose. It means, literally, the method of thinking worked out by the teachers in the cathedral schools. [14] The English philosopher John Locke (1632-1704) once said that when he considered the inertness of the Middle Ages he was led to think that God had been content to make man a two-legged animal, leaving to Aristotle the task of making him a thinking being. The worship of Aristotle is easily explained by the great amount of information his works contained, his logical method and skillful classification of knowledge, and the way his ideas as to causes fitted into Christian reasoning. [15] The Dominicans, or Black Friars, were a new teaching and preaching monastic order, founded in 1216. It was a revival of monasticism, directed toward more modern ends. The Dominicans established themselves in connection with the new universities, and sought to control education and to defend orthodoxy. Another new order of this same period was that of the Franciscans, or Gray Friars, founded by Saint Francis in 1212. Their work was directed still more to preaching, missions, and public service. They were a less intellectual but a more democratic brotherhood. It was the Franciscans who followed the armies of Spain to Mexico, and later built and conducted the missions of the central and southern California coast. [16] Special translations of Aristotle's _Rhetoric_ and _Politics_, from the original Greek texts, obtained at Constantinople by the Crusaders, were made for Thomas Aquinas at his special request, about 1260, by William of Moerbeke, who knew enough Greek to perform the task. This gave him better translations from which to lecture and write. [17] In 529 the Eastern Emperor, Justinian (see p. 76), directed that an orderly compilation be prepared of the many and confused laws and decisions which had been made in the Roman Empire, with a view to producing a standard body of Roman law in place of the unwieldy mass of contradictory material then existing. The result was the _Corpus Juris Civilis_, worked out by a staff of eminent lawyers between 529 and 533 (R. 93). This consisted of I. The _Code_, in twelve books, containing the Statutes of the Emperors; II. The _Digest_, in fifty books, containing pertinent extracts from the opinions of celebrated Roman lawyers; III. The _Institutes_, in four books, being an elementary textbook on the law for the use of students; IV. The _Novellae_, or new Statutes, the final edition of which was issued in 565, and included the laws from 533 on. This was preserved and used in the East, but came too late to be of much service to the Western Empire. [18] The subdivisions were as follows: I. Contained 106 "distinctions," relating to ecclesiastical persons and affairs. II. Contained 36 "distinctions," relating to problems arising in the administration of canon law. III. Contained 5 "distinctions," relating to the ritual and sacraments of the Church. [19] The additions were: I. The _Decretals_ of Pope Gregory IX, issued in 1234, in five books. II. A Supplement to the above by Pope Boniface VIII (_Liber Sextus_), issued in 1298. III. The _Constitutions_ of Clementine, issued in 1317. IV. Several additions of Papal Laws, not included in any of the above. [20] He held that the body contained four humors--blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. Disease was caused by an undue accumulation of some one of the four. Hence the office of the physician was to reduce this accumulation by some means such as blood-letting, purging, blisters, diaphoretics, etc. In the monastery of Saint Gall (see Diagram, R. 69) a blood-letting room was a part of the establishment, and this practice was continued until well into the nineteenth century. [21] Galen was born at Pergamon, in the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. He studied medicine at Pergamon, Smyrna, and Alexandria, and for a time lived in Rome. Returning to Pergamon he was appointed physician to the athletes in the gymnasium there. He later went back to Rome and became physician to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. He is credited with five hundred works on literature, philosophy, and medicine, one hundred and eighteen of which have survived. In medicine he wrote on anatomy, physiology, diagnosis, pathology, therapeutics, materia medica, surgery, hygiene, and dietetics. He was the first to use the pulse as a means of detecting physical condition. [22] Saint Augustine, _The City of God_, book xxii, chap. 24. [23] Often spoken of as Constantius Africanus. It is recorded that he studied the arts in Babylon, visited Egypt and India, and returned to his home in Carthage one of the most learned men of his age. Suspected of dealings with the Devil he fled to Salernum (c. 1065), taught there for many years, published many medical works of his own, and finally retired to the monastery of Monte Cassino, dying there in 1087. [24] In 1064 a company of seven thousand is said to have started for the Holy Land. [25] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 261. [26] "From Clermont the enthusiasm spread over France like wildfire. Stirring preachers, whereof the most notable was Peter the Hermit, set all France, peasant and noble, to arming. It was the old gospel of Mohammed recast in Christian guise:--pardon for sin and the spoils of the infidel if victorious!--a swift road to heaven if slain in the battle! Pressed with this hope and enthusiasm, armies to be reckoned by the hundreds of thousands were launched upon the East." (Davis, W. S., _Mediaeval and Modern Europe_, p. 95). [27] Of the thousands of petty lords and knights who went to the hot East, clad in the heavy armor of northern Europe, large numbers left their bones along the way or in the Syrian sands, and the landholdings at home reverted to the Crown. This was a crushing blow to the old feudal regime, advanced the cause of civilization, and helped in the rise of the modern nations. Especially was this true in France and England, whose knights went in large numbers to the East. In Germany the knights and nobles, as a class, refused to have anything to do with the Crusades, and hence they were not killed off or impoverished, but remained to rule and multiply and be troublesome. This is one reason for the much earlier rise and greater strength of French than German nationality, and one reason why Germany has been so much slower than France and England in developing a democratic type of civilization. [28] "As presented to the eye, a typical mediaeval city would be a remarkable sight. Its extent would be small, both because of the limited population, and the need of making the circuit of the walls to be defended as short as possible; but within these walls the huge, many-storied houses would be wedged closely together. The narrow streets would be dirty and ill-paved--often beset by pigs in lieu of scavengers; but everywhere there would be bustling human life with every citizen elbowing close to everybody else. Out of the foul streets here and there would rise parish churches of marvelous architecture, and in the center of the town extended the great square--market-place--where the open-air markets would be held, and close by it, dwarfing the lesser churches, the tall gray cathedral-- the pride of the community; close by, also, the City Hall, an elegant secular edifice, where the council met, where the great public feasts could take place, and above which rose the mighty belfry, whence clanged the great alarm-bell to call the citizens together in mass meeting, or to don armor and man the walls." (Davis, W. S., _Mediaeval and Modern Europe_, p. 146.) [29] In Italy, in particular, the cities became strong and powerful, and eventually overthrew the rule of the bishops and defeated the German Emperor, Frederick I, in a long battle to preserve their independence. In Flanders such cities as Ypres, Bruges, and Ghent, came to dominate there. In 1302 their burghers defeated the French army; and in the sixteenth century they helped to break the autocratic power of Spain in a great struggle for human and civic freedom. By the thirteenth century Hamburg, Lübeck, Bremen, Augsburg, and Nuremburg were important commercial cities in Germany. [30] They came there because, due to their plundering and murdering proclivities, Venice forbade her merchants to go to them. [31] So poor were the mediaeval bridges that the old prayer-books contained formulas for "commending one's soul to God ere starting to cross a bridge." [32] The peasants were of two classes: (1) serfs, who were not free and who were attached to the soil, but unlike slaves had plots of land of their own and could not be sold off the land; and (2) villeins, who were personally free, but still were bound to their lord for much menial service and for many payments in produce and money. [33] The Church originally held many serfs and villeins, as did the nobles. It began the process of setting them free, encouraging others to do likewise. In time it became common, as it did in our Southern States before the Civil War, for nobles in dying to set free a certain number of their serfs and villeins. These went as free men to the rising cities. [34] The mediaeval guild was an important institution, and the guild idea was applied to many forms of mediaeval associations. Thus we read of guilds of notaries in Florence, pleaders' and attorneys' guilds in London, medical guilds and barber-surgeons' guilds in various cities, and of the book-writers-and-sellers' guild in Paris. In a religious pageant given at York, England, on Corpus Christi Day, 1415, fifty-one different local guilds presented each a scene. (See Cheyney, E. P., _English Towns and Gilds._, Pa. Sources, vol. II, no. I.) [35] "The ready money of the merchant was as effective a weapon as the sword of the noble, or the spiritual arms of the Church. Very speedily, also, the men of the cities began to seize upon one of the weapons which up to that time had been the exclusive possession of the Church, and one of the main sources of its power,--knowledge and intellectual training. With these two weapons in its hands, wealth and knowledge, the Third Estate forced its way into influence, and compelled the other two (Estates) to recognize it as a partner with themselves in the management of public concerns." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed. p. 299.) [36] In Hamburg, for example, the city council established four writing schools in 1402, to which the church authorities objected. The council refused to give them up, and for this was laid under the ban of the Church, compelled to recede, admit that it had no right to establish such schools, and pay the costs involved in the contest. [37] For example, the three most widely read books of the thirteenth century were _Reynard the Fox_, a profoundly humorous animal epic; _The Golden Legend_, which so deeply impressed Longfellow; and the _Romance of the Rose_, for three centuries the most read book in Europe. [38] Despite all the criticisms one may offer against business, commerce has always been a great civilizing force. While not anxious to pay heavy taxes, the merchant has always been willing to pay what has been necessary to support a public power capable of maintaining order and security for property. Feudal turmoil, private warfare, and plundering are deadly foes of commerce, and these have come to an end where commerce and industry have gained the ascendant. [39] As a rule a master craftsman might teach his trade to all his sons, but could have only one other apprentice who received board, lodging, clothing, and training, as one of the family. The guild still supervised the apprentice, protecting him from bad usage or defective training by the master. [40] This required the production of a "masterpiece." This piece of work had to be produced to prove high competency. For example, in the shoemakers' guild of Paris, a pair of boots, three pairs of shoes, and a pair of slippers, all done in the best possible manner, were required. [41] Of thirty-three guilds investigated by Leach, all maintained song schools, and twenty-eight maintained a grammar school as well. In London, Merchant Taylors' School, Stationers' School, and the Mercers' School are present-day survivals of these ancient guild foundations. CHAPTER IX [1] By the twelfth century the cathedral schools had passed the monastic schools in importance, and had obtained a lead which they were ever after to retain (R. 71). [2] As contrasted with the monasteries, which were under a "Rule." The opportunities offered by such open institutions in the Middle Ages can hardly be overestimated. [3] Frederick I, of the mediaeval Holy Roman Empire of Germany and Italy. [4] "No individual during the Middle Ages was secure in his rights, even of life or property, certainly not in the enjoyment of ordinary freedom, unless protected by specific guarantees secured from some organization. Politically, one must owe allegiance to some feudal lord from whom protection was received; economically, one must secure his rights through merchant or craft guild; intellectual interests and educational activities were secured and controlled by the Church." (Monroe, P., _Text Book in the History of Education_, p. 317.) [5] At first the older institutions organized themselves without charter, securing this later, while the institutions founded after 1300 usually began with a charter from pope or king, and sometimes from both (R. 100). [6] The degree of master was originally the license to practice the teaching trade, and analogous to a master shoemaker, goldsmith, or other master craftsmen. [7] "The universities, then, at their origins, were merely academic associations, analogous, as societies of mutual guaranty, to the corporations of working men, the commercial leagues, the trade-guilds which were playing so great a part at the same epoch; analogous also, by the privileges granted to them, to the municipal associations and political communities that date from the same time." (Compayré, G., _Abelard and the Rise of the Universities_, p. 33.) [8] "M. Bimbenet, in his _History of the University of Orleans_ (Paris, 1853) reproduces several articles from the statutes of the guilds, the provisions of which are identical with those contained in the statutes of the universities." (_Ibid._, p. 35.) [9] Bologna and Paris were the great "master" universities of the thirteenth century, while those founded on a model of either were more in the nature of "journeymen" institutions. [10] Between 1600 and 1700, although most of the cities capable of supporting universities were provided with them, twenty-one more were created, chiefly in Germany and Holland. The first American university (Harvard) was established in 1636, and the second (Yale) in 1702. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, without counting the United States or any western-hemisphere country, forty more were created. Among the important nineteenth-century creations were Berlin, 1810; Christiana, 1811; St. Petersburg, 1819; Brussels, 1834; London, 1836; and Athens, 1836. [11] See Compayré, G., _Abelard_, pp. 87-90 for list of these "strikes." [12] "It is impossible to fix the period at which the system of degrees began to be organized. Things were done slowly. At the outset, and until towards the end of the twelfth century, there existed nothing resembling a real conferring of degrees in the rising universities. In order to teach it was necessary to have a respondent, a master authorized by age and knowledge.... "The 'license to teach,' nevertheless, became by slow degrees, as master and pupils multiplied, a preliminary condition of teaching, a sort of diploma more and more requisite, and of which the bishops (or their representatives, the chancellors) were the dispensers. Up to the fourteenth century there was hardly any other clearly-defined university title." (Compayré, G., _Abelard_, pp. 142-43.) [13] "It is manifest that the universities borrowed from the industrial corporations their 'companionships,' their 'masterships,' and even their banquets; a great repast being the ordinary sequel of the reception of the baccalaureate or doctorate." (Compayré, G., _Abelard_, p. 141.) [14] The term professor has become general in its significance, and is used in all countries. In England the term master was retained for the higher degree, while in Germany the term doctor was retained, and the doctorate made their one degree. America followed the English plan in the establishment of the early colleges, and the degree of A.B. and A.M. were provided for. Later, when the German university influence became prominent in the United States, the doctor's degree was superimposed on the English plan. [15] At Paris, for example, there were four nations--France, Picardy, Normandy, and England. These were again divided into tribes, as for example, there were five tribes of the French--Paris, Sens, Rheims, Tours, and Bourges. Orleans had ten nations--France, Germany, Lorraine, Burgundy, Champagne, Picardy, Normandy, Touraine, Guyenne, and Scotland. In those days these represented separate nationalities, who little understood one another, and carried their constant quarrels up to the very lecture benches of the professors. [16] A contemporary writer, Jacobus de Vitriaco, has left us an account of student life at Paris, in which he says: "The students at Paris wrangled and disputed not merely about the various sects or about some discussions; but the differences between the countries also caused dissensions, hatreds and virulent animosities among them, and they impudently uttered all kinds of affronts and insults against one another. "They affirmed that the English were drunkards and had tails; the sons of France proud, effeminate and carefully adorned like women. They said that the Germans were furious and obscene at their feasts; the Normans vain and boastful; the Poitevins traitors and always adventurers. The Burgundians they considered vulgar and stupid. The Bretons were reputed to be fickle and changeable, and were often reproached for the death of Arthur. The Lombards were called avaricious, vicious and cowardly; the Romans, seditious, turbulent and slanderous; the Sicilians, tyrannical and cruel; the inhabitants of Brabant, men of blood, incendiaries, brigands and ravishers; the Flemish, fickle, prodigal, gluttonous, yielding as butter, and slothful. After such insults from words they often came to blows." (Pa. Trans. and Repts. from _Sources_, vol. II, no. 3, pp. 19-20.) [17] In an American university the term _college_ or _school_ has largely replaced the term _faculty_; in Europe the term _faculty_ is still used. Thus we say College of Liberal Arts, or School of Law, instead of Faculty of Arts, etc. [18] For example, one of our modern state universities is organized into the following faculties, schools, and colleges: (1) college of liberal arts; (2) school of medicine; (3) school of law; (4) school of fine arts; (5) school of pure science; (6) college of engineering; (7) college of agriculture; (8) school of history, economics, and social sciences; (9) school of business administration; (10) college of education; (11) school of household arts; (12) school of pharmacy; (13) school of veterinary medicine; (14) school of library science; (15) school of forestry; (16) school of sanitary engineering; (17) the graduate school; and (18) the university-extension division. [19] "He was called 'The Philosopher'; and so fully were scholars convinced that it had pleased God to permit Aristotle to say the last word upon each and every branch of knowledge that they humbly accepted him, along with the Bible, the church fathers, and the canon and Roman law, as one of the unquestioned authorities which together formed a complete guide for humanity in conduct and in every branch of science." (Robinson, J. H., _History of Western Europe_, p. 272.) [20] This tendency increased with time, due both to the development of secondary schools which could give part of the preparation, and to the increasing number of students who came to the university for cultural or professional ends and without intending to pass the tests for the mastership and the license to teach. Finally the arts course was reduced to three or four years (the usual college course), and the master's degree to one, and for the latter even residence was waived during the middle of the nineteenth century. The A.M. degree has recently been rehabilitated and now usually signifies a year of hard study in English and American universities, though a few eastern American institutions still play with it or even grant it as an honorary degree. In Germany the arts course disappeared, being given to the secondary schools entirely in the late eighteenth century, and the universities now confer only the degree of doctor. [21] For a list of the books used in the faculty of medicine at Montpellier, in 1340, see Rashdall, H., _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, vol. II, pt. I, p. 123; pt. II, p. 780. [22] After the latter part of the thirteenth century the book-writing and selling trade was organized as a guild industry, and the copying of texts for sale became common. Then arose the practice of erasing as much of the writing from old books as could be done, and writing the new book crosswise of the page. In this way the expense for parchment was reduced, and in the process many valueless and a few valuable books were destroyed. Still, the cost for books during the days of parchment must have been high. Walsh estimates that "an ordinary folio volume probably cost from 400 to 500 francs in our [1914] values, that is, between $80 and $100." [23] In Germany the old mediaeval expression has been retained, and the announcements of instruction there still state that the professor will "read" on such and such subjects, instead of "offer courses," as we say in the United States. [24] Norton, in his _Readings in the History of Education; Mediaeval Universities_, pp. 59-75, gives an extract from a text (Gratian) and "gloss" by various writers, on the question--"Shall Priests be Acquainted with Profane Literature, or No?" which see for a good example of mediaeval university instruction and the manner in which a small amount of knowledge was spun out by means of a gloss. [25] Not many early library catalogues have been preserved, but those which have all show small libraries before the days of printing. At Oxford, where the university was broken up into colleges, each of which had its own library, the following college libraries are known to have existed: Peterhouse College (1418), 304 volumes; Kings College (1453), 174 volumes; Queens College (1472), 199 volumes; University Library (1473), 330 volumes. The last two were just before the introduction of printing. The Peterhouse library (1418) was classified as follows: Subject Chained Loanable Theology............ 61 63 Natural Philosophy.. 26 | Moral Philosophy.... 5 | 19 Metaphysics......... 3 | Logic............... 5 15 Grammar............. 6 | Poetry.............. 4 | 13 Medicine............ 15 3 Civil Law........... 9 20 Canon Law........... 18 19 Totals.............. 152 152 (Clarke. J. W., _The Care of Books_, pp. 145, 147.) [26] Survivals of these old privileges still exist in the German universities which exercise police jurisdiction over their students and have a university jail, and in the American college student's feeling of having the right to create a disturbance in the town and break minor police regulations without being arrested and fined. [27] See Compayré, G., _Abelard_, p. 201, for illustrations. PART III CHAPTER X [1] One of the best known of the Troubadours was Arnaul de Marveil. The following specimen of his art reveals both the new love of nature and the reaction which had clearly set in against the "other-worldliness" of the preceding centuries: "Oh! how sweet the breeze of April, Breathing soft as May draws near, While, through nights of tranquil beauty, Songs of gladness meet the ear: Every bird his well-known language Uttering in the morning's pride. Reveling in joy and gladness By his happy partner's side. "When around me all is smiling, When to life the young birds spring, Thoughts of love I cannot hinder Come, my heart inspiriting- Nature, habit, both incline me In such joy to bear my part: With such sounds of bliss around me Could I wear a sadden'd heart?" [2] "In the Middle Ages man as an individual had been held of very little account. He was only part of a great machine. He acted only through some corporation--the commune, guild, the order. He had but little self- confidence, and very little consciousness of his ability single-handed to do great things or overcome great difficulties. Life was so hard and narrow that he had no sense of the joy of living, and no feeling for the beauty of the world around him, and, as if this world were not dark enough, the terrors of another world beyond were very near and real." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 363.) [3] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d. ed., p. 364. [4] Petrarch refused to have the works of the Scholastics in his library. Though a university man, he was out of sympathy with the university methods of his time. [5] "Florence was essentially the city of intelligence in early modern times. Other nations have surpassed the Italians in their genius ... but nowhere else except at Athens has the whole population of a city been so permeated with ideas, so highly intellectual by nature, so keen in perception, so witty and so subtle, as at Florence." (Symonds, J. A., _The Renaissance in Italy_.) [6] Sandys, J. E., in his _Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning_, pp. 35-41, gives a list of the more important later finds, which see. [7] Of the Florentine scholars one of the most famous was Niccolò Niccoli (1363-1436), of whom Sandys says: "Famous for his beautiful penmanship, he was much more than a copyist. He collected manuscripts, compared and collated their various readings, struck out the more obvious corruptions, restored the true text, broke it up into convenient paragraphs, added suitable summaries at the head of each, and did much toward laying the foundation of textual criticism." (Sandys, J. E., _Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning_, p. 39.) [8] For example, Laurentius Valla (1407-57) of Pavia, exceeded Niccoli in ability in textual criticism. He extended this method to the New Testament and, at the request of King Alphonso, of Naples, subjected the so-called "Donation of Constantine," a document upon which the Papacy based in part its claims to temporal power, to the tests of textual criticism and showed its historical impossibility. This, indeed, was a new and daring spirit in the mediaeval world, but it represented the spirit and method of the modern scholar. [9] For example, Ciriaco, of Ancona (1391-1450), has been called "the Schliemann of his time." He spent his life in travel and in copying and editing inscriptions. After exploring Italy, he visited the Greek isles, Constantinople, Ephesos, Crete, and Damascus. One of his contemporaries, Flavio Blondo, of Forli (1388-1463), published a four-volume work on the antiquities and history of Rome and Italy. These two men helped to found the new science of classical archaeology. [10] Classical scholars assert that Greek became extinct in the Italy of the Roman Church in 690 A.D. Greek was taught at Canterbury in the days of the learned Theodore, of Tarsus (R. 59 a), who died in 690. Irish monks, who carried Greek from Gaul to Ireland in the fifth century, brought it back in the seventh century to Saint Gall, founded by them in 614. "John the Scot," an Irish monk who was master of the Palace School under Charles the Bald (c. 845-55), is said to have been able to read Greek. Roger Bacon, the Oxford monk (1214-94), also knew a little Greek. William of Moerbeke, in 1260, was able to translate the _Rhetoric_ and _Politics_ of Aristotle for Thomas Aquinas. Greek monks were still found in the extreme south of Italy at the time of the Renaissance, and Greek has remained a living language in a few villages there up to the present time. [11] Gian Antonio Campano; trans. by J. A. Symonds, _The Renaissance in Italy_, vol. II, p. 249. [12] For long it was thought that the revival of the study of Greek in the West dated from the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, but this idea has been exploded by classical scholars. The events we have enumerated in this chapter show this, and at least five of the important Greek scholars who taught in Italy came before that date. As the Turks closed in on this wonderful eastern city, for so long the home of Greek learning and culture, many other Greek scholars fled westward. The principal Greek authors had, however, been translated into Latin before then. [13] Some of the Italian universities participated but little in the new movement. Bologna and Pavia, in particular, held to their primacy in law and were but little affected by the revival. [14] Bessarion (c. 1403-72), at one time Archbishop of Nicaea and afterwards a cardinal at Rome, is said to have been surrounded by a crowd of Greek and Latin scholars whenever he went out, and who escorted him every morning from his palace to the Vatican. He was a great patron of learned Greeks who fled to Italy. On his death he gave his entire library of Greek manuscripts to Venice, and this collection formed the foundation of the celebrated library of Saint Mark's. [15] Symonds, J. A., _The Renaissance in Italy_, vol. II, p. 139. [16] In 1436, Niccolò de Niccoli, a copyist of Florence, died, leaving his collection of eight hundred manuscripts to the Medicean Library for the use of the public, meaning thereby any scholar. This is said to have been the first public-library collection in western Europe. [17] Nicholas as a monk had had his enthusiasm for the new movement awakened, and had gone deeply into debt for manuscripts. He was helped by Cosimo de' Medici. When he became Pope (1447-55) he collected scholars about him, built up the university at Rome, laid the foundations of the great Vatican Library, and made Rome a great literary center. After the death of Lorenzo the Magnificent at Florence, in 1492, the glory that had been Florence passed to Rome, and it in turn became the cultural center of Christendom. [18] Much earlier, another Oxford man had returned from study under Guarino at Ferrara--William Gray (1449)--but he seems to have made no impression. A few other scholars went before Linacre and Grocyn and Colet, but these men were the first to attract attention on their return. [19] Agricola's real name was Roelof Huysman, meaning "Roelof the husbandman." In keeping with a common practice of the time he Latinized his name, taking the equivalent Roman word. [20] This was bound in two volumes, and in 1911 a copy of it was sold at a sale of old books, in New York City, for $50,000. [21] A second edition of this Psalter was printed two years later, and contains at the end, in Latin, a statement which Robinson translates as follows: "The present volume of the Psalms, which is adorned with handsome capitals and is clearly divided by means of rubrics, was produced not by writing with a pen, but by an ingenious invention of printed characters: and was completed to the glory of God and the honor of Saint James by John Fust, a citizen of Mayence, and Peter Schoifher of Gernsheim, in the year of our Lord 1459, on the 29th of August." [22] The usual early edition was three hundred copies. [23] At Florence about three hundred editions are said to have been printed before 1500; at Bologna, 298; at Milan, 625; and at Rome, 925. [24] The following numbers of different editions are said to have been printed at the northern cities before 1500: Paris, 751; Cologne, 530; Strassburg, 526; Nuremberg, 382; Leipzig, 351; Basel, 320; Augsburg, 256; Louvain, 116; Mayence, 134; Deventer, 169; London, 130; Oxford, 7; Saint Albans, 4. [25] By 1500 it is said that a book could be purchased for the equivalent of fifty cents which a half century before would have cost fifty dollars. CHAPTER XI [1] Much as universities have contributed to intellectual progress, hostility to new types of thinking and to new subjects of study has been, through all time, a characteristic of many of their members, and often it has required much pressure from progressive forces on the outside to overcome their opposition to new lines of scholarship and public service. [2] For a list of these treatises, see Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. v, p. 154. [3] The distinguished author, Montaigne, was mayor in 1580. [4] This order had begun as an institution for the instruction of the poor, emphasizing the use of the Bible and the vernacular, but when the new learning came in from Italy, classical learning was added and the instruction of the brotherhood became largely humanistic. [5] The influence of the old Greek classical terms in this connection is interesting, and is another evidence of the permanence of Greek ideas. Sturm here adopted the Italian nomenclature, Vittorino da Feltre having called his school a _Gymnasium Palatinum_, or Palace School. Guarino wrote of _gymnasia Italorum_. Both derived the term from the _Gymnasia_ of ancient Greece, just as the academies of the Italian cities took their name from the _Academy_ of Plato at Athens (p. 44). Another famous Greek school was the _Lyceum_, founded by Aristotle (p. 44). All these names came in during the Revival of Learning in Italy, and were applied to the new classical schools at a time when every term, and even the names of men, were given classical form. As a result the Italian secondary schools of to-day are known as _ginnasio_, and the German classical secondary schools as _gymnasia_. The French took their term from the _Lyceum_, hence the French _lycées_. The English named their classical schools after the chief subject of study, hence the English _grammar schools_. In 1638 Milton visited Italy, and was much entertained in Florence by members of the academy and university there. In 1644 he published his _Tractate on Education_, in which he outlined his plan for a series of classical _academies_ for England. Milton was a church reformer, as were the Puritans, and the Puritans, in settling America, brought over first the term _grammar school_, and later the term _academy_ to England. [6] Melanchthon, in his famous Saxony plan of 1528, had provided for but three classes (R. 161). The class-for-each-year idea was new in German lands. [7] This became a fixed practice, Latin being the one language of the school. A century later, when it was attempted by the Jansenists, in France, to teach Greek directly through the vernacular, the practice was loudly condemned by the Jesuits as impious, because it broke the connection between France and Rome. [8] His phrase book, _De Copia Verborum et Rerum_, went through sixty editions in his lifetime, and was popular for a century after his death. His book of proverbs, the _Adagia_, was in both Latin and Greek, and was widely used. His Book of Sayings from the Ancients (_Apophthegmata_) was a collection of little stories, much like some of our best modern books for elementary-school use. His _Colloquies_, or Latin dialogues, were widely used for two centuries in Protestant countries. These four were written between 1511 and 1519, and largely for use in Saint Paul's School. His Latin edition of Theodorus Gaza's Greek Grammar (1516) gave English schools for the first time a standard text. [9] They were _On the First Liberal Education of Children_ (1529), and _On the Order of Study_ (1511). [10] His _Praise of Folly_ (1509), and his _Ciceronian_ (1528). [11] The introduction of the new learning into the English universities was easier than elsewhere, because the English universities had broken up into groups of residence halls, known as _colleges_. If the old colleges could not be reformed new ones could be created, and this took place. Trinity College, at Cambridge, founded in 1540, was from the first a center of humanistic studies. That same year the King founded royal professorships of Civil Law, Hebrew, and Greek at Cambridge. [12] Elizabeth had had for her tutor Roger Ascham, author of _The Scholemaster_, and a teacher of Greek at Cambridge (R. 139). [13] For generations this famous grammar was to England what Donatus was to mediaeval Europe. It was also used in the grammar schools of New England. Lily visited Jerusalem and studied under the best Latin teachers in Rome, so that he ranks with Linacre, Grocyn, and Colet as an introducer of classical culture into England. [14] Winchester was the first of the so-called "great public schools" of England, of which Eton, Saint Paul's, Westminster, Harrow, Charterhouse, Rugby, Shrewsbury, and Merchant Taylors' are the other eight. The foundation statutes of Winchester made elaborate provision for "a Warden, a Head Master, ten Fellows, three Chaplains, an Usher, seventy scholars, three Chapel Clerks, sixteen Choristers, and a large staff of servants," as did Henry VIII later on for Canterbury (R. l72 a). The Warden and Fellows were the trustees. In addition to the seventy scholars (Foundationers) other non-foundationers (Commoners) were to be admitted to instruction. The admission requirements were to be "reading, plain song, and Old Donatus," and the school was to teach Grammar, the first of the Liberal Arts. Except for the change in the nature of the instruction when the new learning came in, this and the other "public schools" remained almost unchanged until the second half of the nineteenth century. [15] Statutes for this school had provided the following entrance regulations: "But first see that they can the Catechisme in English or Latyn, that every one of the said two hundred & fifty schollers can read perfectly & write competently, or els lett them not be admitted in no wise." [16] His _The Positions_ (1581), and _The Elementarie_ (1582). See Chapter XVIII. [17] Solomon Lowe, in his Grammar, published in 1726, gives a bibliography of 128 _Phrase Books_ which had appeared by that time. The following selection from the _Colloquies_ of Corderius (R. 136) illustrates their nature: Col. 7. Clericus Col. 7. Clericus, The Master. Magister. C. Master, may not I and my uncle's Licetne, Magister, ut ego & son go home? patruélis eámus domom? M. To what end? Quid eó? C. To my sister's daughter's wedding. Ad nuptias consobrinae. M. When is she to be married? Quando est nuptura? C. To-morrow. Crástino die. M. Why will you go so quickly? Cur tam citò vultis ire? C. To CHANGE OUR CLOATHS. _Ut mutémus vestimenta_. [18] Sturm, Trotzendorf, and Neander insisted on the use of Latin in all conversation in the school, and the Jesuits later on subjected boys to a whipping if reported as having used the vernacular. [19] Leach, A. F., _English Schools at the Reformation_, p. 105. CHAPTER XII [1] Up to this time the only Latin Bible had been the _Vulgate_ (p. 131), translated by Jerome in the fourth century. Erasmus went back to and edited the original Greek manuscripts, and then prepared a new parallel Latin translation, the two being printed side by side. He also added many explanations of his own which mercilessly exposed the mistakes of the theologians and the Church, and pointed out the errors in translation which were embodied in the _Vulgate_. This work passed through numerous editions and sold in thousands of copies all over Europe. So dangerous was this comparative method that "Greek was judged a heretical tongue. No one should lecture on the New Testament, it was declared, without a previous theological examination. It was held to be heresy to say that the Greek or Hebrew text read thus, or that a knowledge of the original language is necessary to interpret the Scriptures correctly." [2] This was accomplished between 1382 and 1384. Wycliffe translated only a part of the Old Testament, and the Gospels of Saint Matthew and Saint Mark of the New. The remainder was done under his direction by others. The translation was from the Latin _Vulgate_, and was crude and imperfect. The large number of copies of parts of this translation which have survived, in manuscript form, to the present time show that it must have awakened much interest, and been widely copied and recopied during the century before the invention of printing. [3] The heretic, it should be remembered, was the anarchist of the Middle Ages. The Church regarded heresy as a crime, worthy of the most severe punishments. The Church and the civil governments proceeded against the heretic as against an enemy of society and order. Heretics could not give evidence in a civil court, were prohibited from marrying or from giving a son or daughter in marriage, and even to speak with a heretic was an offense. Even torture and death were regarded as justified to stamp out heresy. [4] "What would have been the result had the Council of Constance succeeded where it failed? It seems certain that one result would have been the formation of a government for the Church like that which was taking shape at the same time in England--a limited monarchy with a legislature gradually gaining more and more the real control of affairs. It seems almost equally certain that with this the churches of each nationality would have gained a large degree of local independence, and the general government of the Church have assumed by degrees the character of a great federal and constitutional State. If this had been the case, it is hard to see why all the results which were accomplished by the reformation of Luther might not have been attained as completely without the violent disruption of the Church." (Adams, G. B., _Civilisation during the Middle Ages_, p. 403.) [5] In 1302 the first "Estates-General" of France supported the King, and denied the right of the Pope to any supremacy over the State in France. In England, about the same time, the right of the Pope to levy taxation on the English was disputed by King and Parliament. In 1446 William III of Saxony limited the powers of ecclesiastical courts, and forbade appeals from Saxon decisions to any foreign court. [6] The London _Academy_, 1893, p. 197, published evidence to show that there was a widespread demand among the bishops of Spain for church reformation, during the fifteenth century, and along the same lines that Luther advocated later. [7] "But all these attempts at reformation in the Church, large and small, had failed, as had those of the early fifteenth century to reform its government, leaving the Church as thoroughly mediaeval in doctrine and in practical religion as it was in polity. It was the one power, therefore, belonging to the Middle Ages which still stood unaffected by the new forces and opposed to them. In other directions the changes had been many; here nothing had been changed. And its resisting power was very great. Endowed with large wealth, strong in numbers in every State, with no lack of able and thoroughly trained minds, its interests, as it regarded them, in maintaining the old were enormous, and its power of defending itself seemed scarcely to be broken.... "The Church had remained unaffected by the new forces which had transformed everything else. It was still thoroughly mediaeval. In government, in doctrine, and in life it still placed the greatest emphasis upon those additions which the peculiar conditions of the Middle Ages had built upon the foundations of the primitive Christianity, and it was determined to remain unchanged." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, pp. 406, 412.) [8] Every reform movement produces two kinds of reformers, each seeking the same ultimate goal, but differing materially as to methods of work. In the religious conflict these two types are well represented by Erasmus and Luther. Erasmus was as deeply interested in religious reform as Luther and devoted the energies of a lifetime to trying to secure reform, but he believed that reformation should come from within, and that the way to obtain it was to remain within the old organization and work to reform it. Luther represented the other type, the type which feels that things are too bad for mere reform to be effective, and that what is wanted is rebellion against the old. The two types seldom agree as to means, and usually part company. One is content to be known as a conservative or a conformer; the other delights in being classed as a progressive or even as a radical. [9] "The early Protestant theory was that an individual's Christian religious life, convictions, and salvation were to be worked out through a direct study of the Scriptures, acceptance of the obvious teachings of Christ as there presented, and direct appeal to God through prayer for help in leading a Christian life. The Catholic position, on the other hand, came to be that the individual's religious life was to be achieved through the intervention of the Church, which claimed on historical grounds to have been founded by Christ, and to be his official representative and mediator in the world. It was through the teachings of this Church that the individual was to receive his ideas of the Christian religion, to be stimulated to believe these, to be kept in the path of righteousness, and to obtain salvation." (Parker, S. C., _History of Modern Elementary Education_, p. 35.) [10] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, p. 413. [11] A good illustration of the way parts of Germany and German Switzerland were divided by religious differences is to be found in the Canton of Appenzell, in northeastern Switzerland. As each small governmental division had to follow the religion of the ruling prince in Germany, so in Switzerland the cantons divided on religious lines. To compromise matters in Appenzell the canton was divided into two half cantons, following the religious wars of 1597--Inner Rhoden, of sixty- three square miles, exclusively Roman Catholic, and Outer Rhoden, of ninety-six square miles, entirely under the Swiss Reformed Church. [12] Calvinism is also a product of the northern humanism, Calvin's difficulties with the Church arising out of his study of the Greek texts. Calvin had received an excellent theological and legal education, and used the knowledge and training derived from both to help him formulate a comprehensive system of belief. [13] Like the famous _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard (p. 171), it formed a splendid textbook of the new faith. Calvin based his work on the infallibility of the Bible, as against that of the Church and Pope, and presented, in a remarkably clear and logical manner, the principles of Calvinistic doctrine. Before 1630, as many as seventy-four full editions and fourteen partial editions of the _Institutes_ had been printed, and in nine different languages. [14] This went through seventy-seven editions (fourteen in English) before 1630, and in nearly all the languages of Europe, and was one of four Catechisms, one of which was required of all Oxford undergraduates in 1578. It was adopted by the Scotch, Huguenot, French-Swiss, and Walloon (Dutch) churches, and was widely used in Holland, England, and America. (See "Calvin and Calvinism," in Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I.) [15] By 1560 the Calvinists had two thousand houses for religious worship in France, and demanded religious freedom. In 1562 the persecutions began in earnest, and for the next thirty-six years religious warfare ruled in France. In 1598 the Edict of Nantes established religious freedom, though this was revoked in 1685. [16] Even the celebrated Peace of Augsburg (1555) which left to each German prince and each town and knight the liberty to choose between the beliefs of the Roman Church and the Lutheran, provided only for religious freedom for the rulers, and only one alternative. Calvinists, for example, hated equally by Catholic and Lutheran, were not included. So deeply was the idea of Church and State as inseparable embedded in the minds of men that no provision was made for the religious freedom of subjects. This was a much later evolution, coming first in America. [17] In the proposals for the League of Nations Covenant, made at the conclusion of the World War, in 1919, religious freedom for all persons in any State in the League was finally decided to be a necessary principle for any world league. [18] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, pp. 96-97. [19] The terms _atheist_ and _atheism_ now arose, as the modern substitutes for excommunication and imprisonment, and during the next two centuries these were applied, by the churchmen of the time, to almost every prominent philosopher and scientist and independent thinker. [20] Very severe measures were enacted to prevent the spread of the contagion of heresy. All Protestant literature was forbidden circulation in Catholic lands. The printing-press, as a disseminator of heresy, was placed under strict license. Certain books were ordered burned. Perhaps the most extreme and ruthless measure was the prohibition, under penalty of death, of the reading of the Bible. That this harsh act was carried out the record of martyrs shows. As one example may be mentioned the sister of the Flemish artist Matsys and her husband, he being decapitated and she buried alive in the square fronting the cathedral at Louvain, in 1543, for having been caught reading the sacred Book. CHAPTER XIII [1] Dr. Philip Schaff, the Church historian, says: "Schleiermacher reduced the whole difference between Romanism and Protestantism to the formula, 'Romanism makes the relation of the individual to Christ depend on his relation to the Church: Protestantism, _vice versa_, makes the relation of the individual to the Church depend on his relation to Christ.'" (Quoted by G. B. Adams, from a pamphlet, _Luther Symposiac_, Union Seminary, 1883.) [2] The importance of writing before the days of printing can readily be appreciated. Just as the monk was carefully trained to copy manuscript, so the clerk for a city or a business house needed to be carefully trained to read and write. Writing formed a distinct profession, there being the "city writer" (city clerk, we say), Latin and vernacular secretaries, traveling writers, writing teachers, etc. Writing masters sometimes taught reading also, but usually not. In some French cities the guild of writing masters was granted an official monopoly of the privilege of teaching writing in the city. [3] Reckoning schools were to meet direct commercial needs in the cities, and were seldom found outside of commercial towns. The arithmetic taught in the Latin schools as a part of the Seven Liberal Arts was largely theoretical; the arithmetic in the reckoning schools was practical. The work of the professional reckoner in time developed similarly to that of the professional writer, and often the two were combined in one person. When employed by a city he was known as the city clerk. In 1482 the first reckoning book to be published in Germany appeared, filled with merchant's rules and applied problems in denominate numbers and exchange. See an interesting monograph by Jackson, L. L., _Sixteenth Century Arithmetic_ (Trs. College Pubs., No. 8, 1906). [4] Luther tried to make a translation so simple that even the unlearned might profit by listening to its reading. To insure that his translation should be in a language that would be perfectly clear and natural to the common people, he went about asking questions of laborers, children, and mothers to secure good colloquial expressions. It sometimes took him weeks to secure the right word, but so satisfactory was the result that it fixed the standard for modern German, and still stands as the most conspicuous landmark in the history of the German language. [5] The French version of this great original work represents the first use of French as a language for an argumentative treatise, and, as Calvin's work was more widely discussed than any other Protestant theological treatise, it did much to fix the character of this national language. [6] "Tyndale's translation is not only the first which goes back to the original tongues, but it is so noble a translation in its mingled tenderness and majesty, its Saxon simplicity, and its smooth, beautiful diction that it has been but little improved on since. Every succeeding version is little more than a revision of Tyndale's." (J. Paterson Smyth, _How We Got Our Bible_.) The following extract from Matthew is illustrative: "O oure father which art in heven, halewed be thy name. Let thy kingdom come. Thy wyll be fulfilled, as well in erth, as hit ys in heven. Geve vs this daye oure dayly breade. And forgeve vs oure treaspases, even as we forgeve them whych treaspas vs. Lede vs nott in to temptacion, but delyvre vs from yvell. Amen." [7] The most famous of Luther's German hymns, and one expressive of the Protestant spirit, is the one beginning: "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott, "A mighty fortress is our God, Ein gute Wehr und Waffen." A bulwark never failing." This hymn has often been called "The Marseillaise of the Reformation." [8] The evolution, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, of the German vernacular school-teacher out of the parish sexton is one of the interesting bits of our educational history. [9] Magdeburg is typical, where the Lutherans united all the parish schools under the supervision of one pastor. [10] Wittenberg, founded in 1502 as a new-learning university, and in which Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen were professors, was the first of the universities to become Protestant. Gradually the other universities in Protestant Germany threw off their allegiance to the Pope, and took on that of the ruling prince. [11] The first Protestant university to be founded was Marburg, in Hesse, in 1527. When this later went over to Calvinism, a new university was founded at Giessen, in 1607, by a migration of the Lutheran professors. Other Protestant universities founded were Königsberg (1544) Jena (1555), Helmstadt (1576), and the free-city universities of Altdorf (1573), Strassburg (1621), Rinteln (1621), Duisberg (1655) and Kiel (1665). The support of these came, to a considerable extent, from old monastic or ecclesiastical foundations which had been dissolved after the Reformation. [12] This was in response to a petition to the King, nearly two years before. The King finally granted the request, "though maintaining that he was not compelled by God's Word to set forth the Scriptures in English, yet 'of his own liberality and goodness was and is pleased that his said loving subjects should have and read the same in convenient places and times.'" (Procter and Frere, _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p. 30.) [13] "The injunctions directed that 'a Bible of the largest volume in English' be set up in some convenient place in every church, where it might be read, only without noise, or disturbance of any public service, and without any disputation, or exposition." (_Ibid._, p. 30.) [14] The right to read the Bible was later revoked, during the closing years of Henry VIII's reign (d. 1547), by an act of Parliament, in 1543, which provided that "no woman (unless she be a noble or gentle woman), no artificers, apprentices, journeymen, servingmen, under the degree of yeomen ... husbandmen, or laborers" should read or use any part of the Bible under pain of fines and imprisonment. [15] These were, distributed by reigns, as follows: Henry VIII (1509-1547) 63 schools Edward VI (1547-1553) 50 " Mary (1553-1558) 19 " Elizabeth (1558-1603) 138 " James I (1603-1625) Charles I (1625-1649) 142 " Protectorate (1649-1660) Charles II (1660-1685) James II (1685-1688) 146 " CHAPTER XIV [1] "These Calvinists had a common program of broad scope--not merely doctrinal, but also political, economic, and social. Their common program and their social ideals demanded education of all as instruments of Providence for church and commonwealth. Their industrious habits and productive economic life provided funds for education. Their representative institutions in both church and commonwealth not only necessitated general diffusion of knowledge, but furnished the organization necessary for founding, supervising, and maintaining, in wholesome touch with the common man, both elementary and higher institutions of learning. Their disciplined and responsive conscience, their consequent intensity of moral conviction and spirit of self- sacrifice for the common weal, compelled them to realize, in concrete and permanent form, their ideals of college and common school." (Foster, H. D., In Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. i, p. 499.) [2] In 1625 a list of the famous men of the city of Louvain, in Belgium, was printed. More than one fourth of those listed had studied in the colleges of Geneva. [3] Foster, H. D., Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 491. [4] In Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 498. [5] "That public schools abounded throughout the Netherlands is evident. Every study of the archives of town or province discloses their presence. The minutes of every religious body bear overwhelming testimony not only to the existence of schools, but also a zealous interest in their maintenance." (Kilpatrick, W. H., _Dutch Schools of New Netherlands_, p. 37.) [6] For long the Church had had the Inquisition, but, while it had rendered loyal and iniquitous service, the results had been in no way commensurate with the bitter hatred which its work awakened. Excommunication, persecution, imprisonment, the stake, and the sword had been tried extensively, but with only partial success. In education the reformers had shown the Church a new method, which was positive and effective and did not awaken opposition, and from the reformer's zeal for Latin grammar schools to provide an intelligent ministry the Church took its cue of establishing schools to train its future leaders. It was a long-headed and far-sighted plan, and its success was proportionately large. [7] This is not true of their missions in foreign lands, where the mission priests usually gave elementary instruction. Elementary schools were maintained in the Jesuit missions of North and South America. Thus a mission school was established at Quebec as early as 1635, and one at Newtown, in Catholic Maryland, in 1640. After 1740 elementary parish schools were opened by the Jesuits among the German Catholics in Pennsylvania. From these beginnings Catholic parish schools have been developed in the United States. [8] The Order was reëstablished in 1814 and it has since been allowed to reëstablish itself in most countries, though not in France or Germany. There are 41 Jesuit colleges in America, in 21 states. (For list see Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. III, p. 540.) In the revision of its course of instruction, in 1832, modern studies were added, but the Society has never played any such conspicuous part in education since its reëstablishment as it did during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. [9] It is an interesting speculation as to whether the fact that the Jesuits made such headway in German lands, and so deeply impressed their training on the children of the nobility there, has had any connection with the attitude of German and Austrian political leaders in their governmental and political policies since that time. [10] By the middle of the eighteenth century the Jesuits had lost much of their former vigor, and their colleges their former large influence. They had become powerful and arrogant, mixed deeply in political intrigues, quarreled with any one who crossed their path, and refused to change their instruction to meet new intellectual needs. They were finally driven from France, Spain, Portugal, and German lands, and were ultimately abolished as an Order. [11] The care with which the _Ratio Studiorum_ was worked out is typical of the thoroughness of the Order. A preliminary outline of work was followed for many years, the whole being experimental. Reports on it were made, and finally a preliminary Ratio was issued, in 1586. This was again revised and cast into final form, in 1599. In this form it remained until 1832, when some modern studies were added. [12] Dabney, R. H., _The Causes of the French Revolution_, p. 203. [13] For example, the "States-General" of France met four times during the seventeenth century, with weighty problems of religion and state for consideration, yet in three of the four meetings resolutions were passed urging the clergy to establish schoolmasters in all the towns and villages, and a general system of compulsory education for all. [14] _Les vrais Constitutions des Religieuses de la Congrégation de Nostre Dame_, chap. xi, sec. 6, 2d ed., Toul, 1694. [15] See especially Felix Cadet, _Port-Royal Education_ (Scribners, New York, 1898), for translations of many of the brief pedagogical writings of members of the Order. [16] Father Demia, at Lyons, had organized what was probably the first training-school for masters, in 1672. La Salle's training-school dates from 1684. Francke's German _Seminarium Praeceptorum_, at Halle, the first in German lands, dates from 1696. [17] The numerous pictures of schools and educational literature well into the nineteenth century show the general prevalence of the individual method of instruction. It was the method in American schools until well toward the middle of the nineteenth century. To have graded the children and introduced class instruction in 1684 was an important advance which the world has been slow in learning. [18] Everything was according to rule, even the ferule, which must be made of two strips of leather, ten to twelve inches long, sewed together. All offenses, and the number and location of the blows for each, were specified. Later the corporal punishment was replaced by penances. CHAPTER XV [1] Representing not over one tenth of the population, the Protestants in France had from the first been subjected to much persecution. In the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (1572) over one thousand had been massacred in Paris and ten thousand more in the provinces. After some warfare, a treaty was made, in 1598, under which the so-called "Edict of Nantes" guaranteed religious toleration for the Protestants. In 1685 this was revoked, and their ministers were given fifteen days to leave France. The members were, however, forbidden to leave. Many, though, got away, escaping to the Low Countries, England, and to America. [2] The culmination of this dissatisfaction came in 1649, when Charles I was beheaded and "The Commonwealth" was established under Cromwell. During the troubled times which followed (1649-60) much damage was done to the churches of England by way of eliminating vestiges of "popery." [3] Some of these went back to England--many after the establishment of the Protestant Commonwealth under Cromwell (1649). It has been estimated, for three of the early colonies, that the population by decades was approximately as follows: 1630 1640 1650 1660 New Netherlands.............. 500 1000 3000 6000 Massachusetts................ 1300 14000 18000 25000 Virginia...................... 3000 8000 17000 33000 [4] The name and the form came alike from old England, where an irregular area known as a "town" or a "township," constituted the unit of representation in the shiremoats and the membership of the church parish. Almost every town and parish officer known in England was created by the new towns in New England, with practically the same functions as in the old home. [5] "The settlers were in the first freshness of their Utopian enthusiasm, and their church establishment was the very heart of their enterprise. It became therefore a matter of primary importance to educate preachers. For ages preparation for the ministry had consisted mainly in acquiring a knowledge of Latin, the sacred tongue of western Christendom. Though the Latin service was no longer used by Protestants, and the Vulgate Bible had been dethroned by the original text, and though the main stream of English theology was by this time flowing in the channel of the mother tongue, the notion that all ministers should know Latin had still some centuries of tough life in it." (Eggleston, E., _The Transit of Civilization_, p. 225.) [6] For example, the town of Boston, in 1641, devoted the income from Deere Island to the support of schools, and Plymouth, in 1670, appropriated the income from the Cape Cod fishing industry to the support of grammar schools (R. 194 c). These are among the earliest of the permanent endowments for education in America. [7] See _The Development of School Support in Colonial Massachusetts_, by George L. Jackson, for a careful study of the different early methods of school support. [8] The Puritan emigrants to New England represented a sturdy and well- educated class of English country squires and yeomen. They came of thrifty and well-to-do stock, the shiftless and incompetent not being represented. All had had good educational advantages, and many were graduates of Cambridge University. It has been asserted that probably never since has the proportion of college men in the community been so large. [9] Martin, Geo. H., _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public-School System_, pp. 14-16. [10] The charging of a tuition fee to those who could afford to pay was a common European practice of the time, nevertheless the public authorities --at that time a mixture of civil and church officials--provided the school, employed and licensed the teacher, determined the textbooks to be used, and laid down the conditions under which the school should be conducted. The schoolmaster assisted the church by participating in the Sunday services. The elementary school of the Dutch, which was copied in the New Netherland, was thus a combination of a public and parochial, and a free and pay school. [11] This was, of course, much more true of New York City and Island than of the outlying Dutch villages. In these latter a public school was for long maintained. [12] Draper, A. S., _Origin and Development of the New York Common School System_. [13] Among the German Lutherans, who constituted nearly one fourth of the total population of the colony, a school is claimed to have been established alongside the church by each of the congregations "at the earliest possible period after its formation." The close connection between these Lutheran congregations and their schools may be seen from the following contract, dated at Lancaster, in 1774: "I, the undersigned, John Hoffman, parochial teacher of the church at Lancaster, have promised in the presence of the congregation, to serve as choirister, and, as long as we have no pastor, to read sermons on Sunday. In summer I promise to hold cathechetical instruction with the young, as becomes a faithful teacher, and also to lead them in the singing and attend to the clock." [14] The seventeenth-century Virginia legislation relating to education is as follows: 1643. Orphans to be educated "according to the competence of their estate." 1646. "If the estate be so meane and inconsiderate that it will not reach to a free education, then that orphan [shall] be bound to some manuall trade ... except some friends or relatives be willing to keep them." 1660-61. "To avoid sloth and idleness ... as also for the relief of parents whose poverty extends not to giving [their children] breeding, the justices of the peace should ... bind out children to tradesmen or husbandmen to be brought up in some good and lawful calling." [15] "Perhaps the most remarkable, because the most widespread and complex illustration of the educational genius of Calvinism is to be found in the American colonies, where the various European streams of Calvinism so converged that the seventeenth-century colonists were predominantly Calvinists--not merely the Puritans of New England, but the Dutch, Walloons, Huguenots, Scotch, and Scotch-Irish, with a considerable Puritan admixture in Anglican Virginia and Catholic Maryland." (Foster, H. D., in Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 498.) [16] "To illustrate how omnipresent this religious atmosphere was, I cannot do better than to cite the occasion when Judge Sewell found that the spout which conducted the rain water from his roof did not perform its office. After patient searching, a ball belonging to the small childeren was found lodged in the spout. Thereupon the father sent for the minister and had a season of prayer with his boys that their mischief or carelessness might be set in its proper aspect and that the event might be sanctified to their spiritual good. Powers of darkness and of light were struggling for the possession of every soul, and it was the duty of parents, ministers, and teachers to lose no opportunity to pluck the children as brands from the burning." (Johnson Clifton, _Old-Time Schools and Schoolbooks_, p. 12.) CHAPTER XVI [1] Thales had guessed that water was the primal element from which all had been derived; Anaximenes guessed air; Heraclitus fire; Pythagoras held that number was the essence of all things; Empedocles thought that fire and heat, accompanied by "indestructible forces," formed the basis; Xenophanes had guessed air, fire, water, and earth, and had worked out a complete scheme of creation. For an interesting discussion of these early attempts to explain creation, see J. W. Draper, _History of the Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. 1, chap. iv. [2] Among the treatises by him accepted as genuine are _On Airs, Waters, and Places_; _On Epidemics_; _On Regimen in Acute Diseases_; _On Fractures_; and _On Injuries of the Head_. [3] For example, Hippocrates had held that the human body contains four "humors"--blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile--and that disease was caused by the undue accumulation of some one of these humors in some organ, which it was the business of the physician to get rid of by blood- letting, blistering, purging, or other means. [4] From a collection of doggerel rhymes put out by two pastors and doctors of theology at Basle, in 1618, by the names of Grassner and Gross, to interpret the orthodox theory of comets to peasants and school children. [5] "The earth is a sphere, situated in the center of the heavens; if it were not, one side of the heavens would appear nearer to us than the other, and the stars would be larger there. The earth is but a point in comparison to the heavens, because the stars appear of the same magnitude and at the same distance _inter se_, no matter where the observer goes on the earth. It has no motion of translation.... If there were a motion, it would be proportionate to the great mass of the earth and would leave behind animals and objects thrown into the air. This also disproves the suggestion made by some, that the earth, while immovable in space, turns round on its own axis." (Ptolemy, Digest of argument of Book 1 of the _Almagest_.) [6] In the dedicatory letter Copernicus states that he had had the completed manuscript in his study for thirty-six years, and published it now only on the urging of friends. [7] To secure the greatest possible accuracy he constructed a wooden outdoor quadrant some ten feet in radius, with a brass scale, thus permitting readings to a fraction of an inch. [8] "The current view was that comets were formed by the ascending of human sins from the earth, that they were changed into a kind of gas, and ignited by the anger of God. This poisoned stuff then fell down on people's heads, causing all kinds of mischief, such as pestilence, sudden death, storms, etc." (Dryer, J. L. E., _Tycho Brahe_.) [9] "For over fifty years he was the knight militant of science, and almost alone did successful battle with the hosts of Churchmen and Aristotelians who attacked him on all sides--one man against a world of bigotry and ignorance. If then... when face to face with the terrors of the Inquisition he, like Peter, denied his Master, no honest man, knowing all the circumstances, will be in a hurry to blame him." (Fahie, J. J., _Galileo, His Life and Work_.) [10] See Routledge, R., _A Popular History of Science_, pp. 135-36, for a good digest of Bacon's inductive investigation, as a result of which he arrived at the conclusion that "Heat is an expansive bridled motion, struggling in the small particles of bodies." [11] Bacon himself died a victim of one of his inductive experiments. Wishing to try out his theory that cold would prevent or retard putrefaction, he killed a chicken, cleaned it, and packed it in snow. In so doing he contracted a cold which caused his death. CHAPTER XVII [1] See footnote 1, p. 272, on the origin of the term. Six years before the publication of the _Tractate_, Milton had visited Italy, and had been much entertained in Florence by members of the Academy and University there. In the _Tractate_ he outlined a plan for a series of classical Academies for England, many of which were established. From England the term was carried to America, and became the name for a great development of semi-private secondary schools which flourished during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. [2] Unlike England and France, the German lands long remained feudal and not united. As late as the beginning of the nineteenth century Germany was made up of more than three hundred little principalities, of which sixty were free cities. Each little principality was self-governing and maintained its little court. [3] Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), for forty-eight years a famous London Latin grammar-school master, often classed as a precursor of the sense realists, in two books, published in 1581 and 1582, had urged the great importance of a study of the English tongue, and of using it as a medium for instruction. In his _Elementarie_ (1582) he had said: "Our own language bears the joyful title of our liberty and freedom, the Latin remembers us of our thralldom and bondage. I love Rome, but London better; I favor Italy, but England more. I honor the Latin, but I worship the English." (R. 226.) [4] The school was opened with 433 boys and girls enrolled. It was divided into six classes. In the first three German only was used. In the first two classes the children were taught to read and write German, Genesis being the reading book of the second class. In the third class German grammar was studied. Music, religion, and the elements of arithmetic were also taught in these classes. In the fourth class Latin was begun, studying Terence, and Latin grammar was worked out from the constructions. In the sixth and highest class Greek was taught. A good education was to be given in six years, through the saving of time. [5] This was written out in his native Czech tongue, but was not published at the time. A quarter of a century later it appeared in Latin, with his collected works, as published by his patron at Amsterdam (1657). It was then forgotten for two centuries. In 1841 the manuscript was found at Lissa, and published in the original at Prague, in 1848. The first English edition appeared in 1896. [6] See the English edition edited by M. W. Keatinge, A. and C. Black, London, 1896. [7] The following is illustrative: "Sec. 518 (Geometria). Ex concursu linearum fit angulus qui est vel rectus, quern linea incidens perpendicularis efficit, ut est (in subjecto schemate) angulus A C B; vel acutus, minor recto, A ut B C D; vel obtusus, major recto, ut A C D." [Illustration: B D | / |/ A------------- C ] [8] A very good reprint of the 1727 English edition, with pictures from the first edition of 1658, was brought out by C. W. Bardeen, of Syracuse, New York, in 1887. This ought to be in all libraries where the history of education is taught. [9] Basedow's _Elementarwerk mit Kupfern_ (Elementary Reading Book, with copperplate pictures), published in 1773 (see p. 535), was the first attempt, and not a particularly successful one either, to improve on the _Orbis Pictus_. [10] This term was at first applied in derision, just as Methodism was applied to the English religious reformers in the eighteenth century, but the term was soon made reputable by the earnestness and ability of those who accepted it. [11] Francke's father had been counselor to Duke Ernest of Gotha, who had created for his little duchy the most modern-type school system of the seventeenth century. How much Francke's progressive ideas in educational matters go back to the work of Duke Ernest forms an interesting speculation. [12] "Francke had the rare ability to see clearly what needed doing, and then to do it regardless of obstacles or consequences. The magnitude of his work in Halle is simply marvelous, and yet what he actually accomplished is insignificant in comparison with what he inspired others to do. He showed how practical Christianity could be incorporated in the work of the common schools; his plan was immediately adopted by Frederick William I and made well-nigh universal in Prussia. He showed how the Realien could be profitably employed in a Latin school, and even made a constituent part of a university preparatory course; as a result of his methods, and especially of his suggestion that schools should be founded for the exclusive purpose of fitting the youth of the citizen class for practical life, there has since grown up in Germany a class of Real- schools." (Russell, J. E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 64.) [13] Paulsen, Fr., _The German Universities_, p. 36. [14] As late as 1805, according to Paulsen, of the whole number of students in the universities of Prussia, there were but 144 in the combined medical faculties, as against 555 in theology, and 1036 in law. [15] Francke relates that, as a student at Erfurt (c. 1675), he was able to study physics and botany, along with his theological studies. Oxford records show the publication of a list of plants in the "Physick Garden" there as early as 1648. The garden was endowed about that time by the Earl of Danby, and in 1764 lectures on botany were begun there. Lord Bacon, in his _Advancement of Learning_ (1605), had written: "We see likewise that some places instituted for physic (medicinae) have annexed the commodity of gardens for simples of all sorts, and do likewise command the use of dead bodies for anatomies." [16] Thomasius was made professor of theology, and Francke professor of Greek and Oriental languages. Both had been expelled from the University of Leipzig. Christian Wolff, who had been banished by Frederick William I, was recalled and made professor of philosophy. It was he who "made philosophy talk German." CHAPTER XVIII [1] Quick, R. H., _Essays on Educational Reformers_, 26. ed., p. 97. [2] Locke was the first to lay the basis for modern scientific psychology to supersede the philosophic psychology of Plato and Aristotle. In his _Essay on the Conduct of the Human Understanding_ (1690) upon which he spent many years of labor, he first applied the methods of scientific observation to the mind, analyzed experiences, and employed introspection and comparative mental study. He thus built up a psychology based on the analysis of experiences, and came to the conclusion that our knowledge is derived by reflection on experience coming through sensation. He is consequently called the founder of empirical psychology, and the forerunner of modern experimental psychology and child study. His philosophy, and his theory of education as well, thus came to be a philosophy of experience--a rejection of mere authority, and a constant appeal to reason as a guide. [3] "Freedom and self-reliance, these are the watchwords of these two marvelously modern men (Montaigne and Locke). Expansion, real education, drawing out, widening out, that is the burden of their preaching; and voices in the wilderness theirs were! Narrowness, bigotry, flippancy, inertia, these were the rule until Rousseau's time, and even his voice was to fall upon deaf ears in England." (Monroe, Jas. P., _Evolution of the Educational Ideal_, p. 122.) [4] Schmidt, Karl, _Geschichte der Pädagogik_, translated in Barnard's _American Journal of Education_. [5] Rules for the schools of Dorchester, Massachusetts. [6] Duke Eberhard Louis's _Renewed Organization of the German School_, 1729; republished 1782. [7] One of the earliest horn books known appears in the illuminated manuscript shown in Figure 44, which dates from 1503. The first definitely known horn book in England dates from 1587, while most, of the specimens found in museums date from about the middle of the eighteenth century. As improvements or variations of the horn book, cardboard sheets and wooden squares, known as battledores, appeared after 1770. On these the illustrated alphabet was printed. (See Tuer, A. W., _History of the Horn Book_, 2 vols., illustrated, London, 1886, for detailed descriptions.) [8] The diversity of religious primers which had grown up by 1565 led Henry VIII to cause to be issued a unified and official Primer, containing the Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Credo, and the Ten Commandments. [9] The title-page of an edition of 1715 declares that edition to be: "_The Protestant Tutor_, instructing Youth and Others, in the compleat method of _Spelling, Reading, and Writing True English_: Also discovering to them the Notorious _Errors_, Damnable _Doctrines_, and cruel _Massacres_ of the bloody _Papists_ which _England_ may expect from a _Popish_ Successor." [10] This was compiled by the Westminster Assembly of Divines, called together by Parliament, in 1643, composed of 121 clergymen, 30 of the laity, and 5 special commissioners from Scotland. It held 1163 sessions, extending over six years, and framed the series of 107 questions and answers which appeared in the Primer as "The Shorter Catechism." [11] So great was the sale of this book that the author was able to support his family during the twenty years (1807-27) he was at work on his _Dictionary of the English Language_, entirely from the royalties from the _Speller_ though the copyright returns were less than one cent a copy. At the time of his death (1843), the sales were still approximately a million copies a year, and the book is still on sale. [12] In Nuremberg, as an example of German practice, the guild of writing and arithmetic masters continued, throughout all of the eighteenth century, and even into the nineteenth, as an organization separate from that of other types of teachers. [13] Francke, in his Institutions at Halle (p. 418), had tried to develop a number-concept, and apply the teaching. In the Braunschweig-Lüneburg school decree of 1737 appeared directions for beginning number work by counting the fingers, apples, etc., and basing the multiplication table on addition. A few German writers during the eighteenth century suggested better instruction, Basedow (chapter XXII) tried to institute reform in the teaching of the subject, but it was left for Pestalozzi (chapter XXI) to give the first real impetus to the rational teaching of the subject. [14] Such offices were not considered in any sense as degrading, and the attaching of the new duty of instructing the young of the parish in reading and religion dignified still more the other church office. As schools grew in importance there was a gradual shifting of emphasis, and finally a dropping of the earlier duties. Many early school contracts in America (Rs. 105; 236) called for such church duties on the part of the parish teacher. See also footnote, p. 370. [15] In 1722 country schoolmasters in Prussia were ordered selected from tailors, weavers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, and carpenters, and in 1738 they were granted the tailoring monopoly in their villages, to help them to live. Later Frederick the Great ordered that his crippled and superannuated soldiers should be given teaching positions in the elementary vernacular schools of Prussia. [16] The "Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge," organized in 1609 to aid the Church and provide schools at home, and the "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," organized in 1702 to supply ministers and teachers for churches and schools in the English colonies. [17] In 1704 the ordinary charge in London for a "School of 50 Boys Cloathed comes to about £75 per Annum, for which a School-Room, Books, and Firing are provided, a Master paid, and to each Boy is given yearly, 3 Bands, 1 Cap, 1 Coat, 1 Pair of Stockings, and one Pair of Shooes." A girls' school of the same size cost £60 per annum, which paid for the room, books, mistress, fixing and providing each girl with "2 Coyfs, 2 Bands, 1 Gown and Petticoat, 1 Pair of knit Gloves, 1 Pair of Stockings, and 2 Pair of Shooes." [18] McCarthy, Justin H., _Ireland since the Union_, p. 13. [19] Frederick the Great, in the General School Regulations issued in 1763 (R. 274, § 15), strictly prohibited the keeping of "hedge schools" in the towns and rural districts of Prussia. [20] Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_ (1678,) Defoe's _Robinson Crusoe_ (1719), and _Gulliver's Travels_ (1726), The publication of these tremendously stimulated the desire to read. [21] Strype, John, _Stowe's Survey of London_, 1720; bk. 1, pp. 199, 201- 02. [22] Paulsen, Friedrich, _German Education_, p. 141. [23] Barnard, Henry. Translated from Karl von Raumer; in his _American Journal of Education_, vol. v., p. 509. [24] Salmon, David, "The Education of the Poor in the Eighteenth Century"; in _Educational Record_, London, 1908. [25] "If you would comprehend the success of Rousseau's _Émile_, call to mind the children we have described, the embroidered, gilded, dressed-up, powdered little gentlemen, decked with sword and sash,... alongside of these, little ladies of six years, still more artificial,--so many veritable dolls to which rouge is applied, and with which a mother amuses herself for an hour and then consigns them to her maids for the rest of the day. This mother reads _Émile_. It is not surprising that she immediately strips the poor little thing (of its social harness of whalebone, iron, and hair) and determines to nurse her next child herself." (Taine, H. A., _The Ancient Régime_, vol. II, p. 273.) [26] Montmorency, J. E. G. de., _The Progress of Education in England_, pp. 46, 50. [27] A change now took place in the intellectual life of Germany: "The nation began to make itself independent of French influence. In literature Klopstock and Lessing broke the fetters of French classicism. An ardent desire for a deeper culture peculiar to the German people asserted itself. But the soil of the national life was too poor in genus for a purely German culture, hence scholars looked for new models and found them in classical antiquity. The ancient authors became again the masters of culture and taste; with this difference, though, that it was not desired to learn how to express their thoughts as well as the learner's thoughts in Latin, but to become familiar with their manner of thinking and feeling, for the purpose of enlarging and ennobling German thought and speech. From this standpoint Greek, on account of its more valuable literature, assumed a higher importance, and, by degrees, a superiority over Latin." (Nohle, E., _History of the German School System_, pp. 48- 49.) [28] "If any one be destined for a studious career, let him not shirk his Greek lessons, inasmuch as he would thereby suffer irretrievable loss.... He who reads the classic writers, studying mathematical reasoning at the same time, trains his mind to distinguish what is true or false, beautiful or unsightly, fills his memory with manifold fine thoughts, attains skill in grasping the ideas of others as well as in fluently expressing his own, acquires a number of excellent maxims for the improvement of the understanding and the will, and thus learns by practice nearly all that a good compendium of philosophy could teach him in systematic order and dogmatic form." (School Regulations for Braunschweig-Lüneburg, of 1737.) [29] "Be assured that if you forget your Greek, yes, even your Latin too, you still have the advantage of having given your mind a training and discipline that will go with you into your future occupation." (Friedrich Gedike, 1755-1803.) PART IV CHAPTER XIX [1] "The Period of the Enlightenment" had two main aims: (1) the perfection of the individual, which gave a new emphasis to education, and (2) the mastery of man over his environment, which expressed itself through the new scientific studies. In German lands elementary education, a regenerated classical education, and the _Realschule_ were the fruits of this period. [2] Frederick used to say that his subjects might think as they pleased so long as they behaved as he ordered. [3] Though Prussia was primarily Lutheran, Catholics, Mennonites, Jews, and Huguenots early found a home in the kingdom. Frederick used to say that "all religions must be tolerated, for in this country every man must go to heaven in his own way." [4] After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (p. 301; 1685), over 20,000 French Huguenots--merchants, manufacturers, skilled workmen--found an asylum in Prussia alone. Settling in the Rhine countries, they contributed much to the future development of this region. [5] "For the first time since Luther, the German people could call a great hero their own, whether they were the subjects of Frederick or not. Joyous pride in this prince, whose achievements in times of peace were no less than those in time of war, brought national consciousness to life again and this national feeling found expression in literature. It was the restoration of confidence in themselves that gave the Germans the courage to break with French rules and French models, and to seek independently after ideals of beauty. And this self-confidence they owed to Frederick the Great." (Priest, G. M., _History of German Literature_, p. 116.) [6] Though Joseph II claimed to be a good Catholic, he felt that monasticism had outlived its usefulness as an institution, and that its continuance was inimical to the interests of organized society and the State. This view has since been taken by the rulers of every progressive modern nation. [7] The Cortes, or National Parliament, met but three times during the century, and when it did meet possessed but few powers and exercised but little influence. [8] The first Russian university was established at Kiev, in 1588; the second at Dorpat, in 1632; the third at Moscow, in 1755; and the fourth at Kasan, in 1804. The University of Petrograd dates from 1819. [9] The great difference between a church and true religion must always be kept in mind. Religion is a thing of the spirit, and its principle represents the loftiest thoughts of the race; a church is a human governing institution, and clearly subject to its own ambitions and the human frailties of its age. [10] That is, 25,000 to 30,000 families. There were also, in even numbers, 83,000 monks in 2500 monasteries (one for every ninety square miles in France), 37,000 nuns in 1500 convents, and 60,000 priests. Of the soil of France, the King and towns owned one fifth, the clergy and the monks one fifth, the nobility one fifth, the bourgeoisie one fifth, and the peasantry one fifth. [11] In 1788 the 131 bishops and archbishops of France had an average income of 100,000 francs, and 33 abbots and 27 abbesses had incomes ranging from 80,000 to 500,000 francs. The Cardinal de Rohan, Archbishop of Strasbourg, had an income of more than 1,000,000 francs, and the 300 Benedictine monks at Cluny had an income of more than 1,800,000 francs. [12] "The real importance of _Esprit des lois_ is not that of a formal treatise on law, or even on polity. It is that of an assemblage of the most fertile, original, and inspiriting views on legal and political subjects, put in language of singular suggestiveness and vigour, illustrated by examples which are always apt and luminous, permeated by the spirit of temperate and tolerant desire for human improvement and happiness, and almost unique in its entire freedom at once from doctrinairism, visionary enthusiasm, egotism, and an undue spirit of system. The genius of the author for generalization is so great, his instinct in political science so sure, that even the falsity of his premises frequently fails to vitiate his conclusions." (Saintsbury, George, in _Encyclopedia Britannica_, vol. XVIII, p. 777.) [13] "By the captivating prospects which he held out of future progress, and by the picture which he drew of the capacity of society to improve itself, Turgot increased the impatience which his countrymen were beginning to feel against the despotic government, in whose presence amelioration seemed to be hopeless. These, and similar speculations of the time, stimulated the activity of the intellectual classes, cheered them under the persecutions to which they were exposed, and emboldened them to attack the institutions of their native land." (Buckle, H. T., _History of Civilisation in England_, vol. I, p. 597.) [14] Duruy, V., _History of France_, p. 523. [15] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th ed., vol. viii, p. 204. [16] "The real king of the eighteenth century was Voltaire; but Voltaire, in his turn, was a pupil of the English. Before Voltaire became acquainted with England, through his travels and his friendships, he was not Voltaire, and the eighteenth century was still undeveloped." (Cousin, _History of Philosophy_.) [17] "The first Frenchmen who in the eighteenth century turned their attention to England were amazed at the boldness with which, in that country, political and religious questions of the deepest moment were discussed--questions which no Frenchman in the preceding age had dared to broach. With wonder they discovered in England a comparative freedom of the public press, and saw with astonishment how in Parliament itself the government of the Crown was attacked with impunity, and the management of its revenues actually kept under control. To see the civilization and prosperity of England increasing, while the power of the upper classes and the King diminished, was to them a revelation.... England, said Helvetius, is a country where the people are respected, a country where each citizen has a part in the management of affairs, where men of genius are allowed to enlighten the public upon its true interests." (Dabney, R. H., _Causes of the French Revolution_, p. 141.) [18] Tennyson, in his "You ask me why," well describes the growth of constitutional liberty in England when he says that England is: "A land of settled government, A land of just and old renown, Where freedom broadens slowly down, From precedent to precedent." [19] James I, in 1604, had declared: "As it is atheism to dispute what God can do, so it is presumption and a high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king can do." For this attitude the Commons continually contested his authority, his son lost his crown and his head, and his grandson was driven from the throne and from England. By contrast, and as showing the different attitude toward self-government of the two peoples, the German Emperor William II, three centuries later, so continually boasted of his rule by divine right that "Me and God" became an international joke, and to his assumption the German people took little or no exception. [20] The passage of the Bill of Rights (1689) ended the divine-right-of- kings idea in England for all time. This prohibited the King from keeping a standing army in times of peace, gave every subject the right to petition for a redress of grievances, gave Parliament the right of free debate, prohibited the King from interfering in any way with the proper execution of the laws, declared that members ought to be elected to Parliament without interference, and gave the Commons control of all forms of taxation. [21] Though the English first developed regulated or constitutional government, they themselves have no single written constitution. Instead, the foundations of English constitutional government rest on _Magna Charta_ (1215), the Petition of Rights (1628), and the Bill of Rights (1689), these three constituting "the Bible of English Liberty." [22] At first used as a term of ridicule, from the very methodical manner in which the Wesleyans organized their campaigns. [23] "If we except the great Puritan movement of the seventeenth century, no such appeal had been heard since the days when Augustine and his band of monks landed in Kent and set forth on their mission among the barbarous Saxons. The results answered fully to the zeal that awakened them. Better than the growing prosperity of extending commerce, better than all the conquests of the East or the West, was the new religious spirit which stirred the people of both England and America, and provoked the National Church to emulation in good works--which planted schools, checked intemperance, and brought into vigorous activity all that was best and bravest in a race that when true to itself is excelled by none." (Montgomery, D. H., _English History_, p. 322.) [24] The contrast between eighteenth-century England and France, in the matter of religious liberty, is interesting. In France the Church took care, during the whole of the eighteenth century, that the persecution process should go on. "In 1717 an assembly of seventy-four Protestants having been surprised at Andure, the men were sent to the galleys and the women to prison. An edict of 1724 declared that all who took part in a Protestant meeting, or who had any direct or indirect communication with a Protestant preacher, should have their heads shaved and be imprisoned for life, and the men condemned to perpetual servitude in the galleys. In 1745 and 1746, in the province of Dauphine, 277 Protestants were condemned to the galleys and a number of women flogged. From 1744 to 1752 six hundred Protestants in the east and south of France were condemned to various punishments. In 1774 the children of a Calvinist of Rennes were taken from him. Up to the very eve of the Revolution Protestant ministers were hanged in Languedoc, and dragoons were sent against their congregations." (Dabney, R. H., _Causes of the French Revolution_, p. 42.) [25] Back as early as 1695 the Commons had refused to renew the press- licensing act, enacted in 1637, to control heresy. This had confined printing to London, Oxford, and Cambridge, and to twenty master printers and four letter founders for the realm. This refusal marks the beginning of the freedom of the press in England. In 1709 the copyright law was enacted, and in 1776 the redress against publishers of libelous articles was confined to the ordinary courts of law. A century ahead of France, and more than two centuries ahead of Teutonic and Romanic lands, England provided for a free press and open discussion. [26] George III, always consistently wrong, opposed this extension of popular rights. In 1771 he wrote the Prime Minister, Lord North: "It is highly necessary that this strange and lawless method of publishing debates in the papers should be put a stop to. But is not the House of Lords the best court to bring such miscreants before; as it can fine, as well as imprison, and has broader shoulders to support the odium of so salutary a measure." [27] "It is evident that a nation perfectly ignorant of physical laws will refer to supernatural causes all the phenomena by which it is surrounded. But as soon as natural science begins to do its work there are introduced the elements of a great change. Each successive discovery, by ascertaining the law that governs events, deprives them of that apparent mystery in which they were formerly involved. The love of the marvelous becomes proportionally diminished; and when any science has made such progress as to enable it to fortell the events with which it deals, it is clear that the whole of those events are at once withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the supernatural, and brought under the authority of natural power? Hence it is that, supposing other things equal, the superstition of a nation must always bear an exact proportion to the extent of its physical knowledge." (Buckle, H. T., _History of Civilization in England_, vol. 1, p. 269.) [28] The Charter of this Society stated the purpose to be to increase knowledge by direct experiment, and that the object of the Society was the extension of natural knowledge, as opposed to that which is supernatural. As an institution embodying the idea of intellectual progress it was most bitterly assailed by partisans of the old flunking. [29] Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, and Manchester, for example, great manufacturing cities early in the nineteenth century, were insignificant villages in Cromwell's day. The steam engine made the coal and iron deposits of northern England of immense value, and the "smoky mill towns" that arose in the north began to displace southern agricultural England in population, wealth, and importance. [30] For example, in 1774 John Howard began his great work in prison reform; in 1772 pressing to death was abolished; in 1780 the ducking-stool was used for the last time; and soon thereafter the earlier laws relating to the death penalty were modified, and the slave trade abolished. Up to the middle of the eighteenth century as many as one hundred and sixty offenses were punishable by death. [31] The Declaration of Independence was written by Thomas Jefferson, a great admirer of French life and a propagandist for French ideas. [32] Compare the American preamble with the following sentence from the _Social Contract_ (Book I, chap, ix) of Rousseau: "I shall close this chapter and this book with a remark which ought to serve as a basis for the whole social system; it is that instead of destroying natural equality, the fundamental pact, on the contrary, substitutes a moral and lawful equality for the physical inequality which nature imposed upon men, so that, although unequal in strength or intellect, they all become equal by convention and legal right." [33] "I read attentively the _cahiers_ drawn up by the three Orders before their union in 1789. I see that here the change of a law is demanded, and there of a custom--and I make note of them. I continue thus to the end of this immense task, and, when I come to put side by side all these particular demands, I see, with a sort of terror, that what is called for is the simultaneous and systematic abolition of all the laws and of all the customs existing in the country; whereupon I instantly perceive the approach of the vastest and most dangerous revolutions that have taken place in the world." (De Tocqueville, A. C., _State of Society in France before the Revolution of 1789_, p. 219.) [34] For example, the clergy of Rodez and Saumur demanded "that there may be formed a plan of national education for the young"; the clergy of Lyons that education be restricted "to a teaching body whose members may not be removable except for negligence, misconduct, or incapacity; that it may no longer be conducted according to arbitrary principles, and that all public instructors be obliged to conform to a uniform plan adopted by the States- General"; the clergy of Blois that a system of colleges under church control be formed (R. 252); the nobility of Lyons that "a national character be impressed on the education of both sexes"; the nobility of Paris that "public education be perfected and extended to all classes of citizens"; the nobility of Blois that "better facilities for the education of children, and elementary textbooks adapted to their capacity, wherein the rights of man and the social duties shall be clearly set forth" shall be provided, and to this end that "there be established a council composed of the most enlightened scholars of the capital and of the provinces and of the citizens of the different orders, to formulate a plan of national education, for the benefit of all classes of society, and to edit elementary textbooks." The Third Estate of Blois demanded the establishment of free schools in all the rural parishes. [35] See footnote 1, page 165. One of the great results of the French Revolution was the abolition of serfdom in central and western Europe. The last European nation to emancipate its serfs was Russia, where they were freed in 1861. [36] "Great was the difference between France at the end of 1791 and at the end of 1793. At the former date all looked hopeful for the future; the king was the father of his people; the Constitution of 1791 was to regenerate France, and set an example to Europe; all old institutions had been renovated; everything was new, and popular on account of its novelty.... By the end of 1793 all looked threatening for the future; for the purpose of repelling her foreign foes, who included nearly the whole of Europe, France submitted to be ground down by the most despotic and arbitrary government ever known in modern history,--the Great Committee of Public Safety; the Reign of Terror was in full exercise, and it was doubtful whether the energy, audacity, and concentrated vigour of the Great Committee would enable France to be victorious over Europe, and thus secure for her the right of deciding on the character of their own government. She was to be successful, but at what a cost!" (Stephens, H. M., _The French Revolution_, vol. II, p. 512.) [37] The _Code Napoléon_, prepared in 1804, was the first modern code of civil laws, though Frederick the Great had earlier prepared a partial code of Prussian laws. What the _Justinian Code_ was to ancient Rome, this, organized into better form, was to modern France. This _Code_, prepared under Napoleon's direction, substituted one uniform code of laws worthy of a modern nation for the thousands of local laws which formerly prevailed in France. CHAPTER X [1] The complaints were largely along such lines as that the instruction was confined to a few Latin authors; that instruction in the French language was neglected; that instruction in the history and geography of France should be introduced; that time was wasted "in copying and learning notebooks filled with vain distinctions and frivolous questions"; that training in the use of the French language should be substituted for the disputations in Latin; that in religion the study of the Bible was neglected for books of devotion and propaganda compiled by the members of the Order; that moral casuistry and religious bigotry were taught; and that the discipline was unnecessarily severe and wrong in character. [2] In 1759 the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, in 1767 from Spain, and in 1773 the Pope at Rome, "recognizing that the members of this Society have not a little troubled the Christian commonwealth, and that for the welfare of Christendom it were better that the Order should disappear," abolished the Society entirely. Forty years later it was reconstituted in a modernized form. [3] Little boys wore their hair long and powdered, carried a sword, and had coats with gilded cuffs, while little girls were dressed in imitation of the lady of fashion. Proper deportment was an important part of a child's training. [4] The iconoclastic nature of Rousseau's volume may be inferred from its opening sentence, in which he says: "Everything is good as it comes from the hand of the author of nature; everything degenerated in the hand of man." In another place he breaks out: "Man is born, lives, and dies in a state of slavery. At his birth he is stitched into swaddling clothes, at his death he is nailed in his coffin; and as long as he preserves the human form he is held captive by our institutions." [5] "I do not presume to exclude ecclesiastics, but I protest against the exclusion of laymen. I dare claim for the nation an education which depends only on the State, because it belongs essentially to the State; because every State has an inalienable and indefeasible right to instruct its members; because, finally, the children of the State ought to be educated by the members of the State." (La Chalotais.) [6] "Education cannot be too widely diffused, to the end that there may be no class of citizens who may not be brought to participate in its benefits. It is expedient that each citizen receive the education which is adapted to his needs." (Rolland.) [7] Condorcet had not been a member of the Constituent Assembly, but for some years had been deeply interested in the idea of public education, and had published five articles on the subject. His Report was a sort of embodiment, in legal form, of his previous thinking on the question. [8] All the educational aims of the past were now relegated to a second place, and man became a political animal, "brought into the world to know, to love, and to obey the Constitution." The _Declaration of the Rights of Man_ became the new Catechism of childhood. [9] This was created on a grand and visionary scale. Its purpose was to supply professors for the higher institutions. It opened with a large attendance, and lectures on mathematics, science, politics, and languages were given by the most eminent scholars of the time. A normal school, though, it hardly was, and in 1795 it closed--a virtual failure. In 1808 Napoleon re-created it, on a less pretentious and a more useful scale, and since then it has continued and rendered useful service as a training- school for teachers for the higher secondary schools of France. [10] A total of 105 of these Central Schools were to be established, five in Paris, and one in each of the one hundred chief towns in the departments. By 1796 there were 40, by 1797 there were 52, by 1798 there were 59, by 1799 there were 86, and by 1800 there were 91 such schools in existence. This, times considered, was a remarkable development. [11] "The commercial depression of 1740 fell upon a generation of New Englanders whose minds no longer dwelt preeminently upon religious matters, but who were, on the contrary, preeminently commercial in their interests." (Green, M, L., _Development of Religious Liberty in Connecticut_, p, 226.) [12] Prominent in the Indiana constitutional convention of 1816 were a number of Frenchmen of bearing and ability, then residing in the old territorial capital--Vincennes. How much they influenced the statement of the article on education is not known, but it reads as though French revolutionary ideas had been influential in shaping it. [13] For the original Bill of 1779 in full, in the original spelling, see the _Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction for Virginia_, 1900-01, pp. lxx-lxxv. [14] Though Jefferson had been Governor of Virginia during the Revolutionary War; had repeatedly served in the Virginia legislature and in Congress; and had twice been President of the United States, he counted all these as of less importance than the three services mentioned, and in preparing the inscription to be placed on his tomb he included only these three. CHAPTER XXI [1] "As a man who sought after glory, and whose gloomy temper took umbrage at everything, Rousseau complained that his _Émile_ did not obtain the same success as his other writings. He was truly hard to please! The anger of some, the ardent sympathy of others; on the one hand, the parliamentary decrees condemning the book and issuing a warrant for the author's arrest, the thunders of the Church, and the famous mandate of the Archbishop of Paris; on the other hand, the applause of the philosophers, of Clairant, Duclos, and d'Alembert,--what more, then, did he want? _Émile_ was burned in Paris and Geneva, but it was read with passion; it was twice translated in London, an honor which no French work had received up to then. In truth never did a book make more noise and thrust itself so much on the attention of men. By its defects, no less than by its qualities, by the inspired and prophetic character of its style, as well as by the paradoxical audacity of its ideas, _Émile_ swayed opinion and stirred up the more generous parts of the human soul." (Compayré, G., _Jean-Jacques Rousseau_, p. 100.) [2] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 157. [3] Within three years Basedow had collected seven thousand _Reichsthaler_, subscriptions coming to him from such widely scattered sources as Joseph II of Austria, Empress Catherine of Russia, King Christian VII of Denmark, "the wealthy class in Basle," the Abbot of the monastery of Einsiedel in Switzerland, "the royal government of Osnabruck," the Grand Prince Paul, and others. Jews and Freemasons seem to have taken particular interest in his ideas. Freemason lodges in Hamburg, Leipzig, and Göttingen were among the generous contributors. [4] See Barnard's _American Journal of Education_, vol. v, pp. 487-520, for an account of the examinations and the institution. [5] "The pedagogical character of the _Real_ school was established by Basedow and his followers. Originally the plan was to provide for the middle classes what would be called nowadays manual training schools, in which the scientific principles underlying the various trades and business vocations should have a prominent place. These schools were to be one step removed from the trade schools for the lower classes. But under the influence of the Philanthropinists the _Real_ school was transformed into a modern humanistic school, and placed in competition with the humanistic _Gymnasium_." (Russell, J. E., _German Higher Schools_, pp. 65-66.) [6] His two most important followers were Joachim Heinrich Campe (1746- 1818), who succeeded Basedow at Dessau and later founded a Philanthropinum at Hamburg, and Christian Gotthilf Salzmann (1744-1811), who founded a school at Schnepfenthal, in Saxe-Gotha. Both these men had for a time been teachers with Basedow at Dessau. Campe translated Locke's _Thoughts_ and Rousseau's _Émile_ into German, wrote a number of books for children (chief among which was the famous _Robinson der Jünger_), and also prepared a number of treatises for teachers. Salzmann's school, opened in 1784 in the Thuringen forest, made much of gardening, agricultural work, animal study, home geography, nature study, gymnastics, and recreation, as well as book study. It was distinctively a small but high-grade experimental school, so successful that in 1884 it celebrated its one hundredth anniversary. A pupil in the school was Carl Ritter, the founder of modern geographical study. [7] "The picture shown in _Leonard and Gertrude_ is very crude. Everywhere is visible the rough hand of the painter, a strong, untiring hand, painting an eternal image, of which this in paper and print is the merest sketch.... Read it and see how puerile it is, how too obvious are its moralities. Read it a second time, and note how earnest it is, how exact and accurate are its peasant scenes. Read it yet again, and recognize in it the outpouring of a rare soul, working, pleading, ready to be despised, for fellow souls." (J. P. Monroe, _The Educational Ideal_, p. 182.) [8] "When I now look back and ask myself: What have I specially done for the very being of education, I find I have fixed the highest supreme principle of instruction in the recognition of _sense impression as the absolute foundation of all knowledge_. Apart from all special teaching I have sought to discover the _nature of teaching itself_, and the prototype, by which nature herself has determined the instruction of our race." (Pestalozzi, _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, X, Section 1.) [9] "What he did was to emphasize the new purpose in education, but vaguely perceived, where held at all, by others; to make clear the new meaning of education which existed in rather a nebulous state in the public mind; to formulate an entirely new method, based on new principles, both of which were to receive a further development in subsequent times, and to pass under his name; and finally, to give an entirely new spirit to the schoolroom." (Monroe, Paul, _Text Book in the History of Education_, p. 600.) [10] In 1809 the German, Carl Ritter, a former pupil of Salzmann (see footnote 2, p. 538) and the creator of modern geographical study, visited Pestalozzi at Yverdon. Of this visit he writes: "I have seen more than the paradise of Switzerland, I have seen Pestalozzi, I have learned to know his heart and his genius. Never have I felt so impressed with the sanctity of my vocation as when I was with this noble son of Switzerland. I cannot recall without emotion this society of strong men, struggling with the present, with the aim of clearing the way for a better future, men whose only joy and reward is the hope of raising the child to the dignity of man. "I left Yverdon resolved to fulfill my promise made to Pestalozzi to carry his method into geography.... Pestalozzi did not know as much geography as a child in our Primary Schools, but, none the less, have I learned that science from him, for it was in listening to him that I felt awaken within me the instinct of the natural methods; he showed me the way." (Guimps, Baron de, _Pestalozzi, his Aim and Work_, p. 167.) [11] The young German student of geology and mineralogy, Karl George von Raumer (1783-1865), was in Paris, in 1808. While there he read Pestalozzi's _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, and what Fichte had said of his work in his _Addresses to the German Nation_ (see chapter xxii). These sent him to Yverdon to see for himself. He remained two years, and returned to Germany as a teacher. In 1846 he published his four-volume _Geschichte der Pädagogik_, the first important history of education to be written. [12] In 1814 King Frederick William III himself visited Pestalozzi, at Neufchatel. His queen, Louise, was deeply touched by reading the _Émile_, and frequently spent hours in the Prussian schools witnessing work conducted after the ideas of Pestalozzi. CHAPTER XXII [1] One of the first acts of the reign of Frederick the Great was to recall Wolff from banishment. In doing so he said: "A man that seeks truth, and loves it, must be reckoned precious in any human society." [2] "It was a bold declaration, but one which exactly described the great change which had taken place. The older university instruction was everywhere based upon the assumption that the truth had already been given, that instruction had to do with its transmission only, and that it was the duty of the controlling authorities to see to it that no false doctrines were taught. The new university instruction began with the assumption that the truth must be discovered, and that it was the duty of instruction to qualify and guide the student in this task. By assuming this attitude the university was the first to accept the consequences of the conditions which the Reformation had created." (Paulsen, Fr., _The German Universities_, p. 46.) [3] "He who reads the works of the ancients will enjoy the acquaintance of the greatest men and the noblest souls who ever lived, and will get in this way, as it happens in all refined conversation, beautiful thoughts and expressive words. "We thus receive, in early childhood, doctrines and philosophy and wisdom of life from the wisest and best educated men of all ages; we thus learn to recognize and understand clearness, dignity, charm, ingenuity, delicacy, and elegance in language and action, and gradually accustom ourselves to them." (Gesner, Johann Matthias.) [4] The sacristan or custodian of the church was frequently also the teacher of the elementary school, the two offices being combined in one person. Out of this combination the elementary teacher was later evolved. (See p. 446.) [5] "When the schoolmaster had to pass an examination before the clergyman of the place by order of the inspector, the local authorities, owing to the lamentable life of a schoolmaster, were glad to find persons at all who were willing to accept an engagement for such a position. In consequence an otherwise intolerable indulgence in examining and employing teachers took place, especially in districts where large landholders had patriarchal sway." (Schmid, K. A., _Encydopädie_, vol. VI, p. 287.) [6] Austria at that time included not only the Austro-Hungarian Empire of 1914, but extended further into the German Empire and Italy, and included Belgium and Luxemburg as well. [7] Bassewitz, M. Fr. von, _Die Kurmark Brandenburg_, p. 342. (Leipzig, 1847.) [8] These lectures were listened to by Napoleon's police and passed to print by his censor, not being regarded as containing anything seditious or dangerous. [9] "He set all his hopes for Germany on a new national system of education. One German State was to lead the way in establishing it, making use of the same right of coercion to which it resorted in compelling its subjects to serve in the army, and for the exercise of which certainly no better justification could be found than the common good aimed at in national education." (Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 240.) [10] "Never have the souls of men been so deeply stirred by the idea of raising the whole existence of mankind to a higher level. Something like the enthusiasm which had taken hold of the minds at the outbreak of the French Revolution was again at work, the only difference being that the strong current of national feeling directed it toward an aim which, if more limited, was, for that very reason, more practicable and more defined." (Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 183.) [11] As a result of the overthrow of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna restored to Prussia and France substantially the boundaries they had at the opening of the Napoleonic Wars. Still more important for the future was the consolidation of some four hundred States and petty German kingdoms into thirty-eight States. [12] Friedrich Adolph Wilhelm Diesterweg became a pupil in one of the earliest normal schools in Prussia, that at Frankfort; then a teacher; and in 1820 became a director of a Teachers' Seminary at Moers. From 1833 to 1849 he was head of the normal school at Berlin. He has often been called "der deutsche Pestalozzi." [13] Made in a letter to Baron von Altenstein, Prussian Minister for Education. [14] "Herbart's seminar at the university of Königsberg was officially recognized, in 1810; Gedike's seminar in Berlin was formally taken over by the university, in 1812; the seminar in Stettin, founded in 1804, was reorganized in 1816; Breslau began pedagogical work, in 1813; and in 1817 it was stated that the purpose of the reorganized seminar in Halle was 'the training of skilled teachers for the _Gymnasien_.'" (Russell, James E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 97.) [15] Gesner at Göttingen and Wolff at Halle laid down the lines for these in the middle eighteenth century. The early nineteenth-century foundations were at Königsberg, 1810; Berlin, 1812; Breslau, 1812; Bonn, 1819; Griefswald, 1820; and Münster, 1825. [16] All prospective gymnasial teachers, whether graduates of the universities or not, were now required to take examinations in philosophy, pedagogy, theology, and the main gymnasial subjects, showing marked proficiency in one of the following groups, and a reasonable knowledge of the other two: namely, (1) Greek, Latin, German; (2) Mathematics and the Natural Sciences; (3) History and Geography. [17] See Russell, Jas. E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 101, for the detailed "Gymnasial Program" promulgated in 1837. [18] In 1840 there were six Prussian universities; by 1900 the number had increased to eleven, and three technical universities in addition. In the other German States eleven additional universities and six technical universities were in existence, in 1900. [19] Benjamin Franklin visited Göttingen, as early as 1766, but the first American student to take a degree at a German university was Benjamin S. Barton, of Philadelphia, who took his doctor's degree at Göttingen, in 1799. By 1825 ten American students had studied one or more semesters at Göttingen. That year the first American student registered at Berlin, and in 1827 the first at Leipzig. (See Hinsdale, B. A., in _Report, U.S. Commissioner of Education_, 1897-98, vol. 1, pp. 603-16.) [20] The remark attributed to Bismarck is interesting in this connection. "Of the students who attend the German universities," he said, "one-third die prematurely as the result of disease arising from too great poverty and undernourishment while students; another one-third die prematurely or amount to little due to bad habits and drinking and disease contracted while students; the remaining third rule Europe." [21] Barnard, Henry, _American Journal of Education_, vol. xx, p. 365. [22] This was proposed by Czar Alexander I of Russia in 1815, and became a personal alliance of the Czar of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and the King of Prussia, "to promote religion, peace, and order." Other princes were asked to join this continental League to enforce peace and, under the rule of Prince Metternich, chief minister of Austria, it dominated Europe until after the political revolutions of 1848. [23] As a young man Altenstein had been in charge of a subordinate division of the Department of Public Instruction under Humboldt, and was a man of somewhat liberal ideas. Now he was compelled to fall in with the ideas of the political leaders and the wishes of the king, though he still did something to hold back the reactionary forces and preserve much of what had been gained. [24] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 246. [25] It was this same Frederick William IV who had for a time refused to grant constitutional government to Prussia, saying: "No written sheet of paper shall ever thrust itself like a second providence between the Lord God in heaven and this land." In 1850, however, he was forced to grant a limited form of constitutional government to his people. [26] "The motive which dictated the law of 1872 on school supervision (namely, placing the State in complete control of the supervision of religious as well as other instruction) was, as is well understood, to strengthen the hands of the government in its struggle with the Catholic hierarchy, which was then prominently before the public. The law affirmed again the sovereign right of the State over the whole school system, including the elementary or people's schools." (Nohle, Dr. E., _History of the German School System_, p. 79.) [27] Alexander, Thomas, _The Prussian Elementary Schools_, pp. 537-38. CHAPTER XXIII [1] The commune in France was the smallest unit for local government, and corresponded to the district, town, or township with us, or with the Church parish under the old régime. There were approximately 37,000 communes in France. The Department was a much larger unit, France being divided, for administrative purposes, into 82 Departments, these corresponding to a rather large county. [2] By this term what is known elsewhere as secondary school must be understood. See footnote, page 272, for explanation of the term. [3] The University had at its disposal approximately 2,500,000 francs a year. This was derived from a state grant of 400,000 francs, the income from the property still remaining from the old confiscated universities, and the remainder largely from examination fees. In 1850 its property was taken over by the State, and the University was changed into a state department. [4] This type of administrative organization is at first not easy for the American student to understand. The University of the State of New York-- virtually the department of public instruction for the State--is our closest American analogy. On the banishment of Napoleon and the restoration of the monarchy, in 1815, the Grand Master and Council were replaced by a Commissioner of Public Instruction, with Assistant Commissioners for the different divisions, and in 1820 this was further changed into a Royal Council of Public Instruction. [5] In 1909 a decree restored Greek and Latin to their old place of first importance in the Lycées, thus destroying the strong interest in scientific instruction, in so far as the higher secondary schools were concerned, which had characterized the Revolution. [6] _Report on the Condition of Public Instruction in Germany, and particularly in Prussia_. Paris, 1831. Reprinted in London, 1834; New York City, 1835. [7] François Pierre Guillaume Guizot was Minister for public Instruction from 1832 to 1837, and head of the French government from 1840 to 1848. He was throughout his entire political career a conservative, anxious to preserve constitutional government under a monarchy and stem the tide of republicanism. [8] We see here the beginnings of education in agriculture, in which the French were pioneers. [9] The schools, though, were not very successful, because of social reasons. Parents who could afford to do so sent their children to the much higher-priced Communal Colleges or _Lycées_, where Latin was the main study, in preference to sending them to a scientific, modern-type, middle- class school, as conferring a better social distinction on both pupils and parents. [10] By 1838 there were 14,873 public schools the property of the communes; by 1847 there were 23,761; and by 1851 but 2500 out of approximately 37,000 communes were without schools. There were also over six thousand religious schools by 1850. By 1834 the number of boys in the communal schools was 1,656,828, and a decade later over two millions. The thirteen normal schools of 1830 had grown to seventy-six by 1838, with over 2500 young men then in training for teaching. In 1836 the Law of 1833 was extended to include, where possible, schools for girls as well, and the creation of a new set of normal schools to train schoolmistresses was begun. By 1848 over three and a half millions of children, of both sexes, were receiving instruction in the primary schools. In 1835 primary inspectors, those "sinews of public instruction," as Guizot termed them, were established, one for every Department, by royal decree. By 1847 there were two inspectors-general, and 13 inspectors and sub-inspectors at work in France. [11] This was in large part due to manufacturing and business needs, as France was rapidly forging ahead during the period as a manufacturing and commercial nation. [12] Prominent among these, perhaps most prominent, was Jules Ferry, Mayor of Paris during the trying period of 1870-71, then member of the French legislature and Minister of Public Instruction in a number of cabinets between 1879 and 1885. Drawing his inspiration from Condorcet's _Plan of Education_ (p. 514; R. 256) and Edgar Quinet's _Instruction of the People_ (R. 289), he brought about the enactment of a series of reform school laws commonly known as the "Ferry Laws." These provided for free, compulsory, elementary education, to be given by laymen; secondary education for girls; the extension of normal schools; and enlarged aid by the State in the building up of popular education. [13] "The non-sectarian school is not the work of a few advanced thinkers imposed upon a docile country. They would not have been able to create anything enduring if the French conscience had not been ready to follow them. This is what the adversaries of our schools do not wish to understand, cannot understand, or are anxious to conceal from those whom they direct. Certainly they have the right to attempt a reaction according to their own preferences. They have no right to believe, nor even to allow it to be believed, that the creation of the non-sectarian school was the _coup de force_ of an audacious minority. The non-sectarian school has come because the nation wished it. The program of moral instruction, long prophesied, conceived, and hoped for, was in the traditions of France as she marched forward toward her republican aspirations. This program is not only the conscious effort of the men who gave the school a new mission-- that of laying the foundation of social peace through elementary instruction; it is the expression of the republican conscience of 1882." (Moulet, Alfred, _D'une éducation morale démocratique_.) [14] "To each man his proper sphere; to the minister of religion the liberty of preaching the doctrine of the different churches, to teachers who teach in the name of the State, that is, of society, the right of limiting themselves to the field of universal human morals, together with the duty of refraining from any attack on religious beliefs. Neutrality is guaranteed by the secularization of the teaching body, and it must be strictly observed." (Compayré, Gabriel.) [15] "The most striking feature is that, in place of the one single and uniform course for all pupils, several are provided for their selection. Here is obvious the influence of the elective courses common in the United States, whose existence and success were reported on to the Minister of Public Instruction by the Commission to the World Exposition at Chicago, in 1893. The courses last seven years. The school period is divided into two cycles, first one of four years, and then one of three. In the first cycle, the pupils have a choice of two sections, one emphasizing the ancient and modern languages, the other the modern languages and science. In the second cycle there are four sections, viz., Graeco-Latin; Latin- modern languages; Latin-scientific; and scientific-modern languages." (Compayré, Gabriel, _Education in France_.) [16] Arnold, Matthew, _Schools and Universities on the Continent_, p. 115, (London, 1868.) [17] For example, by the Peace of Lunéville (1801), by which Napoleon took from the Germans all territory west of the Rhine and consolidated it, he extinguished 118 free cities, principalities, and petty states. In addition, he extinguished the separate existence of 160 others east of the Rhine. The importance of such consolidations for the future of Germany has been large. [18] Bologna, for example, had 166 professors in the early seventeenth century, but by 1737 it had but 62. The universities came chiefly to be places where young men obtained degrees but not learning. At Naples a noble family by the name of Avellino came to have the power of virtually selling degrees in law and medicine. [19] Not only were schools built up, but commerce, roads, and in particular scientific agriculture were subjects of deep interest to Cavour. He saw, very clearly, that if Sardinia was to be the nucleus of a future Italy, Sardinia must show unmistakably her worthiness to lead. [20] By 1859 Sardinia had come to include Savoy and Lombardy, and was the largest State in northern Italy. A year later all but Venetia and the States of the Church had been added. [21] The Law of 1877 fixed the instruction in the primary schools, for the three compulsory years, as reading, writing, the Italian language, elements of civics, arithmetic, and the metric system. The omission of religious instruction excited much opposition from church authorities, but without effect. CHAPTER XXIV [1] Prussia and Holland possibly form exceptions in the matter. Frederick the Great (p. 474) was noted for his liberality in religious matters. There different varieties of Protestants, Catholics, and Jews were all tolerated, and there they mingled and intermarried. So well were the Jews received that the type--German-Jew--is to-day familiar to the world. [2] As early as 1670, in the celebrated Bates case, the English court held that a teacher could not be dispossessed from his school for teaching without the Bishop's license, if he were the nominee of the founder or patron. This led (p. 438) to a great increase in endowed schools. [3] In the Cox case (1700), another important legal decision, the English court held that there was not and never had been any ecclesiastical control over any schools other than grammar schools, and that teachers in elementary schools did not need to have a license from the Bishop. The year following, in the case of _Rex_ v. _Douse_, the same principle was affirmed in even clearer language. [4] It was not until 1779 that an Act (19 Geo. III, c. 44) granted full freedom to Dissenters to teach. In 1791 a supplemental Act (31 Geo. III, c. 32, s. 13-14) granted similar liberty to Roman Catholics. [5] It was this second Society that did notable work in the Anglican Colonies of America, and particularly in and about New York City (p. 369). See Kemp, W. W., _Support of Schools in Colonial New York by the S.P.G._ (New York, 1913.) [6] Begun, in 1704, in London, these were continued yearly there until 1877. They were also preached for more than a century in many other places. To these sermons the children marched in procession, wearing their uniforms, and a collection for the support of the schools was taken. Of the first of these occasions in London, Strype; in his edition of Stow, says: "It was a wondrous surprising, as well as a pleasing sight, that happened June the 8th, 1704, when all the boys and girls maintained at these schools, in their habits, walked two and two, with their Masters and Mistresses, some from Westminster, and some through London; with many of the Parish ministers going before them; and all meeting at Saint Andrews', Holburn, Church, where a seasonable sermon was preached... upon Genesis xviii, 19, _I know him that he will command his children_, etc., the children (about 2000) being placed in the galleries." [7] "The religious revival under Wesley owed, perhaps, more than is generally suspected to the Christian teaching in these new and humble elementary schools." (Montmorency, J. E. G. de, _The Progress of Education in England_, p. 54.) [8] He gathered together the children (90 at first) employed in the pin factories of Gloucester, and paid four women a shilling each to spend their Sundays in instructing these poor children "in reading and the Church Catechism." [9] Sunday being a day of rest and the mills and factories closed, the children ran the streets and spent the day in mischief and vice. In the agricultural districts of England farmers were forced to take special precautions on Sundays to protect their places and crops from the depredations of juvenile offenders. [10] "In a very special way they met the sentiment of the times. They were cheap--many were conducted by purely voluntary teachers--they did not teach too much, and they had the further merit of not interfering with the work of the week." (Birchenough, C., _History of Elementary Education in England and Wales_, p. 40.) [11] In a Manchester Sunday School, in 1834, there were 2700 scholars and 120 unsalaried teachers, all but two or three of whom were former pupils in the Sunday Schools, now teaching others, free of charge, in return for the advantages once given them. [12] "The amount of instruction rarely, if ever, exceeds the first four rules of arithmetic, with reading and writing. The class of children instructed is presumed to be of the very poorest, living in the most crowded districts. No doubt a large number come under this designation, but not a few better-to-do persons are found ready to take advantage for their children of the free instruction thus held out to them, and even at times almost pressed upon them." (Bartley, George C. T., _The Schools for the People_, p. 385.) [13] The Reverend George Crabbe (1754-1832). "The schools of the Borough." [14] French Revolutionary thought "represented an attack on over- interference, vested interests, superstition, and tyranny of every form. It showed a marked propensity to ignore history, and to judge everything by its immediate reasonableness. It pictured a society free from all laws and coercion, freed from all clerical influence and ruled by benevolence, a society in which all men had equal rights and were able to attain the fullest self-realization. In its strictly educational aspects, it demanded the withdrawal of education from the Church and the setting up of a state system of secular instruction." (Birchenough, C., _History of Elementary Education in England and Wales_, p. 20.) [15] The ideas of Malthus were especially offensive to his brother clergymen, and created quite a furor. Many regarded him as an insane and unorthodox fanatic. A prevailing idea of the time was that of a "beautiful order Providentially arranged," and it was the custom to give everything a rose-colored hue. The poor were thought to be contented in their poverty, and the rich and the aristocratic considered themselves divinely appointed to rule over them. Malthus saw the fallacy of such thinking, and stated matters in the light of biologic and political truths. [16] Foster, John, _An Essay on the Evils of Popular Ignorance_, p. 259. [17] Bell, Reverend Dr. Andrew, _An Experiment in Education made at the Male Asylum at Madras, Suggesting a System by which a School or a Family may teach itself under the Superintendence of the Master or Parent_. London, 1797. [18] Lancaster, Joseph, _Improvements in Education as it Respects the Industrial Classes of the Community_. London, 1803; New York, 1807. [19] Both Bell and Lancaster worked with great energy to organize schools after their respective plans, and quarreled with equal energy as to who originated the idea. While both probably did, the idea nevertheless is older than either. In 1790 Chevalier Paulet organized a monitorial school in Paris; while the English schoolmaster, John Brinsley (1587-1665), in his _Ludus Literarius, or the Grammar Schooles_ (1612), laid down the monitorial principle in explicit language. [20] This Society adopted, as a fundamental principle, "that the national religion should be made the foundation of national education, and according to the excellent liturgy and catechism adopted by our Church for that purpose." [21] "When Lancaster had his famous interview with King George III, that monarch was impressed, as he naturally might be, by the statement that one master 'could teach five hundred children at the same time.' 'Good,' said the King; 'Good,' echoed a number of wealthy subscribers to Lancaster's projects." (Binns, H. B., _A Century of Education_, p. 299.) [22] In 1807 Mr. Whitbread, an ardent supporter of schools, said, in an address before the House of Commons: "I cannot help noticing that this is a period particularly favorable for the institution of a national system of education, because within a few years there has been discovered a plan for the instruction of youth which is now brought to a state of great perfection, happily combining rules by which the object of learning must be infallibly attained with expedition and cheapness, and holding out the fairest prospect of utility to mankind." [23] When Lancaster first hired the large hall in Borough Road which later became an important training-college, and opened it as a mutual- instruction school, he announced: "All that will may send their children, and have them educated freely, and those who do not wish to have education for nothing, may pay for it if they please." [24] In 1820, Brougham, in introducing his "Bill for the Better Education of the Poor in England and Wales," gave statistics as to the progress of education at that time in England. His estimate as to the numbers being educated were: 430,000 in endowed and privately managed schools; 220,000 in monitorial schools; 50,000 being educated at home; 100,000 educated only in Sunday Schools; 53,000 being educated in dame schools. From these figures he argued that one in fifteen of the population of England and one in twenty in Wales were attending some form of school, but with only one in twenty-four in London. The usual period of school attendance for the poorer classes was only one and a half to two years. [25] Known as the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act. It limited the working hours of apprentices to twelve; forbade night work; required day instruction to be provided in reading, writing, and arithmetic; required church attendance once a month; and provided for the registration and inspection of factories. The Act was very laxly enforced, and its chief value lay in the precedent of state interference which it established. [26] Whitbread proposed a national system of rate-aided schools to provide all children in England with two years of free schooling, between the ages of seven and fourteen. [27] See J. E. G. de Montmorency's _State Intervention in English Education_, pp. 248-85, for Brougham's address to the Commons in 1820 on "The Education of the Poor"; and pp. 285-324 for his address before the House of Lords in 1835, on "The Education of the People." Both addresses contain an abundance of data as to existing conditions and needs. [28] So called because the House of Lords rejected the first two passed by the Commons, and finally accepted the third only because the King had agreed to create enough new Lords to pass the bill unless it was enacted by the upper House. [29] This was a development of the monitorial system of training, and was virtually an apprenticeship form of teacher-training. [30] In 1885 the same liberty was extended to rural laborers. This added two million more voters, and gave England almost full manhood suffrage. Finally, in 1918, some five million women were added to the voting classes. [31] Nearly two million children had been provided with school accommodations, three fourths of which had been done by those associated with the Church of England. In doing this the Church had spent some £6,270,000 on school buildings, and had raised some £8,500,000 in voluntary subscriptions for maintenance. The Government had also paid out some £6,500,000 in grants, since 1833. In 1870 it was estimated that 1,450,000 children were on the registers of the state-aided schools, while 1,500,000 children, between the ages of six and twelve, were unprovided for. [32] Speech before the House of Commons, July 23, 1870. [33] "The clergy of the National Society exhibited amazing energy and succeeded, according to their own account, in doing in twelve months what in the normal course of events would have taken twenty years. By the end of the year they had lodged claims for 2885 building grants, out of a total of 3342. They also set to work, without any governmental assistance, to enlarge their schools and so increased denominational accommodation enormously. The voluntary contributions in aid of this work have been estimated at over £3,000,000. At the same time the annual subscriptions doubled.... By 1886, over 3,000,000 places had been added, one-half of which were due to voluntary agencies, and Voluntary Schools were providing rather more than two-thirds of the school places in the country. In 1897 the proportion had fallen to three-fifths." (Birchenough, C., _History of Elementary Education_, pp. 138, 140.) [34] These were the seven endowed secondary boarding schools--Winchester (1382), Eton (1440), Shrewsbury (1552), Westminster (1560), Rugby (1567), Harrow (1571), and Charterhouse (1611)--and the two endowed day schools,-- Saint Paul's (1510) and Merchant Taylors' (1561). [35] At least one hundred towns, the Report showed, with a population of five thousand or over had no endowed secondary school, and London, with a population then (1867) of over three million, had but twenty-six schools and less than three thousand pupils enrolled. All the new manufacturing cities were in even worse condition than London. [36] The University of London was originally founded in 1836, and reorganized in 1900. [37] The scientist Thomas Huxley was a London School Board member, and, speaking as such, he expressed the views of many when he said: "I conceive it to be our duty to make a ladder from the gutter to the university along which any child may climb." [38] Royal (Bryce) Commission on Secondary Education, vol. I, p. 299. London, 1895. [39] Known as the "Education Act, 1918" (8 and 9 Geo. V, ch. 39). The Act has been reprinted in full in the _Biennial Survey of Education_, 1916-18, of the United States Commissioner of Education, in the chapter on Education in Great Britain. It also has been reprinted as an appendix to Moore, E. C., _What the War teaches about Education_, New York, 1919. CHAPTER XXV [1] "The Constitution," as John Quincy Adams expressed it, "was extorted from the grinding necessities of a reluctant people" to escape anarchy and the ultimate entire loss, of independence, and many had grave doubts as to the permanence of the Union. It was not until after the close of the War of 1812 that belief in the stability of the Union and in the capacity of the people to govern themselves became the belief of the many rather than the very few, and plans for education and national development began to obtain a serious hearing. [2] After the beginning of the national life a number of States founded and endowed a state system of academies. Massachusetts, in 1797, granted land endowments to approved academies. Georgia, in 1783, created a system of county academies for the State. New York extended state aid to its academies, in 1813, having put them under state inspection as early as 1787. Maryland chartered many academies between 1801 and 1817, and authorized many lotteries to provide them with funds, as did also North Carolina. The Rhode Island General Assembly chartered many academies, and aided them by lotteries. Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, among western States, also provided for county systems of academies. [3] The study of Latin and a little Greek had constituted the curriculum of the old Latin grammar school, and its purpose had been almost exclusively to prepare boys for admission to the colony colleges. In true English style, Latin was made the language of the classroom, and even attempted for the playground as well. As a concession, reading, writing, and arithmetic were sometimes taught. The new academies, while retaining the study of Latin, and usually Greek, though now taught through the medium of the English, added a number of new studies adapted to the needs of a new society. English grammar was introduced and soon rose to a place of great importance, as did also oratory and declamation. Arithmetic, algebra, geometry, geography, and astronomy were in time added, and surveying, rhetoric (including some literature), natural and moral philosophy, and Roman antiquities were frequently taught. Girls were admitted rather freely to the new academies, whereas the grammar schools had been exclusively for boys. For better instruction a "female department" was frequently organized. [4] Thomas Jefferson's name appears in the first subscription list as giving $200, and he was elected a member of the first governing board. The chief sources of support of the schools, which up to 1844 remained pauper schools, were subscriptions, lotteries, a tax on slaves and dogs, certain license fees, and a small appropriation ($1500) each year from the city council. [5] This organization opened the first schools in Philadelphia for children regardless of religious affiliation, and for thirty-seven years rendered a useful service there. [6] All at once, comparatively, a new system had been introduced which not only improved but tremendously cheapened education. In 1822 it cost but $1.22 per pupil per year to give instruction in New York City, though by 1844 the per-capita cost, due largely to the decreasing size of the classes, had risen to $2.70, and by 1852 to $5.83. In Philadelphia, in 1817, the expense was $3, as against $12 in the private and church schools. One finds many notices in the newspapers of the time as to the value and low cost of the new system. [7] The cotton-spinning industry illustrates the rapid growth of manufacturing in the United States. The 15 cotton mills of 1807 had increased to 801, by 1831; and to 1240, by 1840. The South owed its prosperity chiefly to cotton-growing and shipping, and did not develop factories and workshops until a much more recent period. [8] Among many resolutions adopted by the laboring organizations the following is typical: "At a General Meeting of Mechanics and Workingmen held in New York City, in 1829, it was "_Resolved_, that next to life and liberty, we consider education the greatest blessing bestowed upon mankind. "_Resolved_, that the public funds should be appropriated (to a reasonable extent) to the purpose of education upon a regular system that shall insure the opportunity to every individual of obtaining a competent education before he shall have arrived at the age of maturity." CHAPTER XXVI [1] Connecticut and New York both had set aside lands, before 1800, to create such a fund, Connecticut's fund dating back to 1750. Delaware, in 1796, devoted the income from marriage and tavern licenses to the same purpose, but made no use of the fund for twenty years. Connecticut, in 1795, sold its "Western Reserve" in Ohio for $1,200,000, and added this to its school fund. New York, in 1805, similarly added the proceeds of the sale of half a million acres of state lands, though the fund then formally created accumulated unused until 1812. Tennessee began to build up a permanent state school fund in 1806; Virginia in 1810; South Carolina in 1811; Maryland in 1812; New Jersey in 1816; Georgia in 1817; Maine, New Hampshire, Kentucky, and Louisiana in 1821; Vermont and North Carolina in 1825; Pennsylvania in 1831; and Massachusetts in 1834. These were established as permanent state funds, the annual income only to be used, in some way to be determined later, for the support of some form of schools. [2] Now for the first time direct taxation for schools was likely to be felt by the taxpayer, and the fight for and against the imposition of such taxation was on in earnest. The course of the struggle and the results were somewhat different in the different States, but, in a general way, the progress of the conflict was somewhat as follows: 1. Permission granted to communities so desiring to organize a school taxing district, and to tax for school support the property of those consenting and residing therein. 2. Taxation of all property in the taxing district permitted. 3. State aid to such districts, at first from the income from permanent endowment funds, and later from the proceeds of a small state appropriation or a state or county tax. 4. Compulsory local taxation to supplement the state or county grant. [3] Concerning the system, "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment and Support of Charity Schools," in an "Address to the Public," in 1818, said: "In the United States the benevolence of the inhabitants has led to the establishment of Charity Schools, which, though affording individual advantages, are not likely to be followed by the political benefits kindly contemplated by their founders. In the country a parent will raise children in ignorance rather than place them in charity schools. It is only in large cities that charity schools succeed to any extent. These dispositions may be improved to the best advantage, by the Legislature, in place of Charity Schools, establishing Public Schools for the education of all children, the offspring of the rich and the poor alike." [4] In 1821 the counties of Dauphin (Harrisburg), Allegheny (Pittsburg), Cumberland (Carlisle), and Lancaster (Lancaster) were also exempted from the state pauper-school law, and allowed to organize schools for the education of the children of their poor. [5] Some 32,000 persons petitioned for a repeal of the law, 66 of whom signed by making their mark, and "not more than five names in a hundred," reported a legislative committee which investigated the matter, "were signed in English script." It was from among the parochial-school Germans that the strongest opposition to the law came. [6] For Stevens's speech in defense of the Law of 1834, see _Report of the United States Commissioner of Education_, 1898-99, vol. I, pp. 516-24. [7] By 1836 the new free-school law had been accepted by 75 per cent of the districts in the State, by 1838 by 84 per cent, and by 1847 by 88 per cent. [8] This State had enacted an experimental school law, and made an annual state grant for schools, from 1795 to 1800. Then, unable to reënact the law, the system was allowed to lapse and was not reëstablished until the New England element gained control, in 1812. [9] By his vigorous work in behalf of schools the first appointee, Gideon Hawley, gave such offense to the politicians of the time that he was removed from office, in 1821, and the legislature then abolished the position and designated the Secretary of State to act, _ex officio_, as Superintendent. This condition continued until 1854, when New York again created the separate office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. [10] When Connecticut sold its Western Reserve, in 1795, and added the sum to the Connecticut school fund, it was stated to be for the aid of "schools and the gospel." In the sales of the first national lands in Ohio (1,500,000 acres to The Ohio Company, in 1787; and 1,000,000 acres in the Symmes Purchase, near Cincinnati, in 1788), section 16 in each township was reserved and given as an endowment for schools, and section 29 "for the purposes of religion." [11] The Public School Society continued to receive money grants, it being regarded as a non-denominational organization, though chartered to teach "the sublime truths of religion and morality contained in the Holy Scriptures" in its schools. In 1828 the Society was even permitted to levy a local tax to supplement its resources, it being estimated that at that time there were 10,000 children in the city with no opportunities for education. [12] The question may be regarded as a settled one in our American States. Our people mean to keep the public-school system united as one state school system, well realizing that any attempt to divide the schools among the different religious denominations (the _World Almanac_ for 1917 lists 49 different denominations and 171 different sects in the United States) could only lead to inefficiency and educational chaos. [13] The movement gained a firm hold everywhere east of the Missouri River, the States incorporating the largest number being New York with 887, Pennsylvania with 524, Massachusetts with 403, Kentucky with 330, Virginia with 317, North Carolina with 272, and Tennessee with 264. Some States, as Kentucky and Indiana, provided for a system of county academies, while many States extended to them some form of state aid. In New York State they found a warm advocate in Governor De Witt Clinton, who urged (1827) that they be located at the county towns of the State to give a practical scientific education suited to the wants of farmers, merchants, and mechanics, and also to train teachers for the schools of the State. [14] The new emphasis given to the study of English, mathematics, and book-science is noticeable. New subjects appeared in proportion as the academies increased in numbers and importance. Of 149 new subjects for study appearing in the academies of New York, between 1787 and 1870, 23 appeared before 1826, 100 between 1826 and 1840, and 26 after 1840. Between 1825 and 1828 one half of the new subjects appeared. This also was the maximum period of development of the academies. [15] The existence of a number of colleges, basing their entrance requirements on the completion of the classical course of the academy, and the establishment of a few embryo state universities in the new States of the West and the South, naturally raised the further question of why there should be a gap in the public-school system. The increase of wealth in the cities tended to increase the number who passed through the elementary course and could profit by more extended education; the academies had popularized the idea of more advanced education; while the new manufacturing and commercial activities of the time called for more training than the elementary schools afforded, and of a different type from that demanded by the small colleges of the time for entrance. [16] For an interesting table showing the simple entrance requirements of Harvard in 1642, 1734, 1803, 1825, 1850, 1875, and 1885, see _Report of the United States Commissioner of Education_, 1902, vol. I, pp. 930-33. CHAPTER XXVII [1] In Spain, for example, the percentage of illiteracy in 1860 was 75.52; in 1870 70.01 per cent; in 1887, 68.01 per cent; in 1890, 63.78 per cent; and in 1910, 59.35 per cent. The percentage for 1920 will probably not be less than for 1910, due to the closing of many schools for lack of teachers during the World War. In 1916 ten provinces had an illiteracy of over 70 per cent, and but five had less than 40 per cent. In Madrid and Barcelona, cities as large as Baltimore and Cleveland, the illiteracy approaches a third of the population in Madrid, and a half in Barcelona. [2] While an exile from the Argentine, Dr. Sarmiento was commissioned by Chili to visit, study, and report on the state school systems of the United States and Europe. While in the United States he became intimately acquainted with Horace Mann. Later he was Minister from the Argentine to the United States, being recalled, in 1868, to assume the presidency of the Republic. He was deeply impressed with the type of educational opportunity provided in the schools of the United States and, through an appointed Minister of Education, impressed his ideas on the Argentine nation. [3] In 1910 only about 3 per cent of the total population was in any type of school. [4] The Mikado still retained, through his ministers, very large powers, while the parliament was a consultative assembly rather than a legislative one. The form of government has been much like that of the German Empire before the World War. [5] The Japanese Government has so far been a military autocracy, and the Japanese have been the Prussians of the Orient. The two-class school system has accordingly met the needs of a benevolent autocracy fairly well. With the rise of a liberal party in Japan, and the beginning of some democratic life, we may look for progressive changes in their schools which will tend to produce a more democratic type of educational organization. [6] "The idea of education for all classes, the aim of all educators and statesmen of western countries, scarcely entered the minds of the leaders of China under the traditional system of education. With the introduction of the new educational system, however, the problem of universal education suddenly came into prominence. Indeed, it is the stated goal of the new educational policy." (Ping Wen Kuo, _The Chinese System of Public Education_, p. 149.) [7] Education in China has been common, for a class, for over four thousand years. The schools were private, but a detailed national system of examinations was provided by the State, and all who expected any state preferment were required to pass these state examinations. The system was based on the old Confucian classics. Under it schools existed in all the chief towns, and the examination system exerted a strong unifying influence on the nation. In 1842 China opened five treaty ports to the ships and commerce of western nations, and from 1842 to 1903 a process of gradual transition from the ancient examination system to modern conditions took place. [8] "A nation that has preserved its identity by peaceful means for three milleniums; that has made the soil produce subsistence for a multitudinous population during that long period, while Western peoples have worn out their soil in less than that many centuries; that has produced many of the most influential of modern inventions, such as printing, gunpowder, and the compass; that has developed such mechanical ingenuity and commercial ability as are shown in its everyday life, undoubtedly possesses the ability to accomplish results by the use of methods worked out by the Western world. When modern scientific knowledge is added by the Chinese to the skill which they already have in agriculture, in commerce, in industry, in government, and in military affairs, results will be achieved, on the basis of their physical stamina and moral qualities, which will remove the ignorance, the indifference, and the prejudice of the Western world regarding things Chinese." (Monroe, Paul, Editorial introduction to Ping Wen Kuo's _The Chinese System of Public Education_.) [9] Though appearing small on the map, Siam is a nation of six millions of people and an area over three and a half times that of the six New England States. [10] "Through metaphysics first; then through alchemy and chemistry, through physical and astronomical spectroscopy, lastly through radio- activity, science has slowly groped its way to the atom." (Soddy, F., _Matter and Energy_.) [11] Adams in England, and Leverrier in France. The planet Uranus had for long been known to be erratic in its movements, and Adams and Leverrier concluded, working from Newton's law for gravitation, that it must be due to the pull of an unknown planet. Both calculated the orbit of this unknown body, Adams sending his calculations to the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, and Leverrier to the observatory at Berlin. At both observatories the new planet--later named Neptune--was picked up by the telescope at the position indicated. [12] This theory of "catastrophes" held that at a number of successive epochs, of which the age of Noah was the latest, great revolutions or disasters had taken place on the earth's surface, in which all living things were destroyed. Later the world was restocked, and again destroyed. This explained the successive strata, and the fossils they contained. For this theory Lyell substituted a slow and orderly evolution, covering ages, and completely upset the Mosaic chronology. [13] For example:--mineralogy, petrography, petrology, crystallography, stratigraphy, and paleontology. [14] "Darwin's Origin of Species had come into the theological world like a plow into an ant-hill. Everywhere those thus rudely awakened from their old comfort and repose had swarmed forth angry and confused. Reviews, sermons, books, light and heavy, came flying at the new thinker from all sides." (White, A. D., _The Warfare of Science and Theology_, vol. 1, p. 70.) [15] Natural history as a study goes back to the days of Aristotle, in Greece, but it had always been a study of fixed forms. Darwin destroyed this conception, and vitalized the new subject of biology. From this botany and zoology have been derived, and from these again many other new sciences, such as physiology, morphology, bacteriology, anthropology, cytology, entomology, and all the different agricultural sciences. [16] The bacillus of tuberculosis was isolated in 1882, Asiatic cholera in 1883, lockjaw and diphtheria in 1884, and bubonic plague in 1894. [17] Schools of engineering, mining, agriculture, and applied science are types. [18] The book on Germany (_De l'Allemagne_) by Madame de Staël (1766- 1817), a brilliant French novelist, was published and immediately confiscated in France in 1811, and republished in England in 1813. It is one of the most remarkable books on one country written by a native of another which had appeared up to that time. Through reading it many English and Americans discovered a new world. [19] For example, it has been estimated that one fifteenth of the working population of modern industrial nations devotes itself to transportation; another one fifteenth to maintaining public services--light, gas, telephone, water, sewage, streets, parks--unknown in earlier times; and another one fifteenth to the manufacture and distribution and care of automobiles. Add still further the numbers employed in connection with theaters, moving-picture shows, phonographs, magazines and the newspapers, soft-drink places, millinery and dry goods, hospitals, and similar "appendages of civilization," and we get some idea of the increased labor efficiency which the applications of science have brought about. [20] Labor unions were legalized in England in 1825. In the United States they arose about 1825-30, and for a time played an important part in securing legislation to better the condition of the workingman and to secure education for his children. In continental Europe, the reactionary governments following the downfall of Napoleon forbade assemblies of workingmen or their organization, as dangerous to government. In consequence, labor organizations in France were not permitted until 1848, and in Germany and Austria not until after the middle of the century. In Japan, as late as 1919, laborers were denied the right to organize. [21] Up to 1789 serfdom was the rule on the continent of Europe; by 1850 there was practically no serfdom in central and western Europe, and in 1866 serfdom was abolished in Russia. For the worker and farmer the years between 1789 and 1848 were years of rapid progress in the evolution from mediaeval to modern conditions of living. [22] Under conditions existing up to the close of the eighteenth century, in part persisting up to the middle of the nineteenth on the continent, and still found in unprogressive lands, a close limitation of the rights of labor was maintained. Children followed the trade of their fathers, and the right of an apprentice later to open a shop and better his condition was prohibited until after he had become an accepted master (p. 210) in his craft. Guild members, too, were not permitted to branch out into any other line of activity, or to introduce any new methods of work. All these old limitations the Industrial Revolution swept away. [23] Women in Europe have secured the ballot rapidly since the end of the nineteenth century. With manhood suffrage secured, universal suffrage is the next step. Women were given the right to vote and hold office in Finland in 1906; in Norway in 1907; in Denmark in 1916; in England in 1918; in Germany in 1919; and in the United States in 1920. [24] See an excellent brief article "On German Education," by E. C. Moore, in _School and Society_, vol. I, pp. 886-89. [25] A State approximately the size of Illinois, and containing a population of about two million people. The great development of this country is in reality a history of the work of President Manuel Estrada Cabrera, who was president from 1898 to 1920. His ruling interest has been public education, believing that in universal education rests the future greatness of the State. He accordingly labored to establish schools, and to bring them up to as high a level as possible. The government has spent much in building modern-type schoolhouses and in subsidizing schools, holding that with the proper training of the younger generation the future position of the nation rests. A sincere admirer of the United States, American models have been copied. When the United States entered the World War, Guatemala was the first Central American republic to follow. During the War President Cabrera "would allow nothing to interfere with the advancement of free and compulsory education in the State." (See Domville- Fife, C. W., _Guatemala and the States of Central America_.) [26] "Imagine how the streams of Celestials circulating between Hong Kong and the mainland spread the knowledge of what a civilized government does for the people! At Shanghai and Tientsin, veritable fairylands for the Chinese, they cannot but contrast the throngs of rickshas, dog-carts, broughams, and motor cars that pour endlessly through the spotless asphalt streets with the narrow, crooked, filthy, noisome streets of their native city, to be traversed only on foot or in a sedan chair. Even the young mandarin, buried alive in some dingy walled town of the far interior, without news, events, or society, recalled with longing the lights, the gorgeous tea houses, and the alluring 'sing-song' girls of Foochow Road, and cursed the stupid policy of a government that penalized even enterprising Chinamen who tried to 'start something' for the benefit of the community." (Ross, E. A., _Changing America_, p. 22.) CHAPTER XXVIII [1] The earliest Teachers' Seminaries in German lands were: 1750. Alfeld, in Hanover. 1753. Wolfenbüttel, in Brunswick. 1764. Glatz, in Prussia. 1765. Breslau, in Prussia. 1768. Carlsruhe, in Baden. 1771. Vienna, in Austria. 1777. Bamberg, in Bavaria. 1778. Halberstadt, in Prussia. 1779. Coburg, in Gotha. 1780. Segeberg, in Holstein. 1785. Dresden, in Saxony. 1794. Weissenfels, in Prussia. [2] "My views of the subject," said he, "came out of a personal striving after methods, the execution of which forced me actively and experimentally to seek, to gain, and to work out what was not there, and what I yet really knew not." [3] See footnote 1, page 573, for places and dates. [4] By the Reverend Samuel R. Hall, who conducted the school as an adjunct to his work as a minister. The school accordingly traveled about, being held at Concord, Vermont, from 1823 to 1830; at Andover, Massachusetts, from 1830 to 1837; and at Plymouth, New Hampshire, from 1837 to 1840. [5] By James Carter, at Lancaster, Massachusetts. [6] In 1836, Calvin Stowe, a professor in the Lane Theological Seminary at Cincinnati, went to Europe to buy books for the library of the institution, and the legislature of Ohio commissioned him to examine and report upon the systems of elementary education found there. The result was his celebrated _Report on Elementary Education in Europe_, made to the legislature in 1837. In it chief attention was given to contrasting the schools of Würtemberg and Prussia with those found in Ohio. The report was ordered printed by the legislature of Ohio, and later by the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Michigan, North Carolina, and Virginia, and did much to awaken American interest in advancing common school education. [7] These are higher institutions which offer two, three, or four years of academic and some professional education, and may be found in connection with a university; may be maintained by city or county school authorities; or may be voluntary institutions. In 1910-11 there were eighty-three such institutions in England and Wales. [8] In China, for example, as soon as the new general system of education had been decided upon, normal schools of three types--higher normal schools, lower normal schools, and teacher-training schools--were created, and missionary teachers, foreign teachers, and students returning from abroad were used to staff these new schools. By 1910 as many as thirty higher normal schools, two hundred and three lower normal schools, and a hundred and eighty-two training classes had been established in China under government auspices. (Ping Wen Kuo, _The Chinese System of Public Education_, p. 156.) [9] The beginnings in the United States date from about 1890, and in England even later. In France, on the other hand, the training of teachers for the secondary schools goes back to the days of Napoleon. [10] A common division was between the teacher who taught reading, religion, and spelling, and the teacher who taught writing and arithmetic (R. 307). Writing being considered a difficult art, this was taught by a separate teacher, who often included the ability to teach arithmetic also among his accomplishments. [11] A good example of this may be found in the monitorial schools. The New York Free School Society (p. 660), for example, reported in its _Fourteenth Annual Report_ (1819) that the children in its schools had pursued studies as follows: 297 children have been taught to form letters in sand. 615 have been advanced from letters in sand, to monosyllabic reading on boards. 686 from reading on boards, to Murray's First Book. 335 from Murray's First Book, to writing on slates. 218 from writing on slates, to writing on paper. 341 to reading in the Bible. 277 to addition and subtraction. 153 to multiplication and division.. 60 to the compound of the four first rules. 20 to reduction. 24 to the rule of three. [12] Herbart had visited Pestalozzi at Burgdorf, in 1799, just after graduating from Jena and while acting as a tutor for three Swiss boys, and had written a very sympathetic description of his school and his theory of instruction. Herbart was one of the first of the Germans to understand and appreciate "the genial and noble Pestalozzi." [13] The son of a well-educated public official, Herbart was himself educated at the _Gymnasium_ of Oldenburg and the University of Jena. After spending three years as a tutor, he became, at the age of twenty-six, an under teacher at the University of Göttingen. At the age of thirty-three he was called to succeed Kant as professor of philosophy at Königsberg, and from the age of fifty-seven to his death at sixty-five he was again a professor at Göttingen. [14] Charles De Garmo's _Essentials of Method_, published in 1889, marked the beginning of the introduction of these ideas into this country. In 1892 Charles A. McMurry published his _General Method_, and in 1897, with his brother, Frank, published the _Method in the Recitation_. These three books probably have done more to popularize Herbartian ideas and introduce them into the normal schools and colleges of the United States than all other influences combined. Another important influence was the "National Herbart Society," founded in 1892 by students returning from Jena, in imitation of the similar German society. [15] The studies which have come to characterize the modern elementary school may now be classified under the following headings: _Drill subjects_ _Content subjects_ _Expression subjects_ Reading Literature Kindergarten Work Writing Geography Music Spelling History Manual Arts Language Civic Studies Domestic Arts Arithmetic Manners and Conduct Plays and Games Nature Study School Gardening Agriculture Vocational Subjects [16] Next, perhaps, would come Italy, which is strongly democratic in spirit. In the cities of Holland one finds many privately supported kindergartens, but the State has not made them a part of the school system. In Norway and Sweden the kindergarten practically does not exist. The kindergarten will always do best among self-governing peoples, and seldom meets with favor from autocratic power. [17] "In the best English Infant Schools a profound revolution has taken place in recent years. Formal lessons in the 3 Rs have disappeared, and the whole of the training of the little ones has been based on the principles of the kindergarten as enunciated by Froebel. Much of the old routine still remains; nevertheless there is no part of the English educational system so brimful of real promise as the work that is now being done in the best Infant Schools." (Hughes, R. E., _The Making of Citizens_ (1902), p. 40.) [18] In France, the Infant School or kindergarten is known as the Maternal School. Pupils are received at two years of age, and carried along until six. In the lower division the school is largely in the nature of a day nursery, but in the upper division many of the features of the kindergarten are found. [19] Since Froebel's day we have learned much about children that was then unknown, especially as to the muscular and nervous organization and development of children, and with this new knowledge the tendency has been to enlarge the "gifts" and change their nature, to introduce new "occupations," elaborate the kindergarten program of daily exercises, and to give the kindergarten more of an out-of-door character. Especially has the work of Dewey (p. 780) and the child-study specialists been important in modifying kindergarten procedure. [20] By 1880 some 300 kindergartens and 10 kindergarten training-schools, mostly private undertakings, had been opened in the cities of thirty of the States of the Union. By 1890 philanthropic kindergarten associations to provide and support kindergartens had been organized in most of the larger cities, and after that date cities rapidly began to adopt the kindergarten as a part of the public-school system, and thus add, at the bottom, one more rung to the American educational ladder. To-day there are approximately 9000 public and 1500 private kindergartens in the cities of the United States, and training in kindergarten principles and practices is now given by many of the state normal schools. [21] In 1918, for example, according to a recent Report to the Zionist Board of Education in the United States, there were over 5300 children in kindergartens in Palestine, 125 kindergarten teachers there, and a College for Kindergarten Teachers had been organized in the Holy Land to train additional teachers. [22] The Saint Louis Manual Training High School, founded in 1880 in connection with Washington University, first gave expression to this new form of education, and formed a type for the organization of such schools elsewhere. Privately supported schools of this type were organized in Chicago, Toledo, Cincinnati, and Cleveland before 1886, and the first public manual-training high schools were established in Baltimore in 1884, Philadelphia in 1885, and Omaha in 1886. The shop-work, based for long on the "Russian system," included wood-turning, joinery, pattern-making, forging, foundry and machine work. The first high school to provide sewing, cooking, dressmaking, and millinery for girls was the one at Toledo, established in 1886, though private classes had been organized earlier in a number of cities. [23] A few of the earlier adaptations of the idea may be given. In 1882 Montclair, New Jersey, introduced manual training into its elementary schools, and in 1885 the State of New Jersey first offered state aid to induce the extension of the idea. In 1885 Philadelphia added cooking and sewing to its elementary schools, having done so in the girls' high school five years earlier. In 1888 the City of New York added drawing, sewing, cooking, and woodworking to its elementary-school course of study. [24] In 1802 Napoleon provided for instruction in natural history, astronomy, chemistry, physics, and mineralogy in the scientific course of the _lycées_, and in 1814 enlarged this instruction. He also established numerous technical and military schools, with instruction based on mathematics and science. [25] The Royal Commissioners which reported on the condition of the University of Oxford, in 1850, said: "It is generally acknowledged that both Oxford and the country at large suffer greatly from the absence of a body of learned men devoting their lives to the cultivation of science, and to the direction of academical education. The fact that so few books of profound research emanate from the University of Oxford materially impairs its character as a seat of learning, and consequently its hold on the respect of the nation." [26] Book instruction in the new sciences goes back, in the universities of most lands, to the late eighteenth century, but laboratory instruction is a much more recent development. Chemistry was the first science to develop, being the mother of science instruction, and probably the first chemical laboratory in the world to be opened to students was that of Liebig at Giessen, in 1826. The first American university to provide laboratory instruction in chemistry was Harvard, in 1846. The instruction in science in most of the universities, up to at least 1850, was book instruction. (See schedule of studies for University of Michigan, R. 331.) The first American university to be founded on the German model was Johns Hopkins, in 1876. [27] By Charles Mayo and his sister, who opened a private Pestalozzian school, about 1825. Miss Mayo published her _Lessons on Objects_, explaining the method, and this became very popular in England after about 1830. Both the Mayos were prominent in the Infant-School movement, which adopted a formalized type of Pestalozzian procedure. [28] In 1871 Dr. William T. Harris, then Superintendent of City Schools in Saint Louis, published a well-organized course for the orderly study of the different sciences. This attracted wide attention, and was in time substituted for the scattered lessons on objects which had preceded it. This in turn has largely given way, in the lower grades, to nature study. [29] At the time of Professor Bache's visit, in 1838, the instruction included Latin, French, English, German, history, religion, music, drawing, mathematics, natural history, physics, chemistry, and geography. [30] Scientific instruction in the _Lycées_ was not in favor in France after 1815, and in 1840 it was materially reduced, on the ground that it was injuring classical studies. [31] Astronomy, botany, chemistry, and natural philosophy had been prominent studies in the American academies. Between about 1825 and 1840 was the great period of their introduction. The first American high school (Boston, 1821) provided for instruction in geography, navigation and surveying, astronomy, and natural philosophy. By 1850 the rising high schools were incorporating scientific studies quite generally. The instruction was still textbook instruction, but some lecture-table demonstrations had begun to be common. [32] The Oneida School of Science and Industry, the Genesee Manual-Labor School, the Aurora Manual-Labor Seminary, and the Rensselaer School, all founded in the State of New York, between 1825 and 1830, were among the most important of these early institutions. [33] Spencer's classification of life activities and needs, in the order of their importance, was (R. 362): 1 Those ministering directly to self-preservation. 2. Those which secure for one the necessities of life, and hence minister indirectly to self-preservation. 3. Those which have for their end the rearing and discipline of offspring. 4. Those involved in the maintenance of proper social and political relations. 5. Those which fill up the leisure part of life, and are devoted to the gratification of tastes and feelings. [34] All were republished in book form, in 1861, under the title of _Education; Intellectual, Moral, and Physical_. The volume contains four essays: What Knowledge is of Most Worth?; Intellectual Education; Moral Education; and Physical Education. The first essay served as an introduction to the other three. [35] "A Liberal Education," in his _Science and Education_. p. 86. [36] For many years head of the School of Education at the University of Chicago, but more recently Professor of Philosophy at Columbia University, New York City. [37] Dewey, John, in _Elementary School Record_, p. 142. [38] Described in _The Elementary School Record_, a series of nine monographs, making a volume of 241 pages. University of Chicago Press, 1900. [39] A very good example of this is to be found in the work of Colonel Francis W. Parker (1837-1902) in the United States. It was he who introduced Germanized Pestalozzian-Ritter methods of teaching geography; he who strongly advocated the Herbartian plan for concentration of instruction about a central core, which he worked out for geography; he who insisted so strongly on the Froebelian principle of self-expression as the best way to develop the thinking process; he who advocated science instruction in the schools; and he who saw educational problems so clearly from the standpoint of the child that he, and the pupils he trained, did much to bring about the reorganization in elementary education which was worked out in the United States between about 1875 and 1900. CHAPTER XXIX [1] For long the knowledge-conception dominated instruction, it being firmly believed by the advocates of schools that knowledge and virtue were somewhat synonymous terms. [2] It is to democratic England and the United States, and to the English self-governing dominions, that the greatest flood of emigrants from less advanced civilizations have gone. South America has also experienced a large recent immigration, but this has been mainly of peoples from the Latin races, and hence easier of assimilation. [3] See a good article on this development by I. L. Kandel, in the _Educational Review_ for November, 1919, entitled "The Junior High School in European Systems." [4] Paris, for example, has become the greatest university in Europe, exceeding Berlin (1914) in students by approximately 25 per cent and in expenditures 40 per cent. [5] "The rise of these great universities is the most epoch-making feature of our American civilization, and they are to become more and more the leaders and the makers of our civilization. They are of the people. When a state university has gained solid ground, it means that the people of a whole state have turned their faces toward the light; it means that the whole system of state schools has been welded into an effective agent for civilization. Those who direct the purposes of these great enterprises of democracy cannot be too often reminded that the highest function of a university is to furnish standards for a democracy." (Pritchett, Henry S., in _Atlantic Monthly_.) [6] The gifts and bequests for colleges and universities in the United States, from 1871 to 1916, totaled $647,536,608, and by 1920 probably have reached $750,000,000. [7] The oldest was Charlottenburg (1799), Darmstadt (1822), Carlsruhe (1825), Munich (1827), Dresden (1828), Nuremberg (1829), Stuttgart (1829), Cassel (1830), Hanover (1831), Augsburg (1833), and Brunswick (1835). A similar school, which later developed into a technical university, was founded at Prague, in Bohemia, in 1806. [8] The German technical training "produces an engineer who is not only older in years, but also more mature in experience and in judgment than the average graduate of an engineering college in America. Whether or not it would be wise to adopt--so far as that would be possible--German methods in the schools and colleges of the United States, it must nevertheless be recognized that those methods have given Germany a leadership in applied science and in industry which she will keep unless the educational authorities of other nations find some way of producing men of like calibre." (Munroe, James P., "Technical Education"; in Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_.) [9] _Report of Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education_, Washington, 1914, p. 90. [10] The first veterinary school in the world was established at Lyons, France, in 1762; the second at Alfort, a suburb of Paris, in 1766; the third at Berlin, in 1792; and the fourth at London, in 1793. [11] The development of scientific training for nursing, begun by the Germans near the end of their wars with Napoleon, is another example of the creation of a new profession through the application of science. This was carried to new levels by Miss Florence Nightingale, who began work in London, in 1860, after her experiences in the Crimean War of 1854-56, and has been greatly improved since 1870 as a result of the new medical knowledge and methods which have come in since that time. The provision of training for nurses, and the certification of doctors and nurses for practice, are other new developments in the field of state education. Similarly is the training and certification of dentists, veterinarians, and pharmacists, all of which are nineteenth-century additions. [12] The work of the Rockefeller Foundation, an American Foundation organized to promote "the well-being of mankind throughout the world," in spending millions to provide China with a modern system of western medical education and hospital service, is perhaps the greatest example of a scientifically organized service ever tendered by the people of one nation to those of another. [13] "Large-scale production, extreme division of labor, and the all- conquering march of the machine, have practically driven out the apprenticeship system through which, in a simpler age, young helpers were taught, not simply the technique of some single process, but the 'arts and mysteries of a craft' as well. The journeyman and the artisan have given way to an army of machine workers, performing over and over one small process at one machine, turning out one small part of the finished article, and knowing nothing about the business beyond their narrow and limited task." (_Report of the Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education_, vol. i, pp. 19-20.) [14] "In no country will you find the problem taken up in so thorough a manner; in no country will you find an attempt made to cover, by means of industrial schools, the occupations of everyone, from the lowly laborer to the director of the great manufacturing establishment. The State provided industrial training for every person who will be better off with it than without it. No occupation is too humble to receive the attention of the German authorities; and the opinion prevails there that science and art have a place in every occupation known to man." (Cooley, E. G., in _Report to the Commercial Club of Chicago_, 1912.) [15] For example, the foreign trade of Germany, in 1880, was $31 per capita of the total population, and that of the United States was $32. Thirty years later, in 1910, Germany's foreign trade had increased to $62 per capita, and that of the United States to only $37. [16] Chiefly raw products--a prodigal waste of natural resources. What every nation should do is to work up its raw products at home, and sell finished goods rather than raw products--"sell brains, rather than materials." (R. 370.) [17] The first trade school in the United States was established privately, in New York City, in 1881. By 1900 some half-dozen had been similarly established in different parts of the country. In 1902 a trade school for girls was founded in New York City, which did pioneer work. In 1906 Massachusetts created a State commission on Industrial Education, and later provided for the creation of industrial schools. In 1907 Wisconsin enacted the first trade-school law, and New York State followed in 1909. [18] Germany before 1914 formed an interesting contrast to such conditions. There few untrained youths were to be found, and the nation, before 1914, was rapidly moving toward universal vocational education. [19] As illustrative of the general character of the vocations to be trained for, a few of the more common ones may be mentioned: _In agriculture_: The work of general farming, orcharding, dairying, poultry-raising, truck gardening, horticulture, bee culture, and stock-raising. _In the trades and industries_: The work of the carpenter, mason, baker, stonecutter, electrician, plumber, machinist, toolmaker, engineer, miner, painter, typesetter, linotype operator, shoecutter and laster, tailor, garment maker, straw-hat maker, weaver, and glove maker. _In commerce and commercial pursuits_: The work of the bookkeeper, clerk, stenographer, typist, auditor, and accountant. _In home economics_: The work of the dietitian, cook and housemaid, institution manager, and household decorator. [10] "The snail's pace at which the race has moved toward humanitarianism is indicated by Payne's estimate (p. 6) that the race is perhaps two hundred and forty thousand years old, civilized man a few hundred years old, and a humanitarianism large enough to have any real concern in any organized fashion for the protection of children scarcely fifty years old. The fact that organizations in great number, laws, penalties, and constant vigilance are still everywhere needed to secure for children their inherent rights is evidence enough that we have still a long way to go before we reach the golden age." (Waddel, C. W., _An Introduction to Child Psychology_, p. 5.) [21] "As late as 1840 children of ten to fifteen years of age and younger were driven by merciless overseers for ten, twelve, sixteen, even twenty hours a day in the lace mills. Fed the coarsest food, in ways more disgusting than those of the boarding schools described by Dickens, they slept, when they had opportunity, often in relays, in beds that were constantly occupied. They lived and toiled, day and night, in the din and noise, filth and stench, of the factory that coined their life's blood into gold for their exploiters. Sometimes with chains about their ankles, to prevent their attempts to escape, they labored until epidemics, disease, or premature death brought welcome relief from a slavery that was forbidden by law for negro slaves in the colonies." (Payne, G. H., _The Child in Human Progress_.) [22] An exception to this statement is to be found in the work of the Pedagogical Seminars, organized in the German universities in the second decade of the nineteenth century, which were intended for the professional training of German university students for teaching in the German secondary schools. (See footnote 1, page 573.) [23] When the first teachers' training-school in America was opened at Concord, Vermont, by the Reverend Samuel R. Hall, in 1823, it included, besides a three-year academy-type academic course, practice teaching in a rural school in winter, and some lectures on the "Art of Teaching." Without a professional book to guide him, and relying only upon his experience as a teacher, Hall tried to tell his pupils how to organize and manage a school. To make clear his ideas he wrote out a series of _Lectures on School-keeping_, which some friends induced him to publish. This, the first professional book in English issued in America for teachers, appeared in 1829. [24] _Geschichte der Padagogik vom Wiederaufblühen klassicher Studien bis auf unsere Zeit_. Vols. I and II, 1843; vol. III, 1847; vol. IV, 1855. Much of this was translated into other languages. Barnard's _American Journal of Education_, begun in 1855, published a translation of much of von Raumer's work for American readers. [25] In 1876 S. S. Laurie (1829-1909) was elected to one of the first chairs in education in Great Britain, that of "Professor of the Theory, History, and Practice of Education" in the University of Edinburgh. [26] Probably the first lectures on Pedagogy given in any American college were given in 1832, in what is now New York University. From 1850 to 1855 the city superintendent of schools of Providence, Rhode Island, was Professor of Didactics, in Brown University. In 1860 a course of lectures on the "Philosophy of Education, School Economy, and the Teaching Art" was given to the seniors of the University of Michigan. In 1873 a Professorship of Philosophy and Education was established in the University of Iowa. This was the first permanent chair created in America. In 1879 a Department of the Science and Art of Teaching was created at the University of Michigan. In 1881 a Department of Pedagogy was created at the University of Wisconsin, and in 1884 similar departments at the University of North Carolina and at Johns Hopkins University. [27] In education, as in other lines of work, the statement of Richard H. Quick that the distinctive function of a university is not action, but thought, has been exemplified.